China-United States Relations - Wikipedia
China-United States Relations - Wikipedia
The relationship between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the United States of America
(USA) has been complex and at times tense since the establishment of the PRC and the retreat
of the government of the Republic of China to Taiwan in 1949. Since the normalization of
relations in the 1970s, the US–China relationship has been marked by numerous perennial
disputes including the political status of Taiwan, territorial disputes in the South China Sea, and
more recently the treatment of Uyghurs in Xinjiang. They have significant economic ties and are
significantly intertwined, yet they also have a global hegemonic great power rivalry. As of 2025,
China and the United States are the world's second-largest and largest economies by nominal
GDP, as well as the largest and second-largest economies by GDP (PPP) respectively.
Collectively, they account for 44.2% of the global nominal GDP, and 34.7% of global PPP-adjusted
GDP.
Chinese–American relations
Every US president since Nixon has toured China during their term in office, with the exception of
Jimmy Carter and Joe Biden. The Obama administration signed a record number of bilateral
agreements with China, particularly regarding climate change, even as its East Asian pivot
strategy strained relations. The advent of the Xi administration would prefigure a sharp downturn
in these relations, which was then further entrenched upon the election of President Donald
Trump, who had promised a combative stance towards China as a part of his campaign, which
began to be implemented upon his taking office. Issues included China's militarization of the
South China Sea, alleged manipulation of the Chinese currency, and Chinese espionage in the
United States.[1][2][3] The Trump administration would label China a "strategic competitor" in
2017.[4][5] In January 2018, Trump launched a trade war with China, which the Chinese
characterized as part of the unjustified containment strategy begun by the American pivot
towards Asia. The United States government banned American companies from selling
equipment to various Chinese companies linked to human rights abuses in Xinjiang, among them
which included Chinese technology conglomerates Huawei and ZTE.[6][7][8] The US revoked
preferential treatment towards Hong Kong after the passage of a broad-reaching security law in
the city, increased visa restrictions on students from China,[9][10] and strengthened relations with
Taiwan. In response, China adopted a so-called 'wolf warrior diplomacy', countering American
accusations of human rights abuses.[11] By early 2018, various geopolitical observers had begun
to speak of a new Cold War between the two powers.[12][13][14][15] On the last day of the Trump
administration in January 2021, the US officially recognized the Chinese government's treatment
of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang as a genocide.[16]
Following the election of Joe Biden in the 2020 United States presidential election, tensions
between the two countries have continued to be strained. Biden prioritized competing with China
as a priority in his foreign policy.[17][18] His administration imposed large-scale restrictions on the
sale of semiconductor technology to China,[19] boosted regional alliances against China, and
expanded support for Taiwan.[20][21] However, the Biden administration has also stated that the
US seeks "competition, not conflict",[22] with Biden saying in late 2022 that "there needs to not be
a new Cold War".[23] Under Joe Biden, the US has reached its lowest level of trade and diplomatic
relations with China in years, largely due to disagreements over technology, China's military
growth, and human rights record.[24]
History
During the civil war, the communists petitioned the U.S. for support but were unsuccessful.[25][26]
Instead, the U.S. offered both military and financial support to the KMT, under the hopes that a
united, democratic, coalition government would be formed in China.[26]
In late 1935, the Communist International (Comintern) instructed the CCP to establish the
broadest possible anti-fascist united front.[27]: 15 At a meeting in December 1935, the CCP
Politburo resolved to reach understanding, seek compromise, and establish relations with all
nations, parties, and individuals who opposed imperial Japan.[27]: 15 After the US entry into World
War II, the communists sought military support from the US.[27]: 15 Mao welcomed the American
Military Observation Group in Yan'an and in 1944 invited the US to establish a consulate
there.[27]: 15
The defeat of Japan in 1945 caused the U.S. to reevaluate their position in Asia. President
Truman was worried that the collapse of the Japanese empire would cause a power vacuum
which could be filled by the Soviet Union. However, the Soviet Union acted cautiously in the
conflict, eventually withdrawing in May 1946, which left the U.S. feeling as though there was not
a serious Soviet threat in the region.[25]
On 5 August 1949, the Truman administration released a white paper on relations with
China.[28]: 80 Responding to domestic arguments about responsibility for the perceived loss of
China to communism, Secretary of State Dean Acheson placed blame on Chiang Kai-shek's
Nationalist government for losing the confidence of its military and the Chinese people and
stated that the United States could not have prevented the outcome of the Chinese Civil
War.[28]: 80 This position failed to satisfy domestic critics.[28]: 80 It also harmed the prospect of
diplomacy with the communists and outraged Mao Zedong, who wrote a series of articles
criticizing the white paper.[28]: 80 Mao criticized the Truman administration for providing huge
amounts of support to Nationalist forces which the administration deemed demoralized and
unpopular, stating that the only rational basis must have therefore been the Truman
administration's imperialist ambitions and desire to hurt the Chinese people by needlessly
prolonging the civil war.[28]: 80
Amidst successive PRC victories, the U.S. ambassador to China John Leighton Stewart left China
in August 1949.[29] Mao Zedong penned an article directly addressing the ambassador, entitled
"Farewell, Leighton Stewart!", writing that his departure represented "the complete defeat of the
U.S. policy of aggression" and was "worth celebrating".[30][31]
The People's Republic of China was formed after the communist People's Liberation Army (PLA)
won the Chinese Civil War against the Kuomintang nationalists (KMT) and officially established
on 1 October 1949. The defeated KMT fled to Taiwan, which they occupied under martial law
until 1987, while the PLA secured control of mainland China.[32][33] Following the civil war,
America only recognized the KMT-controlled Republic of China in Taiwan as a legitimate
government, not the communist People's Republic of China.[32][33]
Korean War
On 25 June 1950, the China-aligned state of North Korea invaded America-aligned South
Korea.[34] In response, the United States and its allies pushed the United Nations Security Council
to pass Resolution 82, which authorized military action against North Korea. Although the Soviet
Union had veto power, at the time it was boycotting Security Council proceedings over the UN's
recognition of the ROC instead of the PRC as the representative of China.[35]
Initially, the U.S. government saw Chinese intervention as unlikely. The People's Republic was
barely a year old, and it needed time to rollout new policies to begin its communist
transformation. Furthermore, it appeared that, if China was going to engage in warfare, it would
be in KMT-controlled Taiwan, not Korea.[36]
However, the PRC was not just focused on internal matters. They had been invaded via the China-
North Korea border by Japan twice before. It was possible that, if the U.S. secured control of the
Korean peninsula, they could do the same.[37] The US was also opposed to the PRC's interests in
Taiwan. Within two days of the North invading the South, the US deployed forces to the Taiwan
strait.[38]
After their defeat in the Chinese Civil War, parts of the Nationalist army had retreated south and
crossed the border into Burma.[39]: 65 The United States supported these Nationalist forces
because the United States hoped they would harass the People's Republic of China from the
southwest, thereby diverting Chinese resources from the Korean War.[39]: 65
It seemed to the new Chinese leadership that stopping American encroachment into Asia was an
important issue. In a speech to the Politburo in August, Mao stated, "if the American imperialists
are victorious, they will become dizzy with success, and then be in a position to threaten us."[40]
PRC Premier Zhou Enlai echoed this sentiment in a speech in September: "the Chinese people
can never tolerate foreign invasion, nor allow the imperialist to invade our neighbour at will
without response".[36] Chinese leadership under Mao Zedong could not tolerate an American-
occupied state directly on its border:[41] Chinese premier and foreign minister Zhou Enlai warned
that China would intervene in the war on national security grounds; this warning was dismissed
by President Truman.[42][43]
On 30 September 1950, the UN offensive (for all intents and purposes under the direction of the
United States) crossed the 38th parallel into North Korea.[44] Kim Il-Sung held an emergency
meeting with Chinese officials, appealing for their urgent entry into the conflict.[34] The UN
authorized the reunification of Korea, meaning that the entire peninsula could fall into US
control.[45] In October 1950, China attempted to make contact with the United States by way of
its embassy in India.[46]: 42 The United States did not respond.[46]: 42 On 19 October 1950, Chinese
forces crossed into North Korea.[47]
In response to the PRC's entry into the conflict, the US froze all Chinese assets in America.[27]: 50
The United States also prohibited transfers funds from the United States to recipients within the
PRC, which also cut off funding for American-influenced institutions in the PRC, such as
Christian Colleges.[27]: 50 In December 1950, the PRC seized all American assets and properties,
totaling $196.8 million.[48] The PRC also began efforts to remove American cultural influence
from China, including by nationalizing cultural institutions affiliated with the United States.[27]: 3
The United States banned American citizens from traveling to the PRC.[27]: 50
In late October 1950, China began its intervention with the Battle of Onjong. During the Battle of
the Ch'ongch'on River, the People's Volunteer Army overran or outflanked the UN forces, leading
to the defeat of the US Eighth Army.[49] A ceasefire presented by the UN to the PRC shortly after
Ch'ongch'on River, on 11 December it was rejected by the Chinese, who were now convinced of
their ability to defeat the UN forces, and wanted to demonstrate China's military power by driving
them out of Korea altogether.[50][51] The Chinese achieved further victory at the Third Battle of
Seoul and the Battle of Hoengsong, but UN forces recovered, pushing the front back to lands
around the 38th parallel by July. A stalemate followed.[52] Even though the US Air Force would
spend the entire war with total air supremacy, dropping over 635,000 tons of bombs and other
ordinance on North Korea and killing millions of Koreans, the strategic impasse ultimately lasted
until the Korean Armistice Agreement that ended the fighting was signed on 27 July 1953. Since
then, a divided Korea has continued to feature in US-China relations, with large American forces
still stationed in the South.[53]
In 1952, in the midst of the Korean War, the American army surveyed Chinese prisoners of war
(POWs) asking them why they believed the PRC was involved in the conflict. Of 238 respondents,
60% agreed it was for the defense of China against the US, while only 17% said it was to defend
North Korea.[36][54]
Vietnam War
The People's Republic of China provided resources and training to North Vietnam, and in the
summer of 1962, Mao agreed to supply Hanoi with 90,000 rifles and guns free of charge. After
the launch of America's Operation Rolling Thunder in 1965, China sent anti-aircraft units and
engineering battalions to North Vietnam to repair the damage caused by American bombing,
rebuild roads and railroads, and perform other engineering work, freeing additional hundreds of
thousands North Vietnamese Army units for combat against American forces supporting South
Vietnam.[55][56]
The Chinese presence in North Vietnam was well known to US officials. The Johnson
administration sought to conceal China's involvement from the United States public, on the
rationale that domestic backlash might compel the administration to expand the war to China or
withdraw precipitously.[57]: 23 American planners accounted for China's involvement, with
President Lyndon B. Johnson and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara opted not to invade
North Vietnam, favoring a strategy of supporting South Vietnam in defending itself instead. The
possibility of direct Chinese intervention in the Korean War was also ambiguous throughout the
course of the war and remained in question as well. While Mao Zedong reportedly told journalist
Edgar Snow in 1965 that China had no intention of fighting to save the Hanoi regime and would
not engage the US military unless it crossed into Chinese territory, American officials
nevertheless continued to remain alert for any potential changes in plan from China.
Furthermore, Mao also made additional statements where he declared belief that the People's
Liberation Army would win a confrontation with United States forces should the two enter
military conflict with one another, citing the Korean War as one such reason he held this belief.
Regardless of whatever intentions the China may have had, United States troops ultimately
exited Vietnam as domestic opposition to American deployment in Vietnam increased, ending
United States involvement in the Vietnam War.[58][59]
Between 1949 and 1971, US–China relations were uniformly hostile, with frequent propaganda
attacks in both directions. At the 1954 Geneva Conference, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles
forbade any contact with the Chinese delegation, refusing to shake hands with Zhou Enlai, the
lead Chinese negotiator.[60] Relations deteriorated further under President John F. Kennedy
(1961–1963).[61][62] Before the Cuban Missile Crisis, policymakers in Washington were uncertain
whether or not China would break with the Soviet Union on the basis of ideology, national
ambitions, and readiness for a role in guiding communist activities in many countries. New
insight came with the Sino-Indian border war in November 1962 and Beijing's response to the
Cuban Missile Crisis. Kennedy administration officials concluded that China was more militant
and more dangerous than the Soviet Union, making better relations with Moscow desirable, with
both nations trying to contain Chinese ambitions. Diplomatic recognition of China remained out
of the question, as a crucial veto power on the UN Security Council was held by America's ally on
Taiwan. The United States continued to work to prevent the PRC from taking China's seat in the
United Nations and encouraged its allies not to deal with the PRC. The United States placed an
embargo on trading with the PRC, and encouraged allies to follow it.[63]
The PRC developed nuclear weapons in 1964 and, as later declassified documents revealed,
President Johnson considered preemptive attacks to halt its nuclear program. He ultimately
decided the measure carried too much risk, and it was abandoned. Instead, Johnson looked for
ways to improve relations. The American public seemed more open to the idea of expanding
contacts with China, such as the relaxation of the trade embargo. But the War in Vietnam was
raging, with China aiding North Vietnam. Mao's Great Leap Forward had failed in its goal to
properly industrialize China and sparked a famine, and his Cultural Revolution exercised hostility
to the US. In the end, Johnson made no move to change the standoff.[64]
Despite official non-recognition, the United States and the People's Republic of China held 136
meetings at the ambassadorial level beginning in 1954 and continuing until 1970, first in Geneva
and in 1958–1970 in Warsaw.[65]
The Cultural Revolution brought about near-complete isolation of China from the outside world
and vocal denunciations of both US imperialism and Soviet revisionism.
Beginning in 1967, the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission established the China Claims
Program, in which American citizens could denominate the sum total of their lost assets and
property following the Communist seizure of foreign property in 1950. American companies
were reluctant to invest in China despite (future top leader) Deng Xiaoping's reassurances of a
stable business environment.[66]
Rapprochement (1968–1972)
The end of the 1960s brought a period of transformation. For China, when American President
Johnson decided to wind down the Vietnam War in 1968, it gave China the impression that the
US had no interest in expanding throughout the Asia-Pacific anymore. Meanwhile, relations with
the USSR rapidly worsened. This gave Richard Nixon—running for president in 1968—the idea of
using that rivalry to improve Washington's relations with Moscow and Beijing, while each rival
would cut back support for Hanoi.[67]
This became an especially important concern for the People's Republic of China after the Sino-
Soviet border conflict of 1969. The PRC was diplomatically isolated and the leadership came to
believe that improved relations with the United States would be a useful counterbalance to the
Soviet threat. Zhou Enlai, the Premier of China, was at the forefront of this effort with the
committed backing of Mao Zedong, Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party. In 1969, the
United States initiated measures to relax trade restrictions and other impediments to bilateral
contact, to which China responded. However, this rapprochement process was stalled by the
Vietnam War, where China was supporting the enemies of the United States. Communication
between Chinese and American leaders, however, was conducted through Romania, Pakistan[68]
and Poland as intermediaries.[69]: 36
In the United States, academics such as John K. Fairbank and A. Doak Barnett pointed to the
need to deal realistically with the Beijing government, while organizations such as the National
Committee on United States–China Relations sponsored debates to promote public
awareness.[69]: 36–37 Many saw the specter of Communist China behind communist movements
in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, but a growing number concluded that if the PRC would align
with the US it would mean a major redistribution of global power against the Soviets. Mainland
China's market of nearly one billion consumers appealed to American businesses. Senator J.
