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The Education Drug Use Connection How Successes and
Failures in School Relate to Adolescent Smoking Drinking
Drug Use and Delinquency 1st Edition Jerald G.
Bachman Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Jerald G. Bachman, Patrick M. O'Malley, John E. Schulenberg,
Lloyd D. Johnson, Lloyd D. Johnsto
ISBN(s): 9781410615282, 1410615286
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 9.52 MB
Year: 2007
Language: english
Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page i
Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page ii
Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page iii

Jerald G. Bachman
Patrick M. O’Malley
John E. Schulenberg
Lloyd D. Johnston
Peter Freedman-Doan
Emily E. Messersmith
Institute for Social Research
University of Michigan

Lawrence Erlbaum Associates

New York London

 Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
Taylor & Francis Group Taylor & Francis Group
270 Madison Avenue 2 Park Square
New York, NY 10016 Milton Park, Abingdon
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© 2008 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

Lawrence Erlbaum Associates is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa business

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

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International Standard Book Number-13: 978-0-8058-6171-6 (Softcover) 978-0-8058-6170-9 (Hardcover)

No part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced, transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, microfilming,
and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the
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used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
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T&F_LOC_G_Master.indd 1 7/11/07 1:37:35 PM

Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page v

Contents

Preface xiii
Guidelines for Using This Book xv
Acknowledgments xvii

1 Introduction and Overview 1

Substance Use, Ages 14 to 40, Linked
to Educational Success 3
Daily Smoking 3
Marijuana Use 6
Heavy Drinking 10
Studying Complex Causal Relationships
in Natural Settings 10
What Is the “Big Picture” Thus Far? 13
Overview of Chapters 14

2 Literature Review: Conceptual and Empirical

Overview of Issues 17
Stability of Educational Achievement 18
Educational Successes and Failures Are Connected
to Substance Use 19
Cigarette Use 20
Marijuana Use 21
Alcohol Use 22
Other Illicit Drugs and Multiple Substance Use 23
Delinquency and Other Problem Behaviors 24
Exogenous Variable Explanations 26
Long-Term Relations Between Educational Failure
and Substance Use 27
Policy and Intervention Implications 29
v
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CONTENTS

3 Survey Methods and Analysis Strategies 31

A Brief History of the MTF Adolescent Panel 32
Sample Characteristics and Representativeness 34
Survey Methods 34
Response Rates 35
Imputation 37
Poststratification 38
Further Weighting of the Sample 39
Measures Used 39
Analysis Methods and Rationale 44
Analysis Strategy 45
Selectivity 45
Separate Analyses for Males and Females 46
Separate Reporting for Different Forms of
Substance Use 46
A Focus on Consistent Findings, Well-Documented 47

4 Educational Success and Failure: Causes and Correlates 49

Plan for This Chapter 50
Focusing on Academic Attainment as a Long-Term
Outcome 50
Using Multiple Analysis Methods and Perspectives 51
Academic Attainment at Age 22: A Snapshot
of a Moving Target 51
Academic Attainment as a Moving Target 53
How Many Go How Far? 55
Major Correlates/Predictors of Academic Attainment 56
Race/Ethnicity 67
Population Density 68
Parental Education 68
Presence of Both Parents in Home 72
Parental Involvement in Students’ Lives 74
Scholastic Setbacks 75
Grade Retention (Ever Held Back) 76
Suspension or Expulsion 76
Grades and College Plans 78
Serious Scholastic Setbacks During High School 82
Additional Correlates/Predictors of Academic Attainment 83
Delinquency and Other Problem Behaviors 83
Evenings Out for Fun and Recreation 84
Actual and Preferred Hours of Work 84
Religious Attendance and Importance 84
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vii

Self-Esteem 85
We Focus on the “Short List” of Predictors 85
A Structural Equation Model of Academic Attainment 85
Background Measures as Exogenous Factors 86
Interconnecting GPA, College Plans, and Academic
Attainment 88
Incorporating Serious Scholastic Setbacks
Into the Model 90
Incorporating Age-18 Dropout Status Into the Model 91
Structural Model Findings: Background
(Exogenous) Factors 91
The Importance of Parents 92
Other Background Factors 94
Structural Model Findings: High School
(Endogenous) Factors 95
Grade Point Average 95
College Plans 96
Serious Scholastic Setbacks After Eighth Grade 97
Dropout Status at Age 18 97
Summary and Conclusions 98

5 Delinquency and Other Problem Behaviors Linked

With Educational Success and Failure 101
Plan for This Chapter 101
Delinquency in Adolescence and Young Adulthood 102
Constructing a Seven-Category Measure of
Delinquent Behavior 106
Major Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Delinquency 106
Race/Ethnicity and Population Density 116
Parental Education 117
Presence of Both Parents at Home 117
Parental Involvement in Students’ Lives 117
Grade Retention, and Suspension or Expulsion, by End
of Eighth Grade 117
Grade Point Average 118
College Plans 119
Serious Scholastic Setbacks During High School (After
Eighth Grade) 120
Dropping Out of High School by Age 18 120
Additional Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Delinquency 121
Various Problem Behaviors 121
Evenings Out for Fun and Recreation 121
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CONTENTS

Actual and Preferred Hours of Work 122

Religious Attendance and Importance 122
Self-Esteem 122
Adding Delinquency to the Structural Equation
Model of Academic Attainment 123
Locating Delinquency in the Causal Network 123
Structural Model Findings 127
Summary and Conclusions Concerning Delinquency 129
Expanding the Structural Equation Model
to Include Substance Use 131

6 How Smoking Is Linked With

Educational Success and Failure 133
Plan for This Chapter 134
Adolescent Smoking Rates in Recent Decades 134
Evidence Based on Cross-Sectional Data 135
Patterns or “Trajectories” of 30-Day Smoking Based on
Panel Data 138
Major Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Smoking 143
Race/Ethnicity and Population Density 148
Parental Education 148
Presence of Both Parents at Home 149
Parental Involvement in Students’ Lives 150
Grade Retention, and Suspension or Expulsion, by End
of Eighth Grade 151
Grade Point Average 151
College Plans 153
Serious Scholastic Setbacks During High School
(After Eighth Grade) 153
Dropping Out of High School by Age 18 154
Additional Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Smoking 154
Various Problem Behaviors 154
Evenings Out for Fun and Recreation 157
Actual and Preferred Hours of Work 157
Religious Attendance and Importance 158
Self-Esteem 158
A Structural Equation Model Including Academic
Attainment and Smoking 158
Structural Equation Model Findings 160
Further Analyses Including Friends’ Smoking 164
Summary and Conclusions 167
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CONTENTS


ix

7 How Marijuana Use Is Linked With Educational

Success and Failure 171
Plan for This Chapter 172
Marijuana Use in Recent Decades 172
The Close Link Between Cigarette and Marijuana
Use in Adolescence 174
Major Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent
Marijuana Use 176
Race/Ethnicity 177
Urban Density 182
Parental Education 182
Presence of Both Parents in the Home 182
Parental Involvement in Students’ Lives 183
Grade Retention, and Suspension or Expulsion,
by End of Eighth Grade 183
Delinquent Behavior 184
Grade Point Average 188
College Plans 189
Serious Scholastic Setbacks During High School
(After Eighth Grade) 189
Dropping Out of High School by Age 18 192
Additional Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent
Marijuana Use 192
Delinquency and Other Problem Behaviors 192
Evenings Out for Fun and Recreation 192
Actual and Preferred Work Hours 193
Religious Attendance and Importance 193
Self-Esteem 193
Structural Equation Model: Academic Attainment
and Marijuana Use 194
Structural Model Findings 195
Summary and Conclusions 202

8 How Cocaine Use Is Linked With Educational

Success and Failure 205
Plan for This Chapter 205
Cocaine Use in Recent Decades 205
How Cocaine Use Is Linked With Use of
Marijuana and Cigarettes 206
Major Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Cocaine Use 208
Race/Ethnicity 210
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CONTENTS

Urban Density 210

Parental Education 210
Presence of Both Parents in the Home 210
Parental Involvement in Students’ Lives 210
Grade Retention, and Suspension or Expulsion, by End
of Eighth Grade 211
Delinquent Behavior 211
Grade Point Average 217
College Plans 217
Serious Scholastic Setbacks During High School (After
Eighth Grade) 217
Dropping Out of High School by Age 18 222
Additional Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Cocaine Use 222
Various Problem Behaviors 222
Evenings Out for Fun and Recreation 222
Actual and Preferred Work Hours 222
Religious Attendance and Importance 223
Self-Esteem 223
Structural Equation Model: Academic
Attainment and Cocaine Use 223
Structural Model Findings 224
Summary and Conclusions 228

9 How Alcohol Use Is Linked With Educational

Success and Failure 231
Plan for This Chapter 232
Alcohol Use in Recent Decades 233
Major Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Alcohol Use 234
Race/Ethnicity 235
Urban Density 235
Parental Education 235
Presence of Both Parents in the Home 235
Parental Involvement in Students’ Lives 235
Grade Retention, and Suspension or Expulsion, by End
of Eighth Grade 244
Delinquent Behavior 244
Grade Point Average 244
College Plans 245
Serious Scholastic Setbacks During High School
(After Eighth Grade) 245
Dropping Out of High School by Age 18 245
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CONTENTS


xi

Additional Correlates/Predictors of Adolescent Alcohol Use 246

Various Problem Behaviors 246
Evenings Out for Fun and Recreation 246
Actual and Preferred Work Hours 247
Religious Attendance and Importance 247
Self-Esteem 247
The Pattern of Weaker Correlations With Increasing Age 248
Structural Equation Model: Academic Attainment and
Alcohol Use 248
Structural Model Findings 249
Summary and Conclusions 253

