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12 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 12

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Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs

This chapter provides an introduction to the methods that economists use in their research. We
integrate a detailed discussion of graphing into our discussion of how economists present economic
data and how they test economic theories.
In our experience, students typically do not learn enough about the connection between
theory and evidence, and how both are central to understanding economic phenomena. We
therefore recommend that considerable emphasis be placed on Figure 2-1, illustrating the process
of going from model building to generating hypotheses to confronting data and testing hypotheses,
and then returning to model building (or rebuilding). There is no real beginning or end to this
process, so it is difficult to call economics an entirely “theory driven” or “data driven” discipline.
Without the theory and models, we don’t know what to look for in the data; but without
experiencing the world around us, we can’t build models of human behaviour and interaction
through markets. The scientific approach in economics, as in the “hard” sciences, involves a close
relationship between theory and evidence.

***
The chapter is divided into four major sections. In the first section, we make the important
distinction between positive and normative statements and advice. Students must understand this
distinction, and that the progress of any scientific discipline relies on researchers’ ability to
separate what evidence suggests is true from what they would like to be true. We conclude this
section by explaining why economists are often seen to disagree even though there is a great deal
of agreement among them on many specific issues. We have added a new box on where
economists typically get jobs and the kind of work they often do.
The second section explains the elements of economic theories and how they are tested.
We emphasise how a theory’s or model’s definitions and assumptions lead, through a process of
logical deduction, to a set of conditional predictions. We then examine the testing of theories. It
is here that we focus on the interaction of theory and empirical observation (Figure 2-1). We
examine briefly several aspects of statistical analysis, including the difference between rejection
and confirmation, and the even more crucial distinction between correlation and causation.
The chapter’s third section deals with economic data. We begin by explaining the
construction of index numbers, and we use them to compare the volatility of two sample time
series. Index numbers are so pervasive in discussions of economic magnitudes that students must
know what these are and how they are constructed. We then make the distinction between cross-
sectional and time-series data, and at this point students are introduced to two types of graph.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

13 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 13

This brings us to the chapter’s final section, on graphing. We show how a relation can be
expressed in words, in an equation, or on a graph. We then go into considerable detail on linear
functions, slope, non-linear functions, and functions with minima and maxima. In this
discussion, the student is introduced to the concept of the margin, described as the change in Y in
response to a one-unit change in X. In all cases, the graphs apply to real -world situations rather
than abstract variables. Pollution abatement, hockey-stick production, firm profits, and fuel
consumption are our main examples.

Answers to Study Exercises

Question 1
a) normative (“The government should impose…” is inherently a value judgement.)

b) positive (In principle, we could determined the impact that foreign aid actually has.)

c) positive (In principle, we could determine the extent to which fee increases affect access.)

d) normative (What is or is not unfair is clearly based on a value judgement.)

e) normative (Use of the expression “too much” is a value judgement.)

Question 2
a) The issues concern the costs and benefits of applying fiscal or monetary stimulus to an economy
(about which students cannot yet say a lot in detail). Some of the normative issues will relate to
the reader's evaluation of the current government leaders, such as the Minister of Finance
and the Governor of the Bank of Canada. This can be turned into an interesting illustration of how
our value judgements can affect our assessment of positive but uncertain issues (in this case
the costs and benefits of economic stimulation).
b) North Americans are likely to emphasize the economic harm to the rest of the world done by
European farm subsidies; the Europeans are likely to stress the social (and political) harm done
by eliminating them.
c) Positive questions relate to the effects of school competition on the quality of education
actually delivered. Normative questions may relate to whether it is desirable to have the resulting
changes in the quality of education or on the distribution of income.

d) Positive issues relate to whether waiting times for medical treatment would fall, whether the
average quality of health care would rise, and whether incomes of those in the medical industry

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

14 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 14

would be affected. Normative issues include whether it is desirable that some doctors make
themselves available only to people that can afford to pay for the “extra billing”.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

15 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 15

e) Positive issues relate to which policy carbon taxes or cap-and-trade systems or direct regulations
on emissions would lead to the largest reductions in greenhouse-gas emissions and at what cost,
and about which policy instrument would be the easiest to administer. Normative issues include
whether the government ought to focus on this issue at the expense of dealing with other pressing
issues. There is also some remaining disagreement as to whether human activity is really
responsible for the observed increases in global average temperature, but this disagreement is
essentially a positive rather than normative one.
f) Positive issues relate to the extent to which regulations were the cause of the recent (2008-09)
financial crisis and about how regulations might be reformed in a way to reduce the probability
of future crises. Normative issues include choosing between alternative policies that may reduce
the profitability of financial institutions but at the same time increase the stability of the overall
financial system. To the extent that some regulatory changes alter the distribution of income,
further normative issues will be raised.

Question 3

a) In the Canadian wheat sector, the amount of rainfall on the Canadian prairies is an exogenous
variable; the amount of wheat produced is an endogenous variable.

b) To the Canadian market for coffee, the world price of coffee is exogenous; the price of a
cup at Tim Horton’s is endogenous.

c) To any individual student, the widespread unavailability of student loans is exogenous;

their own attendance at university or college is endogenous.
d) To any individual driver, the tax on gasoline is exogenous; his or her own decision regarding
which vehicle to purchase is endogenous.

Question 4

There are, of course, many possible answers to each part. Here we list only one possible answer.

a) When thinking about surveying (especially over small areas) it is very useful to ignore the
curvature of the Earth.
b) When framing an equal-pay-for-equal-work statute, it is useful (even central!) to assume that
here are no economic differences between men and women.
c) When analysing behaviour of the teams and players during the seventh (and final) game of the
World Series, the assumption that “there is no tomorrow” is quite useful.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

16 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 16

d) This assumption is useful, for example, for examining an individual's saving behaviour. In
general, any issue in which time is important clearly cannot be examined with a one-period model.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

17 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 17

Adding only a second period (and ignoring all others) often is all that is necessary to generate
valuable insights about behaviour over time.
e) In a world with only one good, it is not possible to discuss substitution between goods. But in
a model with many goods, it may be difficult to mentally keep track of all the substitution that is
going on. Thus, if one wanted to think about how a tariff on good X would affect the production
of other goods, for example, the central intuition would be well developed in a two-good model.
f) This assumption is a convenient simplification for the standard economic theory of utility
maximization. As long as self-interest is the most important motive most of the time, then
concentrating on it will be an acceptable simplification that will yield predictions that are
accurate most of the time.