William Fulbright, Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, held a series of hearings on
the matter.[70]
Richard M. Nixon mentioned in his inaugural address that the two countries were entering an era
of negotiation after an era of confrontation. Although Nixon, during his 1960 presidential
campaign, had vociferously supported Chiang Kai-Shek, by the second half of the decade, he
increasingly began to speak of there "being no reason to leave China angry and isolated". Nixon's
election as president in 1968 was initially met with hostility by Beijing—an editorial in the People's
Daily denounced him as "a chieftain whom the capitalist world had turned to out of
desperation".[71] Nixon believed it was in the American national interest to forge a relationship
with China, even though there were enormous differences between the two countries.[72] He was
assisted in this by his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger.[73]: 3 Both Nixon and Kissinger
believed that relations with China would help the United States exit the Vietnam War and obtain
long-term strategic benefits in confrontations with the Soviet Union.[73]: 3
In 1971, an unexpectedly friendly encounter between the American and Chinese ping-pong
athletes called Glenn Cowan and Zhuang Zedong in Japan opened the way for a visit to China,
which Chairman Mao personally approved.[74] In April 1971, the athletes became the first
Americans to officially visit China since the communist takeover. The smooth acceptance of this
created the term ping-pong diplomacy and gave confidence to both sides. Ping-pong diplomacy
became one of the most prominent examples of people's diplomacy in China-US relations.[69]: 9
The ping-pong diplomacy allowed reporters into the country as well, opening up communication
to both sides and breaking a barrier that had been there previously. This smoothed out the start
of the trade partnership that was going to happen later.[75] China's approach to keeping these
early exchanges unofficial and conduct them through non-governmental agencies was generally
well received by U.S. civil society groups and academics.[27]: 310
In July 1971, Henry Kissinger feigned illness while on a trip to Pakistan and did not appear in
public for a day. He was actually on a top-secret mission to Beijing to negotiate with Chinese
Premier Zhou Enlai.
Kissinger and his aides did not receive a warm welcome in Beijing, and the hotel they stayed in
was equipped with pamphlets excoriating US imperialism. However, the meeting with Zhou Enlai
was productive, and the Chinese premier expressed his hope for improved China-US relations. He
commented that the US had intentionally isolated China, not vice versa, and any initiative to
restore diplomatic ties had to come from the American side. Zhou spoke of the late President
Kennedy's plans to restore relations with China and told Kissinger, "We are willing to wait as long
as we need to. If these negotiations fail, in time another Kennedy or another Nixon will come
along."[76]
On 15 July 1971, President Richard Nixon revealed the mission to the world and that he had
accepted an invitation to visit the PRC.[77]
This announcement[78] caused immediate shock around the world. In the United States, some
hard-line anti-communists (most notably libertarian Republican Arizona Senator Barry
Goldwater) denounced the decision, but most public opinions supported the move and Nixon
saw the jump in the polls he had been hoping for. Since Nixon had sterling anti-communist
credentials he was all but immune to being called "soft on communism". Nixon and his aides
wanted to ensure that press coverage offered dramatic imagery.[79] Nixon was particularly eager
for strong news coverage.
President Nixon and First Lady Pat
Nixon walk with the American
delegation and their Chinese hosts on
the Great Wall of China.
Within the PRC there was also opposition from left-wing elements. This effort was allegedly led
by Lin Biao, head of the military, who died in a mysterious plane crash over Mongolia while trying
to defect to the Soviet Union. His death silenced most internal dissent over the visit.
Internationally, reactions varied. In the communist world, the Soviets were very concerned that
two major enemies seemed to have resolved their differences, and the new world alignment
contributed significantly to the policy of détente. Romania's president Nicolae Ceaușescu praised
the US initiative as a "move for world peace". Several communist nations, including Cuba,
Albania, and North Vietnam, accused China of "capitulationism to the imperialists". North Korea
proclaimed that it was the reverse and that the US had been forced to capitulate to China, having
failed to isolate it.
America's NATO allies were pleased by the initiative, especially since many of them had already
recognized the PRC. Throughout the Asia-Pacific, the reaction was far more mixed. Japan was
annoyed that it had not been told of the announcement until fifteen minutes before it had been
made, and feared that the Americans were abandoning them in favor of the PRC. A short time
later, Japan also recognized the PRC and committed to substantial trade with the continental
power. South Korea and South Vietnam were both concerned that peace between the United
States and the PRC could mean an end to American support for them against their communist
enemies. Throughout the period of rapprochement, both countries had to be regularly assured
that they would not be abandoned. Taiwan's Chiang Kai-Shek criticized the move, saying: "Today
any international appease movement to evil power to seek for political power balance would
never helpful for the world peace, instead it elongated the hardship of our 700 million people, and
expand the disaster of the world."[80]
From 21 to 28 February 1972, President Nixon traveled to Beijing, Hangzhou, and Shanghai. At
the conclusion of his trip, the US and the PRC issued the Shanghai Communiqué, a statement of
their respective foreign policy views. In the Communiqué, both nations pledged to work toward
the full normalization of diplomatic relations. This did not lead to immediate recognition of the
People's Republic of China but 'liaison offices' were established in Beijing and Washington.[81]
The US acknowledged the PRC position that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait
maintain that there is only one China and that Taiwan is part of China. The statement enabled the
US and PRC to temporarily set aside the issue of Taiwan and open trade and communication.
Also, the US and China both agreed to take action against 'any country' that is to establish
'hegemony' in the Asia-Pacific. On several issues, such as the ongoing conflicts in Korea,
Vietnam, and Israel, the US and China were unable to reach a common understanding.[81]
The rapprochement with the United States benefited the PRC immensely and greatly increased
its security for the rest of the Cold War. It has been argued that the United States, on the other
hand, saw fewer benefits than it had hoped for, inasmuch as China continued to back America's
enemies in Hanoi and Pyongyang. Eventually, however, the PRC's suspicion of Vietnam's motives
led to a break in China-Vietnamese cooperation and, upon the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia
in 1979, the Sino-Vietnamese War. Both China and the United States backed combatants in
Africa against Soviet and Cuban-supported movements. The economic benefits of normalization
were slow as it would take decades for American products to penetrate the vast Chinese market.
While Nixon's China policy is regarded by many as the highlight of his presidency, others such as
William Bundy have argued that it provided very little benefit to the United States.
Liaison Office (1973–1978)
In May 1973, in an effort to build toward formal diplomatic relations, the US and the PRC
established the United States Liaison Office (USLO) in Beijing and a counterpart PRC office in
Washington D.C.[73]: 153 From 1973 to 1978, such distinguished Americans as David K. E. Bruce,
George H. W. Bush, Thomas S. Gates, Jr., and Leonard Woodcock served as chiefs of the USLO
with the personal rank of ambassador. China made clear that it considered the Soviet Union its
chief adversary and urged the United States to be powerful, thereby distracting Moscow. Liaison
officer George Bush concluded, "China keeps wanting us to be strong, wanting us to defend
Europe, wanting us to increase our defense budgets, etc."[82] Bush concluded that American
engagement was essential to support markets, allies, and stability throughout the Asia Pacific
and around the world.[83]
President Gerald Ford visited the PRC in 1975 and reaffirmed American interest in normalizing
relations with Beijing. Shortly after taking office in 1977, President Jimmy Carter again reaffirmed
the goals of the Shanghai Communiqué. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Carter's National
Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and senior staff member of the National Security Council
Michel Oksenberg encouraged Carter to seek full diplomatic and trade relations with China.
Although Brzezinski sought to quickly establish a security relationship with Beijing to counter the
Soviet Union, Carter sided with Vance in believing that such a deal would threaten existing U.S.-
Soviet relations, including the SALT II negotiations. Thus, the administration decided to
cautiously pursue political normalization and not military relations.[84] Vance, Brzezinski, and
Oksenberg traveled to Beijing in early 1978 to work with Leonard Woodcock, then head of the
liaison office, to lay the groundwork to do so. The United States and the People's Republic of
China announced on 15 December 1978,[57]: 86 that the two governments would establish
diplomatic relations on 1 January 1979.
Normalization (1979–1989)
In the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations, dated 1 January 1979,
the United States transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The US reiterated the
Shanghai Communiqué's acknowledgment of the Chinese position that there is only one China,
and that Taiwan is a part of China; Beijing acknowledged that the American people would
continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with the people of
Taiwan.[85]
Taiwan, although fully expecting this step, nonetheless expressed disappointment at having not
been consulted first. The reaction of the communist world was similar to 1972, with the Soviet
Union and its allies in Eastern Europe mostly being noncommittal, Romania welcoming the move,
and Cuba and Albania being strongly against it. North Korea issued a statement congratulating
"our brotherly neighbors for ending long-hostile relations with the US".
Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping's January 1979 visit to Washington initiated a series of important,
high-level exchanges which continued until the spring of 1989. This resulted in many bilateral
agreements, including the January 31, 1979 Agreement on Cooperation in Science and
Technology.[57]: 90–91 Scientific cooperation greatly increased thereafter.[69]: 86–87 Since early
1979, the United States and the PRC have initiated hundreds of joint research projects and
cooperative programs under the Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology, the
largest bilateral program.[86]
On 1 March 1979, the two countries formally established embassies in each other's capitals. In
1979, outstanding private claims were resolved and a bilateral trade agreement was completed.
Vice President Walter Mondale reciprocated Vice Premier Deng's visit with an August 1979 trip to
China. This visit led to agreements in September 1980 on maritime affairs, civil aviation links,
and textile matters, as well as a bilateral consular convention.
The threats of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia were
major factors that brought Washington and Beijing closer than ever before.[87] In June 1979, US
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Josephn A. Califano Jr. led an American delegation
to China; the trip resulted in the long-term institutionalization of health and education links
between the two countries.[57]: 103 US-China military cooperation increased over the course of
1979 and 1980.[28]: 139 In 1980, China allowed the United States to establish electronic listening
stations in Xinjiang so the United States could monitor Soviet rocket launches in Central Asia.[88]
In exchange, the United States authorized the sale of dual-use civilian and military technology
and nonlethal military equipment to China.[88]
Chinese demands for advanced technology from the US were not always met, in part due to
opposition from Congressmen who either distrusted technology transfer to a communist nation
out of principle or concern that there was no guarantee that such technology would not end up in
the hands of unfriendly third parties. In 1983, the US State Department changed its classification
of China to "a friendly, developing nation", thereby increasing the amount of technology and
armaments that could be sold. The skepticism of some US Congressmen was not entirely
unmerited as China, during the 1980s, continued to sell arms to Iran and other states that were
openly hostile to American interests.
As a consequence of high-level and working-level contacts initiated in 1980, US dialogue with the
PRC broadened to cover a wide range of issues, including global and regional strategic problems,
political-military questions, including arms control, UN, and other multilateral organization affairs,
and international narcotics matters. New York City and Beijing became sister cities.[89]
High-level exchanges continued to be a significant means for developing US–PRC relations in the
1980s. President Ronald Reagan and Premier Zhao Ziyang made reciprocal visits in 1984.
Reagan's visit to Beijing went well, however, a speech he made criticizing the Soviet Union and
praising capitalism, democracy, and freedom of religion was not aired on Chinese state
television. In July 1985, Chinese President Li Xiannian traveled to the United States, the first such
visit by a PRC head of state. Vice President Bush visited the PRC in October 1985 and opened the
US Consulate General in Chengdu, the US's fourth consular post in the PRC. Further exchanges of
cabinet-level officials occurred between 1985 and 1989, capped by President Bush's visit to
Beijing in February 1989.
President Ronald Reagan
walking with Premier
Zhao Ziyang during his
visit to the White House
on 10 January 1984.
Shortly after being elected president in 1980, Ronald Reagan made a speech criticizing the PRC
and welcoming restoration of ties with Taiwan. These remarks aroused initial concern in Beijing,
but Reagan's advisers quickly apologized for his comments, and the president-elect soon
retracted them. Reagan's first two years in office saw some deterioration in US-China relations
due to the president's vociferous anti-communism, as well as the inability of the two nations to
come to a common understanding over the Korean conflict, the Israel–Palestine conflict, or the
Falklands War. In 1982, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, in a reiteration of Mao Zedong's "Three
Worlds" theory, criticized both the US and Soviet Union for imperialism. In 1983, there were
quarrels over a Chinese tennis player, Hu Na, who defected to the US, and over an incident where
an Olympic parade float in New York City displayed the flag of Taiwan rather than the PRC's flag.
Relations in the early part of 1984 were strained over the issue of United States arms sales to
Taiwan, but later improved.[57]: 142
By the late 1980s, China was the US's largest partner for science and technology, which had
become the largest type of government-to-government exchange between the two
countries.[69]: 88
In the period before the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, a growing number of cultural
exchange activities gave the American and Chinese peoples broad exposure to each other's
cultural, artistic, and educational achievements. Numerous mainland Chinese professionals and
official delegations visited the United States each month. Many of these exchanges continued
after the suppression of the Tiananmen protests.[90]
In the first decade after normalization, the US's policy towards China was largely driven by the
Executive Branch of the United States, with the notable exception of the Taiwan Relations
Act.[57]: 207 As a result of the Executive-branch driven approach during this period, China
concluded that United States Presidents primarily raised Congressional issues as a negotiating
tool and that Congress was not itself a significant force in China-US relations.[57]: 208
Consequently, China was slow to develop its Congressional liaison capacity.[57]: 208
Americans who had been optimistic about the emergence of democratic characteristics in
response to the rapid economic growth and China were stunned and disappointed by the brutal
crackdown of the pro-democratic Tiananmen Square protests in 1989.[91] The US and other
governments enacted a number of measures against China's violation of human rights. The US
suspended high-level official exchanges with the PRC and weapons exports from the US to the
PRC. The US also imposed a number of economic sanctions. In the summer of 1990, at the G7
Houston summit, the West called for renewed political and economic reforms in mainland China,
particularly in the field of human rights.[92]
The Tiananmen event disrupted the US-China trade relationship, and US investors' interest in
mainland China dropped dramatically. Tourist traffic fell off sharply.[93] The Bush administration
denounced the repression and suspended certain trade and investment programs on 5 and 20
June 1989, however Congress was responsible for imposing many of these actions, and the
White House itself took a far less critical attitude of Beijing, repeatedly expressing hope that the
two countries could maintain normalized relations.[94] Generally, Bush's preference was for
sanctions which were not formalized in law in order to provide flexibility for altering or removing
them.[57]: 210 Some sanctions were legislated while others were executive actions. Examples
include:
The US Trade and Development Agency (TDA): new activities in mainland China were
suspended from June 1989 until January 2001, when President Bill Clinton lifted this
suspension.