10 Summary, Conclusions, and Implications 257

Three Goals of This Book 258
Sorting Out Causal Connections 259
Presenting Descriptively Accurate Findings 260
Using Multiple Analysis Methods 262
Summary of Findings: What We Think
We Have Learned 264
In Adolescence, Substance Use Is Negatively
Linked With Educational Success 264
Similar Correlates for Delinquency Suggest a
Problem Behavior Syndrome 265
Background Factors That Contribute
to Educational Success Also Protect Against
Problem Behaviors 265
Other Factors Linked With Educational Success
or Failure Are Also Linked With Problem Behaviors 270
Educational Experiences During Adolescence Have
Impacts on Problem Behaviors as Well as Long-Term
Academic Attainment 272
There Are Important Differences Across
Types of Substance Use 274
Conclusions and Implications 276
The “Big Picture” Revisited 276
Policy Implications 277

Appendix 281
N—Or, What’s in a Number? The Quest for Practical
and Realistic Values of N to Use in Estimating
Sample Precision 281
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xii


CONTENTS

Raw N Versus Initial Selection Weighted N 283

Effects of Poststratification 285
Impacts of Imputation 286
“Effective N Weighting” to the Rescue 289
Design Effects 290
Sampling and Survey Procedures 292
Samples and Surveys of Eighth-Grade Students 292
Initial Stratification for Selecting Target Panel Samples 293
Follow-Up Procedures 294
Poststratification Details 295
Structural Equation Model Technical
Decisions and Rationale 297

Appendix Tables and Figures 299

References 407

Author Index 419

Subject Index 425

Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page xiii

Preface

Young people in adolescence face a variety of important developmental tasks.

To the extent they can succeed in those tasks, and at the same time avoid
behaviors that place them at risk of immediate or long-term health conse-
quences, their futures will be brighter. This book focuses on a key issue in
adolescent development and health—the links between educational success
and failure, on one hand, and substance use and other problem behaviors, on
the other. It is a well-established fact that educational success and substance
use are negatively related, but questions remain about the extent to which
substance use in adolescence causes reduced academic attainment, versus the
extent to which substance use is a consequence of earlier educational failures.
The purposes of this book are to (a) examine and document the various link-
ages among educational experiences, delinquent behavior in general, and
substance use specifically (including tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine
use); (b) estimate the relative importance of the several causal processes
involved; and (c) address policy implications of the findings.
In pursuing these purposes, the book employs a unique and valuable
data set from the University of Michigan’s Monitoring the Future (MTF)
project. The project’s annual reports of drug use by youth and young adults
in the United States are widely used and cited. These annual MTF reports are
based on large, nationally representative annual in-school surveys of high
school seniors (since 1975) and 8th- and 10th-grade students (since 1991),
as well as mail surveys that follow the high school graduates into young
and middle adulthood. The present book takes advantage of all of these data
resources in order to place our findings in their larger context. However, our
primary focus here is on a relatively new data set from the project—a lon-
gitudinal panel study that tracked eighth-grade adolescents into young
adulthood, with survey content that includes family background, educa-
tional experiences, delinquent behaviors, substance use, and more. This
large and nationally representative sample of eighth-grade students in the

xiii
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xiv


PREFACE

United States (initially surveyed in 1991–1993) covers the vitally important

developmental period between ages 14 and 22.
The age-14 starting point is late enough to provide a good deal of back-
ground on early educational successes and failures, but early enough to
catch most adolescents before they have gone very far down the path of
substance use. We are thus able to observe whether early educational expe-
riences predict later substance use, and we can also observe whether and
to what extent substance use then makes educational success less likely.
We are mindful that we are reporting survey research based on the self-
reports of real people in real circumstances. We thus lack the advantages
of experimental designs, with their potential for establishing causal direc-
tions unambiguously. We also recognize that correlation does not neces-
sarily mean causation. Nevertheless, having panel survey data tracking
the same individuals from ages 14 to 22 provides what we consider to be
strong circumstantial evidence in our effort to sort out the causal
processes underlying the negative correlation between educational suc-
cess and adolescent substance use.
The basic findings that emerge in this book are that educational expe-
riences and their prior causes do have a considerable influence on delin-
quent behaviors in general and on substance use in particular, whereas
any impacts of substance use on subsequent educational outcomes are
much more limited. So rather than counting on substance-use preven-
tion as a means of boosting academic attainment, our findings indicate
that the primary policy emphasis should be on increasing early educa-
tional success not only as the means for raising longer term academic
accomplishments and earnings, but also as an important step toward
reducing substance use. A popular anti-drug media message has been
“Parents—the anti-drug.” Our findings on family background certainly
support this message. But our findings also suggest an additional mes-
sage: “Educational success—the anti-drug.” Young people’s experiences
in school—acquiring the skills of learning and earning the rewards of
successfully coping with the demands of school—make a critical differ-
ence to a broad range of outcomes in their lives, not the least of which is
their ability to resist pressures to use drugs.
Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page xv

Guidelines for Using This Book1

This book is intended for anyone who deals with education and/or
substance use. The list of potential readers includes, but is not limited to,
educational psychologists, developmental psychologists, social psycholo-
gists, sociologists, epidemiologists, policymakers, and educators more gen-
erally. Because it involves the analysis of panel survey data using a
variety of analytic strategies, the book also may be of interest to survey
methodologists and students of quantitative methods.
We recognize that users of research monographs are often selective,
sometimes wanting only the “big picture,” sometimes wanting full techni-
cal details, and sometimes wanting only one particular part of the picture—
in the present book, perhaps one particular type of substance use, or one
aspect of educational experience. We have organized this book, including its
index, to be responsive to all of those needs.
The reader seeking a brief summary of findings and conclusions finds,
in chapter 1, an introduction and overview, an outline of the other
chapters, and a preview and illustration of key findings. The final chapter
(chap. 10) provides a more extensive summary of findings, conclusions,
and implications. Both of these chapters are designed to stand alone.
Chapter 2 provides a review and discussion of relevant literature. It
helps to place the present work into the context of what is already
known about the issues addressed here.
Chapter 3, along with sections of the appendix, spells out our survey
and analysis methods (including panel response rates and our procedures
for dealing with missing data). Much of the detailed exposition of ana-
lytic methods, however, has been left for subsequent chapters, so that the
applications can be illustrated with real data, rather than described in the
abstract. Our analytic methods are likely to be familiar to many readers,

1
Portions of this section were adapted from previous books.

xv
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xvi


GUIDELINES FOR USING THIS BOOK

and they may want to skim over some methodological portions of the
text in this and subsequent chapters. Similarly, readers who would
rather “just take our word for it” and get to our conclusions may also
want to skip over some of the details. But for those who do want to see
the evidence in detail, we have tried to provide it in the text and the
appendix. We have come to some important conclusions based on this
research, but we have tried to provide enough of the evidence to permit
readers to draw their own conclusions.
Chapter 4 examines the academic attainment of the young people in
our longitudinal panel. It explores correlates—and potential causes—of
educational success and failure. It also introduces the multiple regression
and structural equation modeling approaches we use, as well as the
formats for tabular presentation of the analysis results. The final portion
of chapter 4 develops a causal model of academic attainment that serves
as the basis for subsequent more elaborated models.
Chapter 5 examines delinquent behaviors reported by our panel mem-
bers and links them with the measures of educational success and failure.
Chapter 5 also expands the causal model of academic attainment, first to
incorporate delinquency and then to incorporate also the four types of
adolescent substance use examined in this book: cigarette, marijuana,
cocaine, and alcohol. This causal model, simultaneously exploring all
four types of substance use, is used in the next four chapters, with each
chapter focusing on different portions of the model findings.
Chapter 6 reports on cigarette use, including patterns of initiation,
continuation (which is common), and cessation (which is, alas, rare).
The close links with educational experiences are then examined, and the
structural model is used to consider to what extent educational factors
predict smoking and vice versa.
The next three chapters use procedures similar to those in chapter 6—
exploring marijuana use (chap. 7), cocaine use (chap. 8), and alcohol use
and occasional heavy drinking (chap. 9). The findings on each of these
other drugs replicate to some extent the findings on cigarette use pre-
sented in chapter 6, but some important differences emerge as well.
Chapter 10, as just noted, summarizes and integrates the evidence from
earlier chapters, reports our conclusions, and explores policy implications.
Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page xvii

Acknowledgments

Throughout the life of the MTF project, the sponsor has been the National
Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA). We are indebted to the various NIDA
directors, division directors, and project officers who provided their sup-
port and assistance during the past three decades. The data collections
and analyses reported here were carried out under NIDA Research Grant
No. R01DA01411.
Our project has benefited from the efforts of many individuals in the
Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan’s Institute for
Social Research. These include members of the sampling, field, telephone,
and computing facilities, as well as field interviewers throughout the
nation. In addition, of course, past and present members of the MTF staff
have been essential to the success of the project.
Several staff members in particular made many direct and valuable
contributions to this book. Tanya Hart was our editor during the early
stages of writing and did much to curb the authors’ occasional errors or
excesses. Kathryn Johnson took over the editor role during the later stages
and provided extensive editorial support (i.e., further curbing, as needed),
as well as coordination of the whole manuscript development process.
Ginger Maggio contributed extensively in reviewing and improving tables
and figures, as well as making sure they matched what we said in the
text. Nicole Ridenour provided further skilled help, especially in the prepa-
ration of figures.
We appreciate the helpful contributions provided by Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates. In particular, we thank our Senior Editors, Lori Handelman
and Debra Riegert; their associate, Anthony Messina; and our Book
Production Supervisor, Sarah Wright. We also appreciate the suggestions
of four reviewers commissioned by LEA, who read portions of the text
and encouraged publication. We also greatly appreciate the thoughtful
contributions of Professor Nancy Galambos, the series editor for our

xvii
Bachman Prelims.qxd 6/25/2007 10:14 AM Page xviii

xviii


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

previous two books, who served as a consultant on this book; she

reviewed the full manuscript and provided many valuable suggestions.
We are grateful to thousands of principals and teachers, and to the great
many students who participated in the MTF surveys conducted in schools.
Finally, we owe special words of thanks to those individuals who were
selected and participated in mail follow-up surveys, extending through their
adolescence and into young adulthood. We thank them for their efforts, and
we hope we have told their story well.
Bachman Chapter 01.qxd 6/12/2007 4:53 PM Page 1