Question 5

a) models (or theories)

b) endogenous; exogenous

c) (conditional) prediction; empirical

d) (positively) correlated; causal

Question 6

a) These data are best illustrated with a time-series graph, with the month shown on
the horizontal axis and the exchange rate shown on the vertical axis.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

18 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 18

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19 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 19

b) These cross-sectional data are best illustrated with a bar chart.

c) These cross-sectional data are best illustrated in a scatter diagram; the “line of best fit” is
clearly upward sloping, indicating a positive relationship between average investment rates and
average growth rates.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

20 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 20

Question 7

a) Along Line A, Y falls as X rises; thus the slope of Line A is negative. For Line B, the value
of Y rises as X rises; thus the slope of Line B is positive.
b) Along Line A, the change in Y is –4 when the change in X is 6. Thus the slope of Line A
is Y/ΔX = -4/6 = -2/3. The equation for Line A is:
Y = 4 – (2/3)X

c) Along Line B, the change in Y is 7 when the change in X is 6. Thus the slope of Line B
is Y/ΔX = 7/6. The equation for Line B is:
Y = 0 + (7/6)X

Question 8

Given the tax-revenue function T = 10 + .25Y, the plotted curve will have a vertical intercept of
10 and a slope of 0.25. The interpretation is that when Y is zero, tax revenues will be $10 billion.
And for every increase in Y of $100 billion, tax revenues will rise by $25 billion. The diagram is
as shown below:

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

21 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 21

Question 9

a) For each relation, plot the values of Y for each value of X. Construct the following table:

(i) Y = 50 + 2X (ii) Y=50+2X+.05X2 (iii) Y = 50 + 2X - .05X2

X Y X Y X Y
0 50 0 50 0 50
10 70 10 75 10 65
20 90 20 110 20 70
30 110 30 155 30 65
40 130 40 210 40 50
50 150 50 275 50 25

Now plot these values on scale diagrams, as shown below. Notice the different vertical scale on
the three different diagrams.

b) For part (i), the slope is positive and constant and equal to 2. For each 10-unit increase in X,
there is an increase in Y of 20 units. For part (ii), the slope is always positive since an increase in
X always leads to an increase in Y. But the slope is not constant. As the value of X increases, the
slope of the line also increases. For part (iii), the slope is positive at low levels of X. But the function
reaches a maximum at X=20, after which the slope becomes negative. Furthermore, when X is
greater than 20, the slope of the line becomes more negative (steeper) as the value of X increases.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

22 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 22

c) For part (i), the marginal response of Y to a change in X is constant and equal to 2. This is the
slope of the line. In part (ii), the marginal response of Y to a change in X is always positive, but
the marginal response increases as the value of X increases. This is why the line gets steeper as X
increases. For part (iii), the marginal response of Y to a change in X is positive at low levels of X.
But after X=20, the marginal response becomes negative. Hence the slope of the line switches from
positive to negative. Note that for values of X further away from X=20, the marginal response of Y
to a change in X is larger in absolute value. That is, the curve flattens out as we approach X=20 and
becomes steeper as we move away (in either direction) from X=20.

Question 10

a) Using 2000 as the base year means that we choose $85 as the base price. We thus divide the
actual prices in all years by $85 and then multiply by 100. In this way, we will determine, in
percentage terms, how prices in other years differ from prices in 2000. The index values are as
follows:

Year Price ($) Physics textbook price index

2000 85 (85/85) × 100 = 100
2001 87 (87/85) × 100 = 102.4
2002 94 (94/85) × 100 = 110.6
2003 104 (104/85) × 100 = 122.4
2004 110 (110/85) × 100 = 129.4
2005 112 (112/85) × 100 = 131.8
2006 120 (120/85) × 100 = 141.2
2007 125 (125/85) × 100 = 147.1
2008 127 (127/85) × 100 = 149.4
2009 127 (127/85) × 100 = 149.4
2010 130 (130/85) × 100 = 152.9

b) The price index in 2005 is 131.8, meaning that the price of the physics textbook is 31.8
percent higher in 2005 than in the base year, 2000.

c) From 2007 to 2010, the price index increases from 147.1 to 152.9 but this is not an increase of
5.8 percent. The percentage increase in the price index from 2007 to 2010 is equal to [(152.9-
147.1)/147.1]×100 = 3.94 percent.
d) These are time-series data because the data are for the same product at the same place but at
different points in time.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

23 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 23

Question 11

a) Using Calgary as the “base university” means that we choose $6.25 as the base price. Thus we
divide all actual prices by $6.25 and then multiply by 100. In this way, we will determine, in
percentage terms, how prices at other universities differ from Calgary prices. The index values
are as follows:

University Price per Index of pizza prices

pizza
Dalhousie $6.50 (6.50/6.25)×100 = 104
Laval 5.95 (5.95/6.25)×100 = 95.2
McGill 6.00 (6.00/6.25)×100 = 96
Queen’s 8.00 (8.00/6.25)×100 = 128
Waterloo 7.50 (7.50/6.25)×100 = 120
Manitoba 5.50 (5.50/6.25)×100 = 88
Saskatchewan 5.75 (5.75/6.25)×100 = 92
Calgary 6.25 (6.25/6.25)×100 = 100
UBC 7.25 (7.25/6.25)×100 = 116
Victoria 7.00 (7.00/6.25)×100 = 112

b) The university with the most expensive pizza is Queen’s, at $8.00 per pizza. The index value
for Queen’s is 128, indicating that pizza there is 28 percent more expensive than at Calgary.
c) The university with the least expensive pizza is Manitoba, at $5.50 per pizza. The index value
for Manitoba is 88, indicating that the price of pizza there is only 88 percent of the price at Calgary.
It is therefore 12 percent cheaper than at Calgary.

d) These are cross-sectional data. The variable is the price of pizza, collected at different places
at a given point in time (March 1, 2013). If the data had been the prices of pizza at a single
university at various points in time, they would be time-series data.

Question 12

The four scale diagrams are shown on the next page, each with different vertical scales. In each
case, the slope of the line is equal to the “rise over the run” – that is, the amount by which Y
changes when X increases by one unit.

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

24 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 24

Question 13

This is a good question to make sure students understand the importance of using
weighted averages rather than simple averages in some situations.
a) The simple average of the three regional unemployment rates is equal to (5.5 + 7.2 + 12.5)/3 =
8.4. Is 8.4% the “right” unemployment rate for the country as a whole? The answer is no because
this simple, unweighted (or, more correctly, equally weighted) average does not account for the
fact that the Centre is much larger in terms of the labour force than either the West or East, and
thus should be given more weight than the other two regions.
b) To solve this problem, we construct a weighted average unemployment rate. We do so by
constructing a weight for each region equal to that region’s share in the total labour force. From
the data provided, the country’s total labour force is 17.2 million. The three weights are therfore:

West: weight = 5.3/17.2 = 0.308

Centre: weight = 8.4/17.2 = 0.488

East: weight = 3.5/17.2 = 0.203

These weights should sum exactly to 1.0, but due to rounding they do not quite do so. Using
these weights, we now construct the average unemployment rate as the weighted sum of the three
regional unemployment rates.