Overseas Private Insurance Corporation (OPIC): new activities have been suspended since
June 1989.
Development Bank Lending/International Monetary Fund (IMF) Credits: the United States does
not support development bank lending and will not support IMF credits to the PRC except for
projects that address basic human needs.
Munitions List Exports: subject to certain exceptions, no licenses may be issued for the export
of any defense article on the US Munitions List. This restriction may be waived upon a
presidential national interest determination.
Arms Imports – import of defense articles from the PRC was banned after the imposition of
the ban on arms exports to the PRC. The import ban was subsequently waived by the
administration and reimposed on 26 May 1994. It covers all items on the BATFE's Munitions
Import List. During this critical period, J. Stapleton Roy, a career US Foreign Service Officer,
served as ambassador to Beijing.[95]
Debate within the United States also began on whether China should continue to receive the
annual presidential waiver for most favored nation trading status under the Jackson-Vanik
Amendment.[57]: 211
US-China military ties and arms sales were terminated in 1989 and as of 2024 have never been
restored. Chinese public opinion became more hostile to the United States after 1989, as typified
by the 1996 manifesto China Can Say No. The authors called for Beijing to take more aggressive
actions against the United States and Japan in order to build a stronger international position.
The Chinese government at first endorsed the manifesto, then repudiated it as irresponsible.[96]
The end of the Cold War and dissolution of the Soviet Union removed the original motives
underlying rapprochement between China and the United States.[97] Motivated by concerns that
the United States might curtail support for China's modernization, Deng adopted a low-profile
foreign policy to live with the fact of United States hegemony and focus primarily on domestic
development.[97]
Running for president in 1992, Bill Clinton sharply criticized his predecessor George H. W. Bush
for prioritizing profitable trade relationships over human rights issues in China.[98] Clinton's May
28, 1993 Executive Order 128950 linked future extension of China's most favored nation trading
status to China's progress on U.S.-defined human rights measures.[57]: 222 China made virtually
no effort to comply with the U.S. conditions and in mid-1994 Clinton changed his position,[57]: 223
de-linking the China's most favored nation status from human rights issues.[99]
Congressional pressure, especially from the Republican Party, prompted Clinton to approve arms
sales to Taiwan, despite the strong displeasure voiced by Beijing.[100][101][102]
In July 1993, a symbolic United States Congressional resolution opposed China's efforts to be
selected as the host country for the 2000 Summer Olympics.[28]: 153 The resolution became a
major grievance among the Chinese public, which generally viewed the Resolution as an effort to
humiliate China.[28]: 153–154
In 1996, the People's Liberation Army conducted military exercises in the Taiwan Strait in an
apparent effort to intimidate the Republic of China electorate before the pending presidential
elections, triggering the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis. The United States dispatched two aircraft
carrier battle groups to the region. Subsequently, tensions in the Taiwan Strait diminished and
relations between the US and the PRC improved, with increased high-level exchanges and
progress on numerous bilateral issues, including human rights, nuclear proliferation, and trade.
China's leader Jiang Zemin visited the United States in the fall of 1997, the first state visit to the
US by a paramount leader since 1979. In connection with that visit, the two sides came to a
consensus on implementation of their 1985 agreement on Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation, as well
as a number of other issues.[104] President Clinton visited the PRC in June 1998. He traveled
extensively in mainland China, and had direct interaction with the Chinese people, including live
speeches and a radio show which allowed the President to convey a sense of American ideals
and values. In a speech at Peking University, he referred to the 21st century as "your century",[105]
and expressed his view that technology, including the internet, would help ease any tensions
China's economic growth might cause.[106][107] President Clinton was criticized by some,
however, for failing to pay adequate attention to human rights abuses in mainland China.[108]
When Clinton visited Shanghai, he declared the "three nos" for United States foreign policy
towards China: (1) not recognizing two Chinas, (2) not supporting Taiwanese independence, and
(3) not supporting Taiwanese efforts to join international organizations for which sovereignty is a
membership requirement.[99]
Relations were damaged for a time by the United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in
Belgrade on May 7, 1999,[109] which was stated by the White House to be miscoordination
between intelligence and the military. The bombing created outrage among Chinese people, who
did not accept the United States claim that the bombing was accidental.[109] For several days,
Beijing was rocked by massive anti-US demonstrations. Deeming the importance of the bilateral
relationship too great to be harmed by the embassy bombing, President Jiang sought to calm the
Chinese public outrage.[109] By the end of 1999, relations began to gradually improve. In October
1999, the two countries reached an agreement on compensation for families of those who were
victims, as well as payments for damages to respective diplomatic properties in Belgrade and
China. US-China relations in 1999 were also damaged by accusations that a Chinese-American
scientist at the Los Alamos National Laboratory had given US nuclear secrets to Beijing.
Early on as President Bush increased arms sales to Taiwan, including 8 submarines. Bush's
hostile position toward China was suddenly reversed after the September 11 terrorist attacks,
and his friendly attitude toward Taiwan became a casualty. Soon he was calling China a strategic
partner in the war on terror and postponing deals with Taiwan.[111]
Two PRC citizens died in the attacks on the World Trade Center.[112] President Jiang Zemin sent a
telegram to Bush within hours of the attack expressing China's condolences and opposition to
terror; Bush responded with a phone call the next day stating that he looked forward to working
with Jiang and other world leaders to oppose terrorism.[110] Chinese companies and individuals
also sent expressions of condolences to their American counterparts. The PRC, itself troubled by
Muslim separatists in Xinjiang, offered strong public support for the War on Terror in APEC China
2001. The PRC voted in favor of UNSCR 1373, publicly supported the coalition campaign in
Afghanistan,[113] and contributed $150 million of bilateral assistance to Afghan reconstruction
following the defeat of the Taliban. Shortly after the 11 September terrorist attacks, the US and
PRC also commenced a counterterrorism dialogue. In a March 2002 trip to Beijing, Bush
articulated his desire for a "constructive, cooperative, and candid" relationship with China.[110]
The third round of that dialogue was held in Beijing in February 2003.
In the United States, the threat of terrorist attacks by al-Qaeda greatly changed the nature of its
security concerns.[110] It was no longer plausible to argue, as the Blue Team had earlier asserted,
that the PRC was the primary security threat to the United States, and the need to focus on the
Middle East and the War on Terror made the avoidance of potential distractions in East Asia a
priority for the United States.
There were initial fears among the PRC leadership that the war on terrorism would lead to an
anti-PRC effort by the US, especially as the US began establishing bases in Central Asian
countries like Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and renewed efforts against Iraq. The Chinese
government was relieved after the United States tied up major national resources with its 2003
invasion of Iraq.[114] China believed that the United States' Middle East meant that the United
States would need China's help on issues such as counterterrorism, Middle Eastern stability, and
nuclear non-proliferation and viewed the United States' focus as conducive to China's emphasis
on stability and domestic development.[114]
China and the United States worked closely on regional issues, including those pertaining to
North Korea and its nuclear weapons program. China has stressed its opposition to North
Korea's decision to withdraw from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, its
concerns over North Korea's nuclear capabilities, and its desire for a non-nuclear Korean
Peninsula. It also voted to refer North Korea's noncompliance with its International Atomic
Energy Agency obligations to the UN Security Council.
In 2001, a presidential plane built in the United States for Chinese leader Jiang Zemin was found
to have listening devices installed.[115]: 53 Chinese authorities located at least 20 devices,
including one in the headboard of the presidential bed.[116] The listening devices were capable of
being operated via satellite.[116]
In the mid-2000s, the United States focused relatively less on China issues.[28]: 158 This approach
was reinforced by the economic benefits to the United States from its relations with China,
including cheaper consumer products like clothing and electronics.[28]: 158 During this period, the
United States also issued significant debt to fund its military interventions and China became the
largest foreign purchaser of U.S. government debt.[28]: 158
Taiwan remained a volatile issue, but one that remained under control. The United States policy
toward Taiwan involved emphasizing the Four Noes and One Without. On occasion the United
States rebuked Republic of China (Taiwan) President Chen Shui-bian for provocative pro-
independence rhetoric.[114] As Bush made his opposition to Taiwan independence clear, the PRC
saw the United States as playing a positive role in restraining the separatist movement.[114] In
2005, the PRC passed the Anti-Secession Law which stated that the PRC would be prepared to
resort to "non-peaceful means" if Taiwan declared formal independence. Many critics of the PRC,
such as the Blue Team, argue that the PRC was trying to take advantage of the US war in Iraq to
assert its claims on Republic of China's territory. In 2008, Taiwan voters elected Ma Ying-jeou.
Ma, representing the Kuomintang, campaigned on a platform that included rapprochement with
mainland China. His election has significant implications for the future of cross-strait
relations.[117]
The 2003 United States invasion of Iraq and the failure of the United States to find evidence of
weapons of mass destruction decreased China's respect for America's power and realism.[57]: 334
China's paramount leader Hu Jintao visited the United States in April 2006.[118] Bush visited
Beijing in August for four days to attend the 2008 Summer Olympics. The president and his wife
Laura were accompanied by Bush's father, the former president, and his mother Barbara.[119]
Obama administration (2009–2017)
The 2008 US presidential election centered on issues of war and economic recession, but
candidates Barack Obama and John McCain also spoke extensively regarding US policy toward
China.[121] Both favored cooperation with China on major issues, but they differed with regard to
trade policy. Obama expressed concern that the value of China's currency was being deliberately
set low to benefit China's exporters. McCain argued that free trade was crucial and was having a
transformative effect in China. Still, McCain noted that while China might have shared interests
with the US, it did not share American values.[122]
The election of Barack Obama in 2008 generated positive reactions from most locals and state-
run media outlets in China.[123][124][125] His presidency fostered hopes for increased co-operation
and heightened levels of friendship between the two nations. On 8 November 2008, Chinese
leader Hu Jintao and Obama shared a phone conversation in which Hu congratulated Obama on
his election victory. During the conversation both parties agreed that the development of Sino-
American relations is not only in the interest of both nations, but also in the interests of the
international community.[126][127][128]
During the Obama administration, the US signed more bilateral agreements with China than it
had during any other US administration, particularly with regard to addressing climate
change.[129]: 2 The two countries signed seven clean energy agreements on November 17, 2009,
during Obama's visit to China, including an agreement establishing the U.S.-China Clean Energy
Research Center (CERC).[129]: 122–123 CERC was the most ambitious clean energy technology
cooperation mechanism between the two.[129]: 117 The many technical exchanges on climate
issues during the Obama era helped both sides of the relationship to better understand each
other's emissions models and data, leading to increased mutual trust.[129]: 105
Following the 2007-2008 global financial crisis, both US and Chinese governments addressed the
economic downturn with massive stimulus initiatives. The Chinese expressed concern that "Buy
American" components of the US plan discriminate against foreign producers, including those in
China.[130]
As the two most influential and powerful countries in the world, there have been increasingly
strong suggestions within American political circles of creating a G-2 (Chimerica) relationship for
the United States and China to work out solutions to global problems together.[131]
The Strategic Economic Dialogue initiated by then-US President Bush and Hu and led by US
Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and Chinese Vice Premier Wu Yi in 2006 was broadened by
the Obama administration into the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue.[132]: 288 It was
then led by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and US Secretary of the Treasury Timothy
Geithner for the United States and Vice Premier Wang Qishan and Chinese State Councilor Dai
Bingguo for China. The focus of the first set of meetings in July 2009 was in response to the
economic crisis, finding ways to cooperate to stem global warming and addressing issues such
as the proliferation of nuclear weapons and humanitarian crises.[133]
Obama visited China on 15–18 November 2009 to discuss economic worries, concerns over
nuclear weapon proliferation, and the need for action against climate change.[134][135]
In January 2010, the US proposed a $6.4 billion arms sale to the Republic of China (Taiwan). In
response, the PRC threatened to impose sanctions on US companies supplying arms to Taiwan
and suspend cooperation on certain regional and international issues.[136]
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry
speaks with Chinese Premier Li
Keqiang, 9 October 2013.