Chapter 1
Introduction and Overview

Consider the claims in these two “headlines”:

1. Doing well in school protects your teenager from drug use.

2. Drug use threatens your teenager’s success in school.

Both claims can cite, as supporting evidence, a large body of research

(summarized in chap. 2) showing negative correlations between adolescent
substance use and success in school. Yet the two headlines do more than
assert correlations; they also make strong—and different—assertions
about the causal processes underlying the correlations. The first headline
asserts that school performance influences drug use, whereas the second
asserts that drug use influences school performance. Either assertion can
be seen as consistent with the correlations; indeed, both may be correct to
some extent. This already complicated story does not end there; the corre-
lations also may arise, perhaps in large part, because educational outcomes
and substance use share common prior causes.
Which of these three possible causal processes accounts for the nega-
tive links between substance use and educational success? Our own view
at the outset of this research was that all three are involved to some
degree. A primary purpose of the research in this book has been to esti-
mate just how much of each type of causation is involved. Now, after
our extensive analyses of a great deal of data linking educational experi-
ences with adolescent smoking, drinking, marijuana use, and cocaine
use, we offer the following broad conclusion: Adolescent substance use is
negatively correlated with educational success (a) because both sets of behav-
iors share common prior causes, (b) because educational successes protect
against substance use whereas educational failures are risk factors, and (c) to
a lesser extent because some substance use can impair educational success.
Behind this simple and general “all-of-the-above” conclusion lies a variety

1
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2


CHAPTER 1

of nuanced findings, reported in later chapters. The findings differ from

one substance to another and from one developmental period to another.
One of the central premises of this book is that patterns of behaviors
established during adolescence can have important consequences extend-
ing into adulthood. Adolescence is a time when individual differences in
educational success become more manifest as course work becomes more
demanding and individual talents more challenged; it is also a time when
substance use is most likely to emerge. Societal-level factors influence
preferences about substance use, as well as educational aspirations. Thus,
we and many other researchers have observed and documented shifts in
attitudes and behaviors involving substance use, as well as changes in
educational aspirations, over the course of recent decades. But our
primary focus in this book is not on secular trends or changes across
recent decades, but rather on patterns of individual differences that show
great consistency across the decades. Educational successes, as well as
substance-using behaviors, reflect individual-level choices—choices that
are, of course, influenced by family, peers, and many other factors. We
believe that such choices, and thus their consequences, can be changed
for the better. But much depends on a firmer understanding of how edu-
cational difficulties and substance use interrelate. So “getting it right” in
adolescence is of critical importance, and our hope is that this book helps
in this regard.
Our book is based primarily on a rich set of adolescent panel data from
the University of Michigan’s Monitoring the Future (MTF) project track-
ing a large nationwide sample of young men and women through a criti-
cal 8-year period from modal age 14 (late eighth grade, in 1991–1993)
through modal age 22 (in 1999–2001). In addition, we make limited use
of other sets of data from the MTF project: nationally representative
annual cross-sectional surveys of 8th-, 10th-, and 12th-grade students, as
well as panel data from some of those originally sampled in 12th grade
(with follow-up surveys extending to age 40).
The eighth-grade panel data provide information about the ordering
of the behaviors of interest; however, knowledge of chronology is not
necessarily sufficient to resolve questions of causation. As one brief
illustration of that point, let us preview two findings from chapter 6 in
this book. The first finding is that those who were smokers at age 14
were more likely than average to become high school dropouts and less
likely to go to college; that would be consistent with the causal asser-
tion that smoking inhibits educational success (in other words, smok-
ing stunts one’s intellectual growth). The second finding is that those
who reported good grades at age 14 (i.e., during eighth grade) were less
likely to be smokers at age 22; and that would be consistent with the
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INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

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causal assertion that doing well in school protects against becoming a

smoker. So panel data do not guarantee solutions to knotty problems of
causal interpretation.
Although panel data are not a panacea, they can be quite helpful in
narrowing the choices among plausible causal interpretations. The panel
data permit us to employ structural equation modeling, along with other
techniques, to examine the several alternative causal interpretations of
the links between substance use and educational success. In addition to
these complex analyses, panel data can provide relatively simple descrip-
tive findings that illuminate relationships—sometimes with striking
clarity. In the next section, we present several such descriptive findings
based on panel data from ages 14 to 22 and from ages 18 to 40; this pro-
vides an introduction and overview of the relationships examined in
greater detail in later chapters.

SUBSTANCE USE, AGES 14 TO 40, LINKED

TO EDUCATIONAL SUCCESS

The findings and underlying methods in this section are reported in

greater detail elsewhere (Bachman, Freedman-Doan et al., 2006). For
purposes of this introductory chapter, it is sufficient to highlight key
results. Here, as in the rest of the book, we present findings separately for
males and females, so as not to confound any gender differences with
other findings. Although some gender differences in substance use are
evident, it can also be seen that the patterns of relationships are gener-
ally similar for males and females.

Daily Smoking

Figure 1.1 shows how prevalence of daily smoking, from adolescence

through middle adulthood, differs according to educational attainment
by modal age 21 to 22. The top portion of this figure (as well as of Figs.
1.3 and 1.4) reports findings from the eighth-grade panel; even as early
as eighth grade, the proportions of daily smokers are ordered neatly
according to later (age-22) educational attainment. In particular, eighth
graders who would later become dropouts were about three times as likely
as their age-mates (taken as a whole) to be daily smokers. Although the
proportions of daily smokers increased during adolescence, the link with
later educational attainment remained stable and strong.
The remaining portions of Figure 1.1 show that the link between
educational attainment and smoking was also strong during adulthood,
based on other MTF panel data—but this figure illustrates samples of
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CHAPTER 1

Figure 1.1a. Percentage reporting any daily smoking in the last

30 days by academic attainment at modal ages 21 to 22: males.
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INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

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Figure 1.1b. Percentage reporting any daily smoking in the last

30 days by academic attainment at modal ages 21 to 22: females.
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CHAPTER 1

high school seniors who were tracked into adulthood. Fortunately,

smoking rates declined among respondents from the high school classes
of 1976–1982 as they moved from their early 20s to age 40. This decline
likely reflects both developmental and historical effects because this was
a period during which the health risks of smoking were increasingly
publicized. Despite this decline, a clear, negative relationship remained
between educational attainment (at modal ages 21–22) and likelihood of
daily smoking (at later ages). Daily smoking was only one third to one
half as prevalent among those who completed 3 or more years of college
compared with those who completed no years of college. (Because these
panels began at the end of 12th grade, they did not include high school
dropouts; dropouts undoubtedly would have shown still higher preva-
lence rates for daily smoking.)
In sum, Figure 1.1 indicates that the more educationally successful a
young person is at age 22, the less likely he or she was, is, or will
become a regular daily smoker. This pattern of findings is robust across
three sets of cohorts spanning ages 14 to 40 and covering the last quar-
ter century—a period during which overall smoking rates changed and
levels of educational attainment rose substantially. As for questions of
causation—which causes which?—our best answers are based on the
more complex analyses shown in chapter 6. We can, however, provide
another strong hint based on the eighth-grade panel data. Figure 1.2
shows smoking rates for another set of subgroups, this time separated
according to self-reported grade point average (GPA) at the end of eighth
grade. The relationships show a striking parallel to those for the educa-
tional attainment subgroups shown in Figure 1.1; the A students were
far less likely to be or become daily smokers, compared with the C or
lower students. This is surely consistent with our focus on the impor-
tance of shared prior causes, especially those having to do with educa-
tional successes and failures.