Canadian weighted unemployment rate = (.308 × 5.5) + (.488 × 7.2) + (.203 × 12.5) = 7.75

Copyright © 2014 Pearson Canada Inc.

25 Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs
Chapter 2: Economic Theories, Data, and Graphs 25

This is a better measure of the Canadian unemployment rate because it correctly weights each
region’s influence in the national total. Keep in mind, however, that for many situations the
relevant unemployment rate for an individual or a firm may be the more local one rather than the
national average.
Question 14

The six required diagrams are shown below. Note that we have not provided specific units on the
axes. For the first three figures, the tax system provides good examples. In each case, think of
earned income as being shown along the horizontal axis and taxes paid shown along the vertical
axis. The first diagram might show a progressive income-tax system where the marginal tax rate
rises as income rises. The second diagram shows a proportional system with a constant marginal
tax rate. The third diagram shows marginal tax rates falling as income rises, even though total tax
paid still rises as income rises.
For the second set of three diagrams, imagine the relationship between the number of rounds
of golf played (along the horizontal axis) and the golf score one achieves (along the vertical axis).
In all three diagrams the golf score falls (improves) as one golfs more times. In the first diagram,
the more one golfs the more one improves on each successive round played. In the second diagram,
the rate of improvement is constant. In the third diagram, the rate of improvement diminishes as
the number of rounds played increases. The actual relationship probably has bits of all three
parts—presumably there is a lower limit to one’s score so eventually the curve must flatten
out.