On 19 February 2010, Obama met with the Dalai Lama, accused by China of "fomenting unrest in
Tibet." After the meeting, China summoned the US ambassador to China, Jon Huntsman,[137] but
Time has described the Chinese reaction as "muted", speculating that it could be because "the
meeting came during the Chinese New Year... when most officials are on leave". Some activists
criticized Obama for the relatively low profile of the visit.[138]
In 2012, the PRC criticized Obama's new defense strategy, which it said was aimed at isolating
China in East Asia.[139] Obama is looking to increase US military influence in the area with a
rotating presence of forces in friendly countries.[140]
In March 2012, China suddenly began cutting back its purchases of oil from Iran, which along
with some signs on sensitive security issues like Syria and North Korea, showed some
coordination with the Obama administration.[141]
In March 2013, the US and China agreed to impose stricter sanctions on North Korea for
conducting nuclear tests, which sets the stage for UN Security Council vote. Such accord might
signal a new level of cooperation between the US and China.[142]
In an effort to build a "new model" of relations, Obama met Paramount leader Xi Jinping for two
days of meetings, between 6 and 8 June 2013, at the Sunnylands estate in Rancho Mirage,
California.[143] The summit was considered "the most important meeting between an American
president and a Chinese Communist leader in 40 years, since President Nixon and Chairman
Mao," according to Joseph Nye, a political scientist at Harvard University.[144] The leaders
concretely agreed to combat climate change and also found strong mutual interest in curtailing
North Korea's nuclear program.[144] However, the leaders remained sharply divided over cyber
espionage and US arms sales to Taiwan. Xi was dismissive of American complaints about cyber
security.[145] Tom Donilon, the outgoing US National Security Adviser, stated that cyber security
"is now at the center of the relationship", adding that if China's leaders were unaware of this fact,
they know now.[145]
Obama supported the One-China policy.[146] In 2014, Obama stated that "We recognize Tibet as
part of the People's Republic of China. We are not in favor of independence."[147]
Beginning in 2015, China's People's Liberation Army Air Force began patrolling the South China
Sea, including the disputed Paracel and Spratly Islands.[148]: 273 In China's view, these disputed
areas are within its Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ).[148]: 273 The United States Air Force
does not accept this view, and flies its military planes through the area without informing
China.[148]: 273
In May 2015, U.S. Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter warned China to halt its rapid island-
building in the South China Sea.[149]
Obama hosted Xi for a bilateral meeting on the margins of the Nuclear Security Summit on 31
March 2016.[150]
First Trump administration (2017–2021)
The presidency of Donald Trump led to a negative shift in US relations with China.[151]
President-elect Trump's telephone conversation with the president of Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen on 2
December 2016 was the first such contact with Taiwan by an American president-elect or
president since 1979. It provoked Beijing to lodge a diplomatic protest ("stern
representations").[152][153] Trump went on to clarify his move: "I fully understand the 'one China'
policy, but I don't know why we have to be bound by a 'one China' policy unless we make a deal
with China having to do with other things, including trade."[153]
On President Trump's inauguration day, an official from the China's People's Liberation Army
wrote on the official website that the American military build-up in East Asia and the Asia Pacific,
and its push to arm South Korea with the THAAD missile-defense system were provocative "hot
spots getting closer to ignition" and that the chances of war had become "more real."[154][155]
On taking office, the Trump administration stopped negotiations on a bilateral investment treaty
with China which had begun in 2008.[132]: 312 According to Michael Froman, the lead negotiator
during the preceding four years, the effort to reach an agreement was "more than 90 percent
complete."[132]: 312
On 23 January, speaking about China's claims to sovereignty over the Spratly Islands in the South
China Sea, White House spokesman Sean Spicer said, "It's a question of if those islands are in
fact in international waters and not part of China proper, then yeah, we're going to make sure that
we defend international territories from being taken over by one country."[156]
On 9 February, Trump spoke with China's leader Xi Jinping over the phone discussing a wide
range of issues; Trump was said to have re-iterated the United States' commitment to the status
quo 'one-China' policy.[158]
In a 3 July 2017 telephone conversation with Trump, Xi stated, "China-US relations have made
great progress in recent days, but they have also been affected by some negative factors."[159] By
"negative factors", Geng Shuang, a Chinese government spokesmen, explained in a televised
briefing: "Under the pretext of navigational freedom, the American side once again sent military
vessels into the Chinese territorial waters of Xisha (Paracel) Islands. It has violated Chinese and
international law, infringed upon Chinese sovereignty, and disrupted order, peace and security of
the relevant waters and put in jeopardy facilities and personnel on the relevant Chinese islands. It
is a serious political and military provocation. The Chinese side is strongly dissatisfied with and
firmly opposed to the relevant actions by the US."[159]
In 2017, the Trump administration terminated the Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade
(JCCT) between China and the United States.[132]: 287–288 The JCCT had met annually from 1983
to 2016 and had been a generally effective mechanism to address various trade issues between
the two countries.[132]: 287–288 The Trump administration also terminated the Strategic and
Economic Dialogue after holding the June 2017 meeting under the name "Comprehensive
Economic Dialogue."[132]: 288
Trump and Xi at the G20 Buenos Aires
summit in November 2018
China enforced punitive tariffs on 128 categories of American goods on 1 April 2018 in
retaliation for the Trump administration's national-security levies on steel and aluminum imports
the previous month. The Chinese Government's response is measured, affecting $3 billion in
annual trade or about 2% of US goods exports to China. By late September 2018, the Trump
administration had placed tariffs (25% tax increase) on $250 billion worth of Chinese goods, in
an attempt to offset the trade imbalance between the two major economic world powers.
In what put additional strain on US-China relations, Huawei's vice-chair and CFO Meng Wanzhou
was arrested in Canada on 1 December 2018 at the behest of US authorities.[160] US Senator Ben
Sasse accused China of undermining U.S. national security interests, often "using private sector
entities" to by-pass US sanctions against the sale of telecom equipment to Iran.[161]
According to political analyst, Andrew Leung, "China is perceived as the antagonist and rival of
the United States," and that China's economic growth is seen as a "threat to the world order
underpinned by American dominance or American values."[162] He claimed, moreover, that the
arrest of the CFO of Huawei on 1 December 2018 corresponded with the suspicious death on
that same day of a leading Chinese national quantum physicist and venture capitalist at Stanford
University, Shoucheng Zhang, who was on a H-1B visa, giving rise to conspiracy theories. In
August 2018, the US government signed an update to legislation for the Committee on Foreign
Investment in the U.S., broadening governmental scrutiny to vetting VC-backed, and especially
Chinese state-funded, investments in US tech startups.[163]
Both sides signed the US–China Phase One trade deal on 15 January.[164] Unlike other trade
agreements, the agreement did not rely on arbitration through an intergovernmental organization
like the World Trade Organization, but rather through a bilateral mechanism.[165][166]
Michael D. Swaine warned in 2019, "The often positive and optimistic forces, interests, and
beliefs that sustained bilateral ties for decades are giving way to undue pessimism, hostility, and
a zero-sum mindset in almost every area of engagement."[167]
According to two experts on US-China relations, Rosemary Foot and Amy King, the consensus of
experts is that:
The relationship began to deteriorate in the second decade of the 21st century, and that the
Trump administration has accelerated the deterioration. Explanations...have ranged over a
large number of factors, all of which have played some role. Some relate to changes in official
personnel in both the United States and China, others to the shifts and relative power between
the two countries after the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, and yet others to China's
greater determination to reform global governance institutions and to play more of a global
leadership role.[169]
Foot and King emphasize China's aggressive efforts in developing cutting-edge technologies
with significant military and commercial implications, while the United States sees the need to
defend itself aggressively against technological theft.[170]
U.S. academics have made various policy prescriptions for the United States within the context
of its deteriorating relationship with China.[171][172][173]
According to Lawrence J. Lau, a major cause of the deterioration is the growing battle between
China and the United States for global economic and technological dominance. More generally,
he argues, "It is also a reflection of the rise of populism, isolationism, nationalism and
protectionism almost everywhere in the world, including in the US."[174] According to Ian
Bremmer, the US and China are in a technology cold war[175] and Trump's technology war against
the PRC has been his administration's biggest foreign policy win, saying, "on the issue of tech
decoupling that it was America out front with most allies on board."[176] According to Greg Autry,
an academic at the University of Southern California, Trump's China policy was working, pointing
to increased revenue intakes by the Treasury Department and offshoring by US manufacturing
supply chains from China, and crediting the administration for being the first to fully recognize
that globalization had not delivered for Americans and that China was an existential threat.[177]
Former Obama administration officials Samantha Power and Susan Rice have criticized China's
actions on trade, over the Meng Wenzhou affair and in Hong Kong while simultaneously
criticizing the Trump administration for inadequate pushback.[178][179][180][181]
The Director of Policy Planning at the United States Department of State, Kiron Skinner drew
international attention in April 2019 for stating at a foreign policy forum that the US competition
with China would be especially bitter, because unlike the Cold War with the Soviet Union which is
"a fight within the Western family", "it's the first time that we will have a great-power competitor
that is not Caucasian".[185][186]
In 2019, prominent Americans, including some with ties to the administration, formed the
Committee on the Present Danger: China (CPDC) to advocate for a more hawkish foreign policy
against China.[187][188][189]
On 29 January 2020, the Interior Department's fleet of more than 800 Chinese-made drones,
including those by DJI, were grounded, citing security concerns.[190][191]
On 18 February 2020, the US government announced five Chinese state media firms[note 1] would
be designated "foreign missions", requiring them to be legally registered with the US government
as a foreign government entity.[192] On the following day, China took action against three
American journalists with The Wall Street Journal by revoking their press credentials over a
coronavirus opinion column which their paper had run.[193] According to China, the column was
racist and libelous; the CEO of the company that published the WSJ defended the article, as did
the State department.[193] A March 2020 article by Reuters said that Washington slashed the
number of journalists allowed to work at US offices of major Chinese media outlets to 100 from
160 due to Beijing's "long-standing intimidation and harassment of journalists". In response,
China expelled about a dozen American correspondents with The New York Times, News Corp's
Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post, which prompted criticism from the State
Department.[194][195] On 8 May, the US moved Chinese citizens at non-American news outlets
from open-ended work visas to extendable 90-day work visas[196] and in June the State
Department designated a further four Chinese media outlets as foreign embassies.[195]
By May 2020 relations had deteriorated as both sides were accusing the other of guilt for the
worldwide coronavirus pandemic. Washington has mobilized a campaign of investigations,
prosecutions and export restrictions. Beijing, meanwhile, has stepped up military activities in the
contested South China Sea, and launched denunciations of American Secretary of State Mike
Pompeo, and publicly speculating that the American military deliberately unleashed the virus in
China. In the growing aspersion, on 15 May 2020, the US blocked shipments of semi-conductors
to Huawei, while China, for its part, has threatened to place Apple, Boeing, and other US firms on
"unreliable entities" lists,[198][199] and has blamed the US government of using state power under
the excuse of national security, and of abusing export control measures to continuously oppress
and contain specific enterprises of other countries.[200] Orville Schell, the director of the Center
on US-China Relations at the Asia Society, summed up the situation as follows: "The
consequences of the breakdown in US-China relations is going to be very grave for the world and
for the global economy because the ability of the US and China to work together was the
keystone of the whole arch of globalization and global trade. With that pulled out, there's going to
be a tremendous amount of disturbance", often compared to the Cold War. However Tony Blair
noted there is "an interconnectedness, economically and in trade terms between the US and
China that just wasn't there in the US-Soviet Cold War" that makes it an imperfect analogy. He
further felt the China-U.S. relations would be the "determining geopolitical relationship of the
21st century."[201]
In June 2020, US Ambassador to the United Nations Kelly Craft sent a letter to the U.N. secretary
general explaining the US position on China's "excessive maritime claims".[202]
On 17 June 2020, President Trump signed the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act,[203] which
authorizes the imposition of U.S. sanctions against Chinese government officials responsible for
detention camps holding more than 1 million members of the country's Uyghur Muslim
minority.[204] On 9 July 2020, the Trump administration imposed sanctions and visa restrictions
against senior Chinese officials, including Chen Quanguo, a member of China's powerful
Politburo.[205]
A research paper by the Begin–Sadat Center for Strategic Studies said that Chinese state-
controlled media enthusiastically covered the protests and rioting attending the Murder of
George Floyd, comparing the American protests to the protests in Hong Kong and used the
rioting and violence in the United States as evidence that the democratic system was
hypocritical and morally bankrupt.[206] A report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute said
that racial tensions in the United States was a key area of focus for "a campaign of cross-
platform inauthentic activity, conducted by Chinese-speaking actors and broadly in alignment
with the political goal of the People's Republic of China (PRC) to denigrate the standing of the
US."[207]
In July 2020, FBI Director Christopher Wray called China the "greatest long-term threat" to the
United States. He said that "the FBI is now opening a new China-related counterintelligence case
every 10 hours. Of the nearly 5,000 active counterintelligence cases currently under way across
the country, almost half are related to China."[208]
In July 2020, the Trump administration ordered the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston.
In response, the Chinese government ordered the closure of the US consulate in Chengdu.
