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Textbook of
Assisted Reproductive
Techniques
The editors (from left to right: Colin M. Howles, Ariel Weissman, David K. Gardner,
and Zeev Shoham) at the annual meeting of ESHRE, Stockholm, July 2011
Textbook of
Assisted Reproductive
Techniques
Fourth Edition
Edited by
Ariel Weissman MD
Senior Physician, IVF Unit, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology,
Edith Wolfson Medical Center, Holon and Sackler Faculty of Medicine,
Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel
Zeev Shoham MD
Director, Reproductive Medicine and Infertility Unit, Department of Obstetrics and
Gynecology, Kaplan Medical Center, Rehovot, Israel
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
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© 2012 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
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Contents
XI Stimulation Protocols
46. Treatment strategies in assisted reproduction for the poor responder patient 162
Ariel Weissman and Colin M. Howles
47. Repeated implantation failure 208
Mark A. Damario and Zev Rosenwaks
66. The evolving role of the ART nurse: A contemporary review 415
Joanne L. Libraro
CONTENTS vii
Index 457
List of contributors
Thomas H. Tang
Leeds Centre for Reproductive Medicine, Seacroft
Hospital, Leeds, UK
The beginnings of human
in vitro fertilization
Robert G. Edwards
In vitro fertilization (IVF) and its derivatives in preim- Pincus et al. also studied human oocytes (1). Extracting
plantation diagnosis, stem cells, and the ethics of assisted oocytes from excised ovaries, they identified chromo-
reproduction continue to attract immense attention sci- somes in a large number of oocytes and interpreted this as
entifically and socially. All these topics were introduced evidence of the completion of maturation in vitro. Many
by 1970. Hardly a day passes without some public recog- oocytes possessed chromosomes after 12 hours, the pro-
nition of events related to this study, and clinics spread portion remaining constant over the next 30 hours and
ever further worldwide. Now we must be approaching longer. Twelve hours was taken as the period of matura-
1.5 million IVF births, it is time to celebrate what has tion. Unfortunately, chromosomes were not classified for
been achieved by so many investigators, clinical, scien- their meiotic stage. Maturing oocytes would be expected
tific, and ethical. to display diakinesis or metaphase-I chromosome pairs.
While much of this chapter “Introduction” covers the Fully mature oocytes would display metaphase-II chro-
massive accumulation of events between 1960 and 2000, mosomes, signifying they were fully ripe and ready for
it also briefly discusses new perspectives emerging in the fertilization. Nevertheless, it is well known that oocytes
21st century. Fresh advances also increase curiosity can undergo atresia in the ovary involving the formation
about how these fields of study began and how their eth- of metaphase-II chromosomes in many of them. These
ical implications were addressed in earlier days. As for oocytes complicated Pincus’ estimates, even in controls,
me, I am still stirred by recollections of those early days. and were the source of his error which led later workers
Foundations were laid in Edinburgh, London, and to inseminate human oocytes 12 hours after collection
Glasgow in the 1950s and early 1960s. Discoveries made and culture in vitro (2,3). Work on human fertilization in
then led to later days in Cambridge, working there with vitro, and indeed comparable studies in animals,
many PhD students. It also resulted in my working with remained in abeyance from then and for many years.
Patrick Steptoe in Oldham. Our joint opening of Bourn Progress in animal IVF had also been slow. After many
Hall in 1980, which became the largest IVF clinic of its relatively unsuccessful attempts in several species in the
kind at the time, signified the end of the beginning of 1950s and 1960s, a virtual dogma arose that spermatozoa
assisted human conception and the onset of dedicated had to spend several hours in the female reproductive
applied studies. tract before acquiring the potential to bind to the zona
pellucida and achieve fertilization. In the late 1960s,
Austin and Chang independently identified the need for
INTRODUCTION
sperm capacitation, identified by a delay in fertilization
First of all, I must express in limited space my tributes to after spermatozoa had entered the female reproductive
my teachers, even if inadequately. These include investi- tract (4,5). This discovery was taken by many investiga-
gators from far-off days when the fundamental facts of tors as the reason for the failure to achieve fertilization in
reproductive cycles, surgical techniques, endocrinology, vitro, and why spermatozoa had to be exposed to secre-
and genetics were elicited by many investigators. These tions of the female reproductive tract. At the same time,
fields began to move in the 20th century, and if one pio- Chang reported that rabbit eggs that had fully matured in
neer of these times should be saluted, it must be Gregory vitro failed to produce normal blastocysts, none of them
Pincus. Famous for the contraceptive pill, he was a dis- implanting normally (6).
tinguished embryologist, and part of his work dealt with
the maturation of mammalian oocytes in vitro. He was
MODERN BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IVF,
the first to show how oocytes aspirated from their folli-
PREIMPLANTATION GENETIC DIAGNOSIS, AND
cles would begin their maturation in vitro, and how a
EMBRYO STEM CELLS
number matured and expelled a first polar body. I believe
his major work was done in rabbits, where he found that My PhD began at the Institute of Animal Genetics,
the 10 to 11-hour timings of maturation in vitro accorded Edinburgh University in 1952, encouraged by Professor
exactly with those occurring in vivo after an ovulatory Conrad Waddington, the inventor of epigenesis, and
stimulus to the female rabbit. supervised by Dr Alan Beatty. At the time, capacitation
THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION xiii
was gaining in significance. My chosen topic was the reproductive cycles. In fact, they worked wonderfully
genetic control of early mammalian embryology, specifi- well. Doses of 1–3 IU of PMS induced the growth of
cally the growth of preimplantation mouse embryos with numerous follicles, and similar doses of hCG 42 hours
altered chromosome complements. later invoked estrus and ovulation a further 6 hours later
Achieving these aims included a need to expose mouse in almost all of them. Often, 70 or more ovulated oocytes
spermatozoa to x-rays, ultraviolet light, and various crowded the ampulla, most of them being fertilized and
chemicals in vitro. This would destroy their chromatin developing to blastocysts (9). Oocyte maturation, ovula-
and prevent them from making any genetic contribution tion, mating, and fertilization were each closely timed in
to the embryo, hopefully without impairing their capac- all adults, another highly unusual aspect of stimulation
ity to fertilize eggs in vivo. Resulting embryos would (10). Diakinesis was identified as the germinal vesicle
become gynogenetic haploids. Later, my work changed to regressed, with metaphase I a little later and metaphase II,
exposing ovulated mouse oocytes to colchicine in vivo, expulsion of the first polar body, and ovulation at
in order to destroy their second meiotic spindle in vivo. 11.5–12 hours after hCG. Multiple fertilization led to
This treatment freed all chromosomes from their attach- multiple implantation and fetal growth to full term, just
ment to the meiotic spindle, and they then became as similar treatments in anovulatory women resulted in
extruded from the egg into tiny artificial polar bodies. quintuplets and other high-order multiple pregnancies a
The fertilizing spermatozoon thus entered an empty egg, few years later. Years afterward, germinal vesicle break-
which resulted in the formation of androgenetic haploid down and diakinesis were to prove equally decisive in
embryos with no genetic contribution from the maternal identifying meiosis and ovulation in human oocytes in
side. For three years, my work was concentrated in the vivo and in vitro. Even as these results were gained, Ruth
mouse house, working at midnight to identify mouse and I departed in 1957 from Edinburgh to the California
females in estrus by vaginal smears, collecting epididy- Institute of Technology, where I switched over immu-
mal spermatozoa from males, and practicing artificial nology and reproduction, a topic that was to dominate
insemination with samples of treated spermatozoa. This my life for five or six years on my return to the United
research was successful, as mouse embryos were identi- Kingdom.
fied with haploid, triploid, tetraploid, and aneuploid The Institute at Edinburgh had given me an excellent
chromosomes. Moreover, the wide range of scientific tal- basis not only in genetics, but equally in reproduction.
ent in the Institute made it a perfect place for fresh col- I had gained considerable knowledge about the endocrine
laborative studies. For example, Julio Sirlin and I applied control of estrus cycles, ovulation, and spermatozoa; the
the use of radioactive DNA and RNA precursors to the male reproductive tract; artificial insemination; the stages
study of spermatogenesis, spermiogenesis, fertilization, of embryo growth in the oviduct and uterus; superovula-
and embryogenesis, and gained knowledge unavailable tion and its consequences; and the use of radiolabeled
elsewhere. compounds. Waddington had also been deeply interested
An even greater fortune beckoned. Allen Gates, who in ethics and the relationships between science and reli-
arrived newly from the United States, brought commer- gion, and instilled these topics in his students. I had been
cial samples of Organon’s pregnant mares’ serum (PMS) essentially trained in reproduction, genetics, and scien-
rich in follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH), and human tific ethics, and all of this knowledge was to prove to be of
chorionic gonadotropin (hCG) with its strong luteinizing immense value in my later career. A visit to the California
hormone (LH) activity to induce estrus and ovulation in Institute of Technology widened my horizons into the
immature female mice. Working with Mervyn Runner molecular biology of DNA and the gene, a field then in its
(7), he had used low doses of each hormone at an interval infancy.
of 48 hours to induce oocyte maturation, mating, and After a year in California, London beckoned me, to
ovulation in immature mouse females. He now wished to the National Institute for Medical Research to work
measure the viability of three-day embryos from imma- with Drs Alan Parkes and Colin (Bunny) Austin. I was
ture mice by transferring them to an adult host to grow to fortunate indeed to have two such excellent colleagues.
term (8). I was more interested in stimulating adult mice After two intense years in immunology, my curiosity
with these gonadotropins to induce estrus and ovulation returned to maturing oocytes and fertilization in vitro.
at predictable times of the day. This would help my Since they matured so regularly and easily in vivo, it
research, and I was by now weary of taking mouse vagi- should be easy to stimulate maturation in mouse oocytes
nal smears at midnight. My future wife, Ruth Fowler, and in vitro by using gonadotropins. In fact, to my immense
I teamed up to test this new approach to superovulating surprise, when liberated from their follicles into culture
adult mice. We chose PMS to induce multifolliculation medium, oocytes matured immediately in vast numbers
and hCG to trigger ovulation, varying doses and times in all groups, with exactly the same timing as those
from those utilized by Allen Gates. PMS became obsolete maturing in vivo following an injection of hCG. Adding
for human studies some time later, but its impact has hormones made no difference. Rabbit, hamster, and rat
stayed with me from that moment, even till today. oocytes also matured within 12 hours, each at their own
Opinion in those days was that exogenous hormones species’ specific rates. But to my surprise, oocytes from
such as PMS and hCG would stimulate follicle growth cows, sheep, and rhesus monkeys, and the occasional
and ovulation in immature female mammals, but not in baboon, did not mature in vitro within 12 hours. Their
adults because they would interact badly with an adult’s germinal vesicles persisted unmoved, arrested in the
xiv THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION
stage known as diffuse diplotene. Why had they not While looking in the library for any newly published
responded like those of rats, mice, and rabbits? How papers relevant to my proposed Nature manuscript, I dis-
would human oocytes respond? A unique opportunity covered those earlier papers of Pincus and his colleagues
emerged to collect pieces of human ovary, and to aspirate described earlier. They had apparently succeeded 30 years
human oocytes from their occasional follicles. I grasped earlier in maturing human oocytes cultured for 12 hours,
it with alacrity. where I had failed. My Nature paper (11) became very
different from that originally intended, even though it
retained enough for publication. Those results of Pincus
MOVING TO HUMAN STUDIES
et al. had to be repeated. After trying hard, I failed com-
Molly Rose was a local gynecologist in the Edgware and pletely to repeat them, despite infusing intact ovaries in
District Hospital who delivered two of our daughters. She vitro with gonadotropin solutions, using different cul-
agreed to send me slithers or wedges of ovaries such as ture media to induce maturation, and using joint cultures
those removed from patients with polycystic disease, as of maturing mouse oocytes and newly released human
recommended by Stein and Leventhal, or with myomata oocytes. Adding hormones to culture media also failed.
or other disorders demanding surgery. Stein–Leventhal It began to seem that menstrual cycles had affected oocyte
wedges were the best source of oocytes, with their numer- physiology in a different manner than in nonmenstruat-
ous small Graafian follicles lined up in a continuous rim ing mammalian species. Finally, another line of inquiry
just below the ovarian surface. Though samples were emerged after two years of fruitless research on the pre-
rare, they provided enough oocytes to start with. These cious few human oocytes available. Perhaps the timing
oocytes responded just like the oocytes from cows, sheep, of maturation in mice and rabbits differed from that of
and pigs, their germinal vesicles persisting and diakine- those oocytes obtained from cows, baboons, and humans.
sis being absent after 12 hours in vitro. Even as my days in London were ending, Molly Rose
This was disappointing, and especially so for me, since sent a slither of human ovary. The few oocytes were
Tjio and Levan, and Ford had identified 46 diploid chro- placed in culture just as before. Their germinal vesicles
mosomes in humans, while studies by teams in Edin- remained static for 12 hours as I already knew, and then
burgh (Scotland) and France had made it clear that many after 20 hours in vitro. Three oocytes remained, and
human beings were heteroploid. This was my subject, I waited to examine them until they had been in vitro for
because chromosomal variations mostly arose during 24 hours. The first contained a germinal vesicle, so did
meiosis and this would be easily assessed in maturing the second. There was one left and one only. Its image
oocytes at diakinesis. Various groups also discovered under the microscope was electrifying. I gazed down at
monosomy or disomy in many men and women. Some chromosomes in diakinesis and at a regressing germinal
women were XO or XXX; some men were XYY and vesicle. The chromosomes were superb examples of
XYYY. Trisomy 21 proved to be the most common cause human diakinesis with their classical chiasmata. At last,
of Down’s syndrome, and other trisomies were detected. I was on the way to human IVF, to completion of the
All this new information reminded me of my chromo- maturation program and the onset of studies on fertiliza-
some studies in the Edinburgh mice. tion in vitro.
For human studies, I would have to obtain diakinesis This was the step I had waited for, a marker that Pincus
and metaphase I in human oocytes, and then continue had missed. He never checked for diakinesis, and appar-
this analysis to metaphase II when the oocytes would be ently confused atretic oocytes, which contained chromo-
fully mature, ready for fertilization. Despite being disap- somes, with maturing oocytes. Endless human studies
pointed at current failure with human oocytes, it was were opening. It was easy now, even on the basis of one
time to write my findings for Nature in 1962 (11). There oocyte in diakinesis, to calculate the timing of the final
was so much to write regarding the animal work, and stages of maturation because the postdiakinesis stages of
describing the new ideas then taking shape in my mind. maturation were not too different from normal mitotic
I had heard Institute lectures on infertility, and realized cycles in somatic cells. This calculation provided me
that fertilizing human oocytes in vitro and replacing with an estimate of about 36 hours for full maturation,
embryos into the mother could help to alleviate this con- which would be the moment for insemination. All these
dition. It could also be possible to type embryos for gaps in knowledge had to be filled. But now, my research
genetic diseases when a familial disposition was identi- program was stretching far into the future.
fied. Pieces of tissue, or one or two blastomeres, would At this wonderful moment, John Paul, an outstanding
have to be excised from blastocysts or cleaving embryos, cell biologist, invited me to join him and Robin Cole at
but this did not seem to be too difficult. There were few Glasgow University to study differentiation in early
genetic markers available for this purpose in the early mammalian embryos. This was exciting, to work in bio-
1960s, but it might be possible to sex embryos by their chemistry with a leading cell biologist. He had heard
XX or XY chromosome complement by assessing mitoses that I was experimenting with very early embryos, trying
in cells excised from morulae or blastocysts. Choosing to grow cell lines from them. He also wanted to grow
female embryos for transfer would avert the birth of boys stem cells from mammalian embryos and study them in
with various sex-linked disorders such as hemophilia. vitro. This began one of my most memorable 12 months
Clearly, I was becoming totally committed to human IVF of research. John’s laboratory had facilities unknown
and embryo transfer. outside, with CO2 incubators, numerous cell lines in
THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION xv
constant cultivation, cryopreservation facilities, and the I had already met Victor McKusick, who worked in Johns
use of media droplets held under liquid paraffin. We Hopkins, at many conferences. I asked for his support for
decided to start with rabbits. Cell lines did not grow eas- my request to work with the hospital gynecologists for
ily from cleaving rabbit embryos. In contrast, stem cells six weeks. He found a source of funds, made laboratory
migrated out in massive numbers from cultures of rabbit space available, and a wonderful invitation that intro-
blastocysts, forming muscle, nerves, phagocytes, blood duced me to Howard and Georgeanna Jones. This signifi-
islands, and other tissues in vitro (12). Stem cells were cant moment was equal to my meeting with Molly Rose.
differentiating in vitro into virtually all the tissues of the The Joneses proved to be superb and unstinting in their
body. In contrast, dissecting the inner cell mass from support. Sufficient wedges and other ovarian fragments
blastocysts and culturing it intact or as disaggregated were available to complete my maturation program in
cells produced lines of cells which divided and divided, human oocytes. Within three weeks, every stage of meio-
without ever differentiating. One line of these embry- sis was classified and timed (14). We also undertook pre-
onic stem cells expressed specific enzymes, diploid liminary studies on inseminating human oocytes that
chromosomes, and a fibroblastic structure as it grew over had matured in vitro, trying to achieve sperm capacita-
200 and more generations. Another was epithelioid and tion by using different media or adding fragments of
had different enzymes but was similar in other respects. ampulla to the cultures, and even attempting fertilization
The ability to make whole-embryo cultures producing in rhesus monkey oviducts. Two nuclei were found in
differentiating cells was now combined with everlasting some inseminated eggs, resembling pronuclei, but sperm
lines of undifferentiated stem cells which replicated tails were not identified so no claims could be made (15).
over many years without changing. Ideas of using stem During those six weeks, however, oocyte maturation was
cells for grafting to overcome organ damage in recipients fully timed at 37 hours, permitting me now to predict
began to emerge. My thoughts returned constantly to with certainty that women would ovulate at 37 hours
growing stem cells from human embryos to repair defects after an hCG injection.
in tissues of children and adults. A simple means of access to the human ovary was now
Almost at my last moment in Glasgow, with this new essential in order to identify human ovarian follicles in
set of ideas in my mind, a piece of excised ovary yielded vivo and to aspirate them 36 hours after hCG, just before
several oocytes. Being placed in vitro, two of them had the follicular rupture. Who could provide this? And how
reached metaphase II and expelled a polar body at about sperm capacitation? Only in hamsters that fertil-
37 hours. This showed that another target on the road to ization in vitro had been achieved, using in vivo matured
human IVF had been achieved as the whole pattern of oocytes and epididymal spermatozoa (16). I met Victor
oocyte maturation continued to emerge but with increas- Lewis, my third clinical colleague, and we noticed what
ing clarity. seemed to be anaphase II in some inseminated eggs.
