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Psychology of Stress 1st Edition Kimberly V. Oxington
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Kimberly V. Oxington
ISBN(s): 9781614707103, 1614707103
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 2.79 MB
Year: 2005
Language: english
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 PSYCHOLOGY OF STRESS
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

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Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 PSYCHOLOGY OF STRESS

KIMBERLY V. OXINGTON
EDITOR
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Nova Biomedical Books

New York

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 Copyright © 2009 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Psychology of stress / Kimberly V. Oxington (editor).

p. ; cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN:  (eBook)
1. Stress (Psychology) I. Oxington, Kimberly V.
[DNLM: 1. Stress, Psychological--psychology. 2. Stress, Psychological--therapy. 3.
Psychotherapy--methods. 4. Stress Disorders, Traumatic--psychology. 5. Stress Disorders,
Traumatic--therapy. WM 172 P4744 2008]
RC455.4.S87P85 2008
616.9'8--dc22 2008018271

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 CONTENTS

Preface vii
Chapter I Gender and Subjective Well-Being in the United States:
From Subjective Well-Being to Complete Mental Health 1
Corey L. M. Keyes
Chapter II An Effectiveness Trial to Increase Psychological Well-
Being and Reduce Stress Among African American
Blue-Collar Working Women 17
Linda Napholz
Chapter III Stress Management Interventions for Medical Populations 35
Wendy G. Lichtenthal, Norah S. Simpson and Dean G. Cruess
Chapter IV Physical Health Outcomes of Psychologic Stress by
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Parental Bereavement: A National Perspective in Denmark 53

Jiong Li and Jorn Olsen
Chapter V Stress Among Students in Developing
Countries - An Overview 83
Shashidhar Acharya
Chapter VI Chronic Versus Acute Stress Situations:
A Comparison of Moderating Factors 101
Shifra Sagy
Chapter VII A Comparison Between the Effort-Reward Imbalance
and Demand Control Models 113
Aleck S Ostry, Shona Kelly, Paul A Demers,
Cameron Mustard and Clyde Hertzman
Chapter VIII Stress and Somatization: A Sociocultural Perspective 129
Rachel A. Askew and Corey L. M. Keyes

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 vi Kimberly V. Oxington

Chapter IX Children and Adolescents’ Psychopathology After Trauma:

New Preventive Psychotherapeutic Strategies 145
Ernesto Caffo and Carlotta Belaise
Chapter X Caregiving Distress and Psychological Health of Caregivers 165
Martin Pinquart and Silvia Sörensen
Chapter XI Experiences of Pain, Distress and Quality of Care in
Relation to Different Perspectives 207
MarieLouise Hall-Lord and Bodil Wilde Larsson
Index 255
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 PREFACE

Stress is a physical response to an undesirable situation. Mild stress can result from
missing the bus, standing in a long line at the store or getting a parking ticket. Stress can also
be severe. Divorce, family problems, an assault, or the death of a loved one, for example, can
be devastating. One of the most common sources of both mild and severe stress is work.
Stress can be short-term (acute) or long-term (chronic). Acute stress is a reaction to an
immediate threat — either real or perceived. Chronic stress involves situations that aren't
short-lived, such as relationship problems, workplace pressures, and financial or health
worries. Stress is an unavoidable consequence of life. As Hans Selye (who coined the term as
it is currently used) noted, "Without stress, there would be no life". However, just as distress
can cause disease, it seems plausible that there are good stresses that promote wellness. Stress
is not always necessarily harmful. Winning a race or an election can be just as stressful as
losing, or more so, but may trigger very different biological responses. Increased stress
results in increased productivity up to a point. This new book deals with the dazzling
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

complexity of this good-bad phenomenon and presents up-to-date research from throughout
the world.
Individuals have been instructed to live life well throughout history, in numerous
cultures, and in various works of poetry, philosophy, and religious doctrine. In his conception
of life as Eudaimonia, Aristotle suggested a tradeoff between society and the individuals, and
he foreshadowed the shift toward modern conceptions of the fruits and seeds of a life lived
well. That is, personal happiness is the fruit that comes from a lifetime that has been lived in
pursuit of the identification, development, and use of one’s talents and abilities. The topic of
well-being more generally raises two key questions that will be covered in Chapter I.
The study in Chapter II examines the efficacy of a psychoeducational intervention
program relative to a control group in promoting psychological well-being in 70 African
American working women. A quasi-experimental repeated measures design was utilized. The
psychoeducational program focused on reducing role conflict, enhancing self-esteem, life
satisfaction and instrumentality, decreasing depression and facilitating coping through
cognitive based problem solving strategies. This study has advanced knowledge on stressors
that African American working women experience and identified stress-reduction strategies
that enhanced psychological well-being in regards to increasing self-esteem scores and
decreasing depression and role conflict scores.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 viii Kimberly V. Oxington

In Chapter III, we will review the empirical support for stress management (SM)
interventions developed for various medical patient populations, focusing on those applied to
patients with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection/acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS) and cancer. SM interventions for other patient populations will also be
briefly discussed. Additionally, we will briefly discuss the implications of these findings and
suggest directions for future research.
Bereavement represents a specific type of stressful life events. It could be detrimental to
health both in the short-term and in the long run. The aim of the study in Chapter IV is to
examine the possible health effects of parental bereavement. Only severe health
consequences that may lead to death or hospitalization were studied. We observed an
increased mortality in bereaved mothers. The death of a child may lead to an increased risk of
MI, MS, and a mildly increased risk of cancer as well as worse cancer survival in bereaved
parents.
As discussed in Chapter V, mankind since the dawn of history has been afflicted with
various forms of diseases. Communicable diseases that took a heavy toll of human life in
medieval and prehistoric times, have been replaced by non- communicable diseases and
conditions in the recent times. Among the six factors which are responsible for the major
share of these diseases, stress occupies an important place. The Oxford English dictionary
defines stress as pressure, tension or worry resulting from the problems in one's life. It is thus
a condition of the mind, in which a person loses his calm tranquility and equanimity and
experiences extreme discomfiture.
The research reported in Chapter VI compared patterns of moderating factors explaining
stress reactions during two kinds of states: chronic without acute versus chronic plus acute
stress. We examined the hypothesis that during a prolonged stress state, personal dispositions
would have more explanatory power to understand stress reactions than in an acute situation.
Five variables were examined as moderating factors: trait anxiety, sense of coherence,
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

cognitive appraisal of the political situation, family sense of coherence, and sense of
community. These data support the value of developing a model that would recognize the
different types of stress situations in the study of moderating effects of stress.
The purpose of Chapter VII was to compare the predictive validity of the demand/control
and reward/imbalance models, alone and in combination with each other, for self-reported
health status and the self-reported presence of any chronic disease condition. Self-reports for
psychosocial work conditions were obtained in a sample of sawmill workers using the
demand/control and effort/reward imbalance models. The demand/control and effort/reward
imbalance models independently predicted poor self-reported health status. The effort-reward
imbalance model predicted the presence of a chronic disease while the demand/control model
did not. Future work should explore the combined effects of these two models of
psychosocial stress at work on health more thoroughly.
Somatization is the translation of emotional distress into physical symptoms that have no
identifiable physical cause. Somatization is widespread: clinical, historical, and
anthropological studies have demonstrated its prevalence in different historical periods and
across cultures. The majority of literature on somatization conceptualizes it as maladaptive,
effectively complicating diagnosis and treatment. Chapter VIII reviews research literature on

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 Preface ix

somatization and summarizes the findings from an empirical study of somatization in the
United States and South Korea.
Each year millions of children are exposed to traumatic experiences. The body of
literature related to children and their responses to disasters and trauma is growing. Mental
health professionals are increasing their understanding about what factors are associated with
increased risk (vulnerability) or decreased risk (resilience) for developing psychopathology
after exposure to traumatic experiences. Research on resilience in development reveals that
extraordinary resilience and recovery power of children depend on basic human protective
systems operating in their favour. Chapter IX reviews some strategies fostering resilience and
describes the main characteristics and technical features of a novel psychotherapeutic
strategy, Well-Being Therapy.
In Chapter X, the authors summarize the research on psychological effects of providing
care for an older family member. After a brief overview of sources of caregiver stress, we
compare psychological and physical health of caregivers and noncaregivers. Then we explore
which aspects of caregiving are most stressful to caregivers. The chapter also reviews the
effects of interventions with caregivers. On average, interventions show statistical significant
improvements of caregiver knowledge and perceived abilities, caregiver burden, depressive
symptoms, and positive well-being.
The aim of Chapter XI is to illuminate pain and distress and quality of care in relation to
elderly people, family member, and caregiver perspectives. This chapter is mainly based on
previously published studies within the following two areas: pain and distress and quality of
care.
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 In: Psychology of Stress ISBN 978-1-60456-737-3
Editor: Kimberly V. Oxington, pp. 1-15 ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter I

GENDER AND SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING IN THE

UNITED STATES: FROM SUBJECTIVE WELL-
BEING TO COMPLETE MENTAL HEALTH

Corey L. M. Keyes
Department of Sociology of Emory University and the Department of Behavioral
Sciences and Health Education of the Rollins School of Public Health USA

Nor love thy life, nor hate; but what thou liv’st Live well:
how long or short permit to heaven
John Milton (Paradise Lost, Book XI, Line 553)
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

ABSTRACT
Individuals have been instructed to live life well throughout history, in numerous
cultures, and in various works of poetry, philosophy, and religious doctrine. In his
conception of life as Eudaimonia, Aristotle suggested a tradeoff between society and the
individuals, and he foreshadowed the shift toward modern conceptions of the fruits and
seeds of a life lived well. That is, personal happiness is the fruit that comes from a
lifetime that has been lived in pursuit of the identification, development, and use of one’s
talents and abilities (see e.g., Waterman, 1984). The topic of well-being more generally
raises two key questions that will be covered in this chapter. First, who decides whether
one’s life is being lived well? Second, is the ability to engage in eudaimonia distributed
equally in society? Do people of various ethnicities, creeds, and colors have an equal
chance to develop and to employ their talents and abilities?