Marijuana Use

Figure 1.3 presents prevalence rates for current use of marijuana (any
use in the past 30 days). The picture for ages 14 to 18 (top portion of
the figure) bears some similarity to that for cigarette use: Those who
would later become dropouts were most likely to use marijuana, and
those who would later complete 3 or more years of college were least
likely to use marijuana. By age 22, the dropouts remained more likely
to be marijuana users, especially among the males; however, among
the non-dropouts, educational success appeared no longer negatively
linked with current marijuana use.
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INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

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Figure 1.2. Percentage reporting any daily smoking in the

last 30 days by eighth-grade GPA: age 14 in 1991–1993.
The next older cohorts (age 18 in 1988–1994) also showed modest
negative correlations between marijuana use at age 18 and later educa-
tional attainment, but by ages 19 to 20 and thereafter, the correlations
were close to zero. Among the oldest cohorts (age 18 in 1976–1982),
the negative correlations at age 18 were a bit stronger, and the correla-
tions at later ages were almost all negative, but often less than statis-
tically significant.
In sum, the most academically successful individuals (as indicated
by later attainment) are least likely to use marijuana during adoles-
cence. But these differences fade, and, except for dropouts, any such
differences in educational attainment after age 18 are small and not
entirely consistent.
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Figure 1.3a. Percentage reporting any marijuana use in the last

30 days by academic attainment at modal ages 21 to 22: males.
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INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

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Figure 1.3b. Percentage reporting any marijuana use in the last

30 days by academic attainment at modal ages 21 to 22: females.
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CHAPTER 1

Heavy Drinking

Figure 1.4 presents prevalence rates for consuming five or more alcoholic
drinks in a row on at least one occasion during the preceding 2 weeks.
Once again the youngest respondents showed a clear negative correlation
between substance use and later educational attainment. At age 14, those
who would later drop out were about four times as likely to drink heav-
ily as those who would later complete 3 or more years of college. The
differences remained substantial at age 16, but by age 18 the differences
had nearly disappeared. By age 22 those who had completed 3 or more
years of college actually had the highest proportions of heavy drinkers
among young women (42%) and also among young men (56%, essentially
matched by the dropouts at 57%).
The older cohorts showed similar patterns of crossover. At age 18
those headed for college were a bit less likely than their age-mates to
drink heavily, but by ages 19 to 20 that was no longer the case. Among
members of the high school classes of 1988 to 1994, those who would
complete 3 or more years of college were most likely to be among the
heavy drinkers at ages 19 to 22, especially among women. But by the
later 20s these distinctions had largely disappeared. Among the oldest
cohorts, members of the high school classes of 1976 to 1982, the college
years involved sharp increases in proportions of occasional heavy
drinkers—essentially “catching up” with their less educationally success-
ful age peers—but by their later 20s the correlations between heavy
drinking and educational success were again negative.
In sum, heavy drinking is negatively correlated with educational suc-
cess during adolescence (particularly ages 14–16). However, these neg-
ative links are reduced and sometimes reversed during the college years
(ages 19–22), largely due to social role and context changes such as liv-
ing arrangements in college (e.g., Bachman et al., 2002) and individual
characteristics (e.g., Schulenberg & Maggs, 2002), matters discussed in
chapter 9.

STUDYING COMPLEX CAUSAL RELATIONSHIPS

IN NATURAL SETTINGS

The previous examples, along with the rest of the findings reported in
this book, are based on self-reports of adolescents and young adults. In
chapter 3, we say more about issues of accuracy in self-reports of sub-
stance use, but we and other researchers in this field are generally satis-
fied that respondents in surveys like ours strive to report truthfully and, to
a large extent, succeed in reporting accurately. The more difficult problem is
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INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

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Figure 1.4a. Percentage reporting any heavy drinking in the last

2 weeks by academic attainment at modal ages 21 to 22: males.
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CHAPTER 1

Figure 1.4b. Percentage reporting any heavy drinking in the last

2 weeks by academic attainment at modal ages 21 to 22: females.
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INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

13

the one mentioned at the start of this chapter—the problem of sorting

out and deciding among the various possible causal interpretations of the
negative links between academic success and substance use.
Research on the physical effects of substance use often employs gen-
uine experiments, in which an independent variable (e.g., exposure to cig-
arette smoke) is manipulated to ascertain effects on a dependent variable
(e.g., lung cancer). Most people find such research acceptable—provided it
is carried out on animals (preferably rats rather than primates).
Attempting to conduct a genuine experiment on how cigarette use might
affect educational success is quite another matter; one might set out to
examine whether and how exposure to cigarette smoke affects the ability
of rats (or monkeys) to solve problems successfully, but far more difficult
would be a study reversing the independent and dependent variables.
Imagine the challenge of manipulating “educational success” among rats
or monkeys and then testing whether that makes a difference in their
“choosing to inhale” tobacco smoke.
So we are left with observations (in this case, self-report data), based
on real people in the real world, from which to gain an understanding of
the causal processes and mechanisms. Having panel data from the same
individuals tracked over a number of years helps somewhat, as we tried
to illustrate previously. Another source of help is data on some of those
shared prior causes that may influence both educational success and sub-
stance use. In the chapters that follow, we examine a large number of
such factors, and we attempt to control them in our more complex sta-
tistical analyses. At the same time, however, we attempt to provide
enough descriptive data so that we do not lose sight of the “big picture”
while immersed in multivariate coefficients.

WHAT IS THE “BIG PICTURE” THUS FAR?

We have not yet illustrated the impacts of shared prior causes. That has
been left for later chapters. Suffice it to say for now that the factors
examined include parental education and other family considerations, as
well as early educational setbacks. Delinquent behavior is also a key
potential prior cause. Some of these factors appear to make strong con-
tributions to academic attainment, as well as to substance use during
adolescence.
Throughout this book, we discuss several kinds of behavior that can
be considered maladaptive or undesirable. Among these concepts, we use
the terms problem behavior and deviant behavior as approximate syn-
onyms for a broad, inclusive category of activities that are negatively
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CHAPTER 1

related to academic attainment. At times, we discuss various forms of

problem behaviors more specifically. In our study, these forms of prob-
lem behaviors include delinquency (or illegal offenses, primarily misde-
meanors), substance use, and misbehaviors in school.
One portion of the big picture illustrated in this chapter (see Fig. 1.2) is
that early educational successes and failures, as reflected in GPA at the end
of eighth grade, are predictive of smoking. We have also illustrated that
smoking, both throughout adolescence and into adulthood, remains con-
sistently negatively correlated with later (age-22) academic attainment (see
Fig. 1.1). Instances of heavy drinking and marijuana use during adoles-
cence are similar to cigarette use in showing negative correlations with
academic attainment (see Figs. 1.3 and 1.4). Moreover, early educational
success (eighth-grade GPA) is negatively linked to adolescent alcohol use
and illicit drug use, as reported in later chapters. Clearly, marijuana use
at age 16 or cocaine use at age 18 cannot cause low grades during eighth
grade. Later chapters explore the alternative causal interpretations—that
early educational experiences and/or other shared prior causes may
cause adolescent substance use.
Although early educational success relates negatively to all the forms
of adolescent substance use we have examined, the figures presented pre-
viously illustrate that the longer term patterns of linkage differ consid-
erably from one kind of substance to another. Most notably, the
differences in cigarette use, once established during adolescence, remain
largely intact throughout much of adulthood. The patterns for other
forms of substance use are different, and alcohol use in particular shows
effects of college-related experiences that tend to cancel and reverse (tem-
porarily) the patterns of difference shown at younger ages. Although the
story is in some respects loudest and clearest for cigarette use, with its
serious long-term health risks, we want to emphasize that we do not
take lightly any of the forms of substance use. Each involves risks—some
more immediate and dramatic than others. The central finding that
emerges from this book, in its totality, is that early educational success
appears to be an important protective factor against all forms of adolescent
substance use.

OVERVIEW OF CHAPTERS

Chapter 2 summarizes relevant literature, focusing on previous findings

and relevant theory that informed the present work. Chapter 3 describes
our panel of adolescents and provides an overview of analysis methods
and issues. With this as a foundation, we then turn to an examination
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INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW

15

of how and perhaps why educational success is linked with substance

use during adolescence and beyond.
We begin our analytic quest in chapter 4 with a close look at acade-
mic attainment (at modal age 22) and those factors that may be predic-
tors of attainment. We examine bi- and multivariate correlates of
attainment and then develop a structural equation model of attainment,
taking advantage of the panel data to sort out chronological (and pre-
sumably causal) sequences.
In chapter 5, we expand the causal model to include a multi-item mea-
sure of delinquent behavior. We include this dimension because it is central
to our notion that substance use is part of a syndrome of problem behav-
iors, including delinquency (Brook & Newcomb, 1995; Donovan & Jessor,
1985; Jessor & Jessor, 1977; Kandel, 1988). At the end of the chapter, we
expand the model further to include cigarette use, marijuana use, cocaine
use, and alcohol use.
The next four chapters consider each of these types of substance use
in turn. In addition to the causal model, we employ several other analy-
sis techniques to examine the links between the substance-use measures
and other factors associated with educational success. We also compare
our adolescent panel findings with data from the large-scale MTF sur-
veys of 8th-, 10th-, and 12th-grade students, as well as adult high
school graduates, which show substance-use changes in the United
States in recent decades. The comparisons with these other MTF data sets
place our findings within a larger context and provide further assurance
that our adolescent panel data remain representative despite complexities
introduced by panel attrition.
Chapter 10 summarizes our findings and presents our conclusions in
greater detail than we have been able to provide in this brief introductory
chapter. We are impressed by the consistencies in the findings, as well as
the differences from one substance to another. Obviously, efforts to
increase the educational successes of adolescents are valuable for many
reasons having to do with adult accomplishments and adjustments; the
findings in this book suggest that another important reason is protection
against adolescent substance use and its long-term consequences.
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Chapter 2

Literature Review: Conceptual

and Empirical Overview
of Issues

Despite a large amount of research over the past few decades showing
that academic achievement and failures are associated with substance use
(see Dewey, 1999; Perkins & Borden, 2003, for reviews), the direction of
the association between these behaviors is still in question. Many studies
thus far have been cross-sectional, leaving researchers to guess at the
mechanisms driving their findings. On one hand, substance use may
decrease academic achievement by interfering with concentration, mem-
ory, and motivation, or by actually causing brain damage. Use of sub-
stances may be encouraged through associations with delinquent peers,
which also provide incentive for truancy, misbehavior in school, and a
devaluing of academic achievement. On the other hand, difficulty coping
with school problems may lead adolescents to seek solace in substance
use and associations with delinquent, low-achieving friends.
In this chapter, we review the literature regarding the connection
between substance use and academic success or failure, and we consider
how the current conceptual and empirical literature informs our study and
interpretation of the findings. Our work in this book is guided, in large
part, by a deductive approach to considering the various possible interrela-
tions among indexes of educational success, substance use, related behav-
iors, and background characteristics. Our conceptual framework draws
extensively from the relevant empirical and conceptual literature (exempli-
fied by that reviewed later in this chapter) and is consistent with our own
views about a developmental syndrome of adolescent difficulties (e.g.,
Bachman, Safron, Sy, & Schulenberg, 2003; Bachman & Schulenberg,
1993). Problem behaviors, which we view as the broader category of

17
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CHAPTER 2

difficulties of interest in this book, include poor school adjustment, school

misconduct (e.g., truancy, suspension), delinquent behaviors (including
behaviors that may be offenses), and substance use. School difficulties
typically come early in the sequence, and thus set the stage for involve-
ment in delinquency and substance use. More detail about this general
model is provided in chapters 4 and 5, and we revisit this model in our
concluding chapter.
Our review of the literature in this chapter is necessarily selective.
Because academic experiences begin much earlier than experimentation
with illicit substances, we begin by examining the stability of educa-
tional success and failure. Then we review literature that links educa-
tional factors with various substances, as well as other related problem
behaviors, and we discuss the interconnectedness of these factors in a
developmental context. We conclude with a brief consideration of policy
and intervention implications.