*****

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prompt, and followed at once by his acts. He transferred the
“Burgus” of Quatford to a new town on the hill, and with it his
father’s house and bridge, which he also rebuilt. The result was the
borough town, castle, and bridge of Bridgenorth, the latter structure
giving name to the whole as Bridge or Bruge, the distinctive “north”
not being added till the reign of Edward II. or III.
With Bridgenorth, Earl Robert also founded the castle of
“Caroclove” in Wales, and such was his need that the works were
carried on day and night. He also fortified Arundel, Shrewsbury, and
Tickhill. His exertions in 1100 and 1101, when he seems to have
built the castle, must have been excessive. King Henry, however, was
not less active. He despatched Robert, Bishop of Lincoln, to lay siege
to Tickhill, while he himself, having commenced with Arundel,
proceeded to Bridgenorth. He took it, after a three weeks’ siege, in
September, 1102, and this brought to a close Earl Robert’s short
tenure of power in England. The earl fled to Normandy, his earldom
of Shrewsbury was forfeited, and Bridgenorth was after a time
granted to Hugh de Mortimer of Wigmore, the son of one of Henry’s
most trusted supporters. In 1126, Waleran, Earl of Mellent, was here
imprisoned, as was Meredith ab Llywarch in 1128. In 1130 wine was
sent hither for the king’s use, so that Mortimer was probably rather
constable for the Crown than the owner in fee.
Mortimer, in the new reign, took the part of Stephen, at whose
death he held both Wigmore and Bridgenorth. As he was in rebellion
against Henry II., the king took the field against him, and in April,
1155, the castle a second time stood a royal siege. Cleobury, one of
Mortimer’s castles, surrendered in July, and Wigmore and
Bridgenorth followed. Henry was for some time before the place,
and his charter to Stoneley Abbey is dated “apud Brugium in
obsidione.” It was at this siege that Hubert de St. Clair is said to
have stepped forward to receive the arrow aimed at his sovereign, a
romantic but unfounded tale. Henry retained the castle for the
Crown, and used it largely as a prison for his Welsh hostages. In
1173–4, when Prince Henry rose against his father, Bridgenorth was
victualled at a cost of £22. 5s. 2d. In 1175–6 the king dated a
Wenlock Abbey charter from hence. The frequent charges for repairs
between 1166 and 1189 show the importance attached to this castle
by Henry II. In 1176 the Pipe Roll gives a charge of 1d. per day for
the castle porter.
King John was six times at Bridgenorth, passing there about
fourteen days. He confirmed a charter of incorporation to the town.
Both he and his predecessor, Richard, kept up the castle, as is
attested by frequent charges for repairs during sixteen years. In
1198 there was paid 6s. 3d. for the hire of the barge in which the
wife of Griffith ab Rhys was conveyed from Bridgenorth to
Gloucester. In 1203 John presented to a prebend in the castle
chapel. In 1209 a stag from the adjacent forest entered the castle
through a postern and was captured, and no doubt converted into
venison by the castellans. For this they were prosecuted by the
verdurers, and the proceedings imply that the castle was then in
charge of five persons only, of whom one was the constable. No
doubt in time of peace the royal castles were left almost to
themselves, and often not even kept in repair. When a war arose
they were repaired, garrisoned, and victualled in all haste. So far as
repairs went, Bridgenorth, however, seems to have fared well. We
read of repairs on the king’s house, on the basement of the castle,
on the “Barbe-kana et Pons-tornalis” or barbican and drawbridge; on
the turret of the outer wall, the chimney of the great chamber, the
castle walls, the tower, the well, the glass windows in the hall, the
queen’s oriel, and the chapel.
These charges are continued through the reign of Henry III., and
well into that of Edward I., from 1218 to 1281. In 1232 the sheriff
was to cause to be repaired the castle stable, and the kitchen within
the barbican of the tower, and in 1244–5 was a charge for covering
the tower at Brug with lead. This was probably the keep. In 1267,
Henry III. and his queen were at Bridgenorth, and it would seem
that the Mortimers were still connected with the castle, for, in 1273,
on the death of Hugh de Mortimer, Edward I. continued his
successor Ralph in the offices of sheriff of the county and constable
of the castle.
 In 1281 an inquisition was held upon the state of the building,
which had latterly been neglected. The timbers of the great tower
were rotten, the leaden covering having been carried away; also the
castle bridge was broken down, so that carriages could not cross it.
In common with most other castles held by the Crown and
therefore not inhabited, Bridgenorth seems to have been allowed to
fall into decay from the reign of Edward I., so that probably little
remained beyond the walls. At any rate, it played no part in English
history until the great rebellion, when the town declared for the
king, for whom the castle was garrisoned. The tower was attacked
by the Parliamentary forces on the north side, and was entered by a
breach near St. Leonard’s Church. Upon this the town was burned
up to the castle, which still held out. The Parliamentary batteries are
said to have been posted upon the Oldbury earthwork, which is
probable enough, though there are no traces of parapets or
breastworks of that date, which, however, from the distance from
the castle and the deep valley between, were probably not needed.
The garrison held out three weeks, and capitulated on honourable
terms. The castle was blown up, and the materials probably sold.
Any account of Bridgenorth Castle would be very imperfect that
did not take notice of the very remarkable earthworks seen in its
neighbourhood, and which are evidently connected with the events
referred to as of the ninth and tenth centuries. These are three in
number—Oldbury, Quatford Castle, and Quatford; and first of
Oldbury.
On the left bank of the Severn, about a quarter of a mile below
and south-west of the castle, and on the opposite side of the deep
dry valley that forms its western defence, the high ground of
Oldbury is broken by three deep combes which descend to the river,
and between which are two high ridges or knolls, steep towards the
Severn and the combe on either side, and on the west connected by
a neck with the higher land. The larger of these, that nearest the
castle, is known by the inelegant but most descriptive name of “Pan
Pudding Hill.” It does, in fact, much resemble in figure a beef-steak
pudding just turned over out of the pan in which it was boiled.
Naturally oblong, it has been scarped and rounded. The circular flat
top is 150 feet diameter. In the centre is a slight nipple-like mound 3
feet high, and a raised bank now about 4 feet high crests its
circumference. Towards the river the slope is steep for 50 feet or 60
feet, towards the land it is protected by a cross trench about 50 feet
broad and 10 feet to 12 feet deep. Half-way down the slope on the
eastern side is a narrow ledge or path which may have been
protected by a stockade. Towards the south this ledge expands into
a stage or shelf from 90 feet to 100 feet broad, and which is
excavated so as to carry a ditch. The arrangements are very simple,
and the mound is mainly natural, though scarped and fashioned by
art. It was probably here that the Parliamentary guns were posted in
the seventeenth century.
Close south of this hill is a second work, lower, smaller, and less
clearly defined. Its summit is also circular, and about 100 feet
diameter. These two works are of one general type, and probably of
one date, and if not the work of Æthelflæda are no doubt of her
period. They are either English or Danish, not British. That the main
work is older than the Norman fortress is evident from a document
of 1299, in which it is called “the old castle.” Moreover, it is the
burgh which gives name to Oldbury, the parish in which it is
situated.
Quatford Castle is on the left bank of the Severn, one and a
quarter miles below Bridgenorth, and a furlong from the river, the
intervening ground being a strip of meadow, while Danesford is still
the name of an adjacent ford and village. A short steep combe
descends from the high ground to the north-east, and, branching
below, includes a knoll of rock perhaps 150 feet above the valley and
200 feet above the river. The soft red rock has been pared and
scarped, and a part of the material employed to give an artificial top
to the hill. This is somewhat of an oval, and seems to have had a
sort of mound at its east end, now occupied by a modern castellated
house. The slopes are steep, especially towards the west, and they
are broken by narrow terraces, now walks, but which may have been
ditches. The approach is by a sort of causeway on the north-east or
least steep side. The summit and sides of the work are converted
into a house and gardens, but the general arrangement of the
original hill can readily be detected. It must have been very strong,
and resembles generally Devizes and similar works of English origin.
Probably this is the site of the “nova domus” of Earl Roger, as it was
the seat of his English predecessor. It is a very curious work, and
deserves to be surveyed on a large scale by the officers of ordnance.
It may be mentioned that in the courtyard is a small passage cut in
the rock, at an angle of forty-five degrees, and which descends by
ninety-four steps to a well, whence the house is supplied. The
passage is evidently an addition, the original well shaft descending,
as now, vertically from the surface.
A little north-west of the castle, towards Bridgenorth, the tail of a
piece of detached highish ground has been cut off by a trench, near
a place called, in the inch ordnance, “Dog in the Wall.” It seems to
have been a light temporary work for the accommodation of a small
body of men.
On the same road, two miles south of the town, is Quatford, close
to the parish church of that name, where the road crosses a steep
ridge in deep, but probably modern, rock cutting. The ridge abuts
upon the Severn, in a bold rocky promontory about 70 feet high.
Upon it is thrown up a mound about 30 feet high, and mainly
artificial. It is circular, and about 60 feet diameter on the top, which
has been much cut about, probably for modern purposes. The sides
are steep, about three quarters to one in slope. This mound is
divided from the root of the promontory by a trench cut in the rock
about 12 feet deep and 12 feet broad, which extends from cliff to
cliff, and includes about three-fourths of the mound. Outside this
ditch and to the east of it is an area of irregular figure, governed by
the outline of the ground. Its north and south sides are defended by