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 2 Corey L. M. Keyes

WELL-BEING AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE

The quality of an individual’s life can be assessed externally and objectively or internally
and subjectively. From an objective standpoint, other people measure and judge another’s life
according to criteria such as wealth or income, educational attainment, occupational prestige,
and health status or longevity. Individuals who are wealthier, have more education, and live
longer are considered to have higher quality of life or personal well-being. From the
subjective standpoint, an individual evaluates his or her own life and subjective well-being is
the feeling toward and thoughts about how well he or she is living life. Subjective well-being
is unveiled through evaluations that people make about their lives after reviewing, summing,
and weighing the “substance” of their lives. Life and its substance consist of activities of
work (i.e., maintenance and productivity), love (i.e., relationships and intimacy), and play
(i.e., socializing and leisure). Individuals evaluate their lives overall, and they judge the
quality of their functioning in life.
Two central questions guiding sociological research are whether the quality of
individuals’ lives is distributed equally in society, and the origins of social orders that
generate social inequalities (see e.g., Wrong, 1994). In the U. S., research has shown an
abundance of social inequality in the quality of individual’s lives, and gender has been shown
to be a consistent source of social order that is implicated in the causes of social inequalities.
Findings relevant to the topic of subjective well-being and gender focus on the consistent
finding of gender differences in major depressive disorder. The rate of major depression in
the U. S. population reveals that women are at a twofold risk for depression than men (see
e.g., Kessler & Zhao, 1999). Starting around the onset of puberty and persisting throughout
adulthood, females in the U. S. are more likely than males to report more symptoms of
depression and to fit the criteria for a major episode of depression.
There is now a corpus of research that reveals that the etiology of gender differences in
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

depression reflect biological, psychological, and social causes. Thus, while neurohormonal
differences may predispose women to become depressed, biological differences between men
and women cannot explain the gender gap in depression. Rather, research also shows that
women may place greater importance on the social relationships at the same time that they
are exposed to more social stressors and bear the unequal burden of responsibility for
maintaining social relationships (Turner, Wheaton, & Lloyd, 1995; Cyranowski, Frank,
Young, & Shear, 2000).
While there a substantiated explanations for why women have lower quality of life than
men in terms of depression, most epidemiological studies show that about 1 in 10 adults in
the U.S. population of adults above the ages of 18 fit the criteria for major depression in any
year and about half of the adult population will not experience any mental illness over the
lifespan (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). In other words, a very large
portion of the adult population in the U.S. remains free of mental illness annually and over a
lifetime. This, then, begs the question whether individuals who are free from mental illness
are truly mentally healthy. This has been the driving question behind the study of subjective
well-being in adulthood: “Are most adults in the U.S., who tend to be free of mental illness,
mentally health with high levels of subjective well-being?”

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 Gender and Subjective Well-Being in the United States: From Subjective … 3

SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING: CRITERIA OF A LIFE WELL-LIVED

Psychologists have traditionally equated subjective well-being with the degree of
positive feelings (e.g., happiness) and perceptions (e.g., satisfaction) toward one’s life overall
(Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999; Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960). However, a second stream
of well-being research has elaborated manifold dimensions of positive functioning that reflect
psychological well-being (Jahoda, 1958; Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989a, 1989b, Ryff & Keyes,
1995) and social well-being (Keyes, 1998; Keyes & Shapiro, 2004). Together, subjective
well-being consists of the two broad domains of emotional well-being and positive
functioning. These domains, their conceptions, and the quality of their measures are reviewed
next. Because most research on subjective well-being focuses on individuals aged 18 or older
and therefore this chapter focuses on well-being in adults.

Emotional Well-Being

Emotional well-being consists of perceptions of avowed happiness and satisfaction with

life, and the experience of the balance of symptoms of positive to negative affect. According
to Bradburn (1969), well-being is the balance between two independent affects: positive and
negative. In addition to these affects, Andrews and Withey (1976) delineated the cognitive
basis of life satisfaction. While life satisfaction is a judgmental and more long-term
assessment of life, happiness and positive affect are more spontaneous reflections of one’s
immediate experience.
Single-items measures of life satisfaction are based on Cantril’s (1965) Self-Anchoring
Scale, which asks respondents to “rate their life overall these days” on a scale from 0 to 10,
where 0 meant the “worst possible life overall” and 10 meant “the best possible life overall.”
Variations on Cantril’s measure have been employed widely in numerous studies worldwide,
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

and have been applied to the measurement of avowed happiness with life (Andrews &
Withey, 1976; Andrews & Robinson, 1991). Valid and reliable multi-item scales of life
satisfaction and happiness have also been developed and employed extensively (see Diener,
1984, p. 546).
Most measures of positive and negative affect investigate the frequency of time a
respondent reports the experience of symptoms of positive and negative affect. For example,
individuals are often asked to indicate how much of the time during the past month (i.e., or
30) days they have felt six types of negative and six types of positive indicators of affect:
“all,” “most,” “some,” “a little,” or “none of the time.” The indicators of negative affect
routinely include (1) so sad nothing could cheer you up, (2) nervous, (3) restless or fidgety,
(4) hopeless, (5) that everything was an effort, and (6) worthless. The indicators of positive
affect usually include the feelings of being (1) cheerful, (2) in good spirits, (3) extremely
happy, (4) calm and peaceful, (5) satisfied, and (6) full of life. The internal reliability of the
multi-item scales of life satisfaction (Diener, 1993; Diener, Emmons, Larson, & Griffin,
1985; Pavot & Diener, 1993) and positive and negative affect (see e.g., Mroczek & Kolarz,
1998) are usually excellent and above .80.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 4 Corey L. M. Keyes

Psychological Well-Being

Psychological theory consists of a variety of concepts of personality and development

that have been synthesized as criteria of mental health (Jahoda, 1958) and psychological
well-being (Ryff, 1989a). Elements of psychological well-being are descended from the
Aristotelian theme of eudaimonia (Waterman, 1984), and personified in concepts of self
actualization (Maslow, 1968), full functioning (Rogers, 1961), individuation (Jung, 1933),
maturity (Allport, 1961), and successful adult developmental stages and tasks (Erikson, 1959;
Neugarten, 1968, 1973). Each dimension of psychological well-being (see Ryff, 1989a,
1989b; Ryff & Keyes, 1995) indicates the challenges individuals encounter as they strive to
function fully and realize their unique talents.
Environmental mastery is the active engagement of the environment to mold it to meet
one’s needs and wants. Healthy individuals recognize personal needs and desires and also
feel capable of, and permitted to, take an active role in getting what they need from their
environments. Purpose in life is the criterion that adults also endeavor for a direction in life,
when the world offers none or provides unsavory alternatives. Healthy individuals see their
daily lives as fulfilling a direction and purpose, and therefore they view their personal lives as
meaningful. Last, personal growth is the ability and desire to seek to develop existing skills
and talents, and to seek opportunities for personal development. In addition, healthy
individuals are open to experience and have the capacity to identify challenges in a variety of
circumstances.
Self-acceptance is the criterion that adults must strive to feel good about themselves,
while facing complex and sometimes unpleasant personal aspects. In addition, individuals
accumulate a past and have the capacity to recall and remember themselves through time.
Healthy individuals hold a positive attitudes toward themselves and accept all parts of
themselves. Positive relations with others consist of the ability to cultivate warm, intimate
relationships with others. It also includes the presence of satisfying social contacts and
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

relations. Autonomy is the criterion that people also seek some degree of self-determination
and personal authority, in a society that sometimes compels obedience and compliance.
However, healthy individuals seek to understand their own values and ideals. In addition,
healthy individuals see themselves guiding their own behavior and conduct from internalized
standards and values.

Social Well-Being

Social well-being consists of five elements that, together, indicate whether and to what
degree an individuals is functioning well in their social lives -- e.g., as neighbors, as
coworkers, and as citizens (Keyes, 1998). Social well-being emerges from classic
sociological themes of anomie and alienation. Drawing on these theoretical roots, Keyes
(1998) developed multiple operational dimensions of social well-being. Each dimension of
social wellness represents challenges that people face as social beings. As with the measures
of psychological well-being, the social well-being items are evaluated from respondents' own
viewpoints, indicating how well they see themselves rising to life's challenges.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 Gender and Subjective Well-Being in the United States: From Subjective … 5

Social actualization is the evaluation of the potential and the trajectory of society. This is
the belief in the evolution of society and the sense that society has potential that is being
realized through its institutions and citizens. Social acceptance is the construal of society
through the character and qualities of other people as a generalized category. Individuals
must function in a public arena that consists primarily of strangers. Individuals who illustrate
social acceptance trust others, think that others are capable of kindness, and believe that
people can be industrious. Socially accepting people hold favorable views of human nature
and feel comfortable with others.1
Social integration is the evaluation of the quality of one's relationship to society and
community. Integration is therefore the extent to which people feel they have something in
common with others who constitute their social reality (e.g., their neighborhood), as well as
the degree to which they feel that they belong to their communities and society. Social
contribution is the evaluation of one's value to society. It includes the belief that one is a vital
member of society, with something of value to give to the world. Social coherence is the
perception of the quality, organization, and operation of the social world, and it includes a
concern for knowing about the world. Social coherence is analogous to meaninglessness in
life (Mirowsky and Ross 1989; Seeman 1959), and involves appraisals that society is
discernable, sensible, and predictable.