Cambridge University, my next and final habitation, is Again, no sperm tails were seen within the eggs.
an astonishing place. Looking back on those days, it An attempt to achieve human capacitation in Chapel
seems that the Physiological Laboratory was not the Hill, North Carolina, United States, working with Robert
ideal place to settle in that august university. Neverthe- McGaughey and his colleagues, also failed (17). A small
less, a mixture of immunology and reproduction intrauterine chamber lined with porous membrane was
remained my dominant theme as I rejoined Alan Parkes filled with washed human spermatozoa, sealed, and
and Bunny Austin there. I had to do immunology to inserted overnight into the uterus of human volunteers at
obtain a grant to support my family, but thoughts of mid-cycle. Molecules entering it could react with the
human oocytes and embryos were never far away. One spermatozoa. No matured human eggs were fertilized.
possible model of the human situation was the cow and Later evidence indicated that the chamber contained
other agricultural species, and large numbers of cow, inflammatory proteins, perhaps explaining the failure.
pig, and sheep oocytes were available from ovaries given
to me by the local slaughterhouse. Each species had its
DECISIVE STEPS TO CLINICAL HUMAN IVF
own timing, all of them longer than 12 hours (13). Pig
oocytes were closest to humans, requiring 37 hours. In Back in the United Kingdom, my intention to conceive
each species, maturation timings in vitro were exactly human children in vitro had grown even stronger. So
the same as those arising in vivo in response to an hCG many medical advantages could flow from it. A small
injection. This made me suspect that a woman ovulated number of human embryos had been flushed from human
36–37 hours after an injection of hCG. Human oocytes oviducts or uteri after sexual intercourse, providing slen-
also trickled in, improving my provisional timings of der information on these earliest stages of human embry-
maturation, and one or two of them were inseminated, ology. It was time to attain human fertilization in vitro, in
but without signs of fertilization. order to move close to working with infertile patients.
More oocytes were urgently needed to conclude the Ethical issues and moral decisions would emerge, one
timings of oocyte meiosis. Surgeons in Johns Hopkins after the other, in full public view. Matters such as clon-
Hospital, Baltimore performed the Stein–Leventhal ing and sexing embryos, the risk of abnormalities in the
operation, which would allow me to collect ovarian tis- children, the clinical use of embryo stem cells, the ethics
sue, aspirate oocytes from their follicles, and retain the of oocyte donation and surrogate pregnancy, and the
remaining ovarian tissues for pathology if necessary. right to initiate human embryonic life in vitro would
xvi THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION
never be very far away. These issues were all acceptable, of the Oldham and District General Hospital (18), it
since I was confident that studies of human conception described laparoscopy, with its narrow telescope and
were essential for future medicine, and correct ethically, instruments and the minute abdominal incisions. He
medically, and scientifically. The increasing knowledge could visualize the ampulla and place small amounts of
of genetics and embryology could assist many patients if medium there, in an operation lasting 30 minutes or less
I could achieve human fertilization and grow embryos and maybe even without using anesthesia. This is exactly
for replacement into their mothers. what I wanted, because access to the ampulla was equiv-
Few human oocytes were available in the United King- alent to gaining access to ovarian follicles. Despite advice
dom. Despite this scarcity, one or two of those matured to the contrary from several medical colleagues, I tele-
and fertilized in vitro possessed two nuclei after insemi- phoned him about collaboration and stressed the uncer-
nation. But there were no obvious sperm tails. I devised tainty in achieving fertilization in vitro. He responded
a cow model for human fertilization, using in vitro most positively, just as Molly, Howard and Georgeanna,
matured oocytes and insemination in vitro with selected and Victor had done. We decided to get together.
samples of highly active, washed bull spermatozoa Last but by no means least, Molly Rose sent a small
extracted from neat semen. It was a pleasure to see some piece of ovary to Cambridge. Its dozen or more oocytes
fertilized bovine eggs, with sperm tails and characteristic were matured in vitro for 37 hours, when Barry and
pronuclei, especially using spermatozoa from one par- I added washed spermatozoa suspended in his medium.
ticular bull. Here was a model for human IVF and a pre- We examined them a few hours later. To our delight,
lude to a series of events, which implied that matters in spermatozoa were pushing through the zona pellucida,
my research were suddenly changing. A colleague had into several of the eggs. Maternal and paternal pronuclei
stressed that formalin fixatives were needed to detect were forming beautifully. We saw polar bodies and sperm
sperm tails in eggs. Barry Bavister joined our team to tails within the eggs. That evening in 1969, we watched
study for his PhD and designed a medium of high pH, in delight virtually all the stages of human fertilization in
which gave excellent fertilization rates in hamsters. We vitro (Fig. I.1). One fertilized egg had fragments, as Chang
decided to collaborate by using it for trials on human fer- had forecast from his work on oocyte maturation and fer-
tilization in vitro. tilization in vitro of rabbit eggs. This evidence strength-
Finally, while browsing in the library of the Physiolog- ened the need to abandon oocyte maturation in vitro and
ical Laboratory, I read a paper in The Lancet which replace it by stimulating maturation by means of exoge-
instantly caught my attention. Written by Dr P C Steptoe nous hormones. Our 1969 paper in Nature surprised a
Figure I.1 A composite picture of the stages of fertilization of the human egg. (Upper left) An egg with a first polar body and spermatozoa
attached to the outer zona pellucida. (Upper central) Spermatozoa are migrating through the zona pellucida. (Upper right) A spermatozoon
with a tail beating outside the zona pellucida is attaching to the oocyte vitelline membrane. (Lower left) A spermatozoon in the ooplasm, with
enlarging head and distinct mid-piece and tail. (Lower central) Further development of the sperm head in the ooplasm. (Lower right) A pronu-
cleate egg with two pronuclei and polar bodies. Notice that the pronuclei are apparently aligned with the polar bodies, although more dimen-
sions must be scored to ensure that polarity has been established in all axes.
THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION xvii
world unaccustomed to the idea of human fertilization in pioneers, Palmer in Paris (23) and Fragenheim in Germany
vitro (19). (24). He improved the pneumoperitoneum to gain working
Incredibly fruitful days followed in our Cambridge space in the abdominal cavity and used carbon fibers to
laboratory. Richard Gardner, another PhD candidate, and pass cold light into the abdomen from an external source
I excised small pieces of trophectoderm from rabbit blas- (25). By now, Patrick was waiting in the wings, ready to
tocysts and sexed them by staining the sex chromatin begin clinical IVF in distant Oldham. We had a long talk
body. Those classified as female were transferred into about ethics and found our stances to be very similar.
adult females and were all correctly sexed at term. This Work started in the Oldham and District General Hospi-
work transferred my theoretical ideas of a few years ear- tal and moved later to Kershaw’s Hospital, set up by my
lier into the practice of preimplantation diagnosis of assistants, especially Jean Purdy. We knew the routine. It
inherited disease, in this case for sex-linked diseases was based on my Edinburgh experiences with mice. Piero
(20). Alan Henderson, a cytogeneticist, and I analyzed Donini from Serono Laboratories in Rome had purified
chiasmata during diakinesis in mouse and human eggs, urinary human menopausal gonadotropins (hMG) as a
and explained the high frequencies of Down’s syndrome source of FSH and the product was used clinically to
in offspring of older mothers as a consequence of meiotic stimulate follicle growth in anovulatory women by Bruno
errors arising in oocytes formed last in the fetal ovary, Lunenfeld (26). It removed the need for PMS, thus avoid-
which were then ovulated last at later maternal ages (21). ing the use of nonhuman hormones. We used low-dosage
Dave Sharpe, a lawyer from Washington, joined forces to levels in patients, that is, 2–3 vials (a total of 150–225 IU)
write an article in Nature (22) on the ethics of IVF, the given on days 3 and 5, and 5000–7000 IU of hCG on day
first ever paper in the field. I followed this up with a 10. Initially, the timing of oocyte maturation in vitro was
detailed analysis of ethics and law in IVF covering scien- confirmed, by performing laparoscopic collections of
tific possibilities, oocyte donation, surrogacy by embryo oocytes from ovarian follicles at 28 hours after hCG to
transfer, and other matters (22). So the first ethical papers check that they were in metaphase I (27). We then moved
were written by scientists and lawyers and not by phi- to 36 hours to aspirate mature metaphase II oocytes for
losophers, ethicists, or politicians. fertilization. Those beautiful oocytes were surrounded by
masses of viscous cumulus cells and were maturing
exactly as predicted. We witnessed follicular rupture at
THE OLDHAM YEARS
37 hours through the laparoscope. Follicles could be clas-
Patrick and I began our collaboration six months later in the sified from their appearance as ovulatory or nonovulatory,
Oldham and District General Hospital, almost 200 miles this diagnosis being confirmed later by assaying several
north of Cambridge. He had worked closely with two steroids in the aspirated follicular fluids (Fig. I.2).
18.798
16.832
14.866
110.9
Within-group variation
12.900
99.3 10.935
Within-group variation
87.6 8.969
7.003
29.6
5.038
18.0
3.072
6.3 1.106
Figure I.2 Eight steroids were assayed in fluids extracted from human follicles aspirated 36–37 hours after the human chorionic gonadotropin
(hCG) shot. The follicles had been classified as ovulating or nonovulating by laparoscopic examination in vivo. Data were analyzed by cluster
analysis, which groups follicles with similar features. The upper illustration shows data collected during the natural menstrual cycle. Note that
two sharply separated groups of follicles were identified, each with very low levels of within-group variance. Attempting to combine the two
groups resulted in a massive increase of within-group variation, indicating that two sharply different groups had been identified. These different
groups accorded exactly with the two groups identified by means of steroid assays. The lower figure shows the same analysis during stimulated
cycles on fluids collected 36–37 hours after injecting hCG. With this form of stimulation, follicle growth displays considerable variation within
groups. Attempts to combine all the groups result in a moderately large increase in variation. This evidence suggests that follicles vary consid-
erably in their state of development in simulated cycles using human menopausal gonadotropin (hMG) and hCG.
xviii THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION
Figure I.3 Successive stages of human preimplantation development in vitro in a composite illustration made in Oldham in 1971. (Upper
left) 4-cell stage showing the crossed blastomeres typical of most mammals. (Upper middle) 8-cell stage showing the even outline of blasto-
meres and a small piece of cumulus adherent to the zona pellucida. (Upper right) A 16 to 32-cell stage, showing the onset of compaction of
the outer blastomeres. Often, blastocelic fluid can be seen accumulating between individual cells to give a “stripey” appearance to the
embryo. (Lower left and middle) Two living blastocysts showing a distinct inner cell mass, single-celled trophectoderm, blastocelic cavity, and
thinning zona pellucida. (Lower right) A fixed preparation of a human blastocyst at 5 days, showing more than 100 even-sized nuclei and
many mitoses.
Unfortunately, they failed to express either sex chroma- be given every five days to sustain pregnancies, since it
tin or the male Y body so we were unable to sex them as was supposed to save threatened abortions. So, we began
female or male embryos. Human preimplantation genetic embryo transfers to patients in stimulated cycles, giving
diagnosis would have to wait a little longer. this luteal phase support. Even though our work was
During these years there were very few plaudits for us, slowed down by having to wait to see whether pregnan-
as many people spoke against IVF. Criticism was mostly cies arose in one group of patients before stimulating the
aimed at me, as usual when scientists bring new chal- next, enough patients had accumulated after two to three
lenges to society. Criticism came not only from the Pope years. None of our patients was pregnant, and disaster
and archbishops, but also from scientists who should loomed. Our critics were even more vociferous as the
have known better, including James Watson (who testi- years passed, and the mutual support between Patrick
fied to a U.S. Senate Committee that many abnormal and me had to pull us through.
babies would be born), and Max Perutz, who supported Twenty or more different factors could have caused our
him. These scientist critics knew virtually nothing about failure, for example cervical embryo transfers, abnormal
my field, so who advised them to make such ridiculous embryos, toxic culture dishes or catheters, inadequate
charges? Cloning football teams or intelligentsia was luteal support, incompatibility between patients’ cycles
always raised by ethicists, which clearly dominated their and that imposed by hMG and hCG, inherent weakness in
thoughts rather than the intense hopes of our infertile human implantation, and many others. We had to glean
patients. Yet one theologian, Gordon Dunstan, who every scrap of information from our failures. I knew Ken
became a close friend, knew all about IVF from us, and Bagshawe in London, who was working with improved
wrote an excellent book on its ethics. He was far ahead of assay methods for gonadotropic hormones. He offered to
almost every scientist in my field of study. Our patients measure blood samples taken from our patients over the
also gave us their staunch support, and so did the Old- implantation period using his new hCG-® assay. He tele-
ham Ethical Committee, Bunny Austin back home in phoned: three or more of our patients previously undiag-
Cambridge, and Elliott Philip, a colleague of Patrick’s. nosed had actually produced short-lived rises of hCG-®
Growing embryos became a routine, so we decided to over this period. Everything changed with this informa-
transfer one each to several patients. Here again we tion. We had established pregnancies after all, but they
were in untested waters. Transferring embryos via the had aborted very early. We called them biochemical
cervical canal, the obvious route to the uterus, was vir- pregnancies, a term that still sticks today. It had taken us
tually a new and untested method. We would have to do almost three years to identify the cause of our failure, and
our best. From now on, we worked with patients who the finger of suspicion pointed straight at Primulot. I knew
had seriously distorted tubes or none whatsoever. This it was luteolytic, but it was apparently also an abortifa-
step was essential, since no one would have believed cient, and our ethical decision to use it had caused much
we had established a test-tube baby in a woman with heartache, immense loss of work and time, and despair for
near-normal tubes. This had to be a condition of our ini- some of our patients. The social pressures had been
tial work. Curiously, it led many people to make the big immense, with critics claiming our embryos were dud
mistake of believing that we started IVF to bypass and our whole program was a waste of time; but we had
occluded oviducts. Yet we already knew that embryos come through it and now knew exactly what to do next.
could be obtained for men with oligozoospermia or anti- We accordingly reduced the levels of Primulot depot,
bodies to their gametes, and for women in various stages and utilized hCG and progesterone as luteal aids. Suspi-
of endometriosis. cions were also emerging that human embryos were very
One endocrinological problem did worry me. Stimula- poor at implanting. We had replaced single embryos into
tion with hMG and hCG shortened the succeeding luteal most of our patients, rarely two. Increasingly we began to
phase, to a very short time for embryos to implant before wonder whether more should be replaced, as when we
the onset of menstruation. Levels of urinary pregnane- replaced two in a program involving transfer of oocytes
diol also declined soon after oocyte collection. This con- and spermatozoa into the ampulla so that fertilization
dition was not a result of the aspiration of granulosa and could occur in vivo.
cumulus cells, and luteal support would be needed, pref- This procedure was later called gamete intrafallopian
erably progesterone. Csapo et al. stressed how this hor- transfer (GIFT) by Ricardo Asch. We now suspected that
mone was produced by the ovaries for the first 8–10 single embryo transfers could produce a 15–20% chance
weeks before the placenta took over this function (31). of establishing pregnancy, just as our first clinical preg-
Injections of progesterone in oil given over that long nancy arose after the transfer of a single blastocyst in a
period of time seemed unacceptable since it would be patient stimulated with hMG and hCG (32). Then came
extremely uncomfortable for patients. While mulling the fantastic news—a human embryo fertilized and
over this problem, my attention turned to those earlier grown in vitro had produced a pregnancy. Everything
endocrinologists who believed that exogenous hormones seemed fine, even with ultrasound images. My culture
would distort the reproductive cycle, although I doubt protocols were satisfactory after all. Patrick rang: he
they even knew anything about a deficient luteal phase. feared the pregnancy was ectopic and he had to remove
This is how we unknowingly made our biggest mistake it sometime after 10 gestational weeks. Every new
in early IVF days. Our choice of Primolut (Sigma Chemical approach we tested seemed to be ending in a disaster, yet
co., St Louis, USA) depot, a progestogen, meant it should we would not stop, since the work itself seemed highly
xx THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION
ethical, and conceiving a child for our patients was per- Mrs. MP
1 preovulatory oocyte +
ODGH 12/1/73
haps the most wonderful thing anyone could do for them. 1.6 × 106 sperm into ampulla
In any case, ectopic pregnancies are now known to be a
LMP ampules
Laparoscopy
8000 IU hCG
regular feature with assisted conception.
hMG
I sensed that we were entering the final phase of our
RTM
(amps)
hCG (IU)
Oldham work, seven years after it began. We had to speed 3 3 3 3 1500 15001500 1500
up, partly because Patrick was close to retiring from the
National Health Service. Four stimulation protocols were 150
tested in an attempt to avoid problems with the luteal
110
60
Total estrogens
(µg/24h)
40
20
0
Pregnanediol
(mg/24 h)
0
LH by HiGovanis
6
(IU/h)
4
2
1
<1
12 13 14 15 16 17 11 12 13 14 15 16 11 12 13 14 15 16
Days Days Days
Figure I.6 Recording the progress of the human natural menstrual cycle for in vitro fertilization (IVF). Three patients are illustrated. All three
displayed rising 24-hour urinary estrogen concentrations during the follicular phase and rising urinary pregnanediol concentrations in the luteal
phase. Luteinizing hormone (LH) levels were measured several times daily and the data clearly reveal the exact time of onset of the LH surge.
THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION xxi
transferred an hour or so after it became 8-cell. Their clomiphene and hCG and replacing two or three embryos
positive pregnancy test a few days after transfer was (34), so they had moved ahead of us during the delayed
another milestone—surely nothing could now prevent opening of Bourn Hall. Our own effort now expanded pro-
their embryo developing to full term in a normal repro- digiously. Thousands of patients queued for IVF. Simon
ductive cycle, but those nine months lasted a very long Fishel, Jacques Cohen, and Carol Fehilly joined the
time. Three more pregnancies were established using embryology team among younger trainees, and new clini-
natural-cycle IVF as we abandoned the other approaches. cians joined Patrick and John Webster. Patients and preg-
A triploid embryo died in utero—more bad luck. A third nancies increased rapidly, and the world was left standing
pregnancy was lost through premature labor on a moun- far behind. Howard and Georgeanna Jones began in
tain walking holiday, two weeks after the mother’s Norfolk using gonadotropins for ovarian stimulation. Jean
amniocentesis (32,33). It was a lovely, well-developed Cohen began in Paris, Wilfred Feichtinger and Peter
boy. Louise Brown’s birth, and then Alistair’s, proved to Kemeter in Vienna, Klaus Diedrich and Hans van der
a waiting world that science and medicine had entered Venn in Bonn, Lars Hamberger and Matts Wikland in
human conception. Our critics declared that the births Sweden, and Andre van Steirteghem and Paul Devroey in
were a fake, and advised against attending our presenta- Brussels. IVF was now truly international.
tion on the whole of the Oldham work at the Royal Col- The opening of Bourn Hall had not deterred our critics.
lege of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists. They put up a fierce rearguard action against IVF, along-
side LIFE, Society for the Unborn Child, individual gyne-
cologists, and others.
IVF WORLDWIDE
Objections raised against IVF included low rates of
The Oldham period was over. Good facilities were now pregnancy (no one mentioned the similar low rates
needed, with space for a large IVF clinic. Bourn Hall was of pregnancy with natural conception), the possibilities
an old Jacobean house in lovely grounds near Cambridge of oocyte and embryo donation, surrogate mothers,
(Fig. I.7). Facilities on offer for IVF in Cambridge were far unmarried parents, one-sex parents, embryo cryopreser-
too small, so we purchased it mostly with venture capital. vation, cloning, and endless other objections.
It was essential to conceive 100 or 1000 IVF babies to LIFE issued a legal action against me for the abortion
ensure that the method was safe and effective clinically. of an embryo grown for 14 days and longer in vitro.
The immense delays in establishing Bourn Hall delayed Their action was rejected by the U.K. Attorney General
our work by two years after Louise’s birth. Finally, on since the laws of pregnancy began after implantation.
minimal finance, Bourn Hall was opened in September We fully respected the intense ethical nature of our pro-
1980 on a shoestring, supported by our own cash and ceedings. We also recognized the need for research, and
loans. The delay gave the rest of the world a chance to join the necessity to protect or cryopreserve the best embryos
in IVF. Alex Lopata delivered an IVF baby in Australia, for later replacement into their mothers. Those not
and one or two others were born elsewhere. Natural-cycle replaced had to be used for research under strict con-
IVF was chosen initially at Bourn Hall since it had proved trols, combined with open publication and discussion
successful in Oldham, and we became experts in it. Preg- of our work.
nancies flowed, at 15% per cycle. An Australian team of Each year, 1000, rising to almost 2000, patients passed
Alan Trounson and Carl Wood announced the establish- through Bourn Hall. Different stimulation regimens or
ment of several IVF pregnancies after stimulation by new procedures could be tested in very little time.
Clomiphene/hMG was reintroduced. Bourn babies and Mike Ashwood-Smith and Peter Holland’s in
increased: 20, 50, 100 to 1000 after five to six years. This embryology, as the old team faded away. Fascinating
was far more than half of the world’s entire IVF babies, days had returned. Working with barristers, we
including the first born in the United States, Germany, designed consent forms which were far in advance of
Italy, and many other countries. Detailed studies were those used elsewhere. Oocyte donation and surrogacy
performed on embryo culture, implantation, and abor- by embryo transfer were introduced. The world’s first
tion. We even tried aspirating epididymal spermatozoa paper on embryo stem cells appeared in Science in
for IVF, without achieving successful fertilization. 1984, sent from Bourn Hall, and the world’s first on
Among the immense numbers of patients, people with human preimplantation diagnosis in 1987 appeared in
astonishingly varied conditions of infertility emerged. Human Reproduction. However, embryo research fal-
Some were poor responders in whom immense amounts tered as all normal embryos were cryopreserved for
of endocrine priming were essential, women with a natu- their parents, so almost none were available for study.
ral menstrual cycle that was not as it should have been, Alan Handyside, one of our Cambridge PhDs, joined
previous misdiagnoses which had laid the cause of infer- Hammersmith Hospital in London to make major steps
tility on the wife when the husband had never even been in introducing preimplantation genetic diagnosis (36).
investigated, and men bringing semen samples that we As we reached 1000 pregnancies, our data showed the
discovered had been obtained from a friend. The collabo- babies to be as normal as those conceived in vivo.
ration between nurses, clinicians, and scientists was Test-tube babies (an awful term) were no longer unique
remarkable. Yet trouble—ethical trouble—was never far and were accepted worldwide, exactly as Patrick and I
away. I purchased a freezing machine to resume our Old- had hoped. Our work was being recognized (Fig. I.8).
ham work, but, unknown to me, Patrick talked to officers Clinics sprang up everywhere. Ultrasound was intro-
of the British Medical Association (BMA) and for some duced to detect follicles for aspiration by the Scandina-
reason agreed to delay embryo cryopreservation. Appar- vians (37), making laparoscopy for oocyte recovery
ently, the BMA felt it would be an unwelcome social largely redundant. Artificial cycles were introduced in
development. I did not approve of these reservations: Australia and intracytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI)
David Whittingham had shown how low-temperature in Belgium (38), and gonadotropin-releasing hormone
cryostorage was successful with mouse embryos, without agonists were used to inhibit the LH surge. Ian Craft in
causing genetic damage. “Freezing and cloning” became London showed how postmenopausal women aged 52 or
a term of intense approbation at this time. I unwillingly more could establish pregnancies using oocyte donation
curtailed our cryopreservation program. and endocrine support. Women over 60 years of age con-
One weekend, a major trouble erupted as a result of ceived and delivered children. This breakthrough was
this difference between Patrick and me. My duties in especially welcome to me, since older women surely
Bourn Hall prevented me from attending a conference in have the right to have children at ages almost the same as
London. Trying to be helpful, I telephoned my lecture to those possible for men.
London. Reception at the other end was apparently so Ethics continued side by side with advancing science
poor as to lead to misinterpretations of what I had said. and medicine. The U.K. governmental Warnock report
Next morning, the press furore about my supposed prac- recommended permitting embryo research and proposed
tice of cryopreserving embryos after IVF was awful, so a Licensing Authority for IVF. A year or so later, the U.K.
bad, indeed, that legal action had to be taken. Luckily, House of Lords, in all its finery, responded with a 3:1
my lecture had been recorded, and listening to the tapes vote in favor, decisive support for all we had done in Mill
with a barrister revealed nothing contentious. I had said
nothing improper in my lecture or during the question-
answer session. That day, I issued seven libel actions
against the cream of British society: the BMA and its sec-
retary, the BBC, The Times, and other leading newspa-
pers. There were seven in one day and another one later!
If only one was lost, I could be ruined and disgraced.
However, they were all won, even though it took several
years with the BMA and its secretary. These legal actions
had inhibited our research, the cryopreservation program
being shut down for more than a year. Every single
embryological note of mine from those days in Oldham
and from Bourn Hall was examined in detail for my
opponents by someone who was clearly an embryologist.
Nothing was found to incriminate me.
That wretched period passed. The number of babies
kept on growing, embryo cryopreservation was
resumed, and Gerhard Dealmaker in The Netherlands
beat us and the world to the first “ice” baby (35). Colin Figure I.8 A happy picture of Patrick and me, standing in our robes
Howles and Mike McNamee joined us in endocrinology, after being granted our Hon. DSc by Hull University.
THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN IN VITRO FERTILIZATION xxiii
Hill, Cambridge, and Oldham. What a wonderful day! aware of these findings when practicing human IVF, for
The British House of Commons passed a liberal IVF law example by assessing the role of sera in human culture
after intense debate, and so did the Spanish government, media.
although elsewhere things were not so liberal. Ten years
after the birth of Louise Brown, the British Parliament
IVF OUTLOOK
had therefore accepted IVF, research on human embryos
until day 14, and establishing research embryos. Cloning In one sense, opening up human conception in vitro was
and embryo stem cells still bothered the politicians in perhaps among the first examples of applied science in
1988, to re-emerge in 1998, gray shadows of my earlier modern “hi tech.” Human IVF has since spread through-
times in Glasgow. IVF had also become fundamental to out the world, with apparently more than 3.5 million
establish embryonic stem cells for organ repair, or clon- babies born worldwide by 2008— yet Louise Brown is
ing. During all this activity, tragedy struck all of us in only just 30 years of age. The need for IVF and its deriva-
Bourn Hall. Jean Purdy died in 1986 and Patrick Steptoe tives is greater than ever, since up to 10% of couples may
in 1988. They at least saw IVF come of age. suffer from some form of infertility. Major advances in
By the 1990s, burgeoning medical science was digging genetic technologies now identify hundreds of genes in a
deeper into endless aspects of human conception in single cell, and diagnosing genetic disease in embryos
vitro. The intracytoplasmic injection of a single sperma- promises to help avoid desperate genetic diseases in
tozoon into an oocyte to achieve fertilization, ICSI, was newborn children. Indeed, the ethics of this field have
one of the greatest advances since IVF was introduced. It now become even more serious, since the typing of
transformed the treatment of male infertility, enabling embryo genotypes provides detailed predictions of future
severely oligozoospermic men to father their own chil- life and health.
dren. It did not stop there, since epididymal spermatozoa IVF has now combined closely with genetics to elimi-
and even those aspirated from the testis could be used for nate disease or disability genes, or lengthen the life span.
ICSI. Spermatids have also been used. ICSI became so But most of all, practicing IVF teaches a wider under-
simple that many clinics reduced IVF to fewer and fewer standing of the desire and love for a child and a partner,
cases. New gonadotropin-releasing hormone antagonists the wonderful and ancient joys of parenthood, the pain
introduced novel ways to control the cycle, enabling of failure, the deep motivation needed in donating and
many oocytes to be stimulated by hMG and, subse- receiving an urgently needed oocyte or a surrogate uterus.
quently, using recombinant human FSH. Treatment in Parenthood is more responsible than ever before. Its com-
the natural cycle could be improved, since these antago- plex choices are gathered before couples everywhere by
nists control LH levels and prevent premature LH surges. the information revolution, placing family responsibili-
My own interests were returning to embryology, as the ties on patients themselves, where it really matters. And
molecular biology revolution influenced our thinking. IVF now reveals more and more about miracles preserved
I am convinced that the oocyte and egg must be highly in embryogenesis from flies and frogs to humankind,
programmed, timewise, in embryonic polarities and inte- over 600 million years of evolution.
grating genetic systems such that the tight systems place The human genome project is now complete and will
every new gene product in its right place in the one-cell inevitably assist IVF since we will soon understand the
egg and cleaving embryo. This must be right; there can genetic aspects of early embryo growth and how to detect
surely be no other explanations for the fabulous modifi- abnormal genes in embryos. This textbook contains chap-
cation in embryonic growth in the first week or two of ters which describe in detail the several advances and
embryonic life. I have been delighted to work with Chris developments which have expanded the possibilities of
Hansis on identifying a gene (for hCG-®) in one blasto- treating diverse causes of human infertility as well as
mere of four- and eight-cell human embryos, providing numerous genetic disorders.
evidence of blastomere differentiation at this early stage Already it is clear that a staggering array of genes oper-
of embryogenesis (39). ates in preimplantation stages in mammalian including
This topic returns me to my scientific origins studying human embryos, and new methods are being introduced
mouse embryos in the Institute of Animal Genetics in to deal with such highly multigenic embryonic systems.
Edinburgh, where Waddington reported the amazing We are indeed enmeshed in a field embracing some of the
story of the gene Aristapedia in Drosophila, which he most fundamental evolutionary stages of our existence as
had induced to grow legs in place of eyes. These unusual we pass from oocyte to blastocyst and to implantation.
flies then bred true, showing he had uncovered a gene
that had been silenced for millions of years and how this
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15. Edwards RG, Donahue R, Baramki T, Jones H Jr. Pre- humans by fertilization in vitro and embryo transfer in
liminary attempts to fertilize human oocytesmatured in the controlled ovulatory cycle. Science 1981; 212: 681–2.
vivo. AmJ Obstet Gynecol 1966; 96: 192–200. 35. Zeilmaker GH, Alberda T, Gent I, et al. Two pregnan-
16. Yanagimachi R, Chang MC. J Exp Zool 1964; 156: 361–76. cies following transfer of intact frozen–thawed
17. Edwards RG, Talbert L, Israestam D, et al. Diffusion embryos. Fertil Steril 1984; 42: 293–6.
chamber for exposing spermatozoa to human uterine 36. Handyside A, Kontogianni EH, Hardy K, Winston RML.
secretions. Am J Obstet Gynecol 1968; 102: 388–96. Pregnancies from biopsied human preimplantation
18. Steptoe PC. Laparoscopy and ovulation. Lancet 1968; embryos sexed by Y-specific DNA application. Nature
2: 913. (London) 1990; 344: 768–70.
19. Edwards RG, Bavister BD, Steptoe PC. Early stages of 37. Wikland M, Enk L, Hamberger L. Transvesical and trans-
fertilisation in vitro of human oocytes matured in vitro. vaginal approaches for the aspiration of follicles by use
Nature (London) 1969; 221: 632–5. of ultrasound. Ann NY Acad Sci 1985; 442: 182–94.
20. Gardner RL, Edwards RG. Control of the sex ratio at full 38. Palermo G, Joris H, Devroey P, et al. Pregnancies after
term in the rabbit by transferred sexed blastocysts. intracytoplasmic injection of single spermatozoon into
Nature (London) 1968; 218: 346–8. an oocyte. Lancet 1992; 340: 17–18.
21. Henderson SA, Edwards RG. Chiasma frequency and 39. Hansis C, Edwards RG. Cell differentiation in the pre-
maternal age in mammals. Nature (London) 1968; 218: implantation human embryo. Reprod BioMed Online
22–8. 2003; 6: 215–20.