a ditch, which to the south is deep and wide. This probably included
the east side, but is now superseded by the hollow road. The area is
not very large, and would perhaps accommodate about two hundred
men.
 West of and beyond the road is the church, a building with some
Norman remains. It stands rather higher than the camp, and its
churchyard would, with a little care, have formed a part of and
doubled the area of the camp. Whether it ever did so it is difficult to
say, probably not. The ford, which gives part of its name to the
village, is still in use when the river is low. It crosses the Severn
below the camp.
This camp is omitted in the ordnance map, and of the earthwork
of Burf Castle, placed a mile and a half to the west on that record,
but one side remains.
It may be observed that the character of the surface of the
country hereabouts is very favourable for the construction of these
earthworks with mounds. There are scores of natural rounded
hillocks of red sandstone that have an artificial aspect, and that, with
a little scarping, would be strong. There is one, especially, close east
of the road between Quatford and Dudmaston Park, that looks very
like an English earthwork, and wants nothing but a ditch to make it
perfect. Besides the earthworks above described are others in the
district which appear to be of the same type. Such are Castle Hill,
nine miles south-east from Bridgenorth, and the isolated knoll called
“the Devil’s Spittle Dish,” two miles south-east of Bewdley.
 BRONLLYS TOWER, BRECKNOCKSHIRE.
BRONLLYS TOWER, on the left bank of the Llyfni, a tributary of the
Wye, is situate in the parish of the same name, close north of the
town of Talgarth, on the regular and ancient way between Hereford
and Brecknock.
The tower occupies the summit of a mound or knoll of earth, in
great part artificial, which crowns the steep bank of the adjacent
river; rising, perhaps, 60 feet above the stream, and 30 feet or so
above the ground to the west of and behind the building. The
mound is placed at the apex of an earthwork of rather a pear-
shaped outline, of which the river-bank forms the steep east side,
while to its base, or north face, has been applied a vallum nearly
rectangular, and which may or may not be a Roman addition to a
Celtic camp. The mound, which has borne the very considerable
weight of the tower in safety, must be of considerably earlier date;
and altogether the work resembles much one of those numerous
instances in which advantage has been taken of an earlier mound to
give elevation to a Norman or early English keep.
There are, however, it is said, remains of masonry, of the
character and probable age of the tower, still standing upon a part of
the vallum, and indications that, as is known to have been the case,
the tower did not stand alone, but was within a base court. These
walls are not now of any extent, and seem to be included within a
modern house built upon the old enclosure.
This tower is at its base 37 feet in diameter, and batters inwards
to 12 feet high, when it is girt by a bold cordon or string-course,
much eroded, but apparently of a half-round section, with a water-
groove on its under side. Above this the tower is cylindrical, and 34
feet diameter, or very nearly so, to the summit, which is at present
about 60, and may have been 70 feet high. Besides the battering
base there is a slight rough set-off, apparently part of the
foundation, above ground on the southern face. Round the whole is
a walk of about 18 inches broad, so that the mound is about 40 feet
across at its top.
The tower is composed of a basement and three floors, above
which was the battlement, now completely destroyed. The basement
within was cylindrical, 18 feet diameter, with walls 9 feet 6 inches
thick, and covered by a pointed vault, the ridge of which runs about
north-east and south-west. This room was aired rather than lighted
by a stepped recess, terminating in a small loop or hole at a
considerable height, through which nothing could be seen. It was
entered on the opposite or west side by a trap door in the first floor,
which lifted within a window recess, and disclosed a flight of eight
very steep stairs, 2 feet 7 inches broad, terminating in a doorway
rather above 7 feet from the floor; below which, therefore, was
probably a wooden ladder. The rebate shows the door to have
opened inwards, and to have had bolts on its outer side. The floor is
on the level of the top of the mound, and in its centre is a
depression which may indicate a well.
Two openings have been broken into this chamber from the
outside, on the east and west sides. Why nine feet of masonry
should have been twice pierced, at immense labour, it is difficult to
say; nor is there any trace of door or loop which might have made
the task easier, or have suggested these openings. The broken walls
do, however, show at the very base of the structure, on each side, a
horizontal or nearly horizontal square drain, of very rough
construction, in the substance of the wall. These holes have been
the subject of much speculation. They were evidently drains from
the upper floors of the tower, collected to fall into one outlet. Such
drains may be seen in the heart of an overthrown solid tower at
Corfe. It is not improbable that one of the breaches may have
contained a recess or garderobe, which communicated with the
drain, and suggested the penetration of the wall in that direction.
 The first floor, of 17 feet 9 inches clear diameter, was entered by
an exterior door in the wall, at the level of the cordon, or 12 feet
above the ground, on the east side. There must have been exterior
steps; but they did not bond into the wall, and may have been of
wood. The door has 3 feet 3 inches opening, with a drop arch and
plain chamfered moulding. It was defended by an interior door; but
there was no portcullis or other defence. The door-recess is 4 feet
broad, and has a drop arch.
This floor had two windows towards the north and south-west, the
openings of which are about 18 inches broad, with plain equilateral
heads. The former opens from a recess 7 feet 4 inches broad,
having stone side-seats; between which, in the floor, is the trap
descending into the dungeon. The other window has a recess 6 feet
10 inches broad, with a stone seat on its left side. In its right, or
west jamb, is a door 2 feet 5 inches wide, square headed, beneath a
drop relieving arch; from which rises a mural stair 2 feet 5 inches
broad, lighted by two exterior loops, and with a flat covering, leading
to the second floor. The window recesses are segmental, and are
formed of excellent limestone tufa ashlar.
The second story had a timber floor resting on twelve corbels, and
is cylindrical, like the first, and of the same diameter, but higher. It
was the best room. Besides its entrance door on the west, it has on
the south-west a fireplace under a flat segmental arch with plain
chamfer, above which are two slender octagonal corbels, which
evidently supported a hood, probably of timber. There are also two
windows beneath drop-arch recesses, towards the south-east and
north-east. The former has stone seats; and the latter a light 2 feet
broad, with a cinquefoil head, of which the central foil is an ogee.
The head is made of two stones only. The moulding is plain, having
a shutter rebate inside; and outside, rounded jambs in place of the
usual chamfer. This recess has a stone seat on the west side only. In
the east jamb is a small square-headed door opening upon a mural
stair of 2 feet 5 inches broad, of which nineteen steps remain, and
which led to the third floor.
 The stair is lighted by a small hole below, and above by a square-
headed loop of 9 inches in a recess splayed to 3 feet 7 inches
opening. The loop, though about 60 feet from the ground, was
closed by one vertical and three horizontal bars. This floor may have
been used as a prison.
The third stage has walls 8 feet thick, and had a wooden floor.
The stair from below opened into it on the south-east side, but
seems to have been continued in the south wall, so as to reach the
battlement platform, now entirely gone. This floor has a small mural
chamber, no doubt a garderobe, on its west side, the door into
which is narrow, and has an arch of two stones, which seems to be
four-centred, or of Tudor pattern. This door is placed between a
window on the north-west, the recess of which has a flat drop arch;
and another on the south-west, of which the recess is broken away.
There is also a small fireplace on the north side, and another
window to the north-east.
In the wall close south of the mural chamber are two small square
shafts, one of which was no doubt a chimney and the other perhaps
a garderobe vent from the battlements.
Bronllys Tower presents divers peculiarities. Though of rude
masonry, its door and window dressings are excellent. In general
design it resembles early English work; but its doors, recesses,
fireplace, and corbels, seem of early Decorated, and perhaps, in
parts, of Perpendicular work. It is altogether superior in detail to
Penrice, which it resembles in dimensions, and it is inferior to Tre-
Tower. The walls may be safely assigned to the first quarter of the
thirteenth century; but it was no doubt inhabited as a place of
defence, and afterwards as a dwelling, for two centuries and a half
after this; and from time to time it received certain alterations, of
which the present fireplace-front, the cinquefoiled and other
windows, and the entrance to the mural chamber in the upper floor,
may be cited as instances. The vault of the basement is possibly
original, but may be an addition.
 THE CASTLES OF BROUGH AND BROUGHAM,
WESTMORELAND.
“ANNE Dorset, Pembroke, and Montgomery,” Baroness Clifford,
Westmoreland, and Vesci, hereditary sheriff of Westmoreland, and
Lady of the Honour of Skipton, in Craven, was in every way a
remarkable woman: she was of high birth, held large estates, was
the widow of two considerable peers, and had received and largely
profited by an excellent education. To a strong and copious memory
she added a sound judgment and a discerning spirit. She was a
person of great firmness of character, and passed her life amidst
events that exercised and strengthened that quality. Among the
many subjects upon which she was informed, and which ranged,
says Dr. Donne, from “predestination to slea silk,” was included a
very close knowledge of the particulars of her own estates, and a
very thorough determination to maintain her houses and castles in
good repair. She found the castles of her Clifford and Vipont
ancestors, Appleby, Brougham, and Brough, in ruins; she restored
and made them habitable, and, though time and the hand of the
spoiler have again brought two of them, Brougham and Brough, to
decay, their walls still exhibit much of the amending hand of the
great Countess, as well as of the original work of her remote
ancestors.