THE STRUCTURE OF SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING

Is subjective well-being a multidimensional construct? The threefold structure of life
satisfaction, positive affect, and negative affect has been repeatedly confirmed in numerous
studies (Bryant & Veroff, 1982; Lucas, Diener, & Suh, 1996; Shmotkin, 1998). However, the
debate over the structure of positive and negative affect continues to this day. Are positive
and negative affect opposing ends of a single continuum (i.e., highly correlated), or are
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

positive and negative feelings relatively independent (i.e., modestly correlated) dimensions of
well-being? Evidence supports the unidimensional (Feldman-Barrett & Russell, 1998; Keyes,
2000) and the bidimensional (Diener & Emmons, 1984; Watson & Tellegen, 1985) model.
Artifacts of measurement have been implicated as an explanation for the
inconclusiveness of the dimensional structure of emotional well-being measures. Prior to the
demonstrated validity of frequency as a response choice (see Diener, Sandvik, & Pavot,
1991), measures of emotional well-being tended to confound frequency and intensity of
emotional experience. Measures of the intensity of positive affect and of negative affect are
strong and positive; measures of the frequency of the experience of symptoms of positive and
negative affect are negative and tend to be modest (Diener, Larson, Levine, & Emmons,
1985). Nonrandom measurement errors between indicators of positive and negative affect
may also suppress the negative correlation between the latent constructs of positive and
negative affect (Green, Goldman, & Salovey, 1993).
According to the context-dependence theory of affects (Zautra, Potter, & Reich, 1997),
evidence for unidimensional and bidimensional models of affect depends on the state of the

1
See Keyes and Waterman (2003) for a review of the items used to measure emotional, psychological, and
social well-being in the MacArthur Foundation Midlife in the United States survey conducted in 1995.
Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 6 Corey L. M. Keyes

individual. When individuals are experiencing high levels of demands or are distressed, the
structure of affect becomes unidimensional. The correlation of positive and negative affect is
highly correlated among individuals who are stressed, while this correlation should be modest
among individuals who are not stressed. Zautra et al. (1997) found a significantly larger
negative correlation of positive and negative affect among individuals who had experience a
high number of life events in the past week, compared with those who had experience few
life events in the past week. In addition, the self-theory of subjective change and mental
health (Keyes & Ryff, 2000) suggests that perceived personal changes are distressing while
the perception of remaining the same person is conducive to mental health.
Drawing together the theory of subjective change (Keyes & Ryff, 2000) with the context-
dependence of affects, Keyes (2000) hypothesized and found that the correlation of positive
and negative affect was substantially higher at high levels of perceived improvement (r = –
.78) and high levels of perceived declines (r = –.75), compared with low levels of perceived
change (r = –.59). As such, the structure of positive and negative affect may reflect states of
the organism such as levels of demands, life events, and distress. Although certain
measurement artifacts and the state of the organism partially affect the correlation between
the two affects, evidence confirms the functional separation of positive and negative affect.
Several studies employing community and nationally representative samples have
supported the theories of the factor structure of social and psychological well-being.
Confirmatory factor models have revealed that the proposed five-factor theory of social well-
being is the best-fitting model (Keyes, 1998), and the proposed six-factor theory of
psychological well-being is the best-fitting model (Ryff & Keyes, 1995). Moreover, elements
of social and psychological well-being are empirically distinct. The scales of social and
psychological well-being correlated as high as .44, and exploratory factor analysis revealed
two correlated (r = .34) factors with the scales of social well-being loading on a separate
factor from the items measuring happiness, satisfaction, and the overall scale of
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

psychological well-being (Keyes, 1996).

Measures of social well-being also are factorially distinct from traditional measures
(happiness and satisfaction) of emotional well-being (Keyes, 1996). Measures of emotional
well-being (positive and negative affect, life satisfaction) are factorially distinct from the
measures of psychological well-being (Keyes, Shmotkin, & Ryff, 2002). McGregor and
Little’s (1998) factor analysis also yielded two distinct factors that reveal an underlying
emotional factor (including depression, positive affect, and life satisfaction) and an
underlying psychological functioning factor (including four of the psychological well-being
scales: Personal growth, purpose in life, positive relations with others, and autonomy).
Measures of subjective well-being also are modestly correlated with measures of
symptoms of mental illness (viz. depression). The scales of social well-being correlated
around -.30 with a measure of dysphoric symptoms (Keyes, 1998). Keyes and Lopez’s (2002)
review also reported an average correlation of the scales of psychological well-being with
standard measures of depression (i.e., CESD and the Zung Scale) around -.50, while
measures of life satisfaction and quality of life correlated on average around -.40.
Confirmatory factor analyses of the CESD subscales and the psychological well-being scales
in the U.S. (as well as South Korea) have shown that a two-factor model consisting of a
mental illness and a mental health latent factor provided the best fit to the data (Keyes &

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 Gender and Subjective Well-Being in the United States: From Subjective … 7

Ryff, 2003). In that same study, the overall CESD and psychological well-being scales
correlated -.68 in the U.S.

GENDER DIFFERENCE
Dimensions of Subjective Well-Being

Though women are more prone to depression than men, men and women report
happiness and life satisfaction in equal proportions (Lykken, 1999; Myers, 2000). There is
little difference found between the genders for global happiness or satisfaction. However, two
studies did find that “. . . younger women are happier than younger men, and older women
are less happy than older men” (Diener, 1984 p. 555). More recently, Mroczek and Kolarz
(1998) found that negative affect was unrelated with age among women while it decreased
with age among married men.
In terms of psychological well-being, studies have shown that there are more similarities
than differences in levels between women and men (Keyes & Ryff, 1999). Women are as self
accepting and autonomous as men, and females report similar amounts of personal growth,
purpose in life, and environmental mastery as males. However, a striking and very consistent
finding over numerous studies is that women report markedly higher levels of positive
relationships with others than men. That is, the only gender difference in psychological well-
being favors women over men, with females having more warm, trusting, and meaningful
interpersonal relationships than men (Keyes & Ryff, 1999).
There has been one large-scale national study of gender differences in social well-being.
In the MacArthur Midlife in the United States national study of adults between the ages of 25
and 74, finds reveal greater disadvantage for women than men in terms of social well-being.
With controls for socioeconomic status, marital status, and age, women report lower levels of
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

social coherence, social actualization, and social contribution than men (Keyes & Shapiro,
2004). Compared to men, women find the social world to be more meaningless, to have less
potential for growth, and feel that they do not contribute much of value to society. On the
other hand, women reported the same level of social integration as men, and women reported
a higher level of social acceptance than men (Keyes & Shapiro, 2004). Thus, women feel as
socially integrated into society as men, and they are better able than men to accept the
diversity of individuals in society.

Complete Mental Health

While studies of the distribution of specific dimensions of subjective well-being by

gender are informative, they do not permit generalizing to women’s overall subjective well-
being. Moreover, when the research findings of gender differences in depression and in
subjective well-being are juxtaposed, inconsistencies and puzzles emerge. While women
have higher rates of depression and men, women also report equivalent levels (e.g., social
integration, emotional well-being, and 5 of the 6 psychological well-being scales) and, in
other dimensions, higher levels (e.g., social acceptance and positive relations) of subjective

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 8 Corey L. M. Keyes

well-being. One way to view this situation is that depression and subjective well-being
measures separate dimensions of an individual’s overall state of mental health. That is,
information about an individual’s state of mental illness such as depression should be
combined with measurement of an individual’s subjective well-being to provide a more
complete picture of his or her overall mental health. From this perspective, researchers can
view gender differences from another level that could provide greater research insights.
Studies show that mental health and mental illness are correlated but separate dimensions
rather than opposite ends of a single continuum. About 25% of variance is shared in common
between standard scales of depression and sales of subjective well-being. The measures of
psychological well-being correlated an average of –.51 with the Zung depression inventory
and –.55 with the Center for Epidemiological Studies depression (CESD) scale (see Keyes &
Lopez, 2002). Measures of satisfaction with life satisfaction and avowed happiness have been
shown to correlate between –.40 to –.50 with scales of depressive symptoms. Confirmatory
factor analyses also confirm the theory that measures of subjective well-being and depression
are distinct but correlated dimensions (see e.g., Headey, Kelley, & Wearing, 1993; Keyes &
Ryff, 2003).
The majority of research on gender and mental health has compared mentally ill men and
women against individuals who do not meet Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM—
American Psychiatric Association, 1994) criteria for major depressive disorder. This
approach treats individuals free of depression as having been mentally healthy over a chosen
time period (e.g., past 12 months). However, and using the diagnosis of complete mental
health that combines information about depression and subjective well-being, Keyes (2002)
has shown that only 22% of the 85.5% of individuals who had not suffered an episode of
major depression during the past year fit the criteria for mental health. Put differently, only
about one-quarter of the non-depressed adults were actually mentally healthy. Rather, a large
portion of the adult population who had been free of major depression actually had moderate-
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to-low levels of subjective well-being, and their psychosocial functioning in terms of

workplace productivity was markedly lower than those adults who were free of depression
and had high levels of subjective well-being.
The diagnosis of complete mental health mirrors the diagnosis of major depression.
Conceptually as well as empirically, scales of subjective well-being fall into two clusters of
symptoms. The measures of emotional well-being comprise a cluster that reflects emotional
vitality. In turn, the measures of psychological well-being and social well-being reflect a
cluster of symptoms of positive functioning. The emotional vitality and positive functioning
clusters of symptoms mirror the symptom clusters used in the DSM-III-R (American
Psychiatric Association, 1987) to diagnose major depression episode (MDE). That is,
depression consists of symptoms of depressed mood or anhedonia (e.g., loss of pleasure
derived from activities) and symptoms of malfunctioning (e.g., insomnia or hypersomnia). Of
the nine symptoms of MDE, a diagnosis of depression is made when a patient or respondent
reports the presence of five or more symptoms (at least one symptom must be from the
affective cluster). Similarly, mental health is best operationalized as syndrome that combines
levels of symptoms of emotional well-being, psychological well-being, and social well-being.
In the MacArthur Foundation’s Midlife in the United States study, respondents
completed measures of positive affect and life satisfaction (i.e., emotional well-being).