On 20 July 2020, the United States sanctioned 11 Chinese companies, restricting any trade deal
with America for what the US government said was their involvement in human rights violations
in Xinjiang, accusing them specifically of using Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in forced
labor.[209]
On 23 July 2020, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced the end of what he called "blind
engagement" with the Chinese government. He also criticized CCP general secretary Xi Jinping
as "a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology".[210]
In August 2020, Washington imposed sanctions on 11 Hong Kong and Chinese officials over
what it said was their role in curtailing political freedoms in Hong Kong through the
imposition[211] of the Hong Kong national security law; China retaliated[211] by sanctioning 6
Republican lawmakers and 5 individuals at non-profit and rights groups.[212][213]
In September 2020 the United States had under a 29 May presidential proclamation revoked
more than 1,000 visas for PRC students and researchers visas who the US government said had
ties to the Chinese military in order to prevent them from stealing and otherwise appropriating
sensitive research.[214][215]
On 26 September 2020, the US Commerce Department put restrictions on Chinese chip maker,
Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation (SMIC), following which the suppliers
were required to have an export license for exporting the chip. The restrictions were imposed
after the US concluded that an "unacceptable risk" equipment supplied to SMIC could potentially
be used for military purposes.[216][217]
On 6 October 2020, Germany's ambassador to the UN, on behalf of the group of 39 countries
including Germany, the U.K. and the U.S., made a statement to denounce China for its treatment
of ethnic minorities and for curtailing freedoms in Hong Kong.[218]
On 9 October 2020, the Department of Justice disallowed the use of its fund to purchase DJI
drones, which the DoJ classified as a "Covered Foreign Entity".[219]
On October 21, 2020, the US approved arms sales of $1.8 billion to Taiwan.[220] It involved three
packages that included high technology weapons such as SLAM-ER missiles, HIMARS M142
Launchers and Recce Pods.[220] On 26 October 2020, China announced its intentions to impose
sanctions on US businesses and individuals, including Boeing, Raytheon and Lockheed
Martin.[221] Taiwan welcomed the arms sales and disapproved of the sanctions.[220][222] Taiwan
also said it would continue buying arms from America.[222]
In a December 2020 report, US intelligence officials claimed that China had supervised a bounty
program that paid Afghan militants to kill US soldiers deployed in the country.[223]
On 5 December 2020, the US State Department ended five cultural exchange programs with
China, which are - "the Policymakers Educational China Trip Program, the U.S.-China Friendship
Program, the U.S.-China Leadership Exchange Program, the U.S.-China Transpacific Exchange
Program and the Hong Kong Educational and Cultural Program." They described these programs
as soft power propaganda tools of Chinese government.[224]
In December 2020, an investigation by Axios was published that detailed the suspected activities
of Christine Fang, a Chinese national who has been suspected by US officials of having
conducted political espionage for the Chinese Ministry of State Security (MSS) while she was in
the United States from 2011 to 2015.[225][226] While Fang's suspected activities prior to the Axios
investigation had already drawn scrutiny from federal law enforcement agencies, the subsequent
reactions to its publication drew further scrutiny from politicians and the media.[227][228][229]
Following his election, relations with the new Biden administration in 2021 included heightened
tensions over trade, technology, and human rights, particularly regarding Hong Kong, and the
treatment of minorities in China. In addition international tensions regarding control of the South
China Sea remained high. Biden has largely continued the China policies of his predecessor,
Donald Trump.[132]: 148 However, the Biden and Xi administrations agreed to collaborate on long-
term projects regarding climate change, nuclear proliferation, and the global COVID-19
pandemic.[230]
On 20 January 2021, China imposed sanctions against outgoing US Secretary of State Mike
Pompeo, former secretary of health and human services Alex Azar, former under secretary of
state Keith J. Krach, outgoing US ambassador to the United Nations Kelly Craft, and 24 other
former Trump officials.[231] Biden's National Security Council called the sanctions "unproductive
and cynical".[232] In his nomination hearing, Blinken endorsed Pompeo's report that China is
committing a genocide against Uyghurs, reaffirming Biden's campaign stance.[16]
The new US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, called-out China on its treatment of the ethnic
Uighurs.[233] President Biden, in his first foreign policy address, labeled China as "the most
serious competitor" to the US.[234] During his first visit to the Pentagon on 9 February 2021, Biden
urged the United States Department of Defense to review its national security policy concerning
China.[235]
On March 12, 2021, Huawei, ZTE, Hytera, Hikvision, and Dahua Technology were designated as
national security threats by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC).[236][237]
From March 18–19, 2021, bilateral talks in Alaska took place. Blinken and national security
advisor Jake Sullivan met with Politburo member Yang Jiechi and Chinese foreign minister Wang
Yi. The Americans unleashed heated attacks on China's policies regarding human rights,
cyberattacks, Taiwan, and its crackdown in Xinjiang and Hong Kong. The Chinese side countered
by attacking the U.S's standing in the world and defending China's sovereign rights and model of
development.[238][239] In the week ahead of the talks, the administration met with US allies in Asia
and imposed sanctions on senior Chinese officials amidst Beijing's contemporaneous
crackdown on Hong Kong.[238]
On March 22, 2021, in conjunction with the European Union, United Kingdom and Canada, the
United States imposed sanctions against Chinese officials in relation to the human rights
violations in Xinjiang. The sanctions marked the first time the Biden administration took such
coordinated action against Beijing.[240]
On April 8, 2021, the US Commerce Department added seven Chinese supercomputing entities to
its Entity List on national security grounds. This was the first action taken by the Biden
administration to restrict Chinese access to US technology.[241]
On June 3, 2021, Biden signed Executive Order 14032 which saw the expansion of Executive
Order 13959 signed by the Trump administration as preventing American investors from
investing in Chinese companies identified by the US government as having ties to China's military
or surveillance industry.[242]
On June 13, 2021, leaders from the G7 democracies sharply criticized China for a series of
abuses. The G7 nations—the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Canada and
Japan—had been hesitant about acting separately. Pressured by US President Joe Biden, they
unanimously agreed on a sharp criticism, followed the next day by a similar strong unanimous
attack by NATO members. The criticisms focused on the mistreatment of the Muslim Uyghur
minority, the systematic destruction of democracy in Hong Kong, repeated military threats
against Taiwan, unfair trade practices, and lack of transparency regarding the origins of COVID-
19. China rejected the criticism as interference in what it considers to be its internal policy
matters.[20][243][244][245]
On August 18, while discussing the larger ramifications of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan
on cross-strait relations, Biden said that the two cases were incomparable as the United States
had an Article Five commitment to defend Taiwan. The remarks, which were the first by Biden to
touch directly on US policy towards Taiwan, were interpreted as signalling a shift in the country's
position of strategic ambiguity. A Biden administration official later said there had been no
change to US policy on Taiwan, and analysts said Biden appeared to have mischaracterized
America's defense commitment to Taiwan.[248][249][250]
On 15 September 2021, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia formed AUKUS.
Australia will be provided with conventionally-armed submarines powered by nuclear energy. See
SSN-AUKUS. These submarines will be based on Britain's advanced nuclear submarine design
and will incorporate the latest technology from the United States. The partnership involves the
construction and utilization of these submarines by both the U.K. and Australia. The long-term
strategic goal is to help neutralize Chinese military expansion to the South. China has denounced
the agreement as "extremely irresponsible".[251][252]
In November 2021, the United States updated its assessment of China's nuclear weapon
stockpile, showing that China will have 700 nuclear warheads by 2027, and that number will
reach 1,000 by 2030.[253]
On 24 November 2021, the Biden administration invited Taiwan to attend the 'Summit for
Democracy' - to be held in December 2021. China's Foreign Ministry reacted by saying it was
"firmly opposed" to the invitation.[255]
On 2 December 2021, the US Securities and Exchange Commission finalized rules which would
enable it to delist Chinese firms which have been determined to be non-compliant with the
disclosure requirements as stipulated in the Holding Foreign Companies Accountable Act from
US stock exchanges.[256]
On 6 December 2021, the United States announced that its diplomats would boycott the Beijing
Olympics.[257]
On 23 December 2021, Biden signed the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act into law.[258]
On 27 December 2021, Biden signed his first defense bill into law. Certain provisions of the act
called for the enhancements to the security of Taiwan, including inviting the Taiwanese navy to
the 2022 Rim of the Pacific exercise in the face of "increasingly coercive and aggressive
behavior" by China.[259][260][261]
On 27 February 2022, the White House urged China to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine.[262]
China accused the United States of being responsible for the war in Ukraine.[263][264]
ROC President Tsai Ing-wen with US
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on 3
August 2022
On 18 March 2022, Joe Biden and Xi Jinping directly communicated with each other for the first
time since Russia's invasion of Ukraine.[265]
In May 2022, Chinese officials ordered government agencies and state-backed companies to
remove personal computers produced by American corporations and replace them with
equipment from domestic companies. Bloomberg said the decision was one of China's most
aggressive moves to eliminate the usage of foreign technology from the most sensitive parts of
its government and spur its campaign to substitute foreign technology with domestic ones.[266]
In late May 2022, the State Department restored a line on its fact sheet on US-Taiwan relations
which it removed earlier in the month and stated it did not support Taiwanese independence.
However,[267] another line which was also removed in the earlier fact sheet that acknowledged
China's sovereignty claims over Taiwan was not restored while a line that stated the US would
maintain its capacity to resist any efforts by China to undermine the security, sovereignty and
prosperity of Taiwan in a manner that was consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act was added
to the updated fact sheet.
In July 2022, speaker of the house Nancy Pelosi announced that she would be leading a
congressional delegation to the Indo-Pacific region.[270] She has planned to visit Singapore,
Malaysia, South Korea and Japan, as well as the island of Taiwan.[270] China has responded to
this by saying "it would constitute a gross interference in China's internal affairs", and continued
military exercises within Chinese territories.[271] When Pelosi visited the island the following
month, the act was strongly condemned by China.[272] As a result, China severed ties in all
cooperation activities with the United States in several areas, including military matters, global
climate cooperation, and drug trafficking enforcement. Later the State Department summoned
Chinese ambassadors to complain about Chinese aggression. China claimed that the Pelosi visit
served no other purpose than to provoke China and to deteriorate Sino-American relations while
the United States, pointing to past precedent, said that Pelosi had the right to visit Taiwan and
attacked the Chinese response as disproportionate.[273][274][275] After Pelosi's departure, the PRC
began military exercises encircling Taiwan.[276]
On 7 October 2022, the US implemented new export controls targeting China's ability to access
and develop advanced computing and semiconductor manufacturing items.[277] The new export
controls reflect the United States' ambition to counter the accelerating advancement of China's
high-tech capabilities in these spaces to address foreign policy and national security
concerns.[278]
On 14 November 2022, Joe Biden and Xi Jinping met on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Bali
for their first in-person encounter since Biden became president. The meeting lasted for more
than 3 hours and they discussed a range of issues which included tensions over Taiwan and
North Korea, and the war in Ukraine.[279][280]
Some geoeconomics experts see an acceleration of the US–China rivalry as "inevitable" given
the tensions manifested openly in the last months of 2022 and early 2023. In a series of
interviews with BBC News and Asharq News, Nicolas Firzli, director, EU ASEAN Centre, argued
that "Cold War 2 with China [was] part of the Biden Doctrine, and the only remaining point of
convergence between Biden and a Republic dominated Congress [...] January 2023 is the
moment when things crystalized irreversibly".[282]
On 2 February 2023, a Chinese reconnaissance balloon was spotted flying over US airspace in
the state of Montana, potentially to collect information related to nuclear silos in the area.[283]
Two days later, the United States shot it down over the Atlantic Ocean, citing national security
concerns.[284] The balloon incident followed previous Chinese government actions targeting the
U.S., including the Chinese theft of the designs for the F-35 about fifteen years earlier and
successful Chinese government-sponsored cyberattacks targeting the Office of Personnel
Management security clearance files (2015), the healthcare company Anthem (2015), and the
Marriott International system (2018).[285] In 2022, the US and its allies imposed stringent
additional export controls on the sale of "foundational technologies" (including advanced
semiconductor chips and related technology) to China, with the aim of inhibiting any Chinese
military buildup.[286] The Biden administration has also sought to maintain critical-sector supply
chains independent from China.[286] The Beijing government expressed strong dissatisfaction
and protest against the US's use of force, calling it a violation of international practice. The US
claimed the balloon was a violation of its sovereignty.[287]
In May 2023, an American citizen living in Hong Kong named John Shing-Wan Leung was
sentenced to life in prison on charges of espionage. Leung was arrested in 2021 by China's
counterintelligence agency.[290] On 23 September 2024,The Biden administration is banning
Chinese software from U.S. internet-connected vehicles, citing national security risks. This move
builds on previous actions against Chinese tech, deepening the digital divide between the two
nations.[291]
In mid-2023, both countries started to increase meetings between high-level officials in the hope
of stabilizing the relationship; on 11 May, US national security adviser Jake Sullivan met with
Wang Yi, director of the Office of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission, with the topics
including Taiwan and Russia's invasion of Ukraine.[292] On 21 May, Biden commented during the
G7 summit in Hiroshima that he expected a thaw in relations with China soon, commenting that
the two countries were moving towards more dialogue but "this silly balloon that was carrying
two freight cars worth of spy equipment was flying over the United States and it got shot down
and everything changed in terms of talking to one another".[293] On 26 May, Chinese minister of
commerce Wang Wentao met with US secretary of commerce Gina Raimondo, where Raimondo
raised concerns about treatment of US companies by China.[294] US officials also announced in
June that Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director William J. Burns travelled to China in
May.[295] However, a meeting in the Shangri-La Dialogue between Chinese minister of national
defense Li Shangfu and US secretary of defense Lloyd Austin failed to take place, after China
rebuffed US requests to meet.[296] In late June 2023, Blinken traveled to China and met with Xi;
subsequent public statements by both countries were largely positive, with Xi and Blinken
emphasizing that both sides have a responsibility to manage relations.[297] However, relations
became more contentious after Biden called Xi a "dictator".[298]
The trips further continued as between 6–9 July, United States secretary of treasury Janet Yellen
visited China, her first trip to the country during her tenure as well as the first trip to the country
by a US Treasury secretary in four years. During the visit, she met with various Chinese officials,
including former vice premier Liu He, governor of the People's Bank of China (PBC) Yi Gang,[299]
minister of finance Liu Kun,[300] CCP secretary of PBC Pan Gongsheng, vice premier He Lifeng,
and premier Li Qiang.[301] During her visit to, Yellen criticized China's treatment of American
companies with foreign connections,[302] stating to Li Qiang: "We seek healthy economic
competition that is not winner-take-all but that, with a fair set of rules, can benefit both countries
over time."[303] She also said that the US national security restrictions on investment in China
were intended to be narrowly focused and not have broad effects on the Chinese economy.[300]
On July 13, 2023, Secretary of State Antony Blinken met the Director of the Office of the Central
Commission for Foreign Affairs Wang Yi in Jakarta at the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference at
the request of Blinken to discuss the removal of obstacles that complicate US-China relations,
such as the Taiwan question and sanctions the U.S. is imposing against China's high-technology
sector, as well as to promote the pragmatic approach with regard to regional cooperation.
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of China Qin Gang had just been replaced by his predecessor
Wang Yi due to an extramarital affair of Gang in July of the same year. This meeting also paved
the way for a further encounter of China's top diplomat Wang Yi before year's end when he will be
invited to meet Blinken in Washington DC. Later on the sidelines of the U.N General Assembly
(UNGA) in NY on September 26, Vice-president Han Zheng met with US Secretary of State Antony
Blinken to further nurture the strained bilateral ties of both superpowers. The absence of Xi-
Jinping at the 2023 G20 New Delhi summit in India on September 9 and 10 was regretful,
according to a statement by U.S. President Joe Biden, however, recent news reports indicate that
both Chinese Premier Xi as well as Foreign Minister Wang Yi will meet Biden and Blinken before
year's end to hopefully ease the strained relations between the two nations.[304]
Yellen's visit was followed by a visit by United States secretary of commerce Gina Raimondo
between 27 and 30 August, where she met minister of culture and tourism Hu Heping, minister of
commerce Wang Wentao, vice premier He Lifeng, and premier Li Qiang.[305] Raimondo also
visited Shanghai, where she met with Shanghai Communist Party secretary Chen Jining, and
visited Shanghai Disneyland.[306] During the meeting, the two sides announced a working group
on commercial issues and an export control enforcement “information exchange” dialogue.[307]
The working group, upon its launch on September 22, 2023, was divided into two segments: one
economic subgroup and one financial subgroup.[308]
Biden's National Security Advisor Jake
Sullivan with Chinese Foreign Minister
Wang Yi, 28 October 2023
On November 2, 2023, a report from the Wall Street Journal was released saying that the U.S.
and China would hold nuclear arms talks, a rarity, ahead of Xi Jinping's visit to the United
States.[309]
At the beginning of November 2023, insiders cautiously expressed hope for a climate agreement
between China and United States ahead of the 2023 United Nations Climate Change Conference,
similar to the agreement of 2014 which paved the way for the Paris Agreement. One contentious
topic is a plan for reduction of methane emissions in China. According to China's climate envoy
Xie Zhenhua "progress on a plan reflected the state of US-China relations." Another is a reduction
in coal use in China. China says it expands coal use for improving energy security, even though
many think there are better ways to improve it.[310] Talks between Janet Yellen and He Lifeng
yielded a decision to enhance cooperation between China and the United States in several
domains, including climate, debt relief. Much is expected from the meeting between Joe Biden
and Xi Jinping. According to Kate Logan from the Asia Society Policy Institute, cooperation
between the 2 countries, can "set the stage for a successful outcome at the COP28".[311]
On November 15, 2023, President Joe Biden met with Xi Jinping at the 2023 APEC Summit in San
Francisco.[312] This was speculated to be their last meeting of 2023 before Biden's 2024
reelection campaign.[313]
The US and China resumed semi-official nuclear arms talks in March 2024, with China reassuring
the US it wouldn't use nuclear weapons over Taiwan and reaffirming its no-first-use policy.