BROUGH CASTLE.

Brough Castle covers the whole of a steep knoll which rises 60

feet on the left bank of the Swimdale or Helle Beck, and is about 50
yards from the water. The beck receives the Augill from the south-
east, just above the castle, and their combined waters, at times of
considerable volume and force, fall into the Eden about a mile and a
half lower down. The castle itself is 630 feet above the sea-level,
and the encircling fells of Westmoreland and Yorkshire rise to
elevations of from 1,000 feet to 2,000 feet. About five miles to the
east are the sources of the Greta and the Balder, and a little further
off and towards the north the head springs of the Lune, not the
noble stream that gives name to Lancaster, but a tributary to the
Tees.
Even in this wild and almost impenetrable country are traces of
Roman civilisation. The road from Lavatræ (Bowes) to Luguvallium
(Carlisle) ran through Brough, which is identified with the station
Verteræ, and by Appleby and Brougham, joining at Penrith the main
road, the work of the same people, from the south. Five and seven
miles to the east of Brough are two Roman camps, and there are
others upon the same line of road at Redlands and Kirkby-Thore,
and a very perfect one at Brougham. The Roman road at Brough
runs generally east and west, and crosses the beck at Market
Brough, so called in distinction from Church-Brough, which lies three
furlongs to the south of the river, and contains the castle. The
collective parish is named “Brough-under-Stainmore.” Verteræ, if
identified with the existing camp and castle, stands off the main
road, and south of the river, as at Brougham.
 Brough Castle

