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Indigenous ecotourism sustainable development and
management First Edition Heather Zeppel Digital Instant
Download
Author(s): Heather Zeppel
ISBN(s): 1845931246
Edition: First
File Details: PDF, 2.86 MB
Year: 2006
Language: english
 Indigenous Ecotourism

Sustainable Development and Management

 DEDICATION

To my father – Mervin Vernon Zeppel

(13 July 1922–26 September 2005)

and for S.T.M.

(for your Cree and Ojibway heart)

Ecotourism Book Series

General Editor: David B. Weaver, Professor of Tourism Management, George Mason University,
Virginia, USA.

Ecotourism, or nature-based tourism that is managed to be learning-oriented as well as environ-

mentally and socio-culturally sustainable, has emerged in the past 20 years as one of the most
important sectors within the global tourism industry. The purpose of this series is to provide
diverse stakeholders (e.g. academics, graduate and senior undergraduate students, practitioners,
protected area managers, government and non-governmental organizations) with state-of-the-art
and scientifically sound strategic knowledge about all facets of ecotourism, including external
environments that influence its development. Contributions adopt a holistic, critical and interdisci-
plinary approach that combines relevant theory and practice while placing case studies from
specific destinations into an international context. The series supports the development and diffu-
sion of financially viable ecotourism that fulfils the objective of environmental, socio-cultural and
economic sustainability at both the local and global scale.

Titles available:
1. Nature-based Tourism, Environment and Land Management
Edited by R. Buckley, C. Pickering and D. Weaver
2. Environmental Impacts of Ecotourism
Edited by R. Buckley
3. Indigenous Ecotourism: Sustainable Development and Management
H. Zeppel
4. Ecotourism in Scandinavia: Lessons in Theory and Practice
Edited by S. Gossling and J. Hultman
 Indigenous Ecotourism

Sustainable Development and Management

Heather D. Zeppel

James Cook University

Cairns, Australia
 CABI is a trading name of CAB International
CABI Head Office CABI North American Office
Nosworthy Way 875 Massachusetts Avenue
Wallingford 7th Floor
Oxfordshire OX10 8DE Cambridge, MA 02139
UK USA

Tel: +44 (0)1491 832111 Tel: +1 617 395 4056

Fax: +44 (0)1491 833508 Fax: +1 617 354 6875
E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.cabi.org

© H. Zeppel 2006. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be

reproduced in any form or by any means, electronically, mechanically, by pho-
tocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copy-
right owners.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library, London,
UK.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress,
Washington, DC.

ISBN 1-84593-124-6
ISBN 978-1-84593-124-7

Produced and typeset by Columns Design Ltd, Reading

Printed and bound in the UK by Cromwell Press, Trowbridge
 Contents

List of tables ix

About the Author xi

Preface xiii

1 The Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 1

Introduction 1
Indigenous Peoples and Tourism 3
Indigenous Tourism 8
Indigenous Ecotourism 11
Study of Indigenous Ecotourism 16
Rationale and Need for this Book 23
Methods and Case Study Approach 23
Conclusion 24
References 25

2 The Pacific Islands: Village-based Ecotourism in Community Rainforests 35

Introduction: Ecotourism in the Pacific Islands 35
South Pacific Biodiversity Conservation Programme: Community Ecotourism 36
Conservation NGOs and Village-based Ecotourism 38
Solomon Islands 40
Fiji 45
Ecotourism and Village-based Tourism in Fiji 46
Vanuatu 50
Papua New Guinea 52
Samoa 57
Cook Islands, Niue and Tonga 59
Micronesia 59
Conclusion 60
References 61

v
vi Contents

3 Latin America: Rainforest Ecotourism, Andes Mountains and Indian

Territories 67
Introduction: Ecotourism in Latin America 67
Indigenous Ecotourism in South America 68
Ecuador 68
Community-based Ecotourism in Ecuador 69
Peru 76
Chile 81
Bolivia 81
Venezuela 83
Colombia 84
Guyana 84
Suriname 86
French Guiana 87
Brazil 88
Indigenous Ecotourism in Brazil’s Amazon 88
Indigenous Ecotourism in the Amazon Rainforest, South America 89
Amazonian Ecotourism Exchange 91
Indigenous Ecotourism in Central America 91
Belize 91
Mexico 93
Guatemala 97
Honduras 99
Panama 101
Nicaragua 102
Costa Rica 103
Dominican Republic, Caribbean 104
Conclusion 104
References 106