Despite broader tensions, both sides plan to continue discussions in 2025.[314]
In October 2024 American drone maker Skydio was sanctioned by China after its products were
approved for use by fire departments in Taiwan. The Chinese government forbade components
suppliers and other businesses in China from doing business with Skydio.[315]
On 16 November 2024, Xi Jinping and Joe Biden discussed stabilizing U.S.-China relations at
APEC Summit in Lima, as Trump's return raises concerns over potential trade and Taiwan
tensions. Beijing seeks dialogue but braces for challenges.[316]
On 1 December 2024, China condemned a U.S. arms sale to Taiwan, valued at $385 million,
which included F-16 jet parts and radar support. The sale was approved by the U.S. just before
Lai Ching-te began a Pacific tour with stops in Hawaii and Guam. China criticized the sale for
encouraging Taiwan's independence and damaging U.S.-China relations, and objected to Lai's
U.S. transit, calling him a "separatist." Despite the lack of formal diplomatic ties, the U.S. is
required by law to assist Taiwan in defending itself, which continues to provoke Beijing. Taiwan
rejects China's claims of sovereignty.[317] After Washington announced more military aid and
sales to Taiwan, China called it "playing with fire" and said such actions by the United States
contradict the solemn commitments of its leaders not to support Taiwan independence.[318]
Following his second election victory as President of the United States in November 2024,
Donald Trump nominated Florida Senator Marco Rubio as Secretary of State and Representative
Michael Waltz as National Security Advisor in his second administration. According to Neil
Thomas, a fellow in Chinese politics at the Asia Society Policy Institute's Center for China
Analysis, the selection of Rubio and Waltz—both known as hardliners on China—signals that
Trump's foreign policy will prioritize China above all else.[319]
Economic relations
In trade matters, the United States has benefitted from China's demand for United States export
products, which grew rapidly from 2000 to at least 2021.[132]: 44 As of 2021, China was the third
largest market for United States export merchandise.[132]: 44 Inexpensive Chinese exports to the
United States increase the purchasing power of American consumers and American business
profits.[132]: 44 Both countries are benefitted by the demand for their respective exports to the
other.[132]: 44–45
In 1991, China only accounted for 1% of total imports to the United States.[322] For many years,
China was the most important country which required an annual waiver to maintain free trade
status. The waiver for the PRC had been in effect since 1980. Every year between 1989 and 1999,
legislation was introduced in Congress to disapprove the President's waiver. The legislation had
sought to tie free trade with China to meeting certain human rights conditions that go beyond
freedom of emigration. All such attempted legislation failed to pass. The requirement of an
annual waiver was inconsistent with the rules of the World Trade Organization, and for the PRC
to join the WTO, congressional action was needed to grant permanent normal trade relations
(PNTR) to China. This was accomplished in 2000 (United States–China Relations Act of 2000),
allowing China to join WTO in 2001.[323][324][325] China's most favoured nation (MFN) status was
made permanent on 27 December 2001.[326]
Since the entry of entry of China into the WTO in December 2001, the decline in U.S.
manufacturing jobs has accelerated (the China shock).[327][328] The Economic Policy Institute
estimated that the trade deficit with China cost about 2.7 million jobs between 2001 and 2011,
including manufacturing and other industries.[329]
The PRC and the US resumed trade relations in 1972 and 1973. Direct investment by the US in
mainland China covers a wide range of manufacturing sectors, several large hotel projects,
restaurant chains, and petrochemicals. US companies have entered agreements establishing
more than 20,000 equity joint ventures, contractual joint ventures, and wholly foreign-owned
enterprises in mainland China. More than 100 US-based multinationals have projects in mainland
China, some with multiple investments. Cumulative US investment in mainland China is valued at
$48 billion. The US trade deficit with mainland China exceeded $350 billion in 2006 and was the
United States' largest bilateral trade deficit.[330] Some of the factors that influence the US trade
deficit with mainland China include:
US Import Valuation Overcounts China: there has been a shift of low-end assembly industries
to mainland China from newly industrialized countries in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific.
Mainland China has increasingly become the last link in a long chain of value-added
production. Because US trade data attributes the full value of a product to the final assembler,
mainland Chinese value added is overcounted. Using a statistical model that eliminates these
global value chain-related distortions, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) researchers and World Trade Organization (WTO) researchers conclude
that the United States' measures may overstate the value of Chinese exports by as much as
35%.[132]: 39 According to Pascal Lamy: "The statistical bias created by attributing commercial
value to the last country of origin perverts the true economic dimension of the bilateral trade
imbalances. This affects the political debate, and leads to misguided perceptions. Take the
bilateral deficit between China and the US. A series of estimates based on true domestic
content can cut the overall deficit – which was $252bn in November 2010 – by half, if not
more."[331]
US demand for labor-intensive goods exceeds domestic output: the PRC has restrictive trade
practices in mainland China, which include a wide array of barriers to foreign goods and
services, often aimed at protecting state-owned enterprises. These practices include high
tariffs, lack of transparency, requiring firms to obtain special permission to import goods,
inconsistent application of laws and regulations, and leveraging technology from foreign firms
in return for market access. Mainland China's accession into the World Trade Organization is
meant to help address these barriers.
Beginning in 2009, the US and China agreed to hold regular high-level talks about economic
issues and other mutual concerns by establishing the Strategic Economic Dialogue, which meets
biannually. Five meetings have been held, the most recent in December 2008. Economic
nationalism seems to be rising in both countries, a point the leaders of the two delegations noted
in their opening presentations.[333][334][335] The United States and China have also established the
high-level US-China Senior Dialogue to discuss international political issues and work out
resolutions.
United States trade deficit
In September 2009 a trade dispute emerged between the United States and China, which came
after the US imposed tariffs of 35 percent on Chinese tire imports. The Chinese commerce
minister accused the United States of a "grave act of trade protectionism,"[336] while an USTR
spokesperson said the tariff "was taken precisely in accordance with the law and our
international trade agreements".[336] Additional issues were raised by both sides in subsequent
months.[337][338]
When a country joins the World Trade Organization they commit to keep their Tariffs beneath the
bound rate, which is generally around 39 percent. China's reaction is due to the fact that nations
usually keep their Tariffs at an average of 9 percent, but when the US raised their Tariff on
Chinese imported tires to 35 percent, it was still below the average bound rate.[339]
In early 2012, a dispute over rare earth minerals was brought into the light between the two
countries. President Obama made an announcement that the United States would be one of a
few countries to file a trade dispute with China. Amongst the United States, Japan and other
Western European countries would also be filing disputes as well. This is simply just one of few
disputes between the United States and China. It is believed by many experts, including Chris
Isidore, a writer for CNN Money, that "any one of the disputes could damage the economies of
both countries as well as the relationship between them".[340] The dispute was filed, and China
was charged with putting unfair restrictions on the exportation of rare earth minerals. These
minerals were crucial and in high demand by all countries. President Obama believed the United
States should have those minerals in the United States whereas China disagreed. China denied
all of the said charges brought forth "saying its rules are defensible on grounds of environmental
and economic sustainability, and suggests there would be consequences if the United States
presses the case." It is important to understand the relationship between the United States and
China, especially economically. There is not one without the other. China's state news agency
commented that "past experiences have shown that policymakers in Washington should treat
such issues with more prudence, because maintaining sound Sino-American trade relations is in
the fundamental interests of both sides"[340]
China was the biggest trading partner of the United States until 2019, when it dropped to the
third place because of the ongoing trade war.[342]
In November 2021, US producer Venture Global LNG signed a twenty-year contract with China's
state-owned Sinopec to supply liquefied natural gas (LNG).[343] China's imports of US natural gas
will more than double.[344] US exports of liquefied natural gas to China and other Continental
Asian countries surged in 2021, with Continental Asian buyers willing to pay higher prices than
European importers.[345]
On 25 March 2023, Apple CEO Tim Cook made an official visit to Beijing to attend the China
Development Forum. Cook praised China's innovation, and long history of cooperation with Apple
Inc. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Apple supplier Foxconn was heavily disrupted by workers
protesting China's zero-COVID policies. Cook also presented an expanded rural education
program for 100 million yuan to further improve the skill-set of Chinese workers.[346]
Currency dispute
China engaged in currency manipulation[347] from 2003 to 2014.[348] Economist C. Fred Bergsten,
writing for the Peterson Institute for International Economics, said that, during this period, "China
bought more than $300 billion annually to resist upward movement of its currency by artificially
keeping the exchange rate of the dollar strong and the renminbi's exchange rate weak. China's
competitive position was thus strengthened by as much as 30 to 40 percent at the peak of the
intervention. Currency manipulation explained most of China's large trade surpluses, which
reached a staggering 10 percent of its entire GDP in 2007."[349] China's currency manipulation
was a point of conflict with the United States. Domestic leaders within the United States
pressured the Obama administration to take a hardline stance against China and compel China
to raise the value of its currency, and legislation was introduced to the United States Congress
calling on the President to impose tariffs on Chinese imports until China properly values its
currency.[336][350] Nonetheless, the United States was not willing to label China as a "currency
manipulator" at that time, on the theory that doing so would risk China's cooperation on other
issues.[348]
In 2014, China stopped manipulating its currency,[349][351] as the growth in the Chinese economy
slowed and Chinese investors made more investments outside the country, leading to a drop in
the yuan's value in relation to the dollar, as well as a decline in China's reserves.[351]
In August 2019, five years after China had stopped manipulating its currency,[348] the US Treasury
designated China as a currency manipulator.[352] Some US analysts characterized the belated
designation as "embarrassing", "without factual basis", or "a stretch".[348][353] On 13 January 2020,
the United States removed the designation as part of the Phase One[354] efforts to reach a deal
on the trade war.[355]
Important issues
Relations between the two world powers have historically been stable, punctuated by several
periods of open conflict, most notably during the Korean War and the Vietnam War. The United
States and China have mutual environmental, political, economic, and security interests, such as
climate change and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, but there remain perennial
concerns, such as human rights in China, as well as cross-strait relations and the US's attitude
towards the One China policy. China is the second largest foreign creditor of the United States,
after Japan.[356] China's expansion in the Indo-Pacific has triggered pushback from the US and its
partners in the region. The two countries remain in dispute over territorial issues in the South
China Sea;[357] China claims sovereignty over large swaths of the South China Sea; the United
States instead sees much of this ocean as international waters, and as such claims the right of
its warships and aircraft to conduct military operations within them.[358][359]
Military spending and planning
China's investment in its military is growing rapidly; the United States remains convinced that the
PRC conceals the real extent of this expansion, a view shared by many independent
analysts.[360][361] China claims it spent a total of $45 billion over the course of 2007, an average
of $123 million per day.[362][363] That same year, the US military spent $548.8 billion, or an
average $1.66 billion per day. US estimates of Chinese military expenditure range between $85
billion and $125 billion.
Concerns over the Chinese military budget may come from US worries that the PRC is
attempting to threaten its neighbors or to challenge the United States. Concerns have been
raised that China is developing a large naval base near the South China Sea and has diverted
resources from the People's Liberation Army Ground Force to the People's Liberation Army Navy
and to air force and missile development.[364][362][365]
On 27 October 2009, US Defense Secretary Robert Gates praised the steps China has taken to
increase transparency of defense spending.[366] In June 2010, however, he said that the Chinese
military was resisting efforts to improve military-to-military relations with the United States.[367]
Gates also said that the United States would "assert freedom of navigation" in response to
Chinese complaints about US Navy deployments in international waters near China. Admiral
Michael Mullen said that the United States sought closer military ties to China but would
continue to operate in the western Pacific.[368]
Territorial claims in the South China Sea
James R. Holmes, a specialist on China at the US Naval War College, has said that China's
investments towards a potential future conflict are closer to those of the United States than may
first appear because the Chinese understate their spending, the internal price structures of the
two countries are different, and the Chinese need to concentrate only on projecting military force
a short distance from their own shores. The balance may shift to the advantage of the Chinese
very quickly if they continue double-digit annual growth, and the US and their allies cut back.[369]
In line with power transition theory, the idea that "wars tend to break out... when the upward
trajectory of a rising power comes close to intersecting the downward trajectory of a declining
power," some political scientists and international relations scholars have argued that a potential
conflict between China, an emerging power, and the United States, the current superpower, is all
but inevitable.[370] Many academics disagree with applying power transition theory to the China-
U.S. relationship.[371]: 29 Robert Art states that these perspectives generally ignore China's
peaceful rise strategy.[371]: 29 Steve Chan concludes that the China-U.S. power transition will be
more similar to the U.K.-U.S. power transition than the Anglo-German power transition in which
World War I arose.[371]: 29
Taiwan issue
Since the renewal of US-China relations in early 1979, the Taiwan issue remained a major source
of contention. After the announcement of the intention to establish diplomatic relations with
Mainland China (PRC) on 15 December 1978, the Republic of China (Taiwan) immediately
condemned the United States, leading to rampant protests in both Taiwan and in the US.[372] In
April 1979, the US Congress signed into law the Taiwan Relations Act,[373] permitting unofficial
relations with Taiwan to flourish and granting the right to provide Taiwan with arms of a
defensive character. Its passage prompted Deng to begin to view the United States as an
insincere partner willing to abandon its prior commitments to China.[374] The expanding
relationship that followed normalization was threatened in 1981 by PRC objections to the level of
US arms sales to the Republic of China on Taiwan. Secretary of State Alexander Haig visited
China in June 1981 in an effort to resolve Chinese concerns about America's unofficial relations
with Taiwan. Vice President Bush visited the PRC in May 1982. Eight months of negotiations
produced the US-PRC Joint Communiqué of 17 August 1982. In this third communiqué, the US
stated its intention to gradually reduce the level of arms sales to the Republic of China, and the
PRC described as a fundamental policy their effort to strive for a peaceful resolution to the
Taiwan question.
When Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election, contention over the Taiwan issue
intensified; President Trump became the first sitting US president since Jimmy Carter in 1979 to
have any formal political or diplomatic contacts with Taiwan when he decided to receive a phone
call from president Tsai Ing-Wen. Trump expanded the duties of the US' de facto embassy in
Taipei - the American Institute in Taiwan - by adding more security personnel, and oversaw
increasing non-diplomatic visits of Tsai Ing-Wen and Congressmen to each other's
countries/regions. In addition, American warships reportedly crossed the Taiwan strait and
increased military drills with Taiwan, which mainland China views as a direct threat to its
sovereignty.[375][376] Chinese leader Xi Jinping told European Commission President Ursula von
der Leyen in April 2023 that the United States was trying to trick China into attacking Taiwan, but
he would not take the bait.[377]
Human rights
In 2003, the United States declared that despite some positive momentum that year and despite
greater signs which showed that the People's Republic of China was willing to engage in
discussions about human rights with the US and other nations, there was still serious
backsliding. In principle, China has acknowledged the importance of the protection of human
rights and it has claimed that it has taken steps to bring its own human rights practices into
conformity with international norms. Among those steps are China's signing of the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in October 1997, which was ratified in March
2001, and China's signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in October
1998, which has not been ratified yet. In 2002, China released a significant number of political
and religious prisoners and it also agreed to hold discussions about torture, arbitrary detention,
and religion with UN experts. However, international human rights groups assert that there has
been virtually no movement with regard to those promises, with more people having been
arrested for similar offences since then. Those groups maintain that China still has a long way to
go in instituting the kind of fundamental systemic change that will protect the rights and liberties
of all its citizens in mainland China. The US State Department publishes an annual report on
human rights around the world, which includes an evaluation of China's human rights
record.[378][379]
In a decision that was criticized by human rights groups, the United States State Department did
not list China as one of the world's worst human rights violators in its 2007 report of human
rights practices in countries and regions outside the United States.[380] However, the assistant
secretary of the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Jonathan D.
Farrar stated that China's overall human rights record in 2007 remained poor.[380]
Since 1998, China has annually published a White Paper detailing the human rights abuses by
the United States[381][382][383] and since 2005 has also published a White Paper on its own
political system and democratic progress.[384][385]
On 27 February 2014,[386] the United States released its China report on human rights practices
for 2013, which, according to its executive summary, described the PRC as an authoritarian state
and a place in which repression and coercion were routine.[387] On 28 February 2014, China
published a report on human rights in the United States that cited surveillance on its own
citizens, mistreatment of inmates, gun violence, and homelessness, despite having a vibrant
economy, as important issues.[386]
American criticism of China on human rights, especially on the issue of the Xinjiang internment
camps, significantly expanded at the end of 2018 and in 2019.[388] In March 2019, US Secretary
of State Mike Pompeo indirectly compared China to the Nazi Germany by saying that the
roundup of Muslim minorities to into camps had not been seen "since the 1930s".[389][390] In May
2019, the United States government accused China of putting Uyghurs in "concentration
camps".[391] The US government has also considered sanctioning Chinese officials involved in
the camps, including Chen Quanguo, the Chinese Communist Party Committee Secretary of
Xinjiang and a member of the 19th Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party although no CCP
Politburo member has ever been sanctioned by the US government.[392][393] In July 2019, Vice
President Mike Pence accused China of persecuting Christians, Muslims and Buddhists.[394]
On 4 October 2019, the Houston Rockets' general manager, Daryl Morey, issued a tweet that
supported the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests.[395] Morey's tweet resulted in the Chinese
Basketball Association's suspension of its relationship with the Houston Rockets and the
issuance of a statement of dissatisfaction from the consulate office of China in Houston.[396] On
6 October, both Morey and the NBA issued separate statements addressing the original tweet.
Morey said that he never intended his tweet to cause any offense, and the NBA said the tweet
was "regrettable".[397][398] The statements were criticized by US politicians and third-party
observers for the perceived exercise of economic statecraft by the PRC and insufficiency of the
NBA's defense of Morey's tweet.[399] Critics also contrasted the league's disparate response to
Morey's tweet with its history of political activism[400] The statements also drew criticism from
PRC state-run media for their perceived insufficiency, as Morey did not apologize.[401][402]
In June 2020, the White House on 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown, asked
Beijing to respect human rights, carry out its due commitments on Hong Kong, as well as flog
persecution of ethnic and religious minorities.[403] On 9 July 2020, the United States announced
sanctions against Chinese politicians, who as per its record were responsible for human rights
violations against Muslim minorities in Xinjiang.[404]
Many American companies, including Delta Air Lines, Coach New York, Marriott International,
Calvin Klein and Tiffany & Co. have apologized to China after "offending" the country and China's
ruling Communist Party.[406]
Xinjiang internment camps. The
United States officially recognized the
Chinese government's treatment of
the Uyghurs in Xinjiang as a genocide.
On September 15, 2020, the US government decided to take steps to block some exports from
Xinjiang, over the country's alleged human rights abuses directed mostly against Uyghurs of the
region.[407]
In 2020, Chinese diplomats increasingly adopted "wolf warrior diplomacy" to deny all
accusations of human rights abuses.[11][408] Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian
tweeted that as long as the US had problems itself, it "had no right" to criticize China on human
rights abuses.[408]
On 19 January 2021, Mike Pompeo officially declared that China is committing a genocide
against Uyghurs in the Xinjiang region.[409] Pompeo called for "all appropriate multilateral and
relevant juridical bodies, to join the United States in our effort to promote accountability for those
responsible for these atrocities".[410] Salih Hudayar, the prime minister of the East Turkistan
Government-in-Exile (who claim to be the legitimate government of Xinjiang), has said, "We hope
that this designation will lead to real strong actions to hold China accountable and bring an end
to China's genocide."[411]
On 20 January 2021, China imposed sanctions against outgoing US Secretary of State Mike
Pompeo, former secretary of health and human services Alex Azar, former under secretary of
state Keith J. Krach, outgoing US ambassador to the United Nations Kelly Craft, and 24 other
former Trump officials.[231] Biden's National Security Council called the sanctions "unproductive
and cynical".[232] In his nomination hearing, Blinken endorsed Pompeo's report that China is
committing a genocide against Uyghurs, reaffirming Biden's campaign stance.[16]
China's economic rise has led to some geo-political friction between the US and China in East
Asia[412] as well as to an extent in Southeast Asia[413] and in Central Asia including
Afghanistan.[414] For example, in response to China's response to the bombardment of
Yeonpyeong by North Korea, "Washington is moving to redefine its relationship with South Korea
and Japan, potentially creating an anti-China bloc in Northeast Asia that officials say they don't
want but may need."[415] The Chinese government fears a conspiracy by the US to encircle it.[416]
China and the United States have recently led competing efforts to gain Influence in East Asian
and the Greater Asian-Pacific trade and development. In 2015, China led the creation of the Asian
Infrastructure Investment Bank with the goal of financing projects that would spur the
development of the lower-tier Asian economies, thus facilitating improved economic ties across
the region. It has been suggested that the United States considered the AIIB to be a challenge to
the US-backed Asian Development Bank and the World Bank and saw the Chinese effort as an
attempt to set the global economic agenda on terms that would be formulated by the Chinese
government.[417] The Obama administration led an effort to enact the Trans-Pacific Partnership
Agreement, a multilateral trade pact between a number of Pacific Rim countries, which excluded
China. According to the US Trade Representative, the agreement was designed to "promote
economic growth; support the creation and retention of jobs; enhance innovation, productivity
and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in the signatories' countries; and
promote transparency, good governance, and enhanced labor and environmental
protections."[418] The Partnership was anticipated to impose costs on businesses dependent on
regional markets.[419] The deal was placed on hold after the US withdrew from the agreement on
23 January 2017.[420] The efforts are among the attempts by both the US and China to increase
their influence over the Asia-Pacific by strengthening their economic ties within the region.
In 2009, the United States requested China to open the Wakhjir Pass on the Sino-Afghan border
as an alternative supply route for the US and NATO during their operations in
Afghanistan.[421][422] China refused the request.[423]
ASEAN and the various Southeast Asian states have responded to Chinese claims for sea areas
by seeking closer relations with the United States.[424] American Defense Secretary Leon Panetta
said that in spite of budget pressures, the United States would expand its influence in the region
to counter China's military buildup.[425]
Shared concerns in the face of China have prompted the United States to step up cooperation
with China's geopolitical rivals such as India, drawing greater opposition from China.[426]
In the Chinese view, the United States has broken trust in the bilateral relationship through a
containment strategy implemented via the Obama administration's pivot to East Asia and the
Asia-Pacific, the development of the TPP, and the trade war launched by the Trump
administration.[132]: 293
Cyberwarfare and election interference
The US Department of Justice investigation into fundraising activities uncovered evidence that
Chinese agents sought to direct contributions from foreign sources to the Democratic National
Committee (DNC) before the 1996 presidential campaign. The Chinese embassy in Washington,
D.C., was used to co-ordinate contributions to the DNC.[427][428]
In 2014, Chinese hackers hacked the computer system of the US Office of Personnel
Management,[429] resulting in the theft of approximately 22 million personnel records that were
handled by the office.[430] Former FBI Director James Comey stated, "It is a very big deal from a
national security perspective and from a counterintelligence perspective. It's a treasure trove of
information about everybody who has worked for, tried to work for, or works for the United States
government."[430]
In October 2018, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee held a
hearing on the threat to the US posed by China. Before the hearing, Bloomberg released an article
that stated that China is embedding technology in microchips that are sent to America that
collect data on American consumers. However, both FBI Director Christopher Wray and
Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen declined to confirm that statement. Nielsen said
that China has become a major threat to the US and also confirmed, in an answer to a question
from a senator, that China is trying to influence US elections.[431]
In 2019, two Chinese nationals were indicted for the Anthem medical data breach.[432] About 80
million company records were hacked, stoking fears that the stolen data could be used for
identity theft.[433] In February 2020, the United States government indicted members of China's
PLA for hacking into Equifax and plundering sensitive data as part of a massive heist that also
included stealing trade secrets.[434][435] Private records of more than 145 million Americans were
compromised in the 2017 Equifax data breach.[436]
According to a report by Reuters, in 2019 the United States CIA began a clandestine campaign on
Chinese social media to spread negative narratives about the Xi Jinping administration in an
effort to influence Chinese public opinion against the government.[437] The CIA promoted
narratives that CCP leaders were hiding money overseas and that the Belt and Road Initiative
was corrupt and wasteful.[437] As part of the campaign, the CIA also targeted foreign countries
where the United States and China compete for influence.[437]
Voice of America reported in April 2020 that "Internet security researchers say there have already
been signs that China-allied hackers have engaged in so-called "spear-phishing" attacks on
American political targets" ahead of the 2020 United States elections.[438] As of 7 July 2020, the
US government was 'looking at' banning Chinese video streaming application, TikTok due to
national security concerns. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the Trump administration had
been aware of the potential threat and has "worked on this issue for a long time".[439] On 19
September 2020, a complaint was filed in Washington by TikTok and its parent company,
ByteDance, challenging the recent moves made by the Trump administration to prevent the
application from operating in the US. The court documents argued that the US government took
the step for political reasons rather than to stop an "unusual and extraordinary threat".[440] In
April 2024, the House of Representatives passed a bill requiring TikTok to divest from ByteDance
within 9–12 months or face a potential ban, Biden signed the bill into law soon afterwards.[441]
In December 2024, Chinese state-sponsored hackers reportedly breached the U.S. Treasury
Department’s security systems, exploiting vulnerabilities in the cybersecurity services of third-
party provider BeyondTrust. Using a compromised digital key, the attackers accessed a cloud-
based service that provided technical support for Treasury end users, enabling them to override
security measures and retrieve certain unclassified documents. Treasury officials, alerted to the
breach by BeyondTrust on 8 December 2024, collaborated with the FBI and CISA to investigate
the incident, which was attributed to a China-linked Advanced Persistent Threat (APT) group.[442]
Nuclear security
The field of nuclear security (preventing nuclear material from being used to make illicit
weapons) is a well-established area of successful U.S.-China cooperation.[443]
Precipitated by a 2010 Nuclear Security Summit convened by the Obama administration, China
and the United States launched a number of initiatives to secure potentially dangerous, Chinese-
supplied, nuclear material in countries such as Ghana or Nigeria.[443] Through these initiatives,
China and the US have converted Chinese-origin Miniature Neutron Source Reactors (MNSRs)
from using highly enriched uranium to using low-enriched uranium fuel (which is not directly
usable in weapons, thereby making reactors more proliferation resistant).[444]
China and the United States collaborated to build the China Center of Excellence on Nuclear
Security, which opened in 2015.[445]: 209 The center is a forum for nuclear security exchange,
training, and demonstration in the Asia Pacific region.[445]: 209
In May 2023, Chinese Defense Spokesperson Tan Kefei urged the United States to fulfill its
commitments and adhere to the Chemical Weapons Convention by taking "concrete actions".[446]
Opioid epidemic
According to the United States Drug Enforcement Agency in 2023, China continued to be the
primary source of fentanyl being imported into the United States, killing over 100 Americans
every day.[448][449] Over a two-year period, close to $800 million worth of fentanyl pills were
illegally sold online to the US by Chinese distributors.[450][451] The drug is usually manufactured in
China, then shipped to Mexico, where it is processed and packaged, which is then smuggled into
the US by Mexican drug cartels.[452] A large amount is also purchased online and shipped
through the US Postal Service.[453] It can also be purchased directly from China, which has
become a major manufacturer of various synthetic drugs illegal in the US.[454] According to
Assistant US Attorney, Matt Cronin:
It is a fact that the People's Republic of China is the source for the vast majority
of synthetic opioids that are flooding the streets of the United States and Western
democracies. It is a fact that these synthetic opioids are responsible for the
overwhelming increase in overdose deaths in the United States. It is a fact that if
the People's Republic of China wanted to shut down the synthetic opioids
industry, they could do so in a day.[455]
In June 2023, U.S. federal prosecutors announced criminal indictments of fentanyl precursor
producers in China.[456] In October 2023, OFAC sanctioned a China-based network of fentanyl
manufacturers and distributors.[457][458]
COVID-19
In relation to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on politics, the Trump administration referred
to the coronavirus as the "Wuhan virus", terms which have been criticized for being racist[459][460]
and "distract[ing] from the Trump administration's failure to contain the disease".[461] In return,
some Chinese officials, including Zhao Lijian, rejected an earlier acknowledgement of the
coronavirus outbreak starting in Wuhan, in favor of conspiracy theories that the virus originated
in the U.S.[462][463]The Daily Beast obtained a US government cable outlining a communications
strategy with apparent origins in the National Security Council, quoted as "Everything is about
China. We're being told to try and get this messaging out in any way possible".[464] Multiple U.S.