Verteræ is represented by a rectangular camp, of which the castle

covers the northern and higher end, that next to the river. This camp
is 157 yards north and south, by 113 yards east and west, of which
the platform within the ditch covers 134 yards by 90 yards. Of this
area there is cut off at the northern end by a cross-ditch a plot, 90
yards east and west by 50 yards, which is occupied by the castle.
This portion is further defended by some additional earthworks,
perhaps Norman, to the east and west. The southern fragment of
the camp seems to have been used as a sort of outwork to the
castle, probably for the protection of sheep and cattle.
The castle was thus placed cross-wise in the camp, and parallel to
the river, the action of which has carried away the outer half of its
ditch, and converted the slope into a precipitous bank, at the top of
which is the curtain-wall. The eastern outwork is composed of the
end of the knoll, or ridge, on which the castle stands, and which is
scarped into a triangular platform, the base of which, 57 yards long,
covers the end of the fortress, and projects 38 yards. The ditch
cutting off this work from the body of the place is 23 yards broad,
and very deep. The earthworks westward are two banks and ditches,
across the tail of the knoll, one 57 yards long, and 47 yards in
advance of the main ditch, and the other 84 yards further in
advance, and 94 yards long. Both are intended to cut off approaches
along the river bank. The cross-ditch covering the south front of the
castle is about 30 yards broad, and up it, from the east, came the
main approach. These ditches, on the south-east and west fronts,
are wholly artificial. There is also a trace of a bank and ditch along
the east front of the camp, about 30 yards in advance of the main
ditch, and about 60 yards long. A road, which may be Roman, comes
up from the south, and crosses the Augill by a bridge, 250 yards
above or to the east of the castle, to join the main road over another
bridge in Market Brough. Upon this stream is the castle mill. The
defences, in masonry, seem to have been confined to the castle
proper. There is no trace of such upon the outworks, which probably
were stockaded. The ditches were at far too high a level to have
been fed from the river; but the soil is retentive, and they seem to
have been filled with rain water.
The castle is composed of one ward, a trapezium in outline, the
east, north, and west sides being at right angles, and respectively
77, 90, and 57 yards, and the south or oblique side, 94 yards. It is,
in fact, a right-angled triangle, with the acute angle truncated. The
keep is placed at the truncated end, and forms the south-west angle
of the ward, its south and west sides being exterior, and in the line
of the curtain. The domestic buildings were along the south side,
and about the south-east angle, and built against the curtain. Near
the centre of that side was the gatehouse, and attached east of it
the hall, beyond which a large three-quarter drum tower capped the
south-east angle. This and the gatehouse are the only mural towers.
The kitchen and chapel, and some later buildings, probably rested
against the east wall, and there are slight foundations between the
gatehouse and the keep. The north curtain, towards the river, seems
to have been free from buildings. Upon it are two buttresses, and in
one a garderobe, entered probably by a side door and passage in
the wall. This curtain is 3 feet to 5 feet thick, and from 12 feet to 15
feet high inside.
The Gatehouse is placed near the centre of the south side of the
castle. It was an oblong building, and formed the west end of a
block, of which the hall and withdrawing-room formed the eastern
part and remainder. It was composed of a passage between two
walls, of which one remains, and is 6 feet 6 inches thick and 45 feet
long; the outer 10 feet being outside the curtain. The portal is gone,
but the spring-stone remains of the inner doorway, 3 feet 7 inches
broad, and recessed 8 feet 6 inches within the inner front. The vault
of the passage, about 10 feet long, rested upon three bold ribs, of
which the springing-stones remain, and beyond which was the outer
gate, of which a part only remains. There was an upper floor, and if
the rubbish were cleared away the plan of the gatehouse would be
visible. The walls seem Norman, but the ribs, vault, and fittings are
probably insertions of the Decorated age.
The Hall was poor. It was on the first-floor level, and had a floor
above it, and, therefore, a flat ceiling. The basement is composed of
three vaults placed transversely, with flat, slightly-pointed arches.
The doors are towards the court, and one chamber has a small
Tudor fireplace, in a corner. Each had a loop in the outer end, and in
the ends of two are mural garderobes in the substance of the
curtain. The hall was not above 12 feet or 14 feet high. In its north
side is a round-arched recess, probably the original entrance, by an
outer stair; and near it a fireplace. In the south or curtain side are
two good late Decorated windows of two lights, rather flamboyant in
tone, with plain exterior drips. Above these is a step, or ledge, for
the floor of the upper room, and two windows, not directly over
those of the hall.
There is no very decided evidence of a Chapel. The Kitchen,
probably, was near the north-east end of the hall, and against the
east end of the curtain. The withdrawing-rooms were at the east end
of the hall, and extended into Clifford’s Tower, a fine bold drum of
30 feet diameter, which caps the south-east angle of the ward. This
tower seems to be of Decorated date, and the base and part of the
wall original; but it has been almost rebuilt, probably with the old cut
stones, in the Tudor period, to which belong its numerous square-
headed windows. Part of it was taken down in 1763.
The Keep stands upon rather the highest part of the enclosure. It
is rectangular, 43 feet east and west, by 51 feet north and south,
and stands upon the curtain, with which its west and south faces are
continuous. As it does not quite cover the whole end of the ward,
this is closed by a low curtain, 17 feet long and 3 feet thick, which
extends from the keep to the north-west angle of the ward. The
keep is composed of a basement and three floors, and is about 60
feet high. The parapet is gone. It has a plinth only on the two
exterior faces, where the ground is low, and there are two sets-off
which indicate the level of the second and upper floors. At the end
of each face is a pilaster, 7 feet broad, and of 6 inches projection,
and those adjacent meet and form a solid angle. These pilasters
rose clear of the wall to form angle turrets, of which parts remain.
From the upper set-off, on the north and south faces, rises an
intermediate pilaster, 3 feet broad. The walls at the base are 10 feet
thick, and, at the top, 6 feet. The basement is at present nearly filled
up with earth and rubbish, concealing much of the east side. Part of
the south-east angle fell in in 1792, and obscures the details of the
main entrance.
The Basement is at present entered by a plain round-headed
doorway of 4 feet 7 inches opening, in the north wall near its east
end. This has a rebate for an inner door, but no groove for a
portcullis. The outer jambs are broken away. It is pretty clear, from a
comparison of its ring-stones with the original arches above, that
this entrance is an insertion, probably of the time of James I. or
Charles I. In the same side, near the doorway, is a very peculiar air-
hole, formed of two loops, 2 feet apart, which converge to a single
exterior loop. There are similar loops, of much later date, at
Caernarvon. Possibly the basement was divided into two chambers,
and one loop opened from each; but there is no trace of any
partition. In the west wall there was probably another loop, now
converted into a window of 2 feet opening, square topped, set in a
bold splayed recess, evidently an insertion of a period when security
was no longer the first consideration. The window opens in the line
of the plinth, the set-off of which is carried over its head as a square
hood-moulding. The south wall was blank, and so, probably, was
that to the east. The basement was 13 feet or 14 feet high, with a
flat timber ceiling. There certainly were no mural chambers, and no
staircase in it. It was probably entered from above by a trapdoor and
ladder, and used as a store.
The first floor, about 13 feet high, seems to have had loops in
plain round-headed recesses in the north, south, and west sides, of
which the latter is broken away, and a two-light Tudor window
inserted. The northern loop has also been replaced by a similar
window. In the south wall the loop is represented by a small square
opening. In the ruins of the east side may be traced the remains of a
doorway and the base of a lobby and staircase in the wall. It is clear
that the external door was in this face, near the south end, and that
it opened direct into the first floor, while right and left, in the
thickness of the wall, was a mural passage, at its south end a mere
lobby, but to the north containing a straight staircase which rises 13
feet by twelve steps, 4 feet 4 inches broad, towards the east angle,
where was a small lobby which opened on the second floor, and was
lighted by a loop in the east wall.
Thus, the second floor was entered in its east side by a direct
mural stair, like those at Carlisle, at Chepstow, and at Ludlow. In
each of the sides, north, south, and west, of this floor is an original
round-headed recess, and in the east wall, over the mural stair, are
traces of a shorter recess, placed higher up, whence seems to have
been a passage into a mural chamber in the south-east angle. The
southern recess alone contains its original window. This is a small
coupled window of two lights, square headed, but within a round-
headed arch. The dividing shaft is decidedly Norman, as is the whole
character of the opening. The north window is also coupled and
round headed, but looks like a Stuart insertion. The east and west
windows are square headed, of Tudor date. In the north-west angle
is a mural recess with loops, possibly a garderobe, and in the north-
east angle a square-headed doorway opens by a lobby into a well-
stair, which commences at this level and ascends to the roof. It is 7
feet 6 inches in diameter, and rises 31 feet by forty-six steps to the
allure, or rampart walk. This second was originally the principal and
uppermost floor, lofty, and with a high-pitched roof, the weather
moulding of which is still seen on the east and west walls. The roof
ridge was at the level of the rampart walk, and, as the north and
south walls seem original, there must have been a deep cavity on
either side, with the gutter in its bottom. Subsequently this roof was
removed, and replaced by a flat roof, at the rampart level, the line of
which is marked by a row of corbels in the north and south walls.
The cause of this change, common, probably, to all Norman keeps,
was the superior convenience for defence of a flat roof, rendered
possible by the introduction of sheet lead as a roofing material.
The third floor was formed by dividing the height thus gained by a
floor laid at the level of the springing of the old roof, and thus was
created a second floor of 10 feet, and a third of 20 feet. In the west
wall was opened a square-headed window, in a splayed recess, and
close south of it is a small Tudor fireplace, the flue of which ascends
into the south-west turret. The east wall is less perfect, but still
shows the line of the old roof, and the jamb of a Tudor window. In
the north-east angle is the door from the well-stair.
The floors of the walls were throughout of timber, the joists of the
first and second resting in the holes in the north and south walls of
the turrets; that at the south-west is probably modern. It contains
the flues of several fireplaces which appear to have been inserted in
the south wall, but which have fallen out. The keep probably had
originally no fireplaces. The north-east turret contains the head of
the well-stair. The other two turrets seem to have been mere shells,
having only the two outer walls. They all rose about 12 feet above
the rampart walk, and 5 feet or 6 feet above the crest of the parapet
on the outside of the east and south walls of the keep. Near the top
are ranges of triangular holes formed by thin tile-stones set on edge,
and looking much like pigeon-holes, which they probably were. The
row in the south wall has five holes, and in the south-east turret are
three. In the east wall are two sets, one of three holes, and one,
imperfect, of two. There is one hole in the north-east turret. They
are evidently original, and do not appear to communicate with the
interior. There is no trace of a regular forebuilding, for which the
keep, like Goderich, was too small, but there was probably an open
stair, either of wood or stone, ascending to the main door, which was
about 12 feet from the ground. The exterior of the keep was quite
plain, and of rather rude workmanship. The pilasters are of square
stones, and the wall, in part of similar material, and in part of stones
of irregular shape, laid as uncoursed rubble. There is no herring-
bone work, and no visible trace of Roman material worked up.
The keep is evidently late Norman, and the walls are original,
though much pulled about, and with many insertions of the Tudor
and Stuart days. This is another example of the high-pitched roof, as
at Richmond and Bridgenorth, the whole roof having been concealed
by the walls.
Probably the founder of the castle built both the keep and the
curtain wall on the lines of the present curtain, and cut the cross-
ditch which isolates it from the rest of the Roman camp. The
gatehouse and hall, and the south-east tower were probably
alterations and additions of the Decorated period. The whole fortress
was repaired by Countess Anne, whose hand may be traced
throughout the structure. The keep has been split with gunpowder,
probably by order of the Parliament, producing fissures in its north
and south walls.
Robert de Veteriponte, or Vipont, the head of a great
Westmoreland family, to which the armorial bearings of the
Musgraves and Lowthers, the Blenkinsops and Hellbecks, show them
to have paid early allegiance, is regarded as the founder of the
castles of Brougham and Brough, at any rate in their Norman form.
His immediate ancestor came over with Duke William of Normandy,
and the family first planted themselves in the counties of Devon,
Northampton, and York. Robert, the second or third in descent,
flourished in the reigns of Henry II., Richard, John, and Henry III.,
dying in 1228, the twelfth of the latter sovereign. He filled many
posts of military trust, was custos of many castles, and sheriff of
many midland and northern counties. He was also a justice itinerant,
and of the Common Pleas. In 1203 (4 John) he had a grant from the
king of the Bailliewick of Westmoreland and the castles of Appleby
and Burg, at first during pleasure, but afterwards in fee. Possibly the
grant was connected with the fact that his mother, Maud, was a
member of the great Westmoreland family of Morville, and probably
a daughter of Hugh de Morville, one of Becket’s assassins. Robert’s
wife, Idonea de Buisli, was heiress of the castle and Honour of
Tickhill. He was a man of very great wealth and power, and likely to
have taken steps to secure his Westmoreland barony against its
northern neighbours. The grant mentions the castles of Appleby and
Burgh; and Burgh, that is Brough, was sacked by William of Scotland
in 1174. Probably, therefore, there already existed some kind of
strongholds at those places, founded, it may be, by the English on
the Roman stations. Moreover, the year 1204 is very late indeed for
keeps of so decided a Norman type, and it is no doubt possible that
De Meschines, or De Morville, the preceding lords of the fee, may
have built both castles.[2]
John de Vipont, son and successor, died 25 Henry III., in debt to
the king, who gave his estates in ward to the Prior of Carlisle, who
neglected the castles. In his time the keep of Brough was out of
repair, and the joists rotten. Lord John sided with the barons, and
died of wounds received at Lewes. His daughter, and finally sole
heiress, Isabel, was married to Roger de Clifford,—the Roger of the
inscription over the gate of Brougham,—and who was killed in battle
in Anglesea by the Welsh, in the reign of Edward I. Robert de
Clifford, their son, lord of the Honour of Skipton, of Appleby,
Brougham, and Brough, fell at Bannockburn. There were then two
parks at Brough, a mill, and the demesne land. The castle ditches let
for the herbage at 6s. 8d. per annum, and the constable had 40s.
 Roger, the next lord, was a great builder; he followed the fortunes
and shared the fate of Thomas of Lancaster. He is thought to have
made the additions to the eastern side of Brougham, where his arms
and those of his wife, Maud Beauchamp, were long to be seen. His
successor was his brother Robert, whose second and surviving son
Roger, proved age 28 Edward III., recovered the family estates
which had been forfeited, and kept his castles in repair. He died, 15
Richard II., seized of Appleby, Burgham, and Burgh. The four
following lords fell in battle: Thomas in Germany, John in France,
Thomas at St. Alban’s, and John at Towton. In 4 Henry V., the castle
of Brougham lay waste, and the whole profits of the demesne were
not sufficient to repair and maintain it. The next, Henry, was the
Shepherd Lord, who, in 1519, held a great feast at Brough, at
Christmas, which was followed, in 1521, by a severe fire, in which
the castle was burned to the bare walls, and long remained waste.
The succeeding lord and his son, both Henry, were the first and
second Earls of Cumberland, of whom the latter died at Brougham
Castle about 1560. George, the third earl, the admiral, who died
1605, was born at Brough in the last year of Queen Mary, 1558.
With his brother Francis, the fourth earl, who entertained King
James at Brough for three days in 1617, the male line failed, and the
estates and baronies came to Countess Anne, the daughter of Earl
George. This lady, who repaired Brougham and Brough in 1651–2,
was born at Brougham in 1589, in the same room in which her
father was born, her mother died, and King James was received.
Margaret, her daughter, by the Earl of Dorset, carried the estates to
the Tuftons, earls of Thanet, who also inherited the hereditary
shrievalty of Westmoreland, until their extinction in the present
century. They dismantled Brougham and Brough, and sold the
fittings in 1714. The present owner appears to be very attentive to
what remains of the two castles. Both are repaired in a very
substantial manner.