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 Gender and Subjective Well-Being in the United States: From Subjective … 9

Respondents also completed the scales of psychological well-being (i.e., six dimensions =
self acceptance, purpose in life, personal growth, environmental mastery, autonomy, positive
relations) and social well-being (i.e., five dimensions = social coherence, social integration,
social acceptance, social actualization, and social contribution). When combined, the MIDUS
includes 2 symptom scales of emotional vitality and 11 symptom scales of positive
functioning (i.e., 6 scales of psychological and 5 scales of social well-being).
The diagnostic scheme for mental health parallels the scheme employed to diagnose
major depression disorder wherein individuals must exhibit 5 or more symptoms of
anhedonia (at least 1) and malfunctioning. To have incomplete mental health – a condition
labeled languishing in life – an individual must exhibit low levels (low = lower tertile) on 2
of the 3 scales of emotional well-being and low levels on 5 of the 11 scales of positive
functioning. To have complete mental health – a condition labeled flourishing in life –
individuals must exhibit high levels (high = upper tertile) on 2 of the 3 scales of emotional
well-being and high levels on 5 of the 11 scales of positive functioning. Adults who are
moderately mentally healthy are neither flourishing nor languishing in life.
Using the complete mental health diagnosis, Keyes (2002) has shown that 22% of adults
in 1995 were mentally healthy (i.e., flourishing), 9.0% were languishing, 4.9% had major
depression on top of languishing, and 9.6% were depressed only. Just over one-half (54.5%)
of the adult population was moderately mentally healthy. Descriptive findings revealed a
statistically significant gender gap in the prevalence of complete mental health categories.
Whereas 20% of men were flourishing, only 14.9% of women women fit the criteria of
mental health. While, an equal proportion of men and women had a pure case of languishing
in life, more women (11.3%) than men (7.1%) had a pure episode of major depression.
Moreover, women were twice as likely as men to have complete mental illness; that is, 6.1%
of women, compared with 3.0% of men, had an episode of major depression on top of
languishing in life. From the perspective of complete mental health, women exhibit a clear
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disadvantage to men, because they are less likely to be completely mentally healthy (i.e.,
flourishing) and more likely to be completely mentally ill (i.e., depressed and languishing).

CONCLUSION
Mental illnesses such as depression cause emotional suffering and psychosocial
impairment. The economic burden of major depression alone was estimated to be $43.7
billion in 1990 due to work absenteeism, diminished productivity, and treatment (Greenberg,
Stiglin, Finkelstein & Berndt, 1993). Globally, depression in 1996 was ranked among the top
five causes of disability and premature mortality, and it is projected to become the second
leading cause of disability and premature mortality by the year 2020 (Murray & Lopez,
1996).
While the focus on major depression in women's lives is paramount, it is also only one
half of the story of women's mental well-being. Indeed, the study of subjective well-being in
general, and in women’s lives more specifically, can provide another crucial lens through
which to understand the quality and burden of women's lives. Compared to knowledge about
the burden of major depression, it is not well know that measures of subjective well-being

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 10 Corey L. M. Keyes

bear strong relationships with premature mortality and the onset of complicating diseases. In
studies of aging populations of various ethnicities, research has shown that low emotional
well-being (e.g., happiness, positive affect, life satisfaction) has been linked as a risk factor
for premature death (Danner, Snowdon, & Friesen, 2001), a rise in physical limitations of
daily living (Ostir, Markides, Black, & Goodwin, 2000; Ostir, Markides, Peek, & Goodwin,
2001; Penninx, Guralnik, Bandeen-Roche, Kasper, Simonsick, Ferrucci, & Fried, 2000), and
incidence of stroke (Ostir, Markides, Peek, & Goodwin, 2001). Similarly, and independent of
controls for dietary and lifestyle factors, low levels of life satisfaction increased the risk of
suicide over the 20-year period of the Finnish cohort study (Koivumaa-Honkanen, Honkanen,
Viinamäki, Heikkilä, Kaprio, & Koskenvuo, 2001). Here, life satisfaction was
operationalized as a composite of an individual’s perceived interest in life, happiness with
life, perceived ease of living, and feeling of loneliness. Even among older populations with
severe chronic physical disabilities, studies have shown that as much as one-third has a high
level of subjective well-being, levels of which are associated with modifiable factors such as
maintenance of cognitive and visual abilities, frequent face-to-face contact, and emotional
support (Penninx, Guralnik, Simonsick, Kasper, Ferrucci, and Fried, 1998).
While subjective well-being may be as instrumental to psychosocial functioning as
whether an individual is depressed, studies of the distribution of dimensions of subjective
well-being by gender reveal a complicated story. While women, from puberty on, are at a
greater risk for depression than men, women also tend to have comparable levels of
emotional well-being and psychological well-being as men. There are noteworthy differences
in subjective well-being between men and women that reflect the longstanding proposition
that women are more communal and interpersonal than men. That is, women report higher
levels of positive relationships with others, are more socially accepting, and have comparable
levels of social integration as men in the U.S.
However, when the measurement of major depression and subjective well-being are
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brought together under the rubric of complete mental health, a strikingly clear pattern
emerges. Men are much more likely than women to be flourishing in life, free of depression
and possessing high levels of most dimensions of subjective well-being. In short, men are
more likely than women to be completely mentally healthy. On the other hand, women are
twice a likely as men to have had an episode of major depression on top of languishing in
life. That is, women are more likely than men to be completely mentally ill, i.e., to be
depressed (i.e., have a mental illness) and to be languishing (i.e., to be devoid of mental
health). In addition, if they are not completely mentally ill, women are more likely than men
to have had a pure episode of major depression over the past year.
Studies show that the psychosocial impairments associated with the absence of mental
health (i.e., languishing) is comparable to the impairment associated with the presence of
major depressive disorder (Keyes, 2002). Languishing is associated with poor emotional
health, with high limitations of daily living, and with a high likelihood of a severe number
(i.e., 6 or more) of lost days of work (i.e., due to mental health). Although it was not
associated with severe work cutback, languishing was associated with more days of work
cutback compared with moderately well adults. A pure episode of depression (i.e., without
languishing) was also associated with substantial impairment. A major depressive episode
was associated with poor emotional health, high limitations of activities of daily living, and a

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 Gender and Subjective Well-Being in the United States: From Subjective … 11

high likelihood of severe work cutback. However, relative to moderately well adults, adults
depressed during the past year were not more likely to have a severe number of days lost of
work.
Even more striking is the finding that psychosocial impairment is considerably worse
when languishing is comorbid with a major depressive episode. Languishing adults who had
a major depressive episode in the past year reported the worst emotional health, the most
limitations of activities of daily living, the most days of work lost, and the greatest cutback of
productivity. In contrast, functioning is markedly improved among moderately well and
flourishing adults. These adults reported the best emotional health, the fewest days of work
loss, and the fewest days of work productivity cutbacks. Moreover, flourishing adults
reported even fewer limitations of activities of daily living than adults who were moderately
well.
Relative to the study of depression, research on subjective well-being in women’s lives
has been almost non-existent (cf. Barnett, 1997). Moreover, when national health objectives
are set for the U.S., it is common to read about objectives to reduce the rates of major
depression, but uncommon to ever see any mention of an objective to increase the rates of
subjective well-being (see, e.g., Healthy People 2010 Objectives for the United States). As
such, it would appear that most researchers and policy makers do not view the study and
promotion of subjective well-being as essential to the objective of improving women’s lives.
Rather, the presumption appears to be that if this country can make fewer women depressed,
more women will be healthy and lead productive and meaningful lives. This, however, is a
false assumption, and the objective of improving women’s lives solely by focusing on mental
illness is, I believe, doomed to fail. Why? Because research is not clearly showing that the
absence of mental health—which is the relatively absence of subjective well-being—is just as
impairing as the presence of depression. If the objective is to improve women’s well-being,
the modus operandi must consistent of promoting higher levels of more facets of subjective
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well-being as well as reducing the rates of depression. When more women are flourishing in
the U.S., only then can we be assured that more women are leading productive, meaningful,
and fulfilling lives.
Is the goal of promoting flourishing an objective more suited to the U.S. and more
economically developed nations than developing nations? This, too, could be a common
assumption, but is it correct? On the one hand, it is intuitive to believe that the conditions that
cause impairment and premature death among women in developing nations are primarily
physical diseases and social conditions. The Global Burden of Disease study (Murray &
Lopez, 1996) has shown that 4 of the 5 leading causes of premature death and disability
among women of prime child bearing and child rearing age (i.e., ages 15-44) in developing
nations are tuberculosis, iron deficiency anemia, self-inflicted injury, and complications with
obstructed labour (childbirth). Yet, the leading cause of premature death and disability among
women ages 15 to 44 in developing nations of was major depressive (unipolar) disorder. It
accounted for over 12% of the burden of disease, compared with tuberculosis, which was the
second leading cause of disease burden that accounted for about 5%. Moreover, major
depressive disorder was also the leading cause of premature death and disability among
women between the ages of 15 and 44 in developed nations (Murray & Lopez, 1996).

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 12 Corey L. M. Keyes

In short, the study of gender and subjective well-being provides two objectives for the
improvement of women’s well-being. First, improvement of women’s mental well-being
must be an objective in developed and developing nations. Second, focusing on the
promotion of subjective well-being as well as the reduction of depression must be a central
objective.