intelligence agencies have reportedly been pressured by the Trump administration to find
intelligence supporting conspiracy theories regarding the origins of the virus in China.[465]
According to a New York Times report in April 2020, the U.S. intelligence community says China
intentionally under-reported its number of coronavirus cases.[466] Some outlets such as Politico
and Foreign Policy have said China's efforts to send aid to virus-stricken countries is part of a
propaganda push for global influence.[467][468] EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell warned there
is "a geo-political component including a struggle for influence through spinning and the 'politics
of generosity'".[469] Borrell also said "China is aggressively pushing the message that, unlike the
U.S., it is a responsible and reliable partner."[470] China has also called for the US to lift its
sanctions from Syria, Venezuela[471] and Iran,[472] while reportedly sending aid to the latter two
countries.[473][474] Donations of 100,000 masks to Cuba made by Chinese businessman Jack Ma
was blocked by US sanctions on April 3.[475] Trade in medical supplies between the United States
and China has also become politically complicated. Exports of face masks and other medical
equipment to China from the United States (and many other countries) spiked in February,
according to statistics from Trade Data Monitor, prompting criticism from The Washington Post
that the United States government failed to anticipate the domestic needs for that
equipment.[476] Similarly, The Wall Street Journal, citing Trade Data Monitor to show that China is
the leading source of many key medical supplies, raised concerns that US tariffs on imports from
China threaten imports of medical supplies into the United States.[477]
By May 2020, the relationship had deteriorated to the lowest point as both sides were recruiting
allies to attack the other regarding guilt for the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic.[478] In September
2020, the trade war between China and the US alongside Beijing's behavior during the COVID-19
crisis combined to worsen American public opinion about China.[479] This also affected American
perceptions of China-Taiwan tensions as a serious national security concern.[480]
On September 22, 2020, President Donald Trump called on the United Nations to "hold China
accountable for their actions", in a speech to the world body's General Assembly. President
Trump blamed the Chinese government for the global spread of COVID-19, which had infected 31
million people worldwide and killed more than 965,000, by then.[481]
On May 26, 2021, Joe Biden tasked the US intelligence community with investigating the origins
of the pandemic.[482] By August 2021, the intelligence probe assessed that the Chinese
government did not have foreknowledge of the outbreak, yet the investigation did not render
conclusive results on the origins.[483] Of eight assembled teams, one (the Federal Bureau of
Investigation) leaned towards a lab leak theory, four others (and the National Intelligence
Council) were inclined to uphold a zoonotic origin, and three were unable to reach a
conclusion.[484][485][486] In February 2023, the U.S. Department of Energy revised its previous
estimate of the origin from "undecided" to "low confidence" in favor of a laboratory leak.[487][488]
Following the Energy Department's revised conclusion, the Chinese foreign ministry called on the
United States to "stop defaming China" with the lab leak theory, adding that the US was
politicizing a scientific issue.[489]
According to a report by Reuters, the United States ran a propaganda campaign to spread
disinformation about the Sinovac Chinese COVID-19 vaccine, including using fake social media
accounts to spread the disinformation that the Sinovac vaccine contained pork-derived
ingredients and was therefore haram under Islamic law.[490] The campaign was described as
"payback" for COVID-19 disinformation by China directed against the U.S.[491] The campaign
primarily targeted people in the Philippines and used a social media hashtag for "China is the
virus" in Tagalog.[490] The campaign ran from the spring of 2020 to mid-2021.[490]
The United States and China are the highest greenhouse gas emitters among developed
countries and developing countries, respectively.[129]: 82 Clean energy and climate cooperation
were generally viewed by both China and the United States as a relative safe harbor for
cooperation, even during many of the most contentious periods in the bilateral
relationship.[129]: 81–82 A record number of bilateral cooperation agreements, including related to
climate issues, were signed during the tenure of US President Barack Obama.[129]: 2
However, cooperation on clean energy and climate change issues were also limited by lack of
consistent funding and lack of dialogue at high political levels,[129]: 94 and ended almost entirely
after US President Donald Trump de-prioritized environmental issues during his term.[129]: 108 The
subsequent Joseph Biden administration ended the U.S.-China Clean Energy Research Center
(CERC) established under Obama.[129]: 98 CERC had been the most ambitious clean energy
cooperation platform between the two countries,[129]: 117 and one of the few cooperation
mechanisms to have survived the Trump administration.[129]: 98
On 18 July 2023, U.S. climate envoy John Kerry emphasized the goal of redefining the China-U.S.
relationship through climate cooperation. The subsequent day's discussions centered on climate
financing, coal consumption, and methane reduction. Kerry's visit signifies the renewed focus on
high-level climate diplomacy between the two nations.[492]
In November 2023, The representatives of the United States and China issued the "Sunnylands
Statement on Enhancing Cooperation to Address the Climate Crisis" published immediately in both
countries. The statement contains a plan of further cooperation on climate issues between the
sides. In the statement both countries pledged among others to:[493][494]
Make common efforts to stop climate change, limit temperature rise to 1.5 degrees as defined
in the Paris agreement.
Make the common efforts as at national so at the subnational level (cooperation between
districts, cities in the 2 countries) including information exchange, dialog. The 2 countries will
meet regularly for discussing the problem.
Activate a US-China climate group named "Working Group on Enhancing Climate Action in the
2020s" that will regularly coordinate those efforts.
Push for climate action at 2023 United Nations Climate Change Conference. Ensure climate
finance to low income countries, including the long-awaited 100 billion dollars per year,
increase 2 times adaptation finance and create new financial pledges in COP 29.
Reactivate the US-China Energy Efficiency Forum, for coordinate bilateral efforts on energy
conservation in the industry, buildings, transportation, equipment sectors, including cooling
equipment.
Make efforts to triple global renewable energy capacity by 2030, deploy it in the US and China
replacing fossil fuels, so the emissions from energy sector will decline in the 2020s.
Reduce methane emissions and create immediately a special group dealing with this.
Manage nitrous oxide emission and implement the Kigali Amendment to zero emissions from
hydrofluorocarbons.
Create new, economy wide NDC for the year 2035, with targets, compatible with the Paris
Agreement goals.
Cultural relations
The United States used to have substantial soft power in China. However, with China's rise in the
21st century, American culture has declined in popularity in China.[495]
Cuisine
Sports
A major element of China's modern sports policy is to surpass other nations, particularly the
United States, in Olympic gold medals. In the 2024 Olympics, the two countries tied at 40 gold
medals.[496]
Public perceptions
Despite tensions during Barack Obama's presidency, the Chinese population's favorability of the
US stood at 51% in Obama's last year of 2016, only to fall during the Trump
administration.[498][499]
American public opinion of China and of General secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Xi
Jinping has deteriorated sharply since the start of the China–United States trade war and during
the COVID-19 pandemic, with many expressing economic, human-rights, and environmental
concerns.[500][501]
In 2024, 81% of US adults viewed China unfavorably, according to the Pew Research Center.[502]
In 2023, a Gallup survey showed above 50% Americans are most likely to mention China as the
United States’ greatest enemy in the world since 2021.[503] A February 2023 Gallup survey found
that a record-low 15% of Americans view China favorably, marking a five-percentage-point, one-
year decline in this rating, which Gallup has measured since 1979.[504] A 2024 poll by the Chicago
Council on Global Affairs found that Americans' perceptions of China hit a record low, with 55
percent saying that the United States should actively work to limit the growth of China's
power.[505][506]
Despite the mutually negative views, the public on both sides overwhelmingly want the
relationship to improve.[507][508] Two-thirds of US respondents in a Harris poll published in 2023
agreed that the US should "engage in dialogue as much as possible to reduce tensions" with
China.[509] US public support for engaging in dialogue increased by five percentage points since
2021.[509] According to 2023 polling by The Economist and YouGov, Americans aged 18–44 are
much more likely than older age groups to have a friendly view of China.[510]
Beijing (Embassy)
See also
China portal
Geostrategic
China Lobby
Chinese Century
Clash of Civilizations
Foreign relations of China
Cox Report
Thucydides Trap
General
Americans in China
Beijing–Washington hotline
Chinese Americans
Group of Two
Historic
Nixon in China
Ping-pong diplomacy
Notes
1. Xinhua News Agency, China Global Television Network, distribution company of China Daily
newspaper, and the distribution company of The People's Daily
2. The U.S. Consulate-General in Hong Kong reports directly to the U.S. Department of State,
instead of the U.S. embassy in Beijing
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Further reading
Burt, Sally. "The Ambassador, the General, and the President: FDR's mismanagement of
interdepartmental relations in wartime China." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19.3-4
(2012): 288–310.
Chang, Gordon H. Fateful Ties: A History of America's Preoccupation with China. (Harvard UP,
2015). excerpt (https://smile.amazon.com/dp/0674050398/)
Cohen, Warren I. America's Response to China: A History of Sino-American Relations (5th ed.
2010) online (https://archive.org/details/americasresponse0005edcohe_f5a5)
Dulles, Foster Rhea. China and America: The Story of Their Relations Since 1784 (1981), general
survey online (https://archive.org/details/chinaamericastor00dullrich)
Fairbank, John King. The United States and China (4th ed. Harvard UP, 1976). online (https://arc
hive.org/details/unitedstatesch1979fair)
Green, Michael J. By more than providence: Grand strategy and American power in the Asia
Pacific since 1783 (Columbia UP, 2017). online (https://cup.columbia.edu/book/by-more-than-p
rovidence/9780231180429) ; 725pp; comprehensive scholarly survey.
Hunt, Michael H. "Americans in the China Market: Economic Opportunities and Economic
Nationalism, 1890s-1931." Business History Review 51.3 (1977): 277–307. online (https://www.
jstor.org/stable/3113634)
Jackson, Carl T. "The Influence of Asia upon American Thought: A Bibliographical Essay."
American Studies International 22#1 (1984), pp. 3–31, online (https://www.jstor.org/stable/412
80625) covers China, India & Japan
Matray, James I. ed. East Asia and the United States: An Encyclopedia of relations since 1784 (2
vol. Greenwood, 2002). excerpt v 2 (https://www.amazon.com/East-Asia-United-States-Encycl
opedia/dp/0313324476/)
Pomfret, John. The Beautiful Country and the Middle Kingdom: America and China, 1776 to the
Present (2016) review (https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/30/books/review/beautiful-country
-middle-kingdom-john-pomfret.html?rref=collection%2Fsectioncollection%2Fbooks&action=cli
ck&contentCollection=books®ion=stream&module=stream_unit&version=latest&contentPla
cement=6&pgtype=sectionfront)
Schaller, Michael. The United States and China: Into the Twenty-First Century 4th ed 2015)
Spence, Jonathan D. To Change China: Western Advisers in China (1980) excerpt (https://www.a
mazon.com/Change-China-Western-Advisers/dp/0140055282/)
Spence, Jonathan. "Western Perceptions of China from the Late Sixteenth Century to the
Present" in Paul S. Ropp, ed.Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese
Civilization (1990) excerpts (https://books.google.com/books?id=zm6Sm64y5CwC&pg=PA1
0)
Varg, Paul A. "Sino-American Relations Past and Present." Diplomatic History 4.2 (1980): 101–
112. online (https://www.jstor.org/stable/24911230)
Wang, Dong. The United States and China: A History from the Eighteenth Century to the Present
(2013)
Westad, Odd Arne. Decisive encounters: the Chinese civil war, 1946-1950 (Stanford University
Press, 2003). excerpt (https://www.amazon.com/Decisive-Encounters-Chinese-1946-1950-Pap
erback/dp/B00OVMULDY/)
Recent
Blackwill, Robert D., and Richard Fontaine. Lost Decade: The US Pivot to Asia and the Rise of
Chinese Power (Oxford University Press, 2024) covers Clinton to Biden years; online reviews of
this book. (https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=61199)
Blanchard, Jean-Marc F., and Simon Shen, eds. Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations:
Change and Continuity, Causes and Cures (Routledge, 2015)
Brazinsky, Gregg A. Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry during the Cold War (U of
North Carolina Press, 2017); four online reviews & author response (https://networks.h-net.or
g/system/files/contributed-files/roundtable-xix-33.pdf) Archived (https://web.archive.org/we
b/20180513011241/https://networks.h-net.org/system/files/contributed-files/roundtable-xix-3
3.pdf) 13 May 2018 at the Wayback Machine
Chang, Gordon H. Friends and Enemies: The United States, China, and the Soviet Union, 1948–
1972 (Stanford UP, 1990). online (https://archive.org/details/friendsenemiesth00chan)
deLisle, Jacques. "International law in the Obama administration's pivot to Asia: the China seas
disputes, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, rivalry with the PRC, and status quo legal norms in US
foreign policy." Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 48 (2016): 143+ online (htt
p://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2242&context=jil) .
Del Rosso, Stephen J. Ask the Experts: How to Stabilize U.S.-China Relations online (https://ww
w.carnegie.org/our-work/article/ask-experts-how-stabilize-us-china-relations/)
Doshi, Rush. The Long Game: China's Grand Strategy to Displace American Order (Oxford UP,
2021) online review (http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=57102)
Dulles, Foster Rhea. American policy toward Communist China, 1949-1969 (1972) online (http
s://archive.org/details/americanpolicyto00dull)
Dumbaugh, Kerry. "China-U.S. relations: current issues and implications for U.S. policy."
(Congressional Research Service (CRS) Reports and Issue Briefs, Congressional Research
Service, 2009) online (https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A217606109/GPS?u=wikipedia&sid=GP
S)
Fenby, Jonathan and Trey McArver. The Eagle and the Dragon: Donald Trump, Xi Jinping and the
Fate of US/China Relations (2019)
Foot, Rosemary. The practice of power: US relations with China since 1949 (Oxford UP, 1995).
online (https://archive.org/details/practiceofpoweru00foot)
Foot, Rosemary, and Amy King. "Assessing the deterioration in China–US relations: US
governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus." China International Strategy
Review 1.1 (2019): 39–50. online (https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s42533-019-0000
5-y)
Foot, Rosemary; Walter, Andrew (2012). China, the United States, and Global Order. Cambridge
University Press. ISBN 9780521725194.
Fravel, M. Taylor. Active Defense: China's Military Strategy since 1949 (Princeton UP, 2019)
online reviews (https://issforum.org/to/ir11-12)
Friedberg, Aaron L. (2011). A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for
Mastery in Asia. W.W. Norton. ISBN 9780393068283.
Garson, Robert. "The Road to Tiananmen Square: The United States and China, 1979-1989"
Journal of Oriental Studies .ISSN 0022-331X (1992) 30#1/2 pp. 119–135
Garver, John W.
China's Quest: The History of the Foreign Relations of the People's Republic (2015), 59–91,
232–58, 286–314, 557–578. 607–673.
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