BROUGHAM CASTLE.
 This very curious pile stands on the right bank of the river
Eamont, just below the point at which it is joined from the south by
the Lowther, so that the combined stream covers the fortress on the
north, as do the two waters and the marshy ground between them
on the west front. The castle is placed but a few yards distant from
and but a few feet above the Eamont, and between it and the large
rectangular camp which marks the site of the Roman “Brovacum,”
whence both castle and township derive their names; such, at least,
seems the most probable etymology, though a claim has been set up
for Burgham, which would have been more tenable had there been
evidence of the place having been an English as well as a Roman
stronghold.
The Roman road from Brough and Appleby towards Carlisle and
Penrith skirts the north-eastern front of both camp and castle, and is
carried, by a modern bridge, across the river, a few yards below the
latter. Above the castle and upon the Eamont was placed the castle
mill, the weir connected with which still remains. The actual site of
Brovacum has been claimed for Brougham Hall, on the adjacent high
ground; but, however this may be, the camp below is undoubtedly
Roman, and an excellent example of the entrenchments of that
people. A Roman altar was found, in 1602, at the confluence of the
two rivers. What earlier name is embodied in the Roman Brovacum
is not known, but “Bro” in South Wales is the old Welsh word for
“the hill country,” and is preserved in Brocastle and Broviscin, in
Glamorgan. The parish of Brougham is large; the church is called
Ninekirks, probably a corruption of St. Ninian’s kirk. The parochial
chapel, which stands near Brougham Hall, is dedicated to St. Wilfrid.
The camp is contained within a single bank and exterior ditch,
both very well marked, though in height and depth very much
reduced. Along the scarp or inner slope of the ditch are traces of a
step or terrace, as for a line of palisades, in front of and below the
main defence. The area within the ditch is 113 yards broad, and its
length, now 134 yards, was probably 198 yards, those being the
proportions of the camp at Brough. The ditch is about 25 yards
broad. The entrance is gone; it was no doubt in the centre of the