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 In: Psychology of Stress ISBN 978-1-60456-737-3
Editor: Kimberly V. Oxington, pp. 17-33 ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter II

AN EFFECTIVENESS TRIAL TO INCREASE

PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING AND REDUCE
STRESS AMONG AFRICAN AMERICAN
BLUE-COLLAR WORKING WOMEN

Linda Napholz
Napa Valley College

ABSTRACT
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This study examined the efficacy of a psychoeducational intervention program relative to

a control group in promoting psychological well-being in 70 African American working
women. A quasi-experimental repeated measures design was utilized. The
psychoeducational program focused on reducing role conflict, enhancing self-esteem, life
satisfaction and instrumentality, decreasing depression and facilitating coping through
cognitive based problem solving strategies. Between the pre to 6-month follow-ups, there
was a greater increase in self-esteem scores and a greater decrease in depression scores
for treatment participants than for controls. Role conflict and life event scores were
different over time for each group, but there was no significant treatment effect. There
were no significant differences in satisfaction with life, female or male scores for the
entire group over time. This community based psychoeducational program was a viable
intervention that reduced multiple stresses through an increase in support networks,
knowledge, and awareness. This study has advanced knowledge on stressors that African
American working women experience and identified stress-reduction strategies that
enhanced psychological well-being in regards to increasing self-esteem scores and
decreasing depression and role conflict scores. These findings are important in that,
despite the increasing levels of emotional distress reported by African American women,
there are few reports of clinical interventions designed to address this issue among at-risk
segments of employed African American women who carry our multiple roles.

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 18 Linda Napholz

WORK AND AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN

African American women participate at higher rates in the labor market than Euro-
American women, yet they have the lowest pay and occupational status jobs of any
race/gender groups (Blau & Ferber, 1986; Bowman, 1991; Harris, 1989; Hatchett et al., 1991,
Sanchez-Hucles, 1997). The latest projections indicate that 9 million African American
women will be labor force participants by the year 2005 (Hughes, 1997). Despite evidence
that work constitutes a major life domain among African American women, researchers know
relatively little about the work role experiences of this group (Cox & Nkomo, 1990). It is
known that African American women encounter prejudicial racial attitudes and other noxious
stimuli during every day workplace interactions with Euro-Americans (Hughes & Dodge,
1997).
Job conditions such as high psychological workload, low task variety, and low decision-
making authority, are well established occupational stressors (Hughes, 1997). The jobs that
African American women hold tend to be intrinsically less rewarding, offer less opportunity
for control and skill utilization, and are less secure than those held by men (Mortimer &
Sorenson, 1984). African American women experience exclusion from informal social
networks, exaggerated performance expectations, assumptions of incompetence on the part of
Euro-Americans coworkers, supervisors, and clients, and other forms of racial bias (Feagin &
Sikes, 1994).

AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN AND MULTIPLE ROLES

African American men have faced overwhelming pressure to meet Euro-American
standards of provider, protector, and disciplinarian within the family – while living in a
society that has systematically denied them equal access to the ways and means of fulfilling
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such role obligations. Green (1994) explained that, historically, racism in the workplace has
made it difficult/impossible for African American men to find suitable employment.
Consequently, African American females have been the ones required to socialize the
children and provide essential income for their families. Inasmuch as the role of motherhood
is considered important for African American women, they have been blamed for family
problems that may really result from institutionalized racism, and they have been charged
with perpetuating the negative “matriarchal stereotype of the African American family
structure” (Marsh, 1993, p.151)
The management of multiple roles, including work and family responsibilities can be
exhausting. National Health Survey statistics indicate an unusually high level of emotional
distress and depression among African American women as compared to Euro-American and
other ethnic group women (Concran & Mays, 1994) Despite the increasing levels of
emotional distress reported by African American women (Austin, 1992), there are few reports
of clinical interventions designed to address this distress and increase well-being among the
at-risk segments of multiple role African American women in the labor force market (Mays,
1995).

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 An Effectiveness Trial to Increase Psychological Well-Being and Reduce … 19

The few studies available have revealed that race and gender have interactive,
interlocking, additive, and even multiplicative effects that were previously unknown and
unexplained (Johnson, 2001, King, 1988). James, Lovato, and Khoo (1994) have identified
significant associations between exposure to discrimination and physiological indicators of
adverse effects on well-being such as increased heart rate and blood.
Relative to Euro-Americans, African American women report exposure to more stressors
(Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997). As a consequence, African American women
may have to utilize coping responses more frequently to deal with these added stressors than
do Euro-Americans, thereby increasing the likelihood of resource strain, behavioral
exhaustion, and psychological and physiological distress. Additionally, blue collar African
American women are not only exposed to more chronic stressors than white collar African
American women, but they may also have fewer resources with which to cope with these
stressors, leading to more deleterious mental health outcomes (Feagin, 1991).

THE PROGRAM
A six session psychoeducational intervention was developed to advance knowledge on
stressors that African American working women experience and to further identify stress
reduction strategies that reduce role conflict and enhance psychological well-being. The
intervention was also an attempt to examine the effectiveness of a community-based
intervention under real-world conditions. The specific goals of the intervention were: (a) to
alleviate or buffer the effects of stress through the provision of positive support networks and
increased knowledge of interpersonal and psychosocial variables that may be significant
sources of role conflict and resulting stress, and (b) to change patterns of coping through
increased awareness of stress reactions, maladaptive responses and adaptive response options
(Austin, 1992). The six-session psychoeducational program was conceptualized as both an
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

intervention and a prevention strategy.

Theoretical Underpinning

This research builds on the more general stress-coping model proposed by Lazarus and
Folkman (1984). The principal tenet of this psychoeducational program is that the perception
of an environmental stimulus such as role conflict results in psychological and physiological
stress responses. Over time, these stress responses are posited to influence mental health
outcomes. Furthermore, role conflict and ensuing coping responses are postulated to be a
function of a complex interplay between an array of psychological behavioral, constitutional,
and sociodemographic factors. Coping responses that do not attend stress responses are
considered maladaptive and may negatively affect health (Burchfield, 1985). When
maladaptive coping responses are used, the perception of an environmental event as role
conflict will trigger psychological and physiological stress responses. If an individual fails to
replace these maladaptive coping responses with more adaptive ones, a continued state of
heightened psychological and physiological activity is predicted (Selye, 1976). Examples of
maladaptive responses include chronic feelings of frustration, depression, resentment,

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 20 Linda Napholz

distrust, or paranoia (Fernando, 1984; Peterson, Maier, & Seligman, 1993) that lead to
passivity, overeating, avoidance, or efforts to gain control (Bullock & Huston, 1987).
Adaptive coping responses, on the other hand, are postulated to mitigate enduring
psychological and physiological stress responses, thereby reducing the potential untoward
effects of role conflict on psychological well-being. Research has suggested that the effects
of more general coping responses such as social support (McNeilly, Anderson, Robinson, et
al., 1996), and religious participation (Jones, 1997) may be particularly relevant for African
Americans to modify risks for negative mental health outcomes (Clark et al, 1999). It was
believed that by promoting adaptive coping skills via a psychoeducational intervention that
stress symptoms would be moderated or buffered (Holanhan & Moos, 1987; Holt, 1982,
Urban, 2001).

DESCRIPTION OF ACTIVITY
The intervention was developed from previous research by Napholz (1994, 1999, 2001,
2002). An ongoing study builds from the previous study and is designed to capitalize on the
participants reported strengths, reduce the effects of stressful life conditions and experiences,
and to decrease their reported problems, including negative psychological symptoms. A
triangulated method, combining both qualitative and quantitative methods, was used. The
quantitative portion of the study was based on a quasi-experimental repeated measures
design. The treatment group was compared to the control group in order to assess the effects
of the intervention to reduce role conflict and increase psychological well-being. Both groups
were measured pre-treatment, at week six of the intervention and six months after the
intervention.
A structured format provided the guide for the six one-and-a-half hour intervention
sessions. Each week's content built on the previous week with increasing levels of
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

complexity. Table 1 illustrates the weekly content of the intervention.

The purpose of this study was to determine the effectiveness of a six-session
psychoeducational intervention on reducing role conflict and depression, and increasing
instrumentality, self-esteem, and life satisfaction among African American blue collar
working women. The short-term desired outcome was to reduce role conflict and increase
instrumentality. The longer-term outcome was to decrease depression and increase life
satisfaction and self-esteem six months post intervention.

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 An Effectiveness Trial to Increase Psychological Well-Being and Reduce … 21

Table I. Six-Week Stress Reduction Intervention

Intervention Intervention Format Included Informational Packets for Participants

Topic by Week Lecture/Discussion/Experiential
Week 1 Lecture: Stress and Stress Management *Physical Manifestations of Stress
Well-Being and Checklist
Stress Lecture: Well-Being and Stress Among *Stressful Life Events Checklist
African American Women. *Strategies for Managing Stress
*Realty Check
Lecture: How to Develop Goals that *How to Develop Goals that Are
Are Reachable Reachable
*Life Checkup
*Signs of Discontent Checklist
Week 2 Lecture: Understanding Depression *Depression Symptoms
Understanding *How to Prevent/Manage Depression
Depression, Guilt Lecture: Dealing with Guilt and Regret *Guilt and Regret Checklist
and Regret *Antidotes to Regret
“Isms” Lecture: Issues Related to Oppression, *Antiguilt Exercise
Discrimination, Racism and Sexism on *Manage Your Guilt
Well-Being encountered by African *What Do you Value?
American women in the labor market.
Week 3 Lecture: Balancing Work and Family *Ways to Change How You Feel
Balancing Life. *Ten Forms of Twisted Thinking That
Multiple Roles Lecture: Ways to Change How You Lead to Negative Moods
Feel
Lecture: Twisted Thinking That Lead to
Negative Moods
Week 4 Lecture: Understanding Anger *Blocks to Expressing Anger
Understanding Lecture: Assertive Behavior *Effective Ways to Manage Anger
Anger and How Lecture: Conflict/Stress -Self-Assertion *The Ten Commandments of How to
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to Make Your in Conflict Fight Fair

Opinion Count Lecture: How to Say “No” *How to Say “No”
*Assertive, Aggressive or Passive?
Week 5 Lecture: Self-Esteem and Self-Esteem *Self-Esteem Checklist
How to Build Builders *Self-Esteem Exercise
Your Self- Lecture: Self-Confidence *Self-Esteem Rights
Esteem and Self- *My Declaration of Self-Esteem
Confidence
Week 6 Lecture: Empowerment and Coping *Coping Worksheet
Feeling Good The Coping Process *The Coping Process
About Yourself What to do to Cope with it All *What to do to Cope with it All
Through Guide to Self-Empowerment *Guide to Self-Empowerment
Empowerment Personal Support Networks *Feeling Good About Yourself
and Coping Summary and Closure *Living Purposefully
*How to Love Yourself
*Letting Go
*Your Rights
*Affirmations
*Recommended Readings

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 22 Linda Napholz

METHOD
Participants

Ninety-five African American working women volunteered to participate in the research

project. Purposive sampling was utilized to obtain participants that met the selection criteria.
Participants were paid for their participation and were treated in accordance with ethical
principles. Controls were those participants who met selection criteria and agreed to complete
the questionnaires three times. Twenty-five (26.3%, n = 95) participants dropped out of the
study and did not complete all three data gathering times. Seventy African American working
women (38 Treatment and 32 Control) completed all three data gathering times. The only
significant difference between the two groups of completers was that the treatment group was
significantly older than the control group, t(66) = 2.02, p<.05 (see Table 2). Participants
completing were compared to the “drop-outs” and there were no significant differences in the
demographic characteristics of marital status, living arrangements, age, presence of children,
level of education, hours worked, income, family income, and social class (see Table 3).