4 East Africa: Wildlife and Forest Ecotourism, the Maasai and Community
Lands 117
Introduction: Ecotourism in East Africa 117
Kenya: Wildlife-based Ecotourism on Maasai Lands 118
Maasai People and Tourism 119
Maasai Group Ranches 120
Wildlife Tourism on Amboseli Group Ranches 128
Wildlife Tourism on Masai Mara Group Ranches 129
CORE Community Ecotourism Ventures 133
Tanzania: Village-based Ecotourism on Community Lands 136
Village-based Ecotourism in Community Forests 137
Marine Ecotourism in Zanzibar and Pemba 139
Maasai Community Ecotourism in Tanzania 141
Ecotourism in Tarangire and Serengeti 141
Ngorongoro Conservation Area 144
Community Ecotourism versus Safari Hunting 145
Tanzania Cultural Tourism Coordination Office 147
Uganda: Forest-based Ecotourism with Local Communities 148
Uganda Community Tourism Association (UCOTA) 149
Uganda Wildlife Authority 150
Community Involvement in Mountain Gorilla Tourism 151
 Contents vii

Ethiopia 154
Conservation and Community Benefits of Ecotourism, East Africa 154
Conclusion 156
References 157

5 Southern Africa: Ecotourism on Wildlife Conservancies and Communal

Lands 169
Introduction: Ecotourism in Southern Africa 169
Botswana 170
Community-based Tourism in Botswana 170
Community Tourism in Okavango Delta 175
Zimbabwe 178
CAMPFIRE: Communal Areas Management Program for Indigenous Resources 178
Namibia 182
Communal Area Conservancies 183
Community-based Tourism 184
Namibia Community Based Tourism Association (NACOBTA) 185
Caprivi Strip 190
South Africa 192
Kruger National Park 193
Community Ecotourism in KwaZulu-Natal Province 195
Conservation Corporation Africa 199
Wilderness Safaris 200
Community Ecotourism in Eastern Cape Province 202
Conclusion 204
References 205

6 West Africa: Community-based Ecotourism in Forest Areas 216

Introduction: Ecotourism in West Africa 216
Ghana 216
Community-based Ecotourism Project 217
Kakum Canopy Walkway 220
Gambia 221
Senegal 223
Casamance Village Tourism 223
Niger 224
Ivory Coast 225
Cameroon 225
Lowland Gorilla Ecotourism, Southern Cameroon 227
Other Lowland Gorilla Ecotourism Projects 227
Republic of Congo 228
Conclusion 228
References 229

7 South-east Asia: Forest and Mountain Ecotourism, Hilltribes and Island

Nations 232
Introduction: Ecotourism in South East Asia 232
Thailand 233
Hilltribe Trekking in Northern Thailand 233
Lisu Lodge 237
Vietnam 238
Hilltribe Tourism in Sapa 239
viii Contents

Cambodia 240
Cambodia Community-based Ecotourism Network (CCBEN) 240
Yeak Laom Ecotourism Project 241
Laos 241
Nam Ha Ecotourism Project 241
China 243
Ethnic Ecotourism in Yunnan Province 243
Wanglang Nature Reserve, Sichuan 247
Indonesia 248
Indonesian Ecotourism Centre (Indecon) 248
Mountain Ecotourism in Java and Lombok 248
Marine Ecotourism in Sulawesi 251
Mentawai Cultural Ecotourism, Siberut 253
Kayan Mentarang National Park, Kalimantan 254
Philippines 255
Mountain Ecotourism in Luzon 255
Malaysia 257
Orang Asli Ecotourism in Peninsula Malaysia 257
Dayak Ecotourism in Sabah 258
Iban Longhouse Tourism, Sarawak 262
Conclusion 267
References 268

8 Sustainable Development and Management of Indigenous Ecotourism 278

Indigenous Ecotourism on Tribal Lands 279
Empowerment and Community Development 283
Sustainable Indigenous Ecotourism 285
Development and Management of Indigenous Ecotourism 286
Conclusion 288
References 290