STABILITY OF EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT

Under most circumstances, educational achievement and motivation are

quite stable across time (Feshbach & Feshbach, 1987; Harackiewicz,
Barron, Tauer, & Elliot, 2002; Helmke & van Aken, 1995; Roeser, Eccles,
& Freedman-Doan, 1999). Duchesne, Larose, Guay, Vitaro, and Tremblay
(2005) examined trajectories of academic functioning and found that a
large majority of French-Canadian students displayed stable levels of aca-
demic achievement from ages 10 to 13. However, their measurement of
academic functioning relied on maternal perceptions of their children,
rather than more objective measures such as test scores or grade point
average (GPA). Chen and Kaplan (2003) used such a measure—poor
grades—to show that academic achievement in middle school predicted
educational attainment in early adulthood; a strong connection between
achievement and educational attainment is common in other studies as
well (Maggs, Frome, Eccles, & Barber, 1997).
Stability of educational achievement is facilitated by patterns in
students’ beliefs about themselves and their abilities. For instance, some
students respond to failure in academic tasks by becoming less interested
in the task and displaying less effort during subsequent similar tasks
(Butler, 1999; Elliott & Dweck, 1988; Miller, 1986); students who are not
interested in a task are less likely to engage in the task when given a
choice (Jussim, Soffin, Brown, Ley, & Kohlhepp, 1992). Thus, early fail-
ure experiences in school can create a cycle of lowered academic motiva-
tion and performance.
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19

Grade retention—being required to repeat a grade in school, rather than

progressing to the next grade level with one’s age-mates—is a strategy
often used by educators to improve the performance of students who are
failing or fall behind their peers. Unfortunately, early grade retention
does not always allow students to catch up in their skills. Rather, early
retention is associated with poorer academic achievement and school
adjustment in later grades (Meisels & Liaw, 1993). Grade retention can be
a stressful event for students, and many retained students report negative
emotions regarding their lack of academic progression (Mantzicopoulos,
1997; Shepard & Smith, 1990). Possibly as a result of making unfavor-
able comparisons between themselves and peers, as well as having low
academic achievement, students who have been retained are more likely
to drop out of high school than their peers who could have been retained
but were not (Jimerson, 1999; Roderick, 1994). Hence, just as early suc-
cesses often predict later high achievement, early academic setbacks can
lead to persistent poor achievement.
Long before students begin experimenting with substance use, early
school experiences such as grade retention or successful completion of
academic tasks guide students’ academic achievement and affective reac-
tions to school into relatively stable trajectories. Because substance use
and school achievement do become related in adolescence, the early stability
of achievement hints that school factors contribute to later problem behav-
iors or that exogenous variables contribute to both problems. However,
normative stability in academic achievement may hide smaller segments
of the student population whose substance use does alter their achieve-
ment trajectory. Therefore, we examine evidence for each of these causal
accounts later in this chapter.

EDUCATIONAL SUCCESSES AND FAILURES

ARE CONNECTED TO SUBSTANCE USE

As other researchers have noted, it is difficult to establish causal rela-

tionships between educational success and substance use (Dewey, 1999).
One of the reasons a debate exists regarding the direction of effects
between substance use and educational outcomes is the inconsistency of
educational factors from study to study. Some studies investigate acad-
emic achievement measured by students’ grades and test scores; some
focus on investment, such as school bonding or academic motivation;
and still others examine educational attainment with measures of high
school dropout status or years of college attended. Few studies explore a
variety of educational predictors or outcomes simultaneously. For the
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CHAPTER 2

purposes of reviewing possible directional influences, the following sections

make the reasonable assumption that the educational variables noted
thus far are all indicators (positive or negative) of an underlying factor,
akin to “success in school.” At the end of this chapter, we make clear our
hypotheses about the actual nature of the relation between substance use
and various educational measures.

Cigarette Use

Of all licit and illicit drug use, cigarette smoking has one of the strongest
relations to educational achievement, attainment, and school-related
problems. In many cross-sectional studies, cigarette smoking has been
positively related to suspensions from school and negatively related to
academic performance (Bryant, Schulenberg, Bachman, O’Malley, &
Johnston, 2000; Conwell et al., 2003; Hollar & Moore, 2004; Wright &
Fitzpatrick, 2004).
Some evidence suggests that tobacco use drives down academic achieve-
ment. In a study of seventh graders, smokers were more likely than non-
smokers to be absent from school or class, and also were more likely to
have low grades (Ellickson, Tucker, & Klein, 2001); longitudinal evidence
from this same study showed that smoking during 7th grade predicted a
greater likelihood of school-related problems and dropping out by 12th
grade. Jacobsen and colleagues (2005) reported evidence suggesting that
cigarette smoking during adolescence impairs working memory and attention,
two cognitive abilities with important implications for academic perfor-
mance. Furthermore, the negative relation between smoking and cognitive
abilities continues well into adulthood (Whalley, Fox, Deary, & Starr,
2005). These studies show that smoking during early adolescence is a
strong indicator of future academic problems.
Research also suggests that educational factors can predict cigarette use
(Hu, Lin, & Keeler, 1998). In addition to finding that seventh-grade smok-
ers faced later educational problems, Ellickson, Tucker, and Klein (2001)
reported that these students were also more likely to have previously
repeated grades in school. Low academic achievement among middle-
school students has predicted concurrent cigarette use (Carvajal, Hanson,
Downing, Coyle, & Pederson, 2004), use throughout adolescence (Bryant,
Schulenberg, Bachman, O’Malley, & Johnston, 2000), and heavy smok-
ing by 12th grade (Griffin, Botvin, Doyle, Diaz, & Epstein, 1999). A lack
of enjoyment in school also predicts smoking among older adolescents
and young adults (Brunswick & Messeri, 1983; Wang et al., 1999).
Although many studies that show relations between tobacco use and
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LITERATURE REVIEW


21

school achievement use primarily White samples, poor achievement also

predicts smoking initiation among adolescents of other ethnic groups
(Brunswick & Messeri, 1984; Johnson & Hoffmann, 2000). In an urban,
primarily African-American sample, Bryant and Zimmerman (2002)
found that low achievement motivation is a risk factor for increased cig-
arette smoking over the course of high school, even among those
students with high grades. Furthermore, across many countries, adults
with low levels of education are the most likely to use cigarettes and the
least likely to stop smoking (Chassin, Presson, Rose, & Sherman, 1996;
Giskes et al., 2005; Werch, Dunn, & Woods, 1997; Wetter et al., 2005).
Research on cigarette use and educational success is consistent in find-
ing a negative relation between the two, but inconclusive in the develop-
mental story that describes which comes first. Part of the problem is that
many researchers focus on only one outcome—either educational success
or cigarette use—and do not attempt to model changes in both over time.
We return to the discussion of causation later in the chapter. For now, we
turn our attention to the possible connections between marijuana use
and educational success.

Marijuana Use

As with tobacco use, some studies have shown that marijuana use
negatively predicts educational success. In one prospective study of New
Zealand adolescents’ drug use, frequency of marijuana use predicted
whether an individual left school without qualifications, which is
roughly the equivalent of dropping out of high school among American
students (Fergusson, Horwood, & Beautrais, 2003). Zimmerman and
Schmeelk-Cone (2003) found that marijuana use during high school pre-
dicted students’ high school completion status in an African-American
sample.
Predicting marijuana use from educational success presents more com-
plicated findings. For instance, although Fergusson and colleagues (2003)
found a relation between leaving school without qualifications and sub-
sequent marijuana use, after they controlled for students’ background
characteristics the relation disappeared. The sum of the findings in this
study led the researchers to conclude that the association between mari-
juana use and educational attainment was not bidirectional, but rather
that marijuana was the driving force behind the correlation.
Yet when educational indicators other than high school dropout status
are used, a different picture seems to emerge. For instance, low grades
during early and middle adolescence predict initiation to marijuana use by
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CHAPTER 2

Grade 10 (Ellickson, Tucker, Klein, & Saner, 2004). In addition, academic

achievement appears to be a protective factor against the use of marijuana
by African-American students (Wright & Fitzpatrick, 2004). Academic
achievement is not the only construct that is predictive of marijuana use.
Zimmerman and Schmeelk-Cone (2003) found that academic motivation
predicted subsequent marijuana use among high school students, and
marijuana use did not have predictive power for later academic motivation.
Research that examines the connection between marijuana use and edu-
cational success (like that which examines cigarette use) shows clearly that
there is some link, but is inconclusive as to what is driving that link. On
the one hand, using marijuana appears to have some impact on dropping
out of high school, but poor academic achievement and motivation also
appear to have some impact on marijuana use. We return to this com-
plexity and the developmental implications later in the chapter after con-
sidering how other substances might be related to educational success.