MEASURES
Procedures

Table 2. Description of Sample and Comparison of Treatment to Control Group

Participants Demographics Treatment Control Total Statistic (p)

Completing Study N=38 N=32 N=70
Marital Status Single/Widowed 52.6% 54.8% 53.9% Chi-square=.794
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Married 21.1% 25.8% 24.3% df=2 (.672)

Divorced 26.3% 19.4% 22.9%
Occupation Based Blue Collar 73.7% 53.1% 64.3% Chi-square=3.19
on Hollingshead Pink Collar 26.3% 46.9% 35.7% df=1 (.074)
Work/Family Role Work First 35.3% 33.3% 34.4% Chi-square=.057
Commitment Work/Family Equal 50.0% 50.0% 50% df=2 (.972)
Family First 14.7% 16.7% 15.6%
Living Alone/parents/roommate 26.3% 34.4% 30.0% Chi-square=1.50
Arrangement Husband/Lover/Children 31.6% 37.5% 34.3% df=2 (.471)
Children Only 42.1% 28.1% 35.7%
Mean Age 36.34 31.40 34.09 t=2.02 df=66
(9.81) (10.23) (10.17) (.047)
Children No Children 19.4% 17.2% 18.5% Chi-square=.052
Children 80.6% 82.8% 81.5% df=1 (.820)
Education < High School 44.7% 33.3% 39.7% Chi-square=1.12
Some College 34.2% 36.7% 35.3% df=2 (.573)
> College 21.1% 30.0% 25.0%
Employment Part Time 19.4% 26.7% 22.7% Chi-square=.486
status Full Time 80.6% 73.3% 77.3% df=1 (.486)

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 An Effectiveness Trial to Increase Psychological Well-Being and Reduce … 23

Table 2. Continued

Income 0-9999 K 21.6% 15.6% 18.8% Chi-square=1.10

10000-19999 K 27.0% 25.0% 26.1% df=3 (.777)
20000-29999 K 40.5% 40.6% 40.6%
> 30000 K 10.8% 18.8% 14.5%
Family 0-9999 K 15.6% 10.0% 12.9% Chi- square=1.97
Income 10000-19999 K 25.0% 16.7% 21.0% df=3 (.577)
20000-29999 K 34.4% 33.3% 33.9%
> 30000 K 25.0% 40.0% 32.3%
Social Class Working Class 45.9% 54.8% 50% Chi-square=2.49
Lower Middle Class 24.3% 9.7% 17.6% df=2 (.288)
Middle/Upper Mid/Upper 29.7% 35.5% 32.4%
Religion Protestant 91.2% 87.5% 89.4% Chi- square= .23
Other 8.8% 12.5% 10.6% df=1 (.628)

Table 3. A Comparison of Participants who Dropped Out of the Study Combined with
those that Completed the Study

All Participants Demographics Treatment Control Statistic (p)

N=59 N=36
Marital Status Single/Widowed 576% 52.% Chi-square=1.12 df=2 (.570)
Married 18.6% 27.8%
Divorced 23.7% 19.4%
Role Commitment Work 34.6% 33.3% Chi-square=.051 df=2 (.975)
Q27 Equal 51.9% 51.5%
Significant other 13.5% 15.5%
Living Alone/parents/roommate 25.4% 33.3% Chi-square=2.07 df=2 (.355)
Arrangement Husband/lover/children 32.2% 38.9%
Children 42.4% 27.8%
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Age 34.75 31.37 t=1.60 (.11)

(.979) (.995)
Children No Children 16.4% 18.2% Chi-square=2.07 df=1 (.355)
Children 83.6% 81.1%
Education <+ High school 42.4% 32.4% Chi-square=1.07 df=2 (.584)
Some col. Or tech 35.6% 38.2%
Completed additional ed. 22.0% 29.4%
Employment Part time 20.4% 25.5% Chi-square=.123 df=1 (.726)
status Full time 79.6% 76.5%
Income 0-9999 22.8% 13.9% Chi-square=1.69 df=3 (.639)
10000-19999 22.8% 22.2%
20000-29999 42.1% 44.4%
30000+ 12.3% 19.4%
Family Income 0-9999 17.0% 8.8% Chi-square=3.17 df=3 (.366)
10000-19999 22.6% 14.7%
20000-29999 32.1% 32.4%
30000+ 28.3% 44.1%
Social Class Upper /upper mid/mid 27.6% 35.3% Chis-square=4.37 df=2
Lower mid 31.0% 11.8% (.112)
Working 41.4% 52.9%

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 24 Linda Napholz

RESULTS
Descriptive Statistics

At pretest, sample means and standard deviations on self-report measures were obtained
for the study completers (N = 70) (see Table 4). Correlation coefficients are reported for the
study completers (N = 70) (see Table 5) as well as for all study participants (N = 95) (see
Table 6).

Table 4. Pretest Sample Means and Standard Deviations on Self-Report Measures

Measures Mean SD Alpha

Female Score 23.90 5.54 .83
Male Score 21.53 5.68 .79
Role Conflict 36.21 14.09 .85
Self-Esteem 30.95 4.85 .83
Life Satisfaction 19.10 6.27 .78
Depression 10.52 9.08 .91
Social Support 19.55 3.22 .87
Life Events 15.31 8.65 .88
Plan 6.15 3.41 .92
Helpful Info 5.29 3.22 .90
Help meet 6.08 4.28 .96
No Help 1.45 2.00 .92
Influence 2.17 2.43 .93
Support/help 3.33 2.08 .86
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Table 5. Correlations for Completing Participants (N=70) at Time 1

Social Role Life Depres’n RSES Male Female

Support Conflict Satis’n
Social Sup -
Role Conflict .153 -
Life Satisfa’n .013 .039 -
Depression .280* .229 -.240* -
Self-Esteem -.433** -.331** .266* -.521** -
Male -.089 .037 .207 -.282* .380** -
Female -.047 .179 .310** -.248* .359** .535** -
Life Events -.182 .452** -.080 -.169 ..071 -.096 .160
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed)
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

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 An Effectiveness Trial to Increase Psychological Well-Being and Reduce … 25

Table 6. Correlations at Time 1 for All Participants (N=95)

Social Role Life Depres’n RSES Male Female

Support Conflict Satis’n
Social Sup. -
Role Conf’t .158 -
Life Satis’n -.044 -.001 -
Depression .297** .346** -.252* -
Self-Esteem -.329** -.320** .332** -.579** -
Male -.066 .150 .215* -.186 .422** -
Female -.026 .228* .232* -.189 .332** .636** -
Life Events .009 .415** -.177 -.381** -.092 -.012 .148
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed)
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

EFFECTS ON SELF-REPORT MEASURES

Repeated measures analyses of variance evaluated group differences on self-report
measures from pretest to posttest and 6-month follow-up (see Table 7). There was a
significant interaction between self-esteem and treatment group over time. The treatment
group self-esteem scores increased from 30.59 at Time 1 to 32.00 at Time 3, while the control
group scores decreased from 31.41 at Time 1 to 29.39 at Time 3. There were significant
linear trends for each group. Repeated measures ANOVA, for each group, reveled a
significant differences over time for each group (Treatment F=4.55, p=.04; Control F=4.78,
p=.037).
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Table 7. Mean and Standard Deviations and Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Results
for Measures of Self-Esteem as a Function of Treatment Group

Self-Esteem n Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 ANOVA F

M SD M SD M SD Time Time X Group
.229 5.63**
Treatment 37 30.59 (4.56) 31.31 (4.40) 32.00 (4.64)
Control 29 31.41(4.49) 30.67 (4.66) 29.39 (4.65)
Total 66 30.95 (4.52) 31.03 (4.50) 30.85 (4.79)
* p.≤.05 ** p≤ 01

There was a significant interaction between depression and treatment group over time
(see Table 8). The treatment group depression scores decreased from 10.56 at Time 1 to 7.66
at Time 3; while the control group scores increased from 7.70 at Time 1 to 10.16 at Time 3.
Repeated measures ANOVA, for each group, reveled a significant difference over time
for each group (Treatment F=4.98 p=.009; Control F=4.25 p=.012).

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 26 Linda Napholz

Table 8. Mean and Standard Deviations and Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Results
for Measures of Depression as a Function of Treatment Group

Depression n Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 ANOVA F

M SD M SD M SD Time Time X Group
2.32 7.04**
Treatment 38 10.56 (8.48) 7.85 (8.22) 7.66 (7.02)
Control 30 7.70 (6.73) 7.55(7.87) 10.16 (8.23)
Total 68 9.30 (7.84) 7.72(8.01) 8.76 (7.61)
* p≤ 05 ** p≤ 01

There was a significant interaction between role conflict and group over time (see Table
9). The treatment group role conflict decreased from 36.73 at Time 1 to 32.69 at Time 3,
while the control group increased from 33.65 at Time 1 to 38.23 at Time 3. Repeated
measures ANOVA, for each group indicated that role conflict scores were significantly
different over time. (Treatment F=3.49 df=1,35 p=.036) (Control F=5.31 df=1,29, p=.008).