Robert Edwards: The path to IVF*
Martin H. Johnson
*This article is based on the research undertaken in prep- working-class family, and Edwards, who was known by
aration for the introductory lecture to the Nobel Sympo- his middle name of Geoff until he was 18, was the second
sium held in the Karolinska Institute, Stockholm, in of three brothers, with an older brother, Sammy and a
December 2010 to celebrate the award of the Nobel Prize younger one, Harry. These brothers he describes as com-
in Physiology or Medicine to Robert Geoffrey Edwards. petitive, “all determined to win or, if not to win, to go
An abbreviated account of the contents of this paper was down fighting” (3). Sammy was named after his father,
published as “Robert Edwards: Nobel Laureate in Physi- Samuel, who was frequently away from home working
ology and Medicine” in “Les Prix Nobel 2010,” edited by on the railways, maintaining the track in the Blea Moor
Professor Karl Grandin, and published by the Nobel tunnel on the Carlisle-Settle line. It was an unhealthy
Foundation; this version is reproduced as published in place to work, some 2600 m long and filled with coal-
Reproductive BioMedicine Online (2011) 23, 245–262, fired smoke that exacerbated Samuel’s bronchitis, a con-
with the permission of the Editors and Publishers of sequence of being gassed in World War I. The one perk of
Reproductive BioMedicine Online. working on the railways was the free rail pass for the
family’s annual holiday, which was regularly taken in
far-away Southend-on-Sea, located near the mouth of the
INTRODUCTION
Thames and considered then to be a top-spot resort by
Robert G Edwards was awarded the 2010 Nobel Prize for working-class families.
Physiology or Medicine “for the development of in vitro Edwards’ mother, Margaret, was a machinist in a local
fertilization” (1). There is a variety of accounts of the mill. She came originally from Manchester, to where the
events leading up to this discovery and its acceptance, family relocated when Edwards was about five, having
most of them by participants (2), but historical scholar- been offered the relative security of a council house at 25
ship is rarer. This account uses verifiable sources to pro- Highgate Crescent in the suburb of Gorton. It was in
duce a historical narrative of the path to in vitro fertilization Manchester that Edwards was to receive his education. In
(IVF) that differs in a number of places from the conven- those days, bright working-class children could take a
tionally accepted version and adds further detail. scholarship exam at age 10 or 11 to compete for the few
coveted places at a grammar school: the potential path-
way out of poverty and even to University. All three
EDWARDS’ LIFE HISTORY: SOURCES
brothers passed the exam, but Sammy decided against
Primary sources used were the publications by Edwards grammar school, preferring to leave education as soon as
and Steptoe during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s; archives he could to earn. His mother was reportedly furious at this
of the Royal Society of Medicine, Cambridge University, wasted opportunity, and so when her two younger sons
the Physiology Library at Cambridge, and the personal passed, there was no question that they would continue in
papers of RG Edwards (courtesy of Ruth Edwards); education and it was with that that Geoff/Bob progressed
unpublished transcripts of interviews with RG Edwards, in 1937 to Manchester Central Boy’s High School (the
K Elder, and RL Gardner; personal recollections from the building that now houses Shena Simon College in
late 1970s by Edwards and Steptoe as recalled in inter- Whitworth Street), which also claims James Chadwick
views with Danny Abse for the autobiographical account FRS (1891–1974) as an alumnus. Chadwick, like Edwards,
“A Matter of Life” and on film with Peter Williams; mem- was a Cambridge professor and the 1935 Nobel Laureate
bers of RG Edwards’ family and his colleagues and for- in Physics for discovering the neutron (4). The Edwards’
mer students and staff members for clarificatory evidence summers were spent in the Yorkshire Dales, to where
about personal recollections by Edwards, for additional their mother took her sons to be closer to their father’s
verifiable information and with whom to test some new place of work. There, Edwards labored on the farms and
interpretations. developed an enduring affection for the Dales.
These early experiences were formative. Edwards first
became a life-long egalitarian, for five years a Labour
CHILDHOOD BACKGROUND
Party Councillor (5), willing to listen to and talk with all
Robert Geoffrey Edwards was born on September 27, and sundry, regardless of class, education, status, and
1925 in the small Yorkshire mill town of Batley, the year background. Second, he developed an enduring curiosity
of the Batley deluge and “great flood.” He arrived into a about agricultural and natural history and especially the
xxvi ROBERT EDWARDS
reproductive patterns among the Dales’ sheep, pigs, and the anticipatory attractions of agricultural science. So
cattle. Finally, he claimed great pride in being a “York- his disappointment in the course offered at Bangor was
shire man,” traditionally having attributes of affability acute. By that time, he was a relatively experienced
and generosity of spirit combined with no-nonsense 23-year-old, described by his impressionable 18-year-
blunt-speaking. Indeed, following his only meeting with old public-school educated and self-described
Gregory Pincus [1903–1967; (6)] at a conference in “unlikely” friend, John Slee (Fig. 2) (7), as being “both
Venice in May 1966, at which Edwards, the young pre- ambitious and flexible, and unusually confident in his
tender, clashed with the “father of the pill” over the tim- own judgement.” In Edwards’ confident judgment, the
ing of egg maturation in humans; he paid Pincus the course on offer was not “scientific,” and he was bored
biggest compliment he could imagine, saying “He would through two tedious years of agricultural descriptions,
have made a fine Yorkshireman!” (3). after which he reported that his teachers were “glad to
The intervention of World War II was to provide an see the back of him” in Zoology for a year, a course
unwelcome interruption to Edwards’ education: when he much more to his style and led by the more intellectu-
left school in 1943, he was conscripted for war service ally challenging Rogers Brambell FRS [1901–1970; (8)].
into the British Army for almost four years (Fig. 1). To his However, that year was not enough to salvage his hon-
surprise, as someone from a working-class family, he was ors degree, and in 1951, aged 26 he gained a simple
identified as potential officer material and sent on an pass. Unbeknown to him at the time, he was not alone
officer-training course, before being commissioned in in this undistinguished academic embarrassment, as
1946. However, his army experiences were broadly nega- neither “Tibby” Marshall FRS [1878–1949; (9)], the
tive, the alien lifestyle of the officers’ mess not being to founder of the Reproductive Sciences, nor Sir Alan
his taste and reinforcing his socialist ideals. The one pos- Parkes FRS [1900–1990; (10)], the first Professor of
itive feature of his war service was the chance to travel Reproductive Sciences at Cambridge, who was later to
overseas; particularly appreciated was his time in the recruit Edwards there, distinguished themselves as
Middle East. The years in the army were broken by nine undergraduates. In 1951, however, Edwards “was dis-
months’ compassionate leave back in the Yorkshire consolate. It was a disaster. My grants were spent and I
Dales, to which he was released to help and run a farm was in debt. Unlike some of the students I had no rich
when his farmer friend there fell ill. So engaged did he parents … I could not write home, ‘Dear Dad, please
become in farming life that, after discharge from the army send me £100 as I did badly in the exams’” (3).
in 1948, he returned home to Gorton, from where he However, his low spirits did not last long. He learnt that
applied to read agricultural sciences at the University John Slee had been accepted on a postgraduate diploma
College of North Wales at Bangor. course in Animal Genetics at Edinburgh University under
Having gained a place and a government grant to fund Conrad Waddington FRS [1905–1975; (11)], who had
it, the six or so months that intervened were occupied moved there in 1947 from Christ’s College in Cambridge,
in a government desk job in Salford, Greater Manches- home also to both Marshall and Parkes. Edwards applied,
ter, helping to organize the newly formed National and, despite his pass degree and to his amazement, he
Health Service. This office-work experience reinforced was accepted. That summer, he worked in Yorkshire and
Wiltshire harvesting hay, as well as portering bananas although himself unwell, was to undertake grueling high
and heaving sacks of flour in Manchester docks and taking security war work at the Ordnance Board and later at the
a menial job with a newspaper, all to earn enough to pay Admiralty during World War II. His health deteriorated
his way in Edinburgh (3). and he died at the relatively young age of 55 when Ruth
was 13.
FAMILY LIFE
EDWARDS, THE RESEARCH SCIENTIST
In Edinburgh, Edwards not only started to map out his
scientific career, but importantly also met Ruth Fowler The intellectual spirit of scientific enquiry that Edwards
(Fig. 3), who was to become his life-long scientific col- experienced in Edinburgh fitted his aptitudes well, for
laborator and whom he was to marry in 1954, their five Waddington rewarded his Diploma year with a three-year
daughters arriving between 1959 and 1964: Caroline, PhD place (1952–55), followed by two years of postdoctoral
Sarah, Jenny, and twins Anna and Meg. When they met, research, and funded it to the princely sum of £240 per year
according to Edwards, in a statistics class, Ruth was (3). His chosen field of research was the developmental
studying for a genetics degree. Edwards claims that he biology of the mouse. Edwards saw that to understand
was initially somewhat overwhelmed, even “intimi- development involved engaging in an interdisciplinary
dated” by Ruth’s august family background. Her father, mix, not just of embryology and reproduction, the conven-
Sir Ralph Fowler FRS [1889–1944; (12)] and her maternal tional view at the time, but also of genetics. Given the scien-
grandfather, Lord Ernest Rutherford FRS [1871–1937; tific and social emphasis on genetics over the last 40 or so
(13)], were not only both “titled,” but both also had the years, it is important to understand how advanced this
most impressive academic credentials imaginable: a view was in the 1950s, when genetic knowledge was still
world away from a working-class Northern family. Ralph rudimentary and largely alien to the established develop-
Fowler was Plummer Professor of Mathematical Physics mental and reproductive biologists of the day, as Edwards
in Cambridge from 1932 to 1944. He was evidently an himself was later to recall (14). For example, it was in the
exceptionally talented mathematical physicist, a fine 1950s that DNA was established as the molecular carrier of
sportsman and “an inspirational teacher and leader of genetic information (15–18), that it was first demonstrated
men” (12). Back in Cambridge in 1919 after World War I, that each cell of the body carried a full set of DNA/genes
he was stimulated to work with Rutherford, who had (19–21) and that genes were selectively expressed as mRNA
recently arrived there to take the chair of Experimental to generate different cell phenotypes (22). Moreover, it was
Physics. Rutherford was the first Nobel laureate in Ruth’s only by the late 1950s that cytogenetic studies led to the
family, having been awarded the 1908 Nobel Prize for accepted human karyotype as 46 chromosomes (23,24),
Chemistry “for his investigations into the disintegration that agreement was reached on the Denver system of clas-
of the elements, and the chemistry of radioactive sub- sification of human chromosomes (25) and that the chromo-
stances” (13). somal aneuploidies underlying developmental anomalies
Ralph Fowler not only worked under Rutherford, but such as Down, Turner, and Klinefelter Syndromes were
in the course of doing so met his only daughter, Eileen, described (26–29).
whom he married in 1921. They had four children, of The dates of these discoveries make Edwards’ research
whom Ruth was the last, born in December 1930. Tragi- between 1952 and 1957 all the more remarkable. Work-
cally her mother died shortly afterwards and Ruth was ing under his supervisor Alan Beatty, he generated hap-
to know only Mrs Phyllida Cook as her “mother”; both loid, triploid, and aneuploid mouse embryos and studied
families moved into Cromwell House in Trumpington, their potential for development. In order to undertake
Cambridge and were brought up together (12). Her father, what were, in effect, early attempts at “genetic engineer-
ing” in mammals, he needed to be able to manipulate the
chromosomal composition of eggs, spermatozoa, and
embryos. In mice, spermatozoa were abundant, and were
studied in experiments mostly undertaken with a visit-
ing Argentinean postdoc, Julio Sirlin (Fig. 4), whom
Edwards describes as being “… the first man with whom
I collaborated who was prepared to work at my pace” (3).
Together they labeled spermatozoa radioactively in vivo
in order to study the kinetics of spermatogenesis and
then to follow the radioactive products post fertilization,
thereby to demonstrate the fate of the male contributions
to early development. They also exposed males and/or
their spermatozoa to various agents, such as chemical
mutagens and UV- or x-ray irradiation, and examined the
effects on sperm-fertilizing capacity, and where it was
shown to be present, how the treatment impacted on
Figure 3 Ruth Fowler in the laboratory, Edinburgh in the 1950s. development. In some cases, sperm activation of the egg
Source: Courtesy of Ruth Edwards. was evident, but in the absence of any functional sperm
xxviii ROBERT EDWARDS
chromatin, and so gynogenetic embryos were formed. His six years in Edinburgh, between 1951 and 1957,
These experiments resulted in 14 papers, including four give an early taste of his prodigious energy, resulting in
in Nature, between 1954 and 1959 (see ref. (30), for a full 38 papers (30). Indeed so productive was this period that
bibliographic record of Edwards). the last of the Edinburgh-based papers did not appear in
Eggs and embryos were not as abundant as spermato- print until 1963. These papers firmly placed the young
zoa, and overcoming this problem led Edwards to two Edwards at the forefront of studies on the genetic manip-
discoveries that proved to be of particular significance ulation of development and started to attract attention.
for his later IVF work. First, working with his wife Ruth, It was also in Edinburgh that Edwards’ interest in eth-
he devised ways of increasing the numbers of synchro- ics was first sparked by the interdisciplinary debates
nized eggs recoverable from adult female mice through a among scientists and theologians that Waddington orga-
series of papers, the first published in 1957 (31), on the nized, and, as a result, he went on what he describes as a
control of ovulation induced by use of exogenous hor- “church crawl,” trying the 10 or so variants of Christian-
mones. In doing so, they overturned the conventional ity on offer in 1950s Edinburgh. He did not emerge from
wisdom that superovulation of adults was not possible. his consumer testing “God-intoxicated” (3), but con-
Second, working with an American postdoc, Alan Gates vinced that man held his own future in his own hands.
(Fig. 5) (32), Edwards described the remarkable timed Edwards’ humanist ethical sympathies and antipathy to
sequence of egg chromosomal maturation events that led the “revealed truths” of religion were to be developed
up to ovulation after injection of the ovulatory hormone, further in all his later encounters (30).
human chorionic gonadotropin.
AN AMERICAN DIVERSION
These 1950s studies in science and ethics were to form
the platform on which Edwards’ later IVF work was to be
based, but before that his interests and life took a diver-
sion to the California Institute of Technology for the year
1957–1958. He describes his year at Caltech as being “a
bit of a holiday,” but it was a holiday which with hind-
sight had both distracting and significant consequences.
He went there to work with Albert Tyler [1906–1968;
(33)], an influential elder statesman of American repro-
ductive science, working on spermatozoon–egg interac-
tions. Caltech was then a hot bed of developmental
biology, and Tyler had clustered around him an exciting
group of young scientists, which included that year a visit
by the English doyen of fertilization, Lord Victor Roths-
child FRS [1910–1990; (34)]. Rothschild was later to clash
Figure 4 Julio Sirlin with Edwards in the 1950s. Source: Courtesy of scientifically with Edwards over his IVF work (35), a
Julio Sirlin. clash in which the younger man triumphed again (36),
Figure 5 Edwards as “a very recent PhD student” (centre) and Alan Gates (extreme left) at a meeting in Trinity College Cambridge in the late
1950s. Source: Courtesy of Ruth Edwards.
ROBERT EDWARDS xxix
just as he had with Pincus. Tyler was exploring the at Mill Hill, between 1958 and 1962, seems to have been
molecular specificity of egg–spermatozoon interactions a period of increasing intellectual conflict for him. While
and had turned for a model to immunology. Immunology being enthusiastic about the science underlying immu-
was then at an exciting phase in its development, with nocontraception, his old interests in eggs, fertilization
the engaging Sir Peter Medawar FRS [1915–1987, Nobel and, in particular, the genetics of development were
Laureate in Physiology or Medicine, 1960; (37)], influen- gradually reasserting themselves. His day job was there-
tially for Bob, extending his ideas on immunological tol- fore increasingly supplemented by evening and weekend
erance to the paradox of the “fetus as an allograft”: a flirtations with egg maturation.
semi-paternal graft nonetheless somehow protected from
maternal immune attack inside the mother’s uterus (38).
THE CRUCIAL EGG-MATURATION STUDIES
This confluence of reproduction and immunology excited
Edwards’ restless curiosity and hence the choice of Tyler. The stimulus that re-awakened Edwards’ interest in eggs
Significantly, the subject also offered funding possibili- was provided by the then recent consensus about the
ties via the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations and the number of human chromosomes and, more particularly
Population Council, which were increasingly concerned the descriptions in 1959 of the pathologies in man that
about world population growth and the need for better resulted from chromosomal anomalies. Thus, his 1962
methods to control fertility (39–41). Immunocontracep- Nature paper begins: “Many of the chromosomal anoma-
tion then seemed to offer tantalizingly specific possibili- lies in man and animals arise through non-disjunction or
ties, alas not much closer to being realized today (42). lagging chromosomes during meiosis in the oocyte.
So when Edwards returned to the United Kingdom Investigation of the origin and primary incidence of such
from CalTech in 1958 at Alan Parkes’ invitation to join anomalies would be greatly facilitated if meiotic stages
him at the Medical Research Council (MRC) National etc., were easily available” (44).