Index 295
 List of Tables

1.1. Key features of Indigenous tourism 9

1.2. Industry and Indigenous perceptions of ecotourism 12
1.3. Key features of general ecotourism and of Indigenous ecotourism 14
1.4. Indigenous community involvement in ecotourism 15
1.5. Indigenous peoples and ecotourism in developed and developing countries 17
1.6. A framework for Indigenous ecotourism 72
2.1. Pacific island countries and ecotourism programmes 36
2.2. Community ecotourism initiatives in SPBCP Conservation Areas 37
2.3. Community ecotourism products and funding support in SPBCP Conservation
Areas 38
2.4. Rivers Fiji: supporting conservation through village-based ecotourism in Fiji 48
2.5. Village guesthouses, homestays and lodges in Papua New Guinea 56
3.1. Community ecotourism ventures in the Amazon region, eastern Ecuador 69
3.2. Key Indigenous ecotourism ventures in the Amazon rainforest, South America 90
4.1. Community ecotourism ventures on Maasai group ranches, Kenya 121
4.2. Tourism activities and revenue at Shompole and Olkiramantian group ranches 125
4.3. CORE community ecotourism enterprises in Kenya 134
4.4. Village tours in Tanzania cultural tourism programme 148
4.5. Community ecotourism projects in Uganda 150
4.6. Conservation and community benefits of Indigenous ecotourism in East Africa 155
5.1. Registered community trusts and tourism ventures in Botswana 171
5.2. Community-based tourism development in Namibia 185
6.1. Community-based ecotourism projects in Ghana 217
7.1. The Indigenous villages involved in Sabah’s Homestay Programme 261
8.1. Key features of Indigenous ecotourism on tribal lands 280
8.2. International agencies funding Indigenous ecotourism on tribal lands 281
8.3. Biodiversity conservation, Indigenous rights and ecotourism on tribal lands 282
8.4. Stages of Indigenous ecotourism development 283
8.5. Conservation NGOs supporting Indigenous ecotourism on tribal lands 283
8.6. Sustainability and empowerment within Indigenous ecotourism 286
8.7. Strategies for sustainable development and management of Indigenous ecotourism 288
8.8. Tourism and conservation organizations promoting Indigenous ecotourism on tribal
lands 289
ix
This page intentionally left blank
 About the Author

Heather Zeppel is Senior Lecturer in Tourism in the Tourism Program, School of Business at
James Cook University Cairns in Queensland, Australia. She has an Associate Diploma (Wildlife
and Park Management), BSc, Graduate Certificate of Education, Graduate Diploma (Museum
Curatorship) and PhD (Tourism/Material Culture).
Heather lectures on Tourism Issues in Developing Countries, Tourism and the Environment,
Tourism Analysis, Australian Ecotourism and Wildlife Tourism Management and Regional Tourism
Planning and Foundations of Conference and Event Management.
Her research interests include Indigenous tourism, cultural interpretation, ecotourism, wildlife
tourism and sustainable tourism development. Heather’s research articles and notes on
Indigenous tourism have been published in the Journal of Travel Research, Pacific Tourism
Review, Tourism, Culture & Communication and Tourism Management. She has also written ten
book chapters on cultural tourism or Aboriginal tourism and other research reports on Aboriginal
Tourism in Australia (Zeppel, 1999) and Indigenous Wildlife Tourism in Australia (Muloin, Zeppel
and Higginbottom, 2001). Her current research examines Aboriginal tourism issues in the Wet
Tropics World Heritage Area of Queensland.

xi
This page intentionally left blank
 Preface

This book had its genesis in the author’s previous employment (1981–1984) as a park ranger at
Uluru-Katatjuta National Park in the Northern Territory of Australia. This involved working with
Anangu Aboriginal people on cultural interpretation and land management issues. Uluru (Ayers
Rock) is a major tourism icon and culturally significant area, handed back to Anangu Aboriginal
people in 1985.
Starting at Uluru, this interest in conservation and Indigenous cultures continued through to a
doctoral study of Iban longhouse tourism in Sarawak, Borneo (1991–1994) and postdoctoral
research on Indigenous cultural tourism in Australia, New Zealand and Canada (1996–2000).
The initial academic studies of Indigenous tourism in the mid-1990s have now emerged into a
major theme or focus at recent tourism or ecotourism conferences in Australia, New Zealand,
USA, Canada, Africa and Asia.
This cross-disciplinary research on Indigenous tourism involves tourism, business, geography,
anthropology and other areas, along with varied Indigenous groups.
This specific book emerged from an invitation by Professor David Weaver, editor of the CABI
Ecotourism Series, to develop a book proposal that focused on Indigenous ecotourism. The sub-
sequent acceptance of this book proposal by CABI indicates a broadening of the academic cover-
age of ecotourism from certification, policy and management to local communities and
Indigenous peoples.
The commissioning editors at CABI, Rebecca Stubbs and Claire Parfitt, helped bring this book
to fruition. The author thanks the three reviewers of the original CABI book proposal for their
insightful comments and specific suggestions on further topics and issues to cover in a book of
this type. In particular, Professor David Weaver provided useful editorial comments throughout
the writing of this book. These prompted more in-depth examination of conservation and tourism
issues and their impact on Indigenous peoples. Dr Sue Muloin also critically reviewed the first and
last chapters of this book. Jenny Thorp and Sue Saunders provided further editorial corrections.
The research and writing of this book was assisted by study leave during August 2004 to January
2005. The author thanks the School of Business, James Cook University for this time granted as
leave.
The issues pertaining to Indigenous peoples, cultures, land rights, resource use and tourism
continue to receive attention from academic researchers, government agencies, NGOs and the
private sector.
Recent media coverage of some Indigenous issues that affect tourism include Maori claims to
the foreshore, beaches and coastal waters of New Zealand in 2004, and Aboriginal groups in
xi
xiv Preface