Table 9. Mean and Standard Deviations and Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Results
for Measures of Role Conflict as a Function of Treatment Group

Role n Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 ANOVA F

Conflict
M SD M SD M SD Time Time X Group
3.61* 5.55**
Treatment 36 36.73(13.02) 32.67 (14.19) 32.69 (11.85)
Control 30 33.65(13.82) 31.74(16.11) 38.23 (18.28)
Total 66 35.33(13.38) 32.25(14.98) 35.21(15.25)
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

* p≤05 ** p≤ 01

There was a significant difference in the number of life events for the entire group over
time (see Table 10). Both the treatment group and control group’s number of life events
decreased over time, however there was a greater reduction in the number of life events for
the treatment group than the control group. There was no significant treatment effect.

Table 10. Mean and Standard Deviations and Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Results
for Measures of Number of Life Events as a Function of Treatment Group

Life Events n Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 ANOVA F

M SD M SD M SD Time Time X Group
6.65** 1.64
Treatment 38 13.34 (7.36) 10.39 (7.71) 9.52 (6.88)
Control 32 15.40 (7.99) 13.81(9.29) 14.31 (9.02)
Total 70 14.28 (7.67) 11.95(8.58) 11.71(8.23)
* p≤ 05 ** p≤ 01

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 An Effectiveness Trial to Increase Psychological Well-Being and Reduce … 27

There was no significant difference in satisfaction with life scores for the entire group
over time. There was no significant treatment effect (see Table 11).

Table 11. Mean and Standard Deviations and Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Results
for Measures Satisfaction with Life as Function of Treatment Group

Satisfaction n Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 ANOVA F

With Life M SD M SD M SD Time Time X Group
.884 .697
Treatment 38 19.78(5.76) 21.53 (6.93) 20.60 (6.21)
Control 30 19.67 (5.88) 19.76(7.01) 19.06 (5.91)
Total 68 19.72 (5.77) 20.75(6.96) 19.92(6.08)
* p≤ 05 ** p≤.01

There was a no significant difference in the Female score for the entire group over time.
There was no significant treatment effect (see Table 12).

Table 12. Mean and Standard Deviations and Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Results
for Measures Female as Function of Treatment Group

Female n Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 ANOVA F

M SD M SD M SD Time Time X Group
2.05 2.46
Treatment 37 24.40 (4.61) 24.27 (4.90) 24.44 (4.96)
Control 31 24.31 (4.93) 23.91(4.74) 22.32 (5.44)
Total 68 24.36 (4.72) 24.10(4.80) 23.47(5.25)
* p≤.05 ** p≤.01
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

There was a no significant difference in the Male score for the entire group over time.
There was no significant treatment effect (see Table 13).

Table 13. Mean and Standard Deviations and Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) Results
for Measures Male as Function of Treatment Group

Female n Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 ANOVA F

M SD M SD M SD Time Time X Group
.554 2.30
Treatment 37 21.78 (4.83) 21.69 (4.43) 22.28 (4.03)
Control 31 21.09 (6.15) 20.53(5.11) 19.56 (5.57)
Total 68 21.46 (5.44) 21.16(4.75) 21.04(4.95)
* p≤ 05 ** p≤.01

The treatment only group was assessed about the helpfulness of the group (see Table 14).
There was a significant difference in the category “helpful information” that increased over
time. The treatment group found the information received during the intervention more
helpful over time.
Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
 28 Linda Napholz

Table 14. Analysis of Variance for Helpfulness of Group

Helpfulness Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 F (p)

(Rx n=38)
Plan 6.82 (2.99) 7.13 (2.58) 6.74 (2.84) 1.66 (.712)
Helpful info 5.84 (3.01) 6.34 (2.54) 8.42 (2.46) 14.35 (<.001)
Help meet 7.32 (3.94) 8.42 (2.47) 8.21 (2.80) 1.25 (.271)
No help 1.58 (2.05) 1.97 (2.37 ) 1.58 (1.85) .740 (.481)
Influence 2.11 (2.40) 2.24 (2.24) 1.89 (2.05) .443 (.644)
Sup help 3.89(1.83) 3.92 (1.57) 4.11 (1.18) .266 (.767)

QUALITATIVE FINDINGS
Qualitative data was collected by audiotaping discussion during each of the six treatment
group sessions. Content analysis of transcriptions of the six 1 1/2-hr sessions were coded into
themes that emerged from the data. These themes were categorized as: "viewing and being
viewed through the lens of race", "searching for external rewards", "marginality", "juggling
role obligations", "coping through spirituality", "role conflict with the oppressor and by other
oppressed", "isolation and difference”, "fears of self-revelation", "testimony”, "tests of
strength”, and "validating experience". Based on the study results, the intervention was
modified to strengthen it. Modifications include further refinement of the intervention and
additional testing on a larger scale to provide a more adequate test of the study results.
It was found that narrative descriptions of the experience of role conflict and
psychological well-being were similar to items on the questionnaires used. This provided
some evidence of the appropriateness for these instruments with African American working
women. Anecdotally, the participants reported they were excited about the chance to
Copyright © 2005. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

increase their skills and strengths and to be more connected to women like themselves. The
treatment group was assessed about the “helpfulness” of the group. There was a significant
difference over time in how helpful they found the information provided. During the six-
session intervention, participants learned methods to reduce role conflict through establishing
priorities, partitioning and separating roles, overlooking role demands, and changing attitudes
toward roles in order to maximize satisfaction in a specific role (see Figure 1). Participants
described a syndrome of emotional exhaustion, difficulties coping, and conflicts managing
multiple roles. Learning and incorporating new coping and problem solving skills helped
participants handle (i.e. master, tolerate, or reduce) the role conflicts that emerged in their
paid work and non-remunerative environments.

Psychology of Stress, edited by Kimberly V. Oxington, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 The Drawing Benches.
These machines resemble long tables, with a bench on either
side, at one end of which is an iron box secured to the table. In this
are fastened two perpendicular steel cylinders, firmly supported in a
bed, to prevent their bending or turning around, and presenting but a
small portion of their circumference to the strip. These are exactly at
the same distance apart that the thickness of the strip is required to
be. One end of the strip is somewhat thinner than the rest, to allow it
to pass easily between the cylinders. When through, this end is put
between the jaws of a powerful pair of tongs, or pincers, fastened to
a little carriage running on the table. The carriage to the further
bench is up close to the cylinders, ready to receive a strip, which is
inserted edgewise. When the end is between the pincers, the
operator touches a foot pedal which closes the pincers firmly on the
strip, and pressing another pedal, forces down a strong hook at the
left end of the carriage, which catches in a link of the moving chain.
This draws the carriage away from the cylinders, and the strip being
connected with it has to follow. It is drawn between the cylinders,
which operating on the thick part of the strip with greater power than
upon the thin, reduces the whole to an equal thickness. When the
strip is through, the strain on the tongs instantly ceases, which
allows a spring to open them and drop the strip. At the same time
another spring raises the hook and disengages the carriage from the
chain. A cord fastened to the carriage runs back over the wheel near
the head of the table, and then up to a couple of combination
weights on the wall beyond, which draw the carriage back to the
starting place, ready for another strip.
 DRAWING BENCH.

The Cutting Machines.

After being thoroughly washed, the strips are consigned to the
cutting machines. These are in the rear of the rolling mills, and are
several in number, each when in active operation cutting two
hundred and twenty-five planchets per minute. The press now used,
consists of a vertical steel punch, which works in a round hole or
matrix, cut in a solid steel plate. The action of the punch is obtained
by an eccentric wheel. For instance, in an ordinary carriage wheel,
the axis is in the centre, and the wheel revolves evenly around it. But
if the axis is placed, say four inches from the centre, then it would
revolve with a kind of hobble. From this peculiar motion its name is
derived. Suppose the tire of the wheel is arranged, not to revolve
with, but to slip easily around the wheel, and a rod is fastened to one
side of the tire which prevents its turning. Now as the wheel revolves
and brings the long side nearest the rod, it will push forward the rod,
and when the long side of the wheel is away from the rod, it draws
the rod with it.

CUTTING MACHINE.
 STRIP FROM WHICH PLANCHETS ARE CUT.

The upper shaft, on which are seen the three large wheels, has
also fastened to it, over each press, an eccentric wheel. In the first
illustration will be seen three upright rods running from near the table
to the top. The middle one is connected with a tire around the
eccentric wheel, and rises and falls with each revolution. The
eccentric power gives great rapidity of motion with but little jerking.
The operator places one end of a strip of metal in the immense
jaws of the press, and cuts out a couple of planchets, which are a
fraction larger than the coin to be struck. As the strips are of uniform
thickness, if these two are of the right weight, all cut from that strip
will be the same. They are therefore weighed accurately. If right, or a
little heavy, they are allowed to pass, as the extra weight can be filed
off. If too light, the whole strip has to be re-melted. As fast as cut the
planchets fall into a box below, and the perforated strips are folded
into convenient lengths to be re-melted. From a strip worth say
eleven hundred dollars, eight hundred dollars of planchets will be
cut.

Adjusting Room.
 DELICATE SCALES.

The planchets are then removed to the adjusting room, where they
are adjusted. This work is performed by ladies. After inspection they
are weighed on very accurate scales. If a planchet is too heavy, but
near the weight, it is filed off at the edges; if too heavy for filing, it is
thrown aside with the light ones, to be re-melted. To adjust coin so
accurately requires great delicacy and skill, as a too free use of the
file would make it too light. Yet by long practice, so accustomed do
the operators become, that they work with apparent unconcern,
scarce glancing at either planchets or scales, and guided as it were
by unerring touch.
The exceedingly delicate scales were made under the direction of
Mr. Peale, who greatly improved on the old ones in use. So precise
and sensitive are they that the slightest breath of air affects their
accuracy, rendering it necessary to exclude every draft from the
room.