Institute for Medical Research (NIMR) at Mill Hill in The idea that these aneuploidies in humans might
north London, it was to work on the science of immuno- result from errors in the complex chromosomal dance
contraception (5). This period in the United States initi- that he and Gates had observed in maturing mouse eggs
ated a series of 23 papers on the immunology of drove his thinking. The possible clinical relevance of his
reproduction between 1960 and 1976 (30). It also work on egg maturation and aneuploidy in the mouse
prompted Edwards’ first involvement in founding an was becoming significant.
international society in 1967 in Varna Bulgaria, (Fig. 6) So Edwards resumed his experimenting with mice,
when the International Coordinating Committee for the trying to mimic in vitro the in-vivo maturation of eggs,
Immunology of Reproduction was created (43). Immu- one rationale being that this route would open the pos-
noreproduction was, in retrospect, to prove a distracting sibility of similar studies in humans, in which not even
diversion from what was to become Edwards’ main work, induced ovulation had then been described (45). He
albeit one that continued to enthuse and stimulate his tried releasing the immature eggs from their ovarian fol-
imagination for many years. Indeed, it was his research licles into culture medium containing the ovulatory hor-
into immunoreproduction that led serendipitously to his mone human chorionic gonadotropin, to explore
first meeting with Patrick Steptoe (see later). The period whether he could simulate their in-vivo development.
Figure 6 Edwards at one of the Varna meetings on Immunoreproduction; Schulman is speaking and to Edwards’ left is Bratanov, and seated
two to his right is Shanta Rao. Source: Courtesy Barbara Rankin.
xxx ROBERT EDWARDS
Amazingly he found it worked first time; the eggs seemed FRS [1897–1972; (53)], who banned any work on human
to mature at the same rate as they had in vivo. However, IVF at NIMR (3). Alan Parkes was no longer able to defend
they did so whether or not the hormone had been added. Edwards, having left in 1961 to take up his chair in Cam-
The eggs evidently were maturing spontaneously when bridge and, although he had asked Edwards to join him
released from their follicles. The same happened in rats there, funding was not available until 1963. So by the
and hamsters. If this also were to happen in humans, time Edwards left Mill Hill in 1962 for a year in Glasgow,
then the study of the chromosomal dance during human he had encountered a taste of the opposition to come.
egg maturation was a realistic practical possibility, as
was IVF and thereby studies on the genetics of early
GLASGOW AND STEM CELLS
human development. Edwards’ excitement at seeing
eggs spontaneously maturing was temporarily blunted Edwards had accepted an invitation from John Paul to
by his library discovery that Pincus in the 1930s (46,47) spend a year in the biochemistry department at Glasgow
and M C Chang [1908–1991; (48,49)] earlier in the 1950s University. Paul was then the acknowledged master of
had been there before him, using both rabbit and, Pincus tissue culture in the United Kingdom and had got wind
claimed, human eggs. of some experiments that Edwards had been doing on the
In order to pursue his cytogenetic studies on matura- side at NIMR attempting to generate stem cells from rab-
tion, he needed a reliable supply of human ovarian tissue bit embryo cultures (14). The objective of this strategy
from which to retrieve and mature eggs. This require- was to use these stem cells to study early developmental
ment posed difficulties for a scientist with no medical mechanisms, either in vitro, or in vivo after their incor-
qualification, given the elitist attitudes and lack of scien- poration into embryos. Paul had proposed that they work
tific awareness then prevalent amongst most of the U.K. together, with fellow Glasgow biochemist Robin Cole, to
gynecological profession (2,50,51). His first breakthrough see what progress might be made. This must have been
came with Molly Rose, who was a gynecologist at the an attractive invitation, not simply because the challenge
Edgeware General Hospital, northwest London, near Mill was scientifically interesting, but also because Edwards
Hill. Edwards was introduced to her through John Hum- could learn more about culture media for his eggs and
phrey FRS [1915–1997; (52)], who was the medically hopefully later embryos, then an uncertain prospect, suc-
qualified Head of Immunology at Mill Hill. Humphrey, cessful mouse embryo culture only recently having been
notwithstanding his more privileged social background, described (54). However, by this time, the Edwards fam-
was a kindred spirit for Edwards, sharing his passion for ily was growing, so Ruth remained in north London with
science, its social application and utility, as well as his their young daughters, while her husband commuted to
left-wing politics; indeed he had been a Marxist until Glasgow for the working week.
1940 and was for many years denied entry to the United The collaboration was to result in two papers (55,56)
States as a result. Edwards asked Humphrey if he knew remarkable for their prescience. They described the pro-
anyone who might be helpful, and he not only suggested duction of embryonic stem cells from both rabbit blasto-
Rose, but also offered to arrange an introduction. Rose cysts and the inner cell masses dissected from them. The
was to provide biopsied ovarian samples intermittently cells were capable of proliferating through over 100 gen-
for the next 10 years. erations and of differentiating into various cell types.
Between 1960 and 1962, Edwards used human ovarian These experiments were initiated some 20 years before
biopsies provided by Rose to try to repeat and extend Evans and Kaufman (57) described the derivation of
Pincus’ observations from the 1930s. Given the sporadic embryonic stem cells from mice. That this work has
supply of human material, he also tried dog, monkey and largely been ignored by those in the stem cell field is
baboon ovarian eggs, but in all cases with limited success probably mainly attributable to its being too far ahead of
compared with smaller rodents. In the 1962 Nature paper its time (58). Thus, reliable molecular markers for differ-
(44), he cautiously interprets the few maturing human ent types of cells were not available then, nor were
(3/67), monkey (10/56) and baboon (13/90) eggs that he appropriate techniques with which to critically test the
had observed as most likely arising from in-vivo stimula- developmental potential of the cultured cells.
tion and thus partially matured at the time of their recov-
ery from the biopsy. He suggests that Pincus’ observations
THE MOVE TO CAMBRIDGE
on human eggs are also likely to be artifactual, the source
of his Venice spat with Pincus some 4 years later (vide Edwards arrived in Cambridge from Glasgow in 1963 as a
supra). This 1962 paper ends with the report of an inge- Ford Foundation Research Fellow. He had previously
nious experimental approach to try and persuade the visited Cambridge at least once, as “a recently graduated
reluctant human eggs to mature. Thus, the ovarian arter- PhD” in the late 1950s for a conference on Reproduction
ies of patients undergoing ovarian removal were cannu- held in Trinity College (Fig. 5), where he recalls meeting
lated and perfused with hormones post-removal, perhaps some of the big names in the subject, including John
unsurprisingly in retrospect, without success. Hammond, Alan Parkes, MC Chang, Thaddeus Mann,
However, by this time, his quest for human eggs, and Rene Moricard, Bunny Austin, and Charles Thibault (14).
his dreams of IVF and studying the genetics and develop- Although Edwards was to remain in Cambridge for the
ment of early human embryos, had reached the ears of rest of his career, in 1963 his reactions to the place were
the then Director of the Institute, Sir Charles Harington mixed. He describes how he immediately reacted against
ROBERT EDWARDS xxxi
the then extant “misogynist public-school traditions; the (64)], who had been in Cambridge intermittently since
exclusivity,” “the privileges given to the already privi- 1962 (Figs. 8 and 9). Austin was elected the first Charles
leged.” But he set against that the “sheer beauty of the Darwin Professor of Animal Embryology (1967–1981)
place,” the concern with the truth and high seriousness,” and began attracting several upcoming reproductive
the ambience of scientific excellence… I was surrounded biologists to the Marshall Laboratory, including John
by so many talented young men and women” (3). He, Marston, David Whittingham, and Matthew Kaufmann.
Ruth, and his five daughters settled in a house in Gough In addition, a new group was formed in 1967, with the
Way, off the Barton Road. arrival from the Strangeways laboratory of Denis New
Edwards worked in a cluster of seven smallish rooms (1929–2010), as university lecturer in histology (65).
at the top of the Physiological Laboratory backing onto New built a group comprising initially research assistant
Downing Place (Fig. 7). These were collectively known Pat Coppola (to be followed later by Stephanie Ellington)
as the “Marshall laboratory” and were to be shared even- and PhD students Chris Steele and David Cockroft, later
tually with two other groups. One group was led initially joined by postdoc Frank Webb, and visiting scientists
by Sir Alan Parkes, the first Mary Marshall and Arthur such as Joe Daniels Jr, on leave from the University of
Walton Professor of Reproductive Physiology at the Uni- Colorado.
versity (10), who had arrived in 1961. His group included It was against this varied scientific background that
scientists with mainly zoological or comparative inter- Edwards, who was already 38 when he arrived in Cambridge,
ests, such as his wife Ruth Deansley, Bunny Austin, and began for the first time to assemble his own group. Initially,
Dick Laws FRS, who with Parkes was often away “in the
field” collecting material, especially in Uganda at the
Nuffield Unit of Tropical Animal Ecology (10). Much of
this material was examined histologically under the
skilled eye of Frank Lemon, the senior technician.
Research students included Martin Richards, CJ Dominic,
Margaret Mitchell, and Barbara Weir (59). Parkes was
also much involved at this time in writing and committee
work, especially with the World Health Organization
which was then becoming concerned about world popu-
lation growth and ways to curb it (10). Parkes was also
acting as an unpaid company secretary to the then fledg-
ling Journal of Reproduction and Fertility [called Repro-
duction since 2001; (59–61)].
In 1967, Parkes retired. Edwards applied for his chair
on January 6, 1966 (62), but was unsuccessful, the chair
passing to Thaddeus Mann FRS [1908–1993; (63)], who
worked on the biochemistry of semen. Mann decided not
to relocate to the Physiology Laboratory from his Cam-
bridge base at the Agricultural Research Council Unit of Figure 8 Edwards with “Bunny” Austin (1960s). Source: Courtesy
Reproductive Physiology and Biochemistry at Hunting- of Ruth Edwards.
don Road, where he was Director. Neither was the leader-
ship of the Marshall laboratory to pass to Edwards, as the
University appointed as its head his more senior col-
league and friend Colin “Bunny” Austin [1914–2004;
his technical assistance was provided by Clare Jackson and workers also arrived, including Ginny Papaioannou
then Valerie Hunn, after whom he recruited Jean Purdy (1971–1974), Hester Pratt (1972–1974), and Frank Webb
(Fig. 10) in 1968, one of her attractions being her nursing (1976–1977). Ruth Fowler-Edwards also resumed work-
qualification, a sign of the increasing importance that his ing in the laboratory, developing hormonal assays and
forays into use of clinical material was assuming. Purdy studying the endocrine aspects of follicle development
was to stay with him until her early death at age 39 in 1985 and early pregnancy. Thus, slowly until 1969, and more
(66). Also joining him as a part-time secretary in 1969, Bar- rapidly thereafter, Edwards built a lively group, its mem-
bara Rankin (b. 1933; Fig. 9) was to remain with him until bers working in diverse areas of reproductive science
1987. He also began recruiting his first graduate students. that reflected his own broad interests and knowledge.
Initially, he helped co-supervise (with Alan Parkes) Anne Moreover, Edwards encouraged a spirit of open commu-
Vickers (67), who sexed fixed whole-mouse blastocysts by nication and egalitarianism, which extended across all
karyotyping. This work led directly to his collaboration on three groups, with sharing of resources, space, equip-
preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) (see later) with ment, knowledge, and ideas, as well as social activities.
Richard Gardner, one half of his first pair of graduate stu- Through the 1960s, Edwards was funded by the Ford
dents, the other being this author. The two students started Foundation via grants first to Parkes and then to Austin to
PhD training with Edwards in 1966 (68,69). Gardner stud- continue work on basic reproductive mechanisms, with
ied early mouse embryology from 1966 to 1971 and until an eye to developing new methods of fertility control. So
1973 as a postdoctoral worker, before moving to Zoology in he continued to pursue both the immunology of repro-
Oxford. This author worked on immunoreproduction from duction and egg maturation, for the latter collecting pig,
1966 to 1969, returning as a postdoc between 1971 and cow, sheep, the odd monkey, and some human eggs. He
1974 after two years in the United States before moving to showed that eggs of all these species would indeed mature
the Anatomy Department in Cambridge. in vitro, but that the eggs of larger animals simply needed
From 1969 onwards, Edwards’ group increased in size a longer time than those of smaller ones, human eggs tak-
substantially as more accommodation was made avail- ing up to 36 hours rather than the 12 hours or less errone-
able to the Marshall laboratory. David Griffin (now retired ously reported by Pincus. These cytogenetic studies were
from the World Health Organization) was to join as Head reported in two seminal papers in 1965 (70,71), both of
Technician between 1970 and 1975, with junior techni- which are primarily concerned with understanding the
cians including Sheila Barton, Sally Fawcitt, Sylvia Jack- kinetics of the meiotic chromosomal events during egg
son, Vinitha Dharawardena, and Brenda Dickstein, in maturation. In its discussion, the Lancet paper displays a
addition to Jean Purdy. Early graduate students recruited breathtaking clarity of vision as Edwards sets out a pro-
included Roger Gosden (1970–1974), Carol Readhead gram of research that predicted the events of the next
(1972–1976), and Rob Gore-Langton (1973–1978), all 20 years and beyond (Table 1). Significantly, if not sur-
working on follicle growth, Craig Howe (1971–1974) prisingly given his research interests, the early study and
working on immunoreproduction, and Azim Surani detection of genetic disease is afforded a heavy focus com-
(1975–1979) on implantation. A “third generation” of pared with the slight emphasis on infertility alleviation.
graduate students also arrived; for example, Janet Ros-
sant (from 1972) studied with Gardner and Alan Handy-
side (from 1974) studied with Johnson. Postdoctoral
Table 1 Key Points in the Program of Research Laid Out in the
Discussion to Edwards’ 1965 Lancet Paper
This genetic focus continues in his research papers Johns Hopkins, he made a second transatlantic summer
over the next four years. Thus, within three years, work- journey in 1966 to visit Luther Talbot and his colleagues
ing with a graduate student called Gardner, he provided at Chapel Hill. He tried a variety of ways (79) to over-
proof of principle for PGD, in a paper on rabbit embryo come the problem of “sperm capacitation,” one of the
sexing published in 1968 (72), a paper that was to antici- most ingenious of which was to construct a 2.5 cm-long
pate the development of PGD clinically by some 22 years chamber from a nylon tube, plugged at each end, and
(73). Likewise, working with the Cambridge geneticist with holes drilled in the walls which were encased in
Alan Henderson, Edwards was to develop his “produc- panels made of Millipore membrane (80). The chamber,
tion line theory” of egg production to explain the origins which had a short thread attached to it, fitted snugly
of maternal aneuploidy in older women. Thus, the earli- inside the inserter tube of an intrauterine device and so
est eggs to enter meiosis in the fetal ovary were shown to could be placed into the volunteer woman’s uterus intra-
have more chiasmata and to be ovulated earlier in adult cervically at mid-cycle, where it sat for up to 11 hours
life than those entering meiosis later in fetal life (Fig. 11) before being recovered by gently pulling on the thread,
(74,75). exactly as was being done routinely for insertion and
removal of intrauterine devices. By placing spermatozoa
within the chamber, the membrane of which permitted
THE PROBLEM OF FERTILIZATION OF
equilibration of its contents with uterine fluid, he hoped
THE HUMAN EGG
to expose them to a capacitating environment. However,
Notwithstanding his broad range of scientific interests, this ingenious approach, like the many others, failed in
Edwards’ ambitions to achieve IVF in humans remained this case most probably because the chamber itself
undiminished. In 1966, this was no trivial task, having induced an inflammatory response or a local bleed. For
been accomplished convincingly only in rabbit and ham- all the ingenuity of his various experimental approaches
ster (76,77). In trying to achieve this aim, he was engag- to achieve capacitation, and despite the occasional evi-
ing in two struggles: the first being simply but critically dence of early stages of fertilization using such spermato-
the continuing practical difficulty in obtaining a regular zoa, no reliable evidence for the completion of the
supply of human ovarian tissue. Local Cambridge sources process was forthcoming. Then in 1968 both struggles
proved unreliable and Rose was now two to three hours’ began to resolve.
drive away in London; so, during the summer of 1965,
Edwards turned to the United States for help and
THE MEETING WITH PATRICK STEPTOE
approached Victor McKusick, a leading American cyto-
geneticist at The Johns Hopkins University. There he ini- Patrick Steptoe (1913–1988; Fig. 12) had been a consul-
tiated his longstanding contact with Howard and tant obstetrician at Oldham General Hospital since 1951
Georgeanna Jones in Obstetrics and Gynecology (78). The (81), where for several years he had been pioneering the
supply of American eggs they generated during his six- development and use of the laparoscope in gynecologi-
week stay allowed him to confirm the maturation timings cal surgery (81,82). Much to his frustration, his progress
that were published in 1965. had fallen on the largely deaf ears of the conservative
However, it was the second scientific struggle that was gynecological hierarchy, and indeed incited considerable
then occupying most of his attention, namely that in
order to fertilize these in-vitro matured eggs, he had to
“capacitate” the spermatozoa, a final maturation process
which spermatozoa undergo physiologically in the
uterus and that is essential for the acquisition of fertiliz-
ing competence. Failing to achieve this convincingly at
Figure 11 Edwards talks about his “production line” hypothesis Figure 12 Patrick Steptoe (1913–1988). Source: Courtesy of Andrew
(late 1960s). Source: Courtesy of Ruth Edwards. Steptoe.
xxxiv ROBERT EDWARDS
Table 2 Edited Record from the RSM Endocrinology Section: General Minutes, 1946–1975 (ref: RSM/J/19/4/1) p.365 (with permission)
A joint meeting of the SECTION OF ENDOCRINOLOGY of the Royal Society of Medicine with the SOCIETY FOR THE STUDY OF FERTILITY was
held at 1 Wimpole Street, W.1., Wednesday, February 28, 1968, at 10.00 am.