Northern Australia lobbying for limited trophy hunting of saltwater crocodiles on Aboriginal lands
in 2005. Both of these Indigenous claims to lands and use of natural resources are still pending
final outcomes, although the Australian government continued to ban the commercial sport hunt-
ing of native wildlife.
At the international level, Indigenous groups are pressing for full legal recognition of their
claims to traditional territories, biological diversity, cultural resources and traditional knowledge.
This book on Indigenous ecotourism links biodiversity conservation and Indigenous rights with
global growth in tourism.
The UN Decade of the World’s Indigenous Peoples was declared from 1995 to 2004. The
research and writing of this book during 2004/05 provided an effective overview of key develop-
ments in conservation and ecotourism as they affected Indigenous peoples during this previous
decade. Hence, this book provides a summation and appraisal of what has been achieved with
Indigenous groups involved in conservation and ecotourism projects on their traditional territories
and tribal lands. It also suggests key topics that need further research and critical investigation in
this emerging area of Indigenous ecotourism. While the author is non-Indigenous, every effort
was made to incorporate Indigenous perspectives on ecotourism as reported in the published lit-
erature and case studies. Any errors made in the presentation and interpretation of these case
studies about Indigenous ecotourism are inadvertent. The author welcomes feedback or further
information about the topics in this book.

Heather Zeppel
Cairns, North Queensland
Australia
22 November 2005
 1
The Context of Indigenous Ecotourism

Introduction culture and their own environment. Ecotourism

supplements a subsistence lifestyle and aids the
This book is concerned with Indigenous-owned transition to a cash economy for many tribal
and operated ecotourism ventures that benefit groups. How various Indigenous communities
Indigenous communities and conserve the develop and operate tribal ecotourism ventures
natural and cultural environment. Ecotourism is a key focus of much recent research in this
enterprises controlled by Indigenous people area.
include cultural ecotours, ecolodges, hunting Worldwide, Indigenous peoples are
and fishing tours, cultural villages and other becoming more involved in the tourism
nature-oriented tourist facilities or services. industry, and particularly with ecotourism
Indigenous involvement in ecotourism is (Sykes, 1995; Butler and Hinch, 1996; Price,
examined through global case studies of 1996; Mercer, 1998; Ryan, 2000; Mann, 2002;
Indigenous operators and providers of eco- Smith, 2003; Christ, 2004; Hinch, 2004; Ryan
tourism products. Indigenous ecotourism is and Aicken, 2005; Johnston, 2006; Notzke,
defined as ‘nature-based attractions or tours 2006). Tourism enterprises controlled by
owned by Indigenous people, and also Indigenous people include nature-based tours,
Indigenous interpretation of the natural and cultural attractions and other tourist facilities or
cultural environment including wildlife’ services in tribal homelands or protected areas.
(Zeppel, 2003: 56). The case studies of These Indigenous tourism ventures are largely
Indigenous ecotourism ventures in the Pacific a response to the spread of tourism into remote
Islands, Latin America, Africa and South East and marginal areas, including national parks,
Asia illustrate how Indigenous groups are nature reserves and tribal territories that are
conserving natural areas and educating visitors traditional living areas for many Indigenous
while developing and controlling ecotourism groups. Indigenous cultures and lands are
on Indigenous lands and territories. These case frequently the main attraction for ecotours
studies, therefore, challenge the common visiting wild and scenic natural regions such as
perception of ‘minimal involvement in the Amazon, Borneo, Yunnan, East Africa and
ecotourism by indigenous people in many Oceania. Indeed, ‘Indigenous homelands rich
countries’ (Page and Dowling, 2002: 279). in biodiversity are the prime target of most
Indigenous ecotourism provides an alternative ecotourism’ (Johnston, 2000: 90). Ecosystems
to extractive land uses such as hunting, such as tropical rainforests, coral reefs,
farming, logging or mining, and it involves mountains, savannah and deserts in
Indigenous people in managing tourism, developing countries are a drawcard for