Progress in Coining.
The methods of coining money have varied with the progress in
mechanic arts, and are but indefinitely traced from the beginning; the
primitive mode, being by the casting of the piece in sand, the
impression being made with a hammer and punch. In the middle
ages the metal was hammered into sheets of the required thickness,
cut with shears into shape, and then stamped by hand with the
design. The mill and screw, by which greater increase in power, with
finer finish was gained, dates back to the Sixteenth Century. This
process, with various modifications and improvements, continued in
use in the Philadelphia Mint until 1836.
 ANCIENT COINING PRESS.

The first steam coining press was invented by M. Thonnelier, of

France, in 1833, and was first used in the United States Mint in
1836. It was remodeled and rebuilt in 1858, but in 1874 was
superseded by the one now in operation, the very perfection of
mechanism, in which the vibration and unsteady bearing of the
former press were entirely obviated, and precision attained by the
solid stroke with a saving of over seventy-five per cent. in the
wearing and breaking of the dies.
STEAM COINING PRESS.

Dies.
 DIES.

The dies for coining are prepared by engravers, especially

employed at the Mint for that purpose. The process of engraving
them consists in cutting the devices and legends in soft steel, those
parts being depressed which, in the coin, appear in relief. This,
having been finished and hardened, constitutes an “original die,”
which, being the result of a tedious and difficult task, is deemed too
precious to be directly employed in striking coins; but it is used for
multiplying dies. It is first used to impress another piece of soft steel,
which then presents the appearance of a coin, and is called a hub.
This hub, being hardened, is used to impress other pieces of steel in
like manner which, being like the original die, are hardened and used
for striking the coins. A pair of these will, on an average, perform two
weeks’ work.

Transfer Lathe.
 The transfer lathe, a very complicated piece of machinery, is used
in making dies, for coins and medals. By it, from a large cast, the
design can be transferred and engraved in smaller size, in perfect
proportion to the original.

The Coining and Milling Rooms.

 This department, the most interesting to the general visitor,
occupies the larger portion of the first floor on the east side of the
building. The rooms are divided by an iron railing, which separates
the visitors, on either side, from the machinery, etc., but allows
everything to be seen.
 MILLING MACHINE.

The planchets, after being adjusted, are received here, and, in

order to protect the surface of the coin, are passed through the
milling-machine. The planchets are fed to this machine through an
upright tube, and, as they descend from the lower aperture, they are
caught upon the edge of a revolving wheel and carried about a
quarter of a revolution, during which the edge is compressed and
forced up—the space between the wheel and the rim being a little
less than the diameter of the planchet. This apparatus moves so
nimbly that five hundred and sixty half-dimes can be milled in a
minute; but, for large pieces, the average is about one hundred and
twenty. In this room are the milling machines, and the massive, but
delicate, coining presses, ten in number. Each of these is capable of
coining from eighty to one hundred pieces a minute. Only the largest
are used in making coins of large denominations.
PERFECTED COINING PRESS.
 COINING PRESS.

The arch is a solid piece of cast iron, weighing several tons, and
unites with its beauty great strength. The table is also of iron, brightly
polished and very heavy. In the interior of the arch is a nearly round
plate of brass, called a triangle. It is fastened to a lever above by two
steel bands, termed stirrups, one of which can be seen to the right of
the arch. The stout arm above it, looking so dark in the picture, is
also connected with the triangle by a ball-and-socket joint, and it is
this arm which forces down the triangle. The arm is connected with
the end of the lever above by a joint somewhat like that of the knee.
One end of the lever can be seen reaching behind the arch to a
crank near the large fly-wheel. When the triangle is raised, the arm
and near end of the lever extends outward. When the crank lifts the
further end of the lever it draws in the knee and forces down the arm
until it is perfectly straight. By that time the crank has revolved and is
lowering the lever, which forces out the knee again and raises the
arm. As the triangle is fastened to the arm it has to follow all its
movements.
Under the triangle, buried in the lower part of the arch, is a steel
cup, or, technically, a “die stake.” Into this is fastened the reverse
die. The die stake is arranged to rise one-eighth of an inch; when
down it rests firmly on the solid foundation of the arch. Over the die
stake is a steel collar or plate, in which is a hole large enough to
allow a planchet to drop upon the die. In the triangle above, the
obverse die is fastened, which moves with the triangle; when the
knee is straightened the die fits into the collar and presses down
upon the reverse die.
Just in front of the triangle will be seen an upright tube made of
brass, and of the size to hold the planchets to be coined. These are
placed in this tube. As they reach the bottom they are seized singly
by a pair of steel feeders, in motion as similar to that of the finger
and thumb as is possible in machinery, and carried over the collar
and deposited between the dies, and, while the fingers are
expanding and returning for another planchet, the dies close on the
one within the collar, and by a rotary motion are made to impress it
silently but powerfully. The fingers, as they again close upon a
planchet at the mouth of the tube, also seize the coin, and, while
conveying a second planchet on to the die, carry the coin off,
dropping it into a box provided for that purpose, and the operation is
continued ad infinitum. These presses are attended by ladies, and
do their work in a perfect manner. The engine that drives the
machinery is of one hundred and sixty horse-power.
After being stamped the coins are taken to the Coiner’s room, and
placed on a long table—the double eagles in piles of ten each. It will
be remembered that, in the Adjusting Room, a difference of one-half
a grain was made in the weight of some of the double eagles. The
light and heavy ones are kept separate in coining, and when
delivered to the treasurer, they are mixed together in such
proportions as to give him full weight in every delivery. By law the
deviation from the standard weight, in delivering to him, must not
exceed three pennyweights in one thousand double eagles. The gold
coins—as small as quarter eagles being counted and weighed to
verify the count—are put up in bags of $5,000 each. The three-dollar
pieces are put up in bags of $3,000, and one-dollar pieces in $1,000
bags. The silver pieces, and sometimes small gold, are counted on a
very ingenious contrivance called a “counting-board.”
 COUNTING BOARD.

By this process twenty-five dollars in five-cent pieces can be

counted in less than a minute. The “boards” are a simple flat surface
of wood, with copper partitions, the height and size of the coin to be
counted, rising from the surface at regular intervals, and running
parallel with each other from top to bottom. They somewhat
resemble a common household “washing board,” with the grooves
running parallel with the sides but much larger. The boards are
worked by hand, over a box, and as the pieces are counted they
slide into a drawer prepared to receive them. They are then put into
bags and are ready for shipment.[8]
 THE CABINET.
The room in the Mint used for the Cabinet is on the second floor. It
was formerly a suite of three apartments connected by folding-doors,
but the doors have been removed, and it is now a pleasant saloon
fifty-four feet long by sixteen wide. The eastern and western sections
are of the same proportions, each with a broad window. The central
section is lighted from the dome, which is supported by four
columns. There is an open space immediately under the dome, to
give light to the hall below, which is the main entrance to the Mint.
Around this space is a railing and a circular case for coins. The
Cabinet of Coins was established in 1838, by Dr. R. M. Patterson,
then Director of the Mint. Anticipating such a demand, reserves had
been made for many years by Adam Eckfeldt,[9] the Coiner, of the
“master coins” of the Mint; a term used to signify first pieces from
new dies, bearing a high polish and struck with extra care. These are
now more commonly called “proof pieces.” With this nucleus, and a
few other valuable pieces from Mr. Eckfeldt, the business was
committed to the Assay Department, and especially to Mr. Du Bois,
Assistant Assayer. The collection grew, year by year, by making
exchanges to supply deficiencies, by purchases, by adding our own
coin, and by saving foreign coins from the melting-pot—a large part
in this way, at a cost of not more than their bullion value, though
demanding great care, appreciation, and study. Valuable donations
were also made by travelers, consuls, and missionaries. In 1839,
Congress appropriated the sum of $1,000 for the purchase of
“specimens of ores and coins to be preserved at the Mint.” Annually,
since, the sum of $300 has been appropriated by the Government
for this object. More has not been asked or desired, for the officers of
the Mint have not sought to vie with the long established collections
of the national cabinets of the old world, or even to equal the
extravagance of some private numismatists; but they have admirably
succeeded in their purpose to secure such coins as would interest
all, from the schoolboy to the most enthusiastic archæologist. The
economic principle upon which the collection has been gathered is a
lesson to all governmental departments in frugality, as well as a
restraint upon the natural tendency to extravagance which has
heretofore distinguished those who have a passion for old coins.
There are thousands of coin collectors in the United States, and
fortunes have been accumulated in this strange way. More than one
authenticated instance has been known in this country where a man
has lived in penury, and died from want, yet possessed of affluence
in time-defaced coins.

Relics.
Having referred to the portraits of the Directors of the Mint, we will
cite other interesting subjects of observation, before describing the
coins.
The first object in the Cabinet attracting attention is a framed copy
of the law of Congress establishing the Mint, with its quaint
phraseology with the signature of Thomas Jefferson. (See fac simile
on page 11.)
In the first section, near the western window, is the assorting
machine, the invention of a Frenchman, Baron Seguier, and which is
now in use in the Mint at Paris.
The planchets for coinage are liable to be a little too heavy or too
light; it is therefore necessary, at least in the case of gold, to assort
them by weighing. This machine is designed to enable one person to
do the work of many. “The planchets are thrown into the hopper at
the rear, and, being arranged by the action of the wheel, slide down
balances. By machinery beneath they are carried one by one to the
nearest platforms to be weighed. If too heavy, the tall needle of the
beam leans to the right and lifts a pallet-wire, which connects with an
apparatus under the table by which the planchet is pushed off and
slides into one of the brass pans in front. If the piece be light, the
needle is drawn over to the left, and touches the other pallet, which
makes a passage to another brass pan. If the piece be of true
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