The meeting was attended by approximately 127 Fellows, members, and guests and the program was as follows:
opposition and some outright hostility (83). Edwards’ attention? Looking at Steptoe’s possible publications in
claim was that he was scanning the medical and scien- journals, there is none listed for 1967, but there are two
tific journals in the library and came across a paper by 1967 conference reports and Steptoe’s book on gyneco-
Steptoe describing his experiences with laparoscopy logical laparoscopy (82,89,90). Of the few journal papers,
(3,81,84). Edwards goes on to describe how he rang only two concern laparoscopy, one from January 1966 in
Steptoe to discuss a possible collaboration, but was the British Medical Journal (BMJ), and one from August
“warned off” Steptoe by London gynecological col- 1965 in the Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology of the
leagues (85). This warning and the daunting prospect of British Commonwealth (JOGBrC). Which of these five
collaboration in far-away Oldham, deterred him from publications (Table 3) did Edwards read? The 1966 BMJ
following through. Finally, Edwards reported actually publication (91) is a letter entitled “The fifth freedom.” It
meeting Steptoe later at a meeting at the Royal Society of responds to a paper by Sir Dugald Baird on the “problem
Medicine, at which, ironically, Edwards was talking of excessive fertility in women.” Steptoe concurs that
about his work on immunoreproduction, not his attempts there is a problem, but disagrees with the proposed con-
at IVF. traceptive solution, advising laparoscopic sterilization for
The Steptoe paper that Edwards found that day in the women as safer and more effective. He also discusses how
library was cited in his tributes to the then-deceased Step- laparoscopy can be used postoperatively to confirm that
toe (81,84) as being a Lancet paper entitled “Laparoscopy tubes were indeed blocked. The JOGBrC paper (92) is
and ovulation” (86). However, these later recollections do entitled “Gynaecological endoscopy – laparoscopy and
not withstand scrutiny. Thus, the Lancet paper cited was culdoscopy” and reviews the history of endoscopy and
published in October 1968, but their first meeting was in Steptoe’s experiences with it. It is in essence a very abbre-
fact earlier that year, on Wednesday February 28, 1968 at viated version of his book (82), which was to be published
a joint meeting of the Section of Endocrinology of the in the following year. The two reports of the conference
Royal Society of Medicine with the Society for the Study proceedings (89,90) are slightly more detailed accounts
of Fertility held at 1 Wimpole Street (Table 2) (87). More- than the BMJ letter and are much abbreviated versions of
over, according to Steptoe (88), they had already com- the JOGBrC paper.
menced collaborating prior to October 1968; indeed their Of these five publications, the Sydney conference pro-
first paper together was submitted for publication later ceedings (90) can probably be dismissed as they only
that year in December 1968 (see next section). Clearly, the arrived in the Cambridge library in May 1968. The pro-
paper read by Edwards must have been another, earlier ceedings from Stockholm (89) are now no longer avail-
than October 1968, one that proceeded February 1968 by able in Cambridge, but evidence of their presence in the
several months. Indeed, in an earlier account, Edwards Physiology library in 1967 has been uncovered in an old
describes the library “Eureka” moment as occurring in catalog record, and so they would have been newly avail-
“one autumn day in 1967” (3). So which was the paper by able to Edwards from November 1967 at the earliest. The
Steptoe that Edwards saw and what about it attracted his BMJ letter (91) seems unlikely.
ROBERT EDWARDS xxxv
Although Edwards was involved in contraceptive THE FERTILIZATION OF THE HUMAN EGG
studies over this period through his work on immunore- RESOLVED
production and was a member of the Royal Society Popu-
Despite the initiation of the collaboration with Steptoe,
lation Study Group at the time (10), and so may well have
the actual solution to the capacitation problem existed
read this correspondence, it seems unlikely that the BMJ
nearer to home than Oldham, in the laboratories shared
letter would have caught his eye to such dramatic effect
with Austin. In the early 1950s, Austin, and indepen-
and so long after its publication in January 1966, being
dently MC Chang, had discovered the requirement for
readily available each week in the Physiology Library.
sperm capacitation (94,95). After his appointment to
The JOGBrC paper from 1965 was located in the Univer-
the Cambridge chair, Austin’s first graduate student
sity library, which was physically more remote from
(1967–1972) was Barry Bavister, who set to work to try
Physiology and not so immediately available to Edwards.
and resolve the factors influencing the capacitation of
However, it was in exactly the sort of clinical journal that
hamster spermatozoa in vitro. In 1968, Bavister discov-
he might then have been trawling retrospectively in his
ered a key role for pH, showing how higher rates of fer-
attempts to solve the problem of sperm capacitation.
tilization could be obtained by simply increasing the
Thus, although in the more recent accounts of these
alkalinity of the medium (96). Edwards seized on this
events, Edwards (84,81) records his motivation for con-
observation and co-opted Bavister to his project. That
tacting Steptoe as being the potential value of the laparo-
proved to do the trick, and in December 1968 Edwards,
scopic approach for egg collection, in 1967 eggs was not
together with Bavister and Steptoe, submitted the paper
the foremost subject on his mind. Indeed in two earlier
to Nature, in which IVF in humans was described con-
accounts, one written (3) and one spoken ((85); Supple-
vincingly for the first time (97).
mentary video), Edwards claims he saw laparoscopy as a
The 1969 Nature paper makes modest claims. Only
way of recovering capacitated spermatozoa from the ovi-
18 of 56 eggs assigned to the experimental group showed
duct by flushing with a small volume of medium: “a
evidence of “fertilization in progress”; of which only two
practical way … of letting spermatozoa be in contact with
were described as having the two pronuclei to be
the secretions of the female tract” (3). He says he actually
expected if fertilization was occurring normally (Table 4).
rang Steptoe to ask whether this really was possible and
However, like Edwards’ other papers, this one is a model
was reassured by him that this was the case.
of clarity, describing well-controlled experiments, cau-
However, the only publication by Steptoe that explic-
tiously interpreted. Despite the relatively small num-
itly lays out this possibility is his book (82). Thus, on
bers, this paper convinced where previous claims had
page 27 he reports “By means of laparoscopy, Sjovall
failed (98–103), precisely because the skilled hands and
(1964) has carried out extended post-coital tests and has
creative intellect that were behind it are so evident from
recovered spermatozoa from the fimbriated end of the
its text.
tubes …”; and on page 70, he writes “An extended post-
The provenance of the eggs described in the 1969
coital test can be done by aspirating fluid from the tubal
paper is not immediately clear from the paper itself. All
ostium …”. Moreover, Steptoe’s book arrived in the Uni-
were obtained by in-vitro maturation after ovarian
versity library in March 1967. However, against this con-
biopsy. In addition to Steptoe’s coauthorship, four other
clusion sits Steptoe’s recollection that Edwards had rung
gynecologists are thanked in the Acknowledgements
him just before his book was published, that is before
section of the paper: Molly Rose, Norman Morris [1920–
March 1967 (3). This memory conflicts with both his and
2008; Professor of Obstetrics and Gynecology at Charing
Edwards’ memories elsewhere of the phone conversa-
Cross Hospital, London from 1958 to 1985; (104)], Janet
tion being in the autumn of 1967, so the matter remains
Bottomley (1915–1995; Consultant Obstetrician and
one for conjecture, but the book seems the most likely
Gynecologist at Addenbrooke’s Hospital, Cambridge
source. It is possible that Edwards’ attention was drawn
from 1958 to 1976) and Sanford Markham (b. 1934; Chief
to the book by a review of it in the BMJ on November 11,
of the Section of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at the U.S.
1967 (93).
xxxvi ROBERT EDWARDS
with Steptoe he rapidly saw the wider possibilities for in the MRC rejecting the grant application (2). The practi-
recovery of in-vivo matured eggs from the ovary (86). cal consequences of this rejection were profound – both
Indeed, the 1969 paper includes the following statement: psychologically and physically – not least that for the
“Problems of embryonic development are likely to next seven years, Edwards and Purdy shuttled on the
accompany the use of human oocytes matured and fertil- 12-hour round trip between Cambridge and Oldham,
ized in vitro. When oocytes of the rabbit and other Greater Manchester, paradoxically just north of his
species were matured in vitro and fertilized in vivo, the schoolboy haunts of Gorton, where Steptoe and he set up
pronuclear stages appeared normal but many of the a small laboratory and clinic in Dr Kershaw’s cottage hos-
resulting embryos had subnuclei in their blastomeres, pital, all the while leaving Ruth and his five daughters in
and almost all of them died during the early cleavage Cambridge.
stages … When maturation of rabbit oocytes was started The professional attacks on Edwards and his work took
in vivo by injecting gonadotropins into the mother, and a number of forms (2), and one must try to make a mental
completed in the oviduct or in vitro, full term rabbit time trip back to the 1960s and 1970s to understand their
fetuses were obtained (97).” basis. Despite the nature of the political and religious
The paper goes onto discuss how the use of hormonal battles to come, his scientific and medical colleagues did
priming to stimulate intrafollicular egg maturation might not focus on the special status of the human embryo as an
be achieved and reports: “Preliminary work using lapa- ethical issue. Ethical issues were raised professionally,
roscopy has shown that oocytes can be recovered from but took quite a different form. It is perhaps difficult now
ovaries by puncturing ripening follicles in vivo. …” to comprehend the complete absence of infertility from
Through these preliminary collaborative studies, the consciousness of most gynecologists in the United
Edwards and Steptoe were already building a research Kingdom at the time, of whom Steptoe was a remarkable
partnership. Although both were very different personali- exception (81). Indeed, even Edwards’ strong commit-
ties, and brought very different skills to the project, they ment to treating infertility came to the fore only after he
shared energy, commitment, and vision. Each was also had teamed up with Steptoe, his previous priority being
marginalized by his professional peers, a marginalization the study and prevention of genetic and chromosomal
that also perhaps helped to cement their partnership (2). disorders.
With the paper’s publication, announced to the media In the several reports from the Royal College of Obste-
on St Valentine’s day (105), all hell was let loose. The tricians and Gynaecologists and the MRC during the
impossible tangle of TV cables and pushy reporters try- 1960s examining the areas of gynecological ignorance
ing to force their way up the stairs to the fourth floor that needed academic attention, infertility simply did
laboratories proved a major disruption to the Physiologi- not feature (50,51). Overpopulation and family planning
cal laboratory in general and to the members of the Mar- were seen as dominant concerns and the infertile were
shall laboratory in particular. It was something that was ignored as, at best, a tiny and irrelevant minority and at
to recur episodically over the next 10 years. worst as a positive contribution to population control.
This was a values system that Edwards did not accept
(111), and the many encouraging letters he received
THE BATTLES BEGIN
from infertile couples spurred him on and provided a
However, 1969 seemed to be a good year for Edwards. Not major stimulus to his continued work later, despite so
only did IVF succeed at long last, and his partnership with much professional and press antagonism. For his profes-
Steptoe seemed set to flourish, but also so impressed were sional colleagues, however, the fact that infertility was
the Ford Foundation with his work that in late 1968 they not seen as a significant clinical issue meant that any
had established, at Austin’s prompting (106), an endow- research designed to alleviate it was viewed not as
ment fund with the University of Cambridge to cover the experimental treatment, but as using humans in experi-
salary cost of a Ford Foundation Readership [a half-way ments. Given the sensitivity to the relatively recent Nazi
step to a professorship; (107)]. Elated by his promotion “medical experiments,” the formal acceptance of the
and their achievement, Edwards and Steptoe pressed on, Helsinki Declaration (112,113) and the public reaction
the latter’s laparoscopic skills coming to the fore, first in and disquiet surrounding the recent publication of
1970 with the collection of in-vivo matured eggs from fol- “Human guinea-pigs” (114), this distinction was critical.
licles after mild hormonal stimulation (108), and then The MRC, in rejecting the grant application, took the
achieving regular fertilization of these eggs and their early position that what was being proposed was human
development through cleavage to the blastocyst stage experimentation, and so were very cautious, emphasiz-
(109,110). So well was the work going that in late 1970 ing risks rather than benefits, of which they saw few if
and early 1971 they confidently applied to the U.K. Medi- any (2).
cal Research Council for funding. Edwards and Steptoe were also attacked for their will-
However, any illusions that Edwards may have had ingness to talk with the media. It is difficult nowadays,
that their achievements would prove a turning point in when the public communication of science is embedded
his fortunes were soon shattered. The hostility of much institutionally, to understand how damaging to them
of the media coverage to his work in 1969 heralded the this was. The massive press interest of the late 1960s was
dominant pattern of scientific and medical responses for unabated in the ensuing years, and so Edwards was faced
the next 10–15 years and resulted just two months later with a choice: either he could keep his head down and
xxxviii ROBERT EDWARDS
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61. Clarke J. The history of three scientific societies: the FRCOG, FRS. Br Med J 1988; 296: 1135.
Society for the Study of Fertility (now the Society 84. Edwards RG. Tribute to Patrick Steptoe: beginnings of
for Reproduction and Fertility) (Britain), the Societe laparoscopy. Hum Reprod 1989; 4(Suppl): 1–9.
´Francaise pour l’Etude de la Fertilite´, and the Soci- 85. Edwards RG. Interviewed in: To Mrs. Brown a daugh-
ety for the Study of Reproduction (USA). Stud Hist ter. Peter Williams TV: The Studio, Boughton. Faver-
Phil Biol Biomed Sci 2007; 38: 340–57. sham, UK (see Supplementary Material), 1978.
62. Edwards RG. Letter to Cambridge University Regis- 86. Steptoe PC. Laparoscopy and ovulation. Lancet 1968;
trary, plus supporting documents, applying for the 292: 913.
Mary Marshall and Arthur Walton Professorship of 87. Hunting P. The history of the royal society of medi-
the Physiology of Reproduction. Edwards’ papers, cine. London, UK: The Royal Society of Medicine
6 Jan 1966. Uncatalogued, Churchill College Archive. Press Ltd, 2002.
1966. 88. Steptoe PC. Laparoscopy: diagnostic and therapeutic
63. Polge C. 1993. Obituary: Professor Thaddeus Mann. uses. Proc Roy Soc Med 1969; 62: 439–441.
The Independent, 9 December. 89. Steptoe PC. A new method of tubal sterilisation. In:
64. Short R. Colin Austin. Aust Acad Sci Newslett 2004; Westin B, Wiqvist N, eds. Amsterdam: Fertility and
60: 11. Sterility: Proc 5th World Congress June 16–22, 1966.
65. Arechaga J. Technique as the basis of experiment in Stockholm: International Congress Series no. 133,
developmental biology: An interview with Denis A.T. Excerpta Medica Foundation, 1967b: 1183–1184.
New Int J Dev Biol 1997; 41: 139–52. 90. Steptoe PC. Laparoscopic studies of ovulation, its
66. Edwards RG, Steptoe PC. Preface. In: Edwards RG, suppression and induction, and of ovarian dysfunc-
Purdy JM, Steptoe PC, eds. Implantation of the Human tion. In: Wood C, Walters WAW, eds. Fifth World
Embryo. London, UK: Academic Press, 1985: vii–viii. Congress of Gynaecology and Obstetrics, held in Syd-
67. Vickers AD. A direct measurement of the sex-ratio in ney, Australia, September, 1967. Butterworths, Syd-
mouse blastocysts. Reproduction 1967; 13: 375–6. ney, Australia, 1967c: 364.
68. Gardner RL. Bob Edwards – 2010 nobel laureate in 91. Steptoe PC. The fifth freedom. Br Med J 1966; 1: 234.
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70. Edwards RG. Maturation in vitro of human ovarian 94. Austin CR. Observations of the penetration of sperm
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71. Edwards RG. Maturation in vitro of mouse, sheep, 581–96.
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Nature 1965b; 208: 349–51. ited into the fallopian tubes. Nature 1951; 168: 697–8.