© H. Zeppel 2006. Indigenous Ecotourism: Sustainable Development and Management (H. Zeppel) 1
2 Chapter 1

ecotourism, and many of these ecoregions are wildlife resource use rights and from renting or
still inhabited by marginalized Indigenous leasing land to tourism operators.
groups (Weaver, 1998; WWF, 2000). Tourist Globally, there is greater public awareness
encounters with these exotic tribal peoples of both environmental impacts and Indigenous
during safaris, mountain trekking and village peoples. Ecotourism recognizes the special
tours are growing areas of new tourism (Smith, cultural links between Indigenous peoples and
2003). natural areas. A growing tourist demand for
The spread of ecotourism into remote areas Indigenous cultural experiences also coincides
often coincides with regions that are still the with the Indigenous need for new economic
traditional homelands for surviving groups of ventures deriving income from sustainable use
Indigenous peoples. Tourist experiences with of land and natural resources. This global trend
Indigenous peoples now include trekking with is reflected in increasing contact with
Maasai guides in East Africa (Berger, 1996), Indigenous communities living in remote areas
visiting Indian villages in the rainforest of and also the opening up of Indigenous
Ecuador (Wesche, 1996; Drumm, 1998), homelands for ecotourism (Honey, 1999;
meeting Inuit people in the Arctic (Smith, Christ, 2004). These Indigenous territories are
1996a), staying at Iban longhouses in Borneo usually in peripheral areas, away from
(Zeppel, 1997) and Aboriginal cultural tours in mainstream development, where Indigenous
northern Australia (Burchett, 1992). Small land practices have maintained biodiversity in
island states or countries with rainforest, reefs ‘wilderness’ regions and otherwise endangered
and Indigenous groups, especially in the Asia- ecosystems (Hinch, 2004). While Indigenous
Pacific region, are also a growing focus for communities are vulnerable to increased
ecotourism ventures (SPREP, 2002; Harrison, accessibility and contact with outsiders,
2003). Environmental, cultural and spiritual ecotourism is seen as one way to maintain
aspects of Indigenous heritage and traditions ecosystems and provide an economic
are featured in ecotourism, community-based alternative to logging or mining. Indigenous
tourism and alternative tourism. New ecotourism involves native people negotiating
ecotourism enterprises managed by Indigenous access to tribal land, resources and knowledge
groups are featured in travel guides and for tourists and tour operators.
websites for community tourism and With greater legal recognition and control
alternative travel (Franke, 1995; Mann, 2000, over homeland areas, culture and resources,
2002; Tourism Concern, 2002). Native lands Indigenous groups in many areas are
and reserves in developed countries such as determining appropriate types of ecotourism
Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the USA development in traditional lands and protected
are also a growing focus for Indigenous areas. As well as being an exotic tourist
tourism (Lew, 1996; Ryan and Aicken, 2005). attraction, Indigenous peoples are also
For example, the USA has 52 million acres of increasingly the owners, managers, joint
Indian reservation land, often near national venture partners or staff of ecotourism
parks, with many tribal governments involved ventures, cultural sites and other tourist
in tourism ventures on these lands (Gerberich, facilities. Therefore, the roles of Indigenous
2005). In these colonized countries, Indigenous people in ecotourism now include landowners,
ecotourism ventures are also found in tribal governments or councils, traditional
protected areas that are co-managed with owners, land managers, park rangers, tourism
native people having traditional claims over operators and guides. This global expansion of
this land. In North America, many Indigenous tourism into remote natural areas and
groups are investing money from land claim Indigenous lands, often in developing
settlements, mining or fishing royalties and countries, has seen increasing concern for
gaming revenue from tribal casinos in tourism sustainable tourism development, particularly
ventures (Ryan, 1997; Lew and van Otten, with Indigenous groups (Price, 1996; Honey,
1998). In developing countries, some 1999; McIntosh, 1999; McLaren, 1999;
Indigenous groups with communal or legal Robinson, 1999; Smith, 2001; Duffy, 2002;
land titles now derive income from forest or Johnston, 2003a, b; Mowforth and Munt,
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 3