Alcohol Use

Alcohol use should be considered somewhat differently than cigarette

and marijuana use partly because it becomes statistically normative dur-
ing adolescence, and also because its links with educational success
become complex by late adolescence. Still, as is the case with cigarette and
marijuana use, there is evidence to suggest that (a) educational difficul-
ties contribute to alcohol use, (b) alcohol use contributes to educational
difficulties, and (c) both are the result of more fundamental problems.
For example, academic motivation negatively predicts initiation to drink-
ing among sixth graders (Simons-Morton, 2004), poor academic
achievement at seventh grade predicts frequency of alcohol use and
heavy drinking (Ellickson & Hays, 1991), and during college having a
high GPA and a high commitment to school are associated with a lower
amount of binge drinking (Tibbetts & Whittimore, 2002). As an illustra-
tion of the opposite direction of influence, Hollar and Moore (2004)
found that among 12th-grade students with disabilities, alcohol use and
binge drinking negatively predicted their cumulative high school GPAs.
As an example that both educational difficulties and alcohol use are
caused by more fundamental difficulties, Braggio, Pishkin, Gameros, and
Brooks (1993) administered the Peabody Individual Achievement Test to
three groups: substance-dependent, alcohol-using adolescents residing in
an inpatient hospital; adolescent hospital residents with conduct disorder;
and nonhospitalized adolescents in a control group. They found that
both patient groups scored lower on the test than the control group;
Bachman Chapter 02.qxd 6/12/2007 4:53 PM Page 23

LITERATURE REVIEW


23

however, because there were no differences in the achievement test

scores of conduct-disordered patients versus alcohol-using patients, the
authors concluded that there was no evidence to suggest that alcohol
abuse by itself lowers academic achievement.
What is unique about alcohol use (compared with use of other sub-
stances) is that there is literature suggesting that educational success is
sometimes positively related to alcohol use. Indeed, using Monitoring
the Future (MTF) 12th-grade panel data, Schulenberg, Bachman,
O’Malley, and Johnston (1994) found that, although high school
students’ college plans were a protective factor against contemporane-
ous alcohol and cigarette use, they proved to be a risk factor for
increased alcohol use and heavy drinking during the transition to adult-
hood (although they did remain a protective factor against increased cig-
arette use). Similarly, Maggs et al. (1997) showed that alcohol use
during high school positively predicted years of education at age 20.
Obviously, what is behind these relations is the fact that going to college
relates both to doing well in school and to escalating drinking during
late adolescence and the transition to adulthood, highlighting the rever-
sal of the association between drinking and educational success that is
seen at other ages and in other populations (Schulenberg & Maggs,
2002). Thus, although it is clear that alcohol use is associated with edu-
cational outcomes, the connection between alcohol use and educational
outcomes appears to vary across development and subsamples.

Other Illicit Drugs and Multiple Substance Use

The three substances discussed previously—cigarettes, marijuana, and

alcohol—are the substances most widely used and abused by adolescents
(Ellickson, Hays, & Bell, 1992). Because use of these three substances is
somewhat common, it is relatively easy to study the relation of their use
and educational outcomes. Other substances, such as cocaine, inhalants,
and narcotics, are much less likely to be used, especially during early
adolescence. Of course, the lower rate of use is positive in terms of pub-
lic health, but it creates problems for those who seek to conduct research
on questions related to these substances. Although fewer studies have
examined the relationship between educational outcomes and use of
other illicit drugs, there is some evidence linking the two.
Jeynes (2002) found that being under the influence of cocaine while at
school predicted lower academic achievement, but only before taking into
account the additional influences of cigarette, alcohol, and marijuana use.
Similarly, Block, Erwin, and Ghoneim (2002) found that stimulant and
Bachman Chapter 02.qxd 6/12/2007 4:53 PM Page 24

24


CHAPTER 2

polydrug users (as well as a group of alcohol users) in drug treatment

programs performed worse than a community control group on tests of
verbal, math, memory, and abstraction abilities. Although this study did
not include measures of academic performance in the form of grades,
demonstration of such cognitive impairments suggests that achievement
would likely decline among substance-dependent students.
However, reflecting the opposite causal direction, Block and colleagues
(2002) also reported that the patients in drug treatment programs had
lower standardized test scores in fourth grade than a community control
group. Sutherland and Shepherd (2001) found that low perceived acade-
mic achievement and low expectations for educational attainment both
discriminate between English youth who have used any illicit drugs and
those who have not. Likewise, high academic achievement has been
shown to be a protective factor against use of other illicit drugs among ado-
lescents who already use marijuana (Stronski, Ireland, Michaud, Narring, &
Resnick, 2000).
A few studies provide more mixed results regarding the relation
between illicit drug use and educational factors. Guagliardo, Huang,
Hicks, and D’Angelo (1998) reported that initiation of drug use at an
early age predicted dropping out of high school. Yet they also found that
delayed progression through school, measured as being old for grade or
a dropout as opposed to being on track, was a risk factor for substance
use. In another case, Ensminger, Juon, and Fothergill (2002) reported
that males who had above-average school readiness scores when they
were in the first grade were less likely to use cocaine in their early 30s
than those with low school readiness scores. However, school readiness
scores were not predictive of adult females’ current cocaine use.
Previous research using MTF data has shown both direct and indirect
effects of high school GPA on illicit drug use (Schulenberg et al., 1994).
In this study, the indirect effects lasted into young adulthood; part of the
concurrent association between achievement and drug use was mediated
by truancy and evenings spent out during high school. Such a link
between substance use and other potential problem behaviors is quite
common, as we describe later in this chapter.

DELINQUENCY AND OTHER PROBLEM BEHAVIORS

Substance use and poor academic achievement are not only related to
one another—they are also often seen in adolescents who exhibit other
problematic behaviors (Luthar & Ansary, 2005; Wiesner & Windle, 2004).
For instance, educational commitment and aspirations are negatively
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LITERATURE REVIEW


25

associated with delinquent behaviors in both White and Latino youth

(Vazsonyi & Flannery, 1997). Similarly, academic achievement is nega-
tively related to delinquency (Chang & Le, 2005; Luthar & Ansary, 2005;
Vazsonyi & Flannery, 1997). Violent behaviors are more common among
high school dropouts and students with poor grades than among students
with passing grades (Beauvais, Chavez, Oetting, & Deffenbacher, 1996), and
low grades predict delinquency 1 year later (Crosnoe, 2002). However, early
academic difficulty does not always lead to delinquent behavior. McCoy and
Reynolds (1999) reported that early grade retention does predict subsequent
academic achievement difficulties, but it does not predict later delinquency.
When delinquent youth perform poorly in school, their academic standing
rarely improves, so delinquency during adolescence also predicts lower edu-
cational attainment by adulthood (Tanner, Davies, & O’Grady, 1999).
Deviant behavior among seventh graders predicts the frequency of their
alcohol use as well as heavy alcohol use (Ellickson & Hays, 1991).
Furthermore, drinking during middle adolescence predicts violent behavior
during young adulthood (Wells, Horwood, & Fergusson, 2004). Likewise,
delinquent behavior predicts an initiation to or an increase in marijuana
use (van den Bree & Pickworth, 2005). Because deviant behaviors must
be engaged in outside of conventional social settings, it is no surprise that
delinquency and substance use are highly related. Some of the associa-
tion can be attributed to involvement with a deviant peer group
(Duncan, Duncan, & Strycker, 2000). Alternatively, a general tendency
toward deviancy or risk-taking behavior might account for the relation
between delinquency and substance use. We explore this last possibility
further in the next section.
Unfortunately, it is clear that using substances and poor performance
in school are only two aspects of a wide range of problem behaviors that
may be exhibited by adolescents. Throughout this book, we acknowledge
the overlap in undesirable behavioral tendencies even as we attempt to
distinguish between one form and another. For instance, in chapter 5 we
focus on delinquent behaviors or activities that have the potential to
result in an arrest. Certainly, drinking alcohol while underage or smok-
ing marijuana could be included in the category of delinquent behaviors,
but we have chosen to make a distinction between substance use and
other offenses. Although others may prefer to define constructs differ-
ently, we chose to think about problem behaviors primarily in terms of
(a) substance use, (b) offenses that are not related to substance use, and
(c) school misbehavior (including poor performance).
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26


CHAPTER 2

EXOGENOUS VARIABLE EXPLANATIONS

Several of the studies described so far suggest that there may be causal
influences between substance use and educational success, although
there are different assertions about which comes first. Of course, much
of the relation may be spurious—many other factors have been empir-
ically related to both. One of these exogenous variables, or potential
confounds, is family background or composition. For instance, Pierret
(2001) compared adolescents in intact families to those whose families
had experienced at least one divorce; children from divorced families had
lower GPAs and were more likely to use marijuana. Other studies have
also shown that home environment characteristics in early childhood,
such as parenting and attachment, predict educational achievement
(Ferguson, Jimerson, & Dalton, 2001; Mullis, Rathge, & Mullis, 2003;
Riala, Isohanni, Jokelainen, Jones, & Isohanni, 2003) as well as substance
use (Caspers, Cadoret, Langbehn, Yucuis, & Troutman, 2005; Miller &
Volk, 2002).
Jessor and Jessor’s (1977) Theory of Problem Behavior is commonly
cited as an explanation for the co-occurrence of low academic achieve-
ment and substance use. According to this view, multiple risky or prob-
lem behaviors often appear in tandem within individuals partly because
some individuals have a general tendency for such activities. Rather than
either low school success or substance use serving as a risk factor for the
other, Jessor, Donovan, and Costa (1991) claimed that a psychosocial
tendency for unconventionality would be a risk factor for both.
Research has supported this notion of a general risk factor for a con-
stellation of several problem behaviors (Costa, Jessor, & Donovan, 1989;
Ellickson et al., 2001; Ketterlinus, Lamb, & Nitz, 1994). Jessor’s frame-
work has been popular for theoretical explanations of such findings and
has garnered much support and credibility. Yet it remains difficult to dis-
tinguish empirically between one or more underlying casual factors and
reciprocal relations between several or all problem behaviors. Although
unconventionality may increase one’s likelihood of exhibiting problem
behaviors, that does not preclude some problem behaviors from preced-
ing and influencing others.
An illustration of developmental influences within a constellation of
problem behaviors lies in the phenomenon of drug sequencing. It is com-
mon for youth to use some substances before initiating the use of oth-
ers (Ellickson, Hays, & Bell, 1992; Hawkins, Hill, Guo, & Battin-Pearson,
2002; Kandel & Yamaguchi, 2002). Although populations differ, tobacco
and alcohol are usually found to precede marijuana use, which is then
initiated before other “harder” illicit drugs. In this example, it cannot be
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Tvoj rod se je dvignil, oj Trubar,
In ti si rešítelj njegov,
Ko z drago domačo besedo
Duhá si otel mu okóv.