72. Gardner RL, Edwards RG. Control of the sex ratio at 96. Bavister BD. Environmental factors important for in
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32
Quality management in reproductive medicine
Christoph Keck, Cecilia Sjöblom, Robert Fischer, Vera Baukloh, and Michael Alper
for the production of goods and services. These manuals nurses. Treatment can only be successful when
described the basic elements of the QM system in a rela- a structured interaction exists between the clinical and
tively abstract manner. Medical institutions were laboratory departments. ISO 9001:2000 (3) is very much
required to adapt these standards to suit them and this concentrated on a process approach and directed to the
required some interpretation and modification. The outcome of the process; i.e., the products or services
introduction of ISO 9000 states: “The demands of the meet the previously determined requirements. Since
organizations differ from each other; during the creation this does not necessarily assure that a laboratory will be
of quality management systems and putting them into successful, or that it will achieve the highest level of
practice, the special goals of the organization, its prod- care for the patients that it serves, assisted reproduction
ucts and procedures and specific methods of acting technique (ART) laboratories may also want to consider
must be taken into consideration unconditionally.” additional requirements, including standards concern-
This means that, for medical applications, the standards ing qualification and competence. Relevant standards
state which elements should be considered in the QM are provided by the ISO/IEC 17025:1999 (4) (IEC being
system, but the manner in which these elements should the International Electrotechnical Commission). This
be realized in the specific medical organization have to standard, entitled “General requirements for the compe-
be defined individually. The ISO standards have now tence of testing and calibration laboratories,” replaces
been adapted to medicine, which is fortunate since both the ISO/IEC Guide 25 (5) and the European stan-
there is no QM system specifically designed for hospi- dard EN 45001 (6). Compliance with the ISO 17025
tals or medical practices. ISO 9001 through 9003 stan- standard can lead to accreditation (defined as “a proce-
dards contain the elements important for a quality dure by which an authoritative body gives formal recog-
system (Table 32.1). The criteria according to which nition that a body or person is competent to carry out
QM systems are applied vary with the type of enter- specific tasks”), which exceeds certification (defined as
prise. For example, the 9001 standard is applicable to “a procedure by which a third party gives written assur-
the manufacturing and complicated service companies ance that a product, process or service conforms to spe-
including hospitals. On the other hand, the 9002 stan- cific requirements”). ART laboratories should consider
dard is more suitable for rehabilitation and foster-care ISO 17025 accreditation (see chap. 3). However, one
institutions (1). The application of a certified QM sys- should realize that both ISO/IEC Guide 25 and EN 45001
tem for hospitals can be performed on the basis of ISO are focused more on the technical aspects of compe-
9001 or ISO 9004 (2). As mentioned earlier, in vitro fer- tence, and do not cover all areas within clinical labora-
tilization (IVF) units occupy a special place within clin- tories. It has already been stated that although the ISO
ical medicine. It is a highly specialized area involving standards are the most widely accepted standards in the
the interaction of staff in various areas, including the world, there is no appropriate international standard for
laboratory, ultrasound, administration, physicians, and laboratories in the healthcare sector. To fill this “vac-
uum,” several professional associations and laboratory
organizations have also framed and published stan-
dards and guidelines, most of which are confined to
a specific clinical laboratory discipline. Some specific
Table 32.1 Elements/Criteria of the ISO Standard and relevant examples of guidelines for ART laborato-
ries commonly available are: (7–10).
Number Quality element according to ISO 9000 ff.
1. Guidelines for human embryology and andrology
1 Responsibility
2 Quality management system
laboratories, the American Fertility Society, 1992.
3 Contract control 2. Guidelines for good practice in IVF laboratories,
4 Design management the European Society of Human Reproduction and
5 Document and data management Embryology (ESHRE), 2000.
6 Measures 3. Reproductive laboratory accreditation standards,
7 Management of products provided by customers College of American Pathology, 2002.
8 Designating and retrospective observation 4. Accreditation standards and guidelines for IVF labo-
9 Process management
ratories, the Association of Clinical Embryologists,
10 Revision
2000.
11 Control of the revision resources
12 Evidence of revisions
13 Defective product management The above-mentioned guidelines and standards describe
14 Corrections and preventive measures the specific requirements for reproductive laboratories,
15 Handling, storage, packaging, conservation, and include various aspects of the implementation of a
distribution QM system. These well-defined standards describe the
16 Quality report management minimum conditions that should be met by laboratories/
17 Internal quality audits clinics. Recently, the EU Tissue Directive (11) has been
18 Training released, which demands a quality QM system for every
19 Maintenance
medical institution dealing with human gametes or
20 Statistical methods
embryos.
QUALITY MANAGEMENT IN REPRODUCTIVE MEDICINE 3
Gynecologic
Blood-drawing, IVF laboratory, Secretaries,
office visits,
intraoperational, andrologic billing,
andrologic
and hospital care laboratory medical records Figure 32.2 Organizational diagram. Abbre-
office visits
viation: IVF, in vitro fertilization.
to the organization and it is here that clear descriptions of because of an organizational problem such as a substan-
authority for all positions within the organization are dard secretarial or administrative problem rather than a
required and must be available to everyone within the medical deficiency. Even with properly working medical
organization. The more complex the hierarchic structures treatment, poor communication with colleagues can
within a medical institution are, the more precisely these endanger or directly destroy the positive result of the
structures have to be defined for the system to work effec- treatment. When establishing a QM system, it is neces-
tively and robustly at all times and under all (extraordi- sary to precisely define and describe all relevant pro-
nary) conditions. The “decision” of the head of the cesses and to structure them according to QM guidelines.
organization must be available at any time, even if he or These descriptions are often best realized by flow dia-
she is absent. Therefore, this must be absolutely clear to grams that can overlap in various places. These areas of
everyone within the organization who has the compe- contact between two flow diagrams are called “boundar-
tence and authority to make decisions. It is also impor- ies, interferences, joints, or areas of juncture.”
tant for all partners outside of the company to be aware of
who the decision makers are for various tasks. There are
Documentation in a QM System
various ways of making these structures as transparent as
possible. One easy way is the development of an organi- In addition to defining the processes relevant for the sys-
zational diagram (Fig. 32.2). This organizational diagram tem, it is important for everything to be documented. The
can be placed in a suitable and accessible location, help- different levels of documentation are shown in Figure
ing employees to understand everyone’s roles and respon- 32.3. One of the most important documents in a QM sys-
sibilities. Furthermore, making the organizational tem is the quality manual. The main purpose of the quality
diagram available to everyone strengthens trust, coopera- manual is to outline the structure of the documentation
tion, and professionalism within the company. It is also used in the quality system (12). It should also include or
important in communication with patients, interested refer to the standard operating procedures (SOPs). There
parties, or cooperating departments. The organizational should be clear definitions of the management’s areas of
diagram should be updated frequently. Management responsibility, including its responsibility for ensuring
should strongly support the quality policies for the com- compliance with the international standards on which the
pany, and should take an active part in its development system is built. A simple overview of the quality system
and implementation. It is important to lead by example. requirements and the position of the quality manual are
shown in Figure 32.3. A good-quality manual should be
precise and brief; it should be an easily navigable hand-
MANAGEMENT OF PROCESSES
book for the whole quality system. The most important
Processes are all the procedures that are necessary for the procedures are preferably included in the manual itself,
completion of tasks. For medical facilities, the most but deeper descriptions should be referred to in the under-
important processes are those of diagnostic and thera- lying documentation. An easy way to start building a sys-
peutic procedures. In addition, many other processes are tem is to make up a table of contents for the quality manual
involved in the care of patients, such as the scheduling of and to decide which processes should be described in the
patients for tests, communication, and anything else that manual and which should rather be described in the
may greatly affect the patient’s (= customer’s) perspec- underlying documentation (e.g., SOPs). Whereas the qual-
tive. Sometimes poor communication can ruin a patient’s ity manual contains more general information, the indi-
experience, despite the best diagnostic procedures within vidual processes and procedures are described in a more
the organization. In fact, it is our observation that it is detailed way in handbooks/job instructions or SOPs.
more likely that a patient will leave a medical facility These SOPs go through the processes step-by-step and
QUALITY MANAGEMENT IN REPRODUCTIVE MEDICINE 5
Level 1
Level 3
Job instruction
SOPs Answers How?
describe the materials and methods used and the way the 5. Where can I find the document: physical location,
process is performed precisely. Standard operating proce- level in the system, and on computer file?
dure manuals should be available to all personnel and 6. Who assures that only the latest issue of the docu-
every single procedure in these manuals must be fully ment is present in the system, removes outdated
documented with signature, date, and regular review. issues, and files them?
7. Are amendments to documents clearly marked, ini-
tialled, and dated?
Document Control 8. How are changes in a document implemented with
According to ISO 9001:2000 4.2.3, the clinic should estab- the personnel?
lish and maintain procedures to control all documents that
form part of its quality documentation. This includes both
Documentation of Results
internally generated documentation such as SOPs and pro-
tocol sheets, and externally generated documentation such A very important level of documentation is that of the
as law texts, standards, and instruction manuals for equip- “results.” This includes not only the results of treatment
ments. Document handling and control are an important such as pregnancy rate per treatment cycle, but also all
part of the quality system and, if not designed properly, can documents referring to:
become a heavy load for a smooth running system. Since it
is something that touches every part of the system, it is 1. Control of quality records,
important to sit down and think through how this system of 2. Internal audits,
paperwork shall be handled in your clinic and to ensure 3. Control of nonconformity,
that the system you choose covers the demands of the stan- 4. Corrective and preventive action.
dards. The identification of the documents should be logi-
cal, and it is a good suggestion to use numbers as unique Incubators are one of the most important pieces of
identifiers. The same identification number could then be equipment in the IVF laboratory and need to be con-
used for the file name within the computerized version. The trolled properly. Two markers of incubator performance
issue number in parentheses or after a dash could follow are the temperature and the CO2 level. These two param-
this number. Pagination is important. If you choose not to eters are documented on the control cards, and upper
use pagination, you must clearly mark where the document and lower limits of tolerance are defined to determine
starts and ends. The dates of issue together with informa- when corrective actions are needed (Fig. 32.4). It is use-
tion on who wrote the document and who approved it (sig- ful to plot results of system checks on a graph, so that
nature) are usually included in the document header. there is a clear visual image that can monitor:
Questions that should have an answer in your document
control system: 1. Dispersion: Increased frequency of both high and
low numbers.
1. Is all documentation in the laboratory or clinic cov- 2. Trend: Progressive drift of reported values from
ered by your document control system? a prior mean.
2. Who writes or changes the document? 3. Shift: An abrupt change from the established mean.
3. Who approves and has the authority to issue docu-
ments? If nonconformity to the standard is diagnosed, it is
4. Does the document have important to collect data on:
a. A unique identification?
b. Issue number and current revision status? 1. When the problem was realized.
c. Date of latest issue? 2. How often the problem could be identified.
d. Pagination? 3. How conformity to the standards could be reassured.
6 TEXTBOOK OF ASSISTED REPRODUCTIVE TECHNIQUES: CLINICAL PERSPECTIVES
37.4°C
OG
5.2% CO2 37.2°C = upper
action
limit
5.0% CO2 37.0°C
UG
4.8% CO2 36.8°C
= lower
action
5.2% CO2 36.4°C limit
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
37.4°C
levels in an incubator.
Audits and Management Reviews of the clinic with executive responsibility shall periodi-
cally conduct a review of the quality system and testing
Audits are essential to ensure that a quality system is
activities. The quality manual shall include a written
working. Audits can be internal, initiated by the organiza-
agenda for these reviews, which should fulfill the
tion itself, or external, initiated by a governing body, certi-
demands in the standard.
fication, or accreditation body. ISO 9001:2000 8.8.2 lays
out the rules for internal audits and demands that the
clinic undertakes internal audits at planned intervals to INCIDENTS AND COMPLAINTS
determine how well the system is functioning and if it is
All clinics should have a policy and procedure for the
effectively implemented and maintained. Audits are tools
resolution of incidents and complaints received from
for improving and keeping your system up to date with the
patients, clients, and/or other parties. The routines of
standards and it is the quality manual that should include
how these are filed and how corrective actions are taken
specific instructions covering both how and how often
should be documented in a clinic’s quality manual.
they shall be performed. The management usually chooses
When applying a quality system it is important not to
internal auditors, and they should be familiar with both
hide these incidents and complaints, but to use them as
the standards and the activities performed in the clinic.
resources to improve the system. The management
The manual should include a document describing the
reviews should ensure that the incidents and complaints
approach and the areas of responsibility for the internal
lead to long-term corrections and improvements in the
auditors and have well-documented procedures for how
quality of work.
internal auditors are trained. To achieve a certification
according to ISO 9001:2000, the clinic needs to be audited
externally by a certification body. Many organizations STAFF MANAGEMENT
believe that having an audit and not finding any noncon-
formities is a proof of an outstanding performance. How- High-quality treatment can only be realized with quali-
ever, the other possibility is that it could be due to an fied staff. Therefore, recruitment, training, and motiva-
inadequate audit procedure. If an audit is properly con- tion of highly qualified people are the most important
ducted, even in organizations with outstanding perfor- tasks for the management team of an organization. To
mance, areas for improvement will be found; therefore, make sure that a sufficient number of qualified people are
people should put in a lot of effort to find the right certifi- working within the respective areas of the institution,
cation body to undertake the audits. Some questions that a staff requirement plan should be developed. This can
might help to identify a good certification body are: be organized in different ways:
● Are they accredited to certify medical institutions? 1. Allocating people according to their abilities.
● Have they previously certified IVF clinics and how 2. Allocating people according to different responsibil-
many? ity levels.
● Do they have IVF experts on their audit team? 3. Allocating people according to the type of work that
● How much time do they allocate to the audit? has to be done.
While to some it may seem obvious, it is important to In most medical institutions it is recommended to define
mention, especially with respect to the factors above, that the levels for which the number of staff should be planned.
the cheapest certifying body is not necessarily the best. Thus, the leading level (management) and other levels
Together with the audits, the management review is (which can be further divided according to qualification)
important for improvement of the system and for the are defined. The number of employees should be deter-
long-term correction of errors and incidents that might mined, for particular fields, according to their tasks and
occur. According to ISO 9007:2000 5.6, the management the range of treatments. This is why a regulation for the
QUALITY MANAGEMENT IN REPRODUCTIVE MEDICINE 7
equalization of staff must be created. This system makes or with regard to the abilities of the entire institution,
planning easier, and emphasizes the qualifications and, educational activities should be evaluated and analyzed
for instance, the procedure of substitution. The develop- at regular intervals. For example, at the beginning of each
ment of work descriptions is crucial for this system. They year, the employee should decide which educational
must be created for particular posts, and must state, among events he or she would like to visit or take part in. This
other things, at which post a given employee works, what helps the management to introduce new fields of activity,
his or her qualification is, and which qualification attri- and also allows them to perform advance planning of the
butes are required. In addition to this formal information, specialization. It is striking to see that, in most ART cen-
the work description should also contain information ters, detailed and prospective plans have been developed
about the employee’s personal attributes. For various for the training of medical doctors, but far less attention
posts, different qualities are important: has been paid to the training of nurses, technicians, etc.
However, a well-trained nurse can significantly reduce
1. Social competence the workload for the doctor and tremendously increase
2. Organizing abilities the patient’s trust in the institution while also improving
3. Communication abilities, etc. the referring doctor’s satisfaction.
Therefore, besides training activities for the doctors,
The staff requirement plan must be set up so that it is adequate educational events for nurses and technicians,
possible to react sufficiently to unexpected situations. etc., should be considered.
Furthermore, it must consider staff absenteeism caused
by holidays, illness, and further education. A minimal
Interaction between Management and Employees
presence of employees must be determined for certain
fields, which does not depend on the actual workload. Success in reproductive medicine clearly depends on an
For the development of a staff requirement plan for an optimal interaction between different professional
IVF center, the medical as well as the nonmedical areas groups: i.e., success can be achieved only if doctors
have to be defined and considered. The question of how communicate and work together with staff in the labora-
many people are needed to do the job properly can be tory, nurses, receptionists, etc. The same is true for the
answered on the basis of calculating the “influence mag- interaction between management and employees. Com-
nitudes.” The type of services offered strongly influences munication and collaboration between different profes-
the number of people required. Thus, the staff require- sional groups of the same hierarchic rank is called
ments are different in a center in which predominantly “horizontal” communication, whereas communication
conservative treatments and intrauterine inseminations and collaboration between professional groups of differ-
are performed, compared with a center in which predom- ent hierarchic ranks is called “vertical” communication.
inantly IVF/intracytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI) and One of the most important instruments to optimize verti-
cryopreservation cycles are performed. cal communication is the “staff interview.” The staff
interviews should occur periodically. At these inter-
views the empolyees and their direct superiors discuss
Training of Employees
their collaboration and identify areas for improvement.