2003; Sofield, 2003; Gerberich, 2005). For existing descendants of the original people
Indigenous peoples, ‘land rights are an inhabiting a particular region or country’ (BSR,
absolute prerequisite for sustainable tourism’ 2003). They are considered to be original or
(Johnston, 2000: 92). Legal rights over tribal First Peoples with unique cultural beliefs and
lands and resources allow Indigenous groups practices closely linked to local ecosystems and
to benefit from ecotourism, through use of natural resources (Furze et al., 1996;
community-owned enterprises, joint ventures Price, 1996). According to Russell (2000: 93),
and other partnerships. Indigenous people are those who ‘are generally
This book considers the environmental, minority groups in their territories, have
cultural and economic impacts of Indigenous developed a unique culture which may include
ecotourism ventures in tribal areas of social and legal systems, and whose ancestral
developing countries. Case studies describe connections to a region are pre-colonial’.
and analyse the approaches adopted by The United Nations (UN, 2004) defines
different Indigenous communities in Indigenous communities, peoples and nations
developing and operating ecotourism ventures. as those having ‘a historical continuity with
These case studies of Indigenous ecotourism pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that
ventures are drawn from the Pacific region, developed on their territories’, are distinct from
South and Central America, South East Asia other settler groups and want to ‘preserve,
and Africa. Tropical rainforest areas in the develop and transmit to future generations
Asia-Pacific region, Latin America and Africa their ancestral territories, and their ethnic
are a main focus for these community-based identity’. This historical continuity is based on
Indigenous ecotourism projects (Wesche and occupation of ancestral lands, common
Drumm, 1999; Mann, 2002; SPREP, 2002; ancestry, cultural practices and language.
Tourism in Focus, 2002a). The savannah and Indigenous peoples are also economically and
desert regions of Africa along with the Andes culturally marginalized and often live in
Mountains of South America are another key extreme poverty (UNDP, 2004).
focus. North Asia (i.e. Mongolia) and south The International Labor Organization (ILO)
Asia (i.e. India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) Convention No. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal
are not included in this book. In developing Peoples defined Indigenous groups as:
countries, ecotourism ventures for Indigenous peoples in independent countries who are
peoples are mainly implemented with the help regarded as indigenous on account of their
of non-government agencies (NGOs) involved descent from the populations which inhabited
in conservation or community development the country, or a geographical region to which
projects. For many Indigenous peoples, the country belongs, at the time of conquest or
controlled ecotourism is seen as a way of colonisation or the establishment of present
achieving cultural, environmental and state boundaries and who, irrespective of their
economic sustainability for the community legal status, retain some or all of their own
(Sofield, 1993; Butler and Hinch, 1996; social, economic, cultural and political
institutions (ILO, 1991, Article 1 cited in Ryan,
Zeppel, 1998a; Notzke, 2006). Opening up
2000: 422).
Indigenous homelands to ecotourism,
however, involves a balance between use of Indigenous peoples are thus the original
natural resources, meeting tourist needs and inhabitants of a region with a special
maintaining cultural integrity. attachment to their lands or territories; have a
sense of shared ancestry and self
determination; have their own distinct cultures,
Indigenous Peoples and Tourism languages, spirituality and knowledge; their
own cultural, political and social institutions
Indigenous peoples based on customary law and collective
community living; and have their lands and
Indigenous peoples are generally regarded as institutions dominated by other majority
tribal or native groups still living in their groups and modern states (Kipuri, nd). Many
homeland areas: ‘Indigenous people are the Indigenous groups are geographically isolated,
4 Chapter 1

economically disadvantaged and socially and International (UK) and Minority Rights Group
politically marginalized. Indigenous peoples International campaign for the rights of
make up one third of the world’s 900 million Indigenous peoples affected by dispossession
extremely poor rural peoples (IFAD, nd). They and development projects on their lands
have often experienced ethnocide, racism and (Janet, 2002). Tribal groups still living a
forced removal by other settlers (Maybury- traditional subsistence lifestyle are found in
Lewis, 2002). These Indigenous groups are over 60 countries and number 150 million
tribal or semi-nomadic pastoralists, hunter- people (Survival International, 1995).
gatherers or shifting cultivators. They mainly However, other Indigenous peoples also now
have a subsistence economy and rely on follow a mainstream lifestyle and no longer live
natural resources for food and cash. in tribal societies based solely on a subsistence
Different terms used to describe Indigenous economy.
groups include ethnic minorities (China, Most Indigenous people are identified by
Vietnam, Philippines); tribes