Povejte, prijatelji modri,

Kdo národu pravi je kralj:
Kdor vlada telesu — ali
Kdor duhu življenje je dal?

Vladarjeva slava je senca,

Ki spremlja vse dní ga zvesto,
Zvestó ga spremlja do groba —
In ž njim strohní pod zemljó.

A z narodom tvoja slava

Na veke, na veke živí;
Oj Trubar, ti národ si vstvaril,
Življenje podaril mu tí.»

Takó je govoril Ungnad ...

Navdušenost sije v očéh,
Veselo pojó kozarci
O lepših bodočih dnéh.

Romantika.
Na zemlji noč temnà leží;
Tam v cerkvi mlad menìh klečí:
«Oj večni bog, gospod svetá,
Ti gledaš mi na dnò srcá,
Na dnò srcá, kjer noč in dan
Te vnovič križa greh strašan:
Le ona polni mi glavó,
Povsod le gledam njó, le njó;
Kot večne luči sveti žar
Gorí očíj prelepih par,
Kot zárije večerne kras
Žarí nebeški njen obràz ...
Kakó kipí mi vroča krí,
Kakó si je srcé želí
Kedàr jo vidijo očí ...
O bog dobrotni, ti me čuj,
Ljubezni grešne me varuj!»

Na zemlji noč temnà leží

Tam v cerkvi deklica klečí!
«Ti veš, Madona, kaj trpím,
Ti sáma veš, kakó greším ...
Ne tečejo mi več solzé,
Nobeden vzdih več ne pové
Kakó umíra mi srcé ...
Le k njemu sili moj korak,
Le njega vidi pógled vsak;
Njegovo lice je bledó,
Ah, belo kot mrtvaški prt;
Temnó njegovo je okó,
Iz njega gleda črna smrt;
In kadar stopi pred oltar,
Obkroža ga svetniški žar ...
Kakó ga ljubim presrčnó,
Kakó jaz zanj živim samó ...
O ti, Madona, ti me čuj,
Ljubezni grešne me varuj!»
V sanjàh polnočnih spava svet,
S kopréno lunino odét;
In sredi cerkve, bled in tih
Leží tam v krsti mlad menìh ...
«O bog, ti duši pókoj daj,
Ti vsprejmi jo v nebeški raj ...»
Ko zvon mrtvaški zazvoní,
Deklè na postelji leží, —
Obràz je bled, mrtvé očí ...
Teló ji s cvetjem potresó,
Glavó ji z vencem ovijó.

Sultanove sandale.
Vsi vezirji in vse paše,
Vse klečalo je pred njim:
«Slava ti, nebeško solnce,
Slava, sultan Ibrahim!

Nihče, kar jih je sedelo

Na prestolu kdaj popred,
Do kolena ti ne seže
Niti prorok Mahomed.

Ah, kedàr te vzame Allah

K sebi v sveti sedmi raj,
Kaj bo z nami, kaj bo z nami
S hlapci tvojimi tedaj!»

To so tarnali, jokáli,
In še bolj in zmirom bolj;
On pa sname z nog sandale,
Položí jih na prestòl.

«Ne prestanite, otroci,

Le togujte še naprej:
Tukaj dam vam te sandale,
 Da slavíte jih odslej.»

In vse paše, vsi vezirji,

Vse hitelo je navskriž:
«Oj sandale, naša radost,
Ve naš bog, naš paradiž —»

To poskoči takrat sultan,

To jim zakričí v obraz:
«Uh, vi tepci, vi sleparji,
Kaj ste rekli, da sem jaz? ...

Ibrahim je na prestolu —
On je solnce, on je kralj;
Na prestolu so sandale,
In vaš kralj je par sandal.

Pridi, Omar, pa jih ženi

Po vsem mestu naokrog
In oznanjaj: «To so hlapci
In sandale so jim bog!»

Dve nočí.
Tam v deželi čudolepi
Kjer nebeško solnce vzhaja
Vladal je nešteta ljudstva
V davnih časih moder kralj.

Svetla noč zemljó objame;

In objame kralja žalost,
In zahrepení mu duša
Med duhove tja v višave.
Jasno je nebó visoko
In nad jasnim nebom vlada
Na prestolu čudokrasnem
Zemlje in nebá vladár.
Klanjajo se mu duhovi,
Vsi v prelepih zlatih haljah;
Vsi duhovi duša jedna,
Duša jedna, lepa, jasna
Lepa kot nebó večerno,
Jasna kot pomladni dan
In kot beli cvet nedolžna ...
Žalosten ozrè se kralj
Tjà na črno, tiho zemljo;
Črna kot zavržen angelj
Plava trudna pod višavo,
In na zemlji bleda žalost,
Strast in greh in hladna smrt.

Zadrhtéla je od sráma,
Ah od studa zadrhtéla
Mu je duša idealna.
«To ní bajka, — dà, iz íla,
Iz umazanega blata
So ustvarjena ta trupla;
In razgnílo je že davno
Kar je bilo duše v njih ...»
Trdo je na zémljo pala
Kraljeva mogočna róka,
In drhtèl je grešnik v strahu,
V strahu róke vil in molil ...
—————————
Plava kralj v opojni sreči
V svojem tihem, lepem hramu;
Síje mu v obràz goreči
Skozi okno lunin žar,
Síje v belo, krasno líce
Králjeve ljubimke mlade.
In teló se trese njemu,
In poljublja v sladki strasti
In objemlje dèkle krasno ...
«Ah ti sladka moja duša,
Ti življenje moje drago —
Rož duhtečih si nasula
V srce moje žálostno —
Odgrníla je gardíne,
Sence temne je razgnala
Tvoja róka od baržuna, —
Da je solnce posijalo
Na ves lepi, jasni svet ...»
In po zemlji vsi prostrani
Srečo trosi kralj mogočni,
In ves narod se mu klanja
In ves svet mu poje slavo.

Intermezzo v nebesih.
Visoko tam nad zvezdami
Ob oknu bog sloní
In Azraelu, angelju,
Otožno govorí:

«Oj smrtni angelj Azrael,

Poglédi na zemljó,
Poglej pod nama starca tam
Kakó strmí v nebó —

Kakó vzdihuje, moli spet:

‚Le jedno si želím,
Popréd ko pred obrazom ti
Na smrtni dan stojím.

Prelepe tiste dní, gospod,

Dočakati mi daj,
Ko pošlješ nam na zemljo dol
Svoj mirni, jasni ràj;

Ah, daj mi gledati, gospod,

Prelepe tiste dní,
Kot sta nam jih oznanjala
Tolstoj in Bellamy ...‘

Nagíblje se, oj starec moj,

Na véčer že tvoj čas,
A večno ne živí nihčè
Kot Ahasver in jaz.

Razpnì peroti, Azrael,

Poléti na zemljó,
Pa z róko svojo žámetno
Zatísni mu okó ...»

In tiho dvoje temnih kril

Na zemljo dol hití ...
Visoko tam nad zvezdami
Ob oknu bog sloní.

Slavina.
Pol kraljestva dal je tebi Kruko
In še vedno ti je čelo mračno!
Kjer počíje pógled tvoj, o Henrik,
Zemljo krasno vidiš, zemljo svojo:
Ta ravnina pod teboj zelena,
Bistri viri in šumeče reke,
Črni gozdi in visoke gore
In v daljavi jezera bleščeča —
Vse je tvoje, ti pa si otožen!

«Kaj mi hoče moje svetlo žezlo,

Kaj mi hoče moja krasna zemlja?
Da imel bi jo pod žezlom svojim
Vso državo Lótarja vladarja,
In še večjo, večjo ... in vso zemljo!
Da sedèl bi na prestolu zlatem,
Da bi kronal me sam Oče rimski,
In pred mano bi ves svet se klanjal, —
Pa ostalo srce bi nesrečno! ...
Ti, Slavina, si kraljestvo moje;
In ko dala žezlo bi mi v roko,
Na glavó mi krono položila,
Kralj na svetu bil bi najsrečnejši! ...
Naj mi skloni tilnik jeza božja,
Če ne pahnem te s prestola, Kruko!
Pol podaril si mi zemlje svoje,
Zemlje, ki si mojemu očetu
Bíl iztrgal jo z nasilno róko ...
A imej jo, zemljo dedov mojih,
Dar tvoj vrnem ti v naročje željno, —
Vse bogastvo moje, vse gradove,
Vzemi vse, a meni daj Slavíno ...
Ne, prositi nečem te pohlevno:
Ti očetu zemljo si iztrgal —
Sin iztrga tebi lepo ženo ...»