One of the most important principles for the manage- The interview should take place in a structured way and
ment of a medical institution is: “Give your employees a protocol should be written and signed by both sides,
the chance to be the best.” This means that if you expect so that the content of the interview is assigned some
your employees to do their work at the highest quality kind of formal character. However, details of the inter-
level possible, you should give them proper training. In view can never be communicated with others without
principle, there are two different types of educational mutual consent. For the employee, the goals/opportuni-
events: ties of the interview are:
1. Internal events of further education 1. To become familiar with the goals of the department,
2. External events of further education (i.e., conven- 2. To realize weaknesses and strengths,
tions, conferences, workshops, etc.). 3. To be able to discuss own experiences/opinions on
the management style,
The advantage of internal events of further education 4. To discuss further strategies for professional devel-
is that they can be offered on a regular basis and are usu- opment,
ally “low-budget projects,” whereas external events need 5. To participate in planning goals/strategies for the
more organizational and financial input. However, when future.
carefully planned, external educational events some-
times have a higher motivational aspect. So the manage- For the superior, the goals/opportunities of the
ment team should take care to offer a balanced program interview are:
of internal and external educational events. To make it
possible to use the clinics’ resources adequately and to 1. To discuss the coworker’s performance,
estimate and plan the potential of development with 2. To focus the activities of the employee on future
regard to the individual abilities of particular employees goals of the institution,
8 TEXTBOOK OF ASSISTED REPRODUCTIVE TECHNIQUES: CLINICAL PERSPECTIVES
3. To increase mutual understanding in the event of QM system. ART practitioners in particular have the
problems, unique opportunity to set the standard in medicine for
4. To increase the employee’s responsibility, quality management principles.
5. To get feedback on his/her management skills.
SUGGESTED READING
For the above-mentioned reasons, the staff interview is
one of the most important and powerful tools in staff Alper MM, Brinsden PR, Fischer R, Wikland M. Is your
development, and should be widely used in the process IVF programme good? Hum Reprod 2002; 17: 8–10.
of continuous improvement. American Society for Reproductive Medicine. Revised
minimum standards for in vitro fertilization, gamete
intrafallopian transfer and related procedures. http://
The EU Tissues and Cells Directive
www.asrm.com/media/practice/revised.html (1998)
The increase in use, donation, and storage of human tis- Bloor G. Organisational culture, organisational learning
sue has led to the creation of directives from the Euro- and total quality management: a literature review
pean Council. In March 2004, the European parliament and synthesis. Aust Health Rev 1999; 22: 162–79.
issued a new version of the directive on setting standards Bron MS, Salmon JW. Infertility services and managed
of quality and safety for the donation, procurement, test- care. Am J Manag Care 1998; 4: 715–20.
ing, processing, preservation, storage, and distribution of Brown RW. Errors in medicine. J Qual Clin Pract 1997;
human tissues and cells. When these directives were 17: 21–5.
issued, there was a need to adapt the requirements to the Carson BE, Alper MM, Keck C. Quality management sys-
actual setting of an IVF laboratory. However, in the mean- tems for assisted reproductive technology. London:
time, these directives have been implemented by many Taylor and Francis, 2004.
IVF centers around the world and a position paper has Clancy C. AHRQ: coordinating a quantity of quality.
been issued by the ESHRE outlining how these directives Healthplan 2003; 44: 42–6.
should be applied. Independent of this position, paper Collings J. An international survey of the health economics
authorities in each country interpret the directive differ- of IVF and ICSI. Hum Reprod Update 2002; 8: 265–77.
ently, which makes it difficult to share experiences Colton D. The design of evaluations for continuous
between centers in different countries. Furthermore quality improvement. Eval Health Prof 1997; 20:
auditing processes need to be adapted from country to 265–85.
country. Darr K. Risk management and quality improvement:
The main differences between the countries concern together at last – Part. Hosp Top 1999; 77: 29–35.
requirements for (1) air quality (2) frequency of screening Garceau L, Henderson J, Davis LJ, et al. Economic impli-
of patients, and (3) staff training. cations of assisted reproductive techniques: a sys-
However, the central part of the EU directive is very tematic review. Hum Reprod 2002; 17: 3090–109.
clear, concerning the demand for a quality system. There- Geraedts HP, Montenarie R, Van Rijk PP. The benefits of
fore the directive states that “Tissue establishments shall total quality management. Comput Med Imaging
take all necessary measures to ensure that the quality sys- Graph 2001; 25: 217–20.
tem includes at least the following documentation: stan- Glattacker M, Jackel WH. [Evaluation of quality assur-
dard operating procedures, guidelines, training and ance – current data and consequences for research].
reference manuals.” Certainly by achieving accreditation Gesundheitswesen 2007; 69(5): 277–83.
to either ISO17025 or ISO15189 this demand will be Gondringer NS. Benchmarking: friend or foe. AANAJ
fulfilled together with several other demands of the 1997; 65: 335–6.
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CONCLUSIONS
ISO/DIS 15189:2:2002. Medical Laboratories – Particu-
No internationally accepted standards exist for quality in lar requirements for quality and competence.
the IVF laboratory and the IVF center as a whole. To Geneva: International Standardization Organiza-
assure high quality and continual improvement, it is rec- tion, 2002.
ommended that all IVF centers striving for excellence Matson PL. Internal quality control and external quality
should consider a QM system. Furthermore, legal guide- assurance in the IVF laboratory. Hum Reprod 1998;
lines and the recently released EU Tissue Directive 13(Suppl 4): 156–65.
clearly demand a QM system for medical institutions. A Minkman M, Ahaus K, Huijsman R. Performance
QM system allows the organization to gain control of its improvement based on integrated quality manage-
documents and procedures and to monitor the clinical ment models: what evidence do we have? A system-
and nonclinical outcomes. Furthermore, the issues of atic literature review. Int J Qual Health Care 2007;
staff recruitment and staff development can be addressed 19(2): 90–104.
systematically and thereby, again, the overall outcome Sackett DL, Rosenberg WMC, Gray JAM, et al. Evidence
will be improved. The ISO standards offer the medical based medicine: what it is and what it isn’t. Br Med J
facility access to an internationally endorsed and proven 1996; 312: 71–6.
Exploring the Variety of Random
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Athenian Pottery
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Language: English
THE CRAFT OF
ATHENIAN POTTERY
AN INVESTIGATION OF THE
TECHNIQUE OF BLACK-FIGURED AND
RED-FIGURED ATHENIAN VASES
BY
GISELA M. A. RICHTER, Litt.D.
ASSOCIATE CURATOR, DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICAL ART
NEW HAVEN
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON · HUMPHREY MILFORD · OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MDCCCCXXIV
Page
Preface xi
Conclusion 106
Index 111
ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Wedging (a) 3
2. Wedging (b) 4
3. Kick-wheel with treadle 5
4. Kick-wheel with disk 6
5. Wheel put in motion by assistant turning
handle 6
Processes of throwing:
6. Centering ball 7
7. Pressing clay down 7
8. Squeezing clay into cone 7
9. Inserting thumb 7
10. Making cylinder 8
11. Making bowl 8
12. Making jar 8
13. Making bottle 8
Methods of Glazing:
50. Dipping 48
51. Pouring 49
52. Use of the brush 50
53. Spraying 51
54. Hydria showing brush marks 52
55. Detail of psykter showing relief line 53
56. Detail of amphora showing diluted black glaze
line (on arm) going over red ochre left in
preliminary sketch line 57
57. Inside of krater showing extensive wear 63
Potter’s Implements:
87. Wheel-head 84
88. Tools found at Arezzo 85
89. Stilt 85
PREFACE
F
or our knowledge of the technique of Athenian vases we have
various sources of information. There are a number of references
to the craft in ancient literature; we have several actual
representations of potters at work among extant vase paintings; and
there is the important testimony of the vases themselves. The
information gleaned from these three sources has been duly worked
over by archaeologists, and the many accounts we have of the
technique of Greek vases are all based more or less on this
evidence. There is, however, another very important source of
information ready to our hand which has not been fully utilized,
namely, the study of the technical processes employed in the making
of modern pottery. For, the nature and properties of clay being the
same now that they were in Greek times, the manner of working it
must have been essentially the same then as now. Many
archaeologists have, of course, seen potters at work in different
places, or perhaps consulted potters on specific points; but that is a
different thing from getting a thorough knowledge of the craft
oneself and learning once for all what is possible and what is not
possible in clay-working.
The neglect of this highly valuable source of information has led to
some surprising theories regarding the technique of Greek vases;
and these theories have been repeated over and over again in our
books on vases, for the simple reason that, not having any first-hand
knowledge, we have copied these statements from one another. A
modern potter reading these accounts finds them remarkable
literature. The present writer, realizing her own ignorance on the
many questions of clay-working, went to a modern pottery school.
The result of this first-hand study was not only the acquisition of
new knowledge, but a totally new insight into the whole subject. The
present essay is an attempt to revise the current theories of the
technique of Athenian pottery in the light of this practical
experience.
Not only does such practical experience supply us with the
knowledge essential for the consideration of technical problems, but
it gives us a new appreciation of the beauty of Athenian vases. If we
try to make such shapes ourselves we shall begin to observe many
details which perhaps passed unnoticed before—the finely designed
handles, the well-proportioned feet, the practical mouths; and the
curves, the mouldings, and the subtle variations will become a
constant delight to the eye. Moreover, we shall be impressed more
than ever with the wonderful sense of proportion in Athenian vases.
For the relation of the height to the width, the proportions of the
neck, the body, the foot, and the handles to one another appear to
be all nicely thought out. There is no hit-or-miss about it; the whole
is an interrelated theme evidently planned carefully before making,
either by the potter himself or by a professional designer.
In short, any one who has tried his hand in the production of
Greek forms will understand very well that the makers of such vases
were proud of their work and that the signature of a well-known
potter was at least as valuable as that of a popular decorator.[1]
The pottery school to which I went was the New York State School
of Ceramics at Alfred, New York. Throughout my work at the school
and later in my investigation of Greek vases at the Metropolitan
Museum, I had the great benefit of the advice of Professor Charles F.
Binns, director of the school. In fact, any value which this paper may
possess is largely due to this opportunity of appeal to someone who
possesses the rare combination of expert knowledge in the field of
practical pottery with a scholar’s attitude toward the problems
presented by the ancient ware. It is also a pleasure to acknowledge
the many helpful suggestions made from time to time by Miss Maude
Robinson, director of the pottery work at Greenwich House, New
York, as well as by Miss Elsie Binns and Harold Nash, modern potters
whom I have had the advantage of consulting on various questions.
I am indebted to Miss Helen McClees for valuable assistance in the
section dealing with the references to pottery craft in ancient
literature. In my examination of Greek vases, which necessitated
handling of the specimens, I was greatly helped by the courteous
assistance of many museum directors.
The plan of this book is as follows: The first chapter gives a
concise account of the processes in use in the making of vases at
modern pottery schools[2] and their application to the technique of
ancient vases. The second chapter contains a description of the
various representations we have of ancient potters at work. In the
third chapter are collected the chief Greek and Latin texts referring
to the ancient pottery craft. After this presentation of all the
evidence on the technique of Athenian vases comes a short
summary of the new conclusions arrived at, and a selected
bibliography.
The illustrations of modern pottery scenes were taken under the
direction of Charles F. Binns at the New York State School of
Ceramics, Alfred,[3] and of Maude Robinson at pottery studios in
New York City.[4]
I. TECHNICAL PROCESSES
IN THE MAKING OF MODERN POTTERY AND
THEIR APPLICATION TO THE TECHNIQUE OF
ANCIENT VASES
T
he making of a pot begins in the clay bed. The clay has to be
found, it has to be transported, and above all it has to be tested
to see whether it is adapted to the potter’s needs. For there are
many different kinds of clay and they are as individual as human
beings; so that a thorough understanding of them is essential to the
successful potter.
The chief ingredients of clay are silica, alumina, and water. Other
possible ingredients are iron oxide, lime (calcium oxide), magnesia,
and potash. To the iron compounds are due the different colors of
the clay. When potters speak of the color of a clay—red, yellow,
white—they refer to the color after burning, not in the raw state.
The tones of the color are controlled by heat; for instance, a red clay
becomes first pink, then in a higher fire a deeper red, and in a still
higher fire a brownish red.
The potter demands three properties of his clay: (1) plasticity, the
property which enables the clay to acquire form; (2) porosity, the
property which enables the water to escape; and (3) vitrification, the
property which enables the clay to be fired. These three properties
are due to the three chief component parts of the clay; namely, clay
base, quartz, and feldspar. It will be found that some clays are not
plastic enough, others not sufficiently porous, and others again not
properly vitrifiable; in such cases the addition of certain substances
is necessary to make the clay usable. The actual composition of the
clay, therefore, is of great importance, as no amount of skilful labor
will avail if the clay itself has not the right consistency.
Washing.
When the right composition of the clay has been assured, the next
step is to wash it and separate it from the many natural impurities,
such as stones, sticks, etc., with which it is mixed. A clay not
properly washed is a source of great vexation in the later stages of
pottery making. The best method is that of “blunging,” that is, the
dry clay is put into water and stirred constantly until it reaches the
consistency of cream, technically called “slip,” whereupon it is
poured through sieves, coarse or fine according to the desired
consistency. The liquid clay or slip must then be dried sufficiently to
become plastic and workable. This can be done either in filter
presses in which the water is squeezed out in a comparatively short
time, or in shallow receptacles in the open air where the water is
allowed slowly to evaporate.
Wedging.
But even at this stage the clay is not yet ready for use; it has first
to go through the important process of kneading or “wedging.” This
consists of cutting a ball of clay in two against a wire (fig. 1),
slapping the two parts on a plaster or wooden board, one on top of
the other (fig. 2), then lifting up the whole lump, cutting it in two
again, and slapping it down as before. The purpose is to remove all
air bubbles and to correct irregularities in hardness. The operation
has sometimes to be repeated fifteen or twenty times before a good
texture is secured.[5]
Fig. 1. Wedging (a)
We learn from the above survey that the fine consistency of the
clay in Athenian and in some other Greek wares is not necessarily
due to its natural state, but to the careful washing and kneading
undergone in its preparation for use. When different particles are
found in the fired clay they are due to indifferent washing. And the
varying shades of pink and red of Greek vases likewise do not
presuppose different kinds of clay, but are due largely to the various
temperatures to which the vases were fired. We have too often
made our analyses of clays of Greek vases without due cognizance
of these facts.
Types of wheel.
There are various types of wheel in general use today. The wheel
run by electric power does not concern us here since it cannot have
been used by the Greeks. In studio potteries, a kick-wheel is often
used. In this the operator stands and kicks with his left foot against
a treadle, the weight of his body being supported by the right (fig.
3). Another fairly popular type has a large, heavy disk at the bottom
revolving in a horizontal plane, and kept in motion by one foot of the
operator (fig. 4). A very simple type of wheel in use some time ago
is illustrated in fig. 5. Here the motion is imparted by an assistant
turning the handle.
Any one of these three types may have been used by the Greeks.
In the representations of ancient potters at work (cf. pp. 64 ff.) the
wheel appears to have been propelled either with the foot or by an
assistant.
Throwing.
Turning.
After a piece has been thrown on the wheel, it has assumed its
general shape, but that is all. The thinning of the walls, the
refinements of foot and lip, all such finishing touches must be
reserved for the next process. This is known among modern potters
as “turning.” In this the clay is no longer in a wet state, but in a
“leather-hard” condition, and it is not worked with the hands but
with steel cutting tools. A newly shaped vase becomes leather hard
after it has been kept in the air and the water allowed to evaporate
for about twenty-four hours. Pieces in this state are hard enough to
be handled with care and to be cut easily with a knife. They are not
so fragile as either in the wet or in the “bone-dry” state, but they are
still delicate and exposed to many dangers. Not until a vase has
been fired is it safe to handle it freely. The cutting with the steel
tools is done on the wheel (or “jigger”[7]), the right hand which
grasps the tool being kept steady by letting it rest on a stick held in
the left hand; the stick should have a sharpened nail on one end,
the point of which is pressed into a wooden board at the height
required (fig. 14). By continued cutting off of thin shavings of clay
and by adding more clay in slip form when more is needed, the final
outline of the shape and the various grooves and mouldings for lip
and foot can be obtained. But it is a slow process, requiring time,
care, and great patience. For the smoothing of the surface, scrapers,
sandpaper, and sponge are useful.
Met. Mus. Acc. No. 12.234.2 Met. Mus. Acc. No. 07.232.30
Fig. 17. Turning marks on outside of vase
The fact that the Athenian potter made use of the turning process
shows incidentally that he was able to make his vases to very exact
measurements. This is important in connection with Jay Hambidge’s
theory that Athenian pottery was carefully designed on certain
geometrical principles;[9] for if the Athenian potter had confined
himself merely to throwing on the wheel that would not have been
possible. It is during the second process of turning that an expert
potter can effect many changes in width and height or in details, and
thus make his product correspond exactly with his carefully planned
design. Modern potters of standing work in the same way today.
They first make a drawing of a vase, full size or to scale, and then
proceed to follow this drawing in every detail, using rules and
calipers for their guidance. Of course it needs a great deal of skill
and patience to be able to work so exactly; but Greek potters, we
can be quite sure, had a good supply of both of these qualities.
Fig. 20. Unturned inside of amphora
Work in sections.
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