To premišlja Henrik v strasti svoji

Tam ob Peni na visokem gradu,
Na visokem gradu kralja Kruka.
Tàkrat zástor težki se razgrne
In Slavína obstojí med vrati;
Lice belo skríva si v kopréno,
Zatrepeče glas ji v polutemi:
«Ako ljubiš, knez, življenje svoje,
Hitro konja brzega zajaši,
Pa odbeži skrivno v temni noči;
Kralj te vabi jutri na gostíjo, —
A ne vabi te na rujno vino, —
Piti hoče tvojo kri, — o Henrik! ...»
———————————
In prisije v jutru zlato solnce.
Hrup in šum po gradu se razlega:
Kralj pripravlja víteško gostíjo.
Po vseh potih na konjičih iskrih
Proti gradu vítezi hitijo.
Po dvoranah šetajo se lahno
Deve krasne s krasnimi junaki;
A najlepša je kraljica mlada
In junak je Henrik najkrasnejši.
Kruko sede na visoki préstol —
V hipu vtihne govorjenje sladko.
Svetle čaše nosijo strežaji,
Z rujnim vinom polnijo jih gostom.
In s prestola vstane temni Kruko,
Mirno stopi Henriku pred lice
In visoko dvigne čašo zlato:
«Henrik, srcu mojemu najdražji,
V trdno zvezo pij iz čaše moje!»

«Kaj z levico mi napíjaš, Kruko,

A desnico pa za pasom skrívaš?
Glej, prečrne, kralj, so misli tvoje,
Da ostale bi ti v podli duši,
In morílec iz očíj ti gleda! ...
Ti si hotel, da se kri prelíje,
Naj zgodí se, Kruko, volja tvoja!»
Kralju vroča kri privrè iz prsij,
Obledí mu lice v bolečíni
In k nogám se knezu mrtev zgrudi.
Mirno stopi Henrik do prestola,
Meč krvavi mu drží desníca,
Po dvorani zrè okó ponosno:
«Kaj molčíte, ko na zlati préstol
Kralj vam novi seda z žezlom v roki?»
Družba kliče v strahu, začudenju:
«Bog te žívi, novi kralj naš, Henrik!»
In Slavina sede poleg njega.
«Kaj na mizah vino vam počíva
Ko poroča se vladar vaš, Henrik ...?»
Po dvorani čaše zazveníjo.
«Bog te žívi, novi kralj naš, Henrik,
Bog te žívi, o kraljíca krasna!»

Noveleta.
Noč pomladna je objela
Beli dvorec ob Ljubíji;
Tam za vrtom, izza góre
Prisijál je mrzli mesec.

V žalostnem, mrtvaškem svitu

Zablestí zidovje belo,
A na stenah, kot duhovi
Dvígajo se temne sence.

Gori v hramu razsvetljenem,

Tam počíva bolna mati.
Líca trhla in upala
Kot bi smrt dahníla nanje;

Stisnjena so vela ustna;

Iz očí globokih, temnih,
Zdí se, da odseva jasno
Vse življenje v svoji bedi ...

Težko vzdihne bolna mati,

Položí koščeno róko
Okrog vráta mlade žene,
Lepe kot jesenska noč;

Sklonjene nad mrzlo postelj

Kakor bledi smrtni angelj.
Polugasel ogenj sije
V teh očéh udrtih, trudnih;

Onemoglost je razlíta
Na prozorno bledih licih;
Trudno ji ležé na vzglavji
Njene mehke, bele róke.

————————
«Ali, ah, kakó iz greha
Sreča bi se ti rodila?
Ah, kakó bi pač vzcvetele
Rože iz solzá neštetih?

Iz solzá, ki jih jokala

Záte je nesrečna mati,
Dèkle mlado, zapuščeno,
Samo v neizmernem jadu.

Jasno gledam one dneve,

Kot bi jih živela danes,
In srcé, kar je trpelo,
Čuti vroče kot nekdàj ...
Mati moja je jokala,
Vzdihovala in molila,
Sestra je kot na neznanko
Zrla náme in molčala.

Oče moj z obrazom tolstim

In od gnjeva osivelim,
Stiskal je pestí pred mano:
‚Kdo je óni? Odgovôri!‘

Jaz pa sem pisala njemu,

Klicala ga kakor dete,
Klicala ga in prosila,
Da me reši iz sramote.

‚Žalostno mi je živeti,
Žalostno brez tebe, ljubček;
Vsi me gledajo kot tujko,
Samo ti si mi ostàl.

Ah, saj si dejal mi, ljubček,

Da se vrneš hitro, hitro,
In me pred oltar povedeš ...
Pridi k meni, zapuščeni.‘

In prišlò je belo pismo,

Vse dišeče po parfumu,
Z zlatim robom naokoli;
Pismo pa je pisal on.

‚Ni mogoče, draga moja,

Ni mogoče ... Ah, verjemi,
Da sem jokal kakor dete, — —
Ali draga, — ni mogoče.

Res bi rad pohitel k tebi,

Ali služba, to je služba,
In verjemi, nì trenotek
Oddahniti si ne morem.

Pa napósled, — ali prosim,

Da tegà za zlò ne vzameš, —
Mislim, da bi tebe, draga,
Jaz osrečiti ne mogel.

Pač te ljubim kakor nekdaj;

Ali prvo, to je meni
Tvoja sreča ... ah, in zanjo
Hočem darovati svojo ...‘

Ah, kakó je bílo takrat

Mrzlo, pusto srce moje,
Kakor belo, tiho polje
Pod meglenim zimskim nebom ...

Kamor zrè okó boječe —

Vsi obrazi hladni, temni ...
Sama na sovražnem svetu
S tabo, detetom nesrečnim.

In potem brezčutna, mrtva,

Kakor kip od mramorja
Videla ne čula nisem
Kaj se je z menoj godilo ...

A pozneje me zaprosi
Znanec mojega očeta;
Pravil je, da je zaljubljen
V mirni, bledi moj obràz.

Ne jokala, ne prosila,
Nísem se braníla starca;
Vsi so z rámeni majali,
Gledali so čudom náme.

‚Tako lepa, tako mlada ...‘

Ali oče moj je hotel;
In jaz trudna in brezčutna —
Kaj naj plakam, naj vzdihujem?

Ali studa in bojazni

Mogla nísem udušiti;
Kot otrok sem vztrepetala
Kadar se me je dotaknil.

Ta njegov odurni pógled

Iz očíj vodenih, mirnih;
To ledeno, trdo lice,
Kakor líto iz železa! ...

In odvedel me je sabo
V tihi dvorec, na posestvo;
Od takràt je bilo meni
Kakor da živím v okovih.

Kadar so v očéh gorele

Solze ob spomínu nate,
Kadar je bledèl obraz moj
Od bolesti, od kesanja —

Stopil je moj mož pred mene,

Gladil me z rokó po licih:
‚Ah, moj Bog, kakó si krasna,
Ženka moja, kadar plakaš!‘

Jaz pa sem sklenila róki:

‚Daj mi dete, če me ljubiš,
Da ne ginem od obupa ...‘
In klečala sem pred njim ...

Bog odpusti mu brezsrčnost,

Jaz mu nisem odpustila, —
Ah, kakó si, dete moje,
Zaslužilo ti sovraštvo? ...
S svojo težko, trdo róko
Vodil je življenje tvoje;
Zapuščenega otroka
Dal je rokam neljubečim.

Koliko nočíj nemirnih

Gledala sem te pred sabo
Vso razplakano, nesrečno;
In jokala sem s teboj ...

Ali takrat! ... Proti mraku

Vrne se domú iz mesta;
Po večerji pride k meni
Pa naznani mi smehljaje:

‚Skoro da bi bil pozabil:

Dora te pozdravlja ... veš-li?
Jutri je poroka njena.
Mož je sicer malo star —

A bogat je! ... Kakšna škoda,

Da ne moreš z mano v mesto;
Pa bolehna si in nečem,
Da se mi kakó vznemirjaš.‘

Meni je zastalo srce

Od sovraštva, od bolesti,
In v očéh njegovih zlobnih
Brala sem usodo tvojo ...

Reci, če je bilo čudno,

Da sem mirna in brezsrčna
Zrla mu v obràz upali
In v očí umirajoče?

Tretjo noč po onem dnevu

Príšel je domú ves truden;
Vozil se je v mrzli noči
Vroč, pijan in pol razgaljen.

Legel je bolan na postelj

In čez mesec dnij pod zemljo;
A nì jedna gorka solza
Ní mu groba orosila ...

Hladni, mračni duh njegov

Pa ostàl je poleg mene;
Spremljal me je z zlobnim smehom
Po teh mrtvih, temnih sobah.

In sedàj, v trenotkih zadnjih

Spet me gleda porogljívo
Iz očíj ugaslih tvojih,
Iz bolestnega obraza;

Gleda me življenje tvoje

Brez veselja, brez pomladi,
Z vso ljubeznijo brezupno,
Z vsem trpljenjem neizmernim ...»

Skozi polodprto okno

Diha nočni zrak opojni;
Kakor iz daljave daljne
Čuje se šepet valóv ...

————————
«Dora ... Dora! ... To so ženske:
Blebetanje, vzdihovanje!
Jaz te čakam; jutri zgodaj
Vrneva se že domú!» —

Izza temne portijère

Zahreščàl je glas staríkav;
Ona vstane; v bolnem srdu
Zableščé se ji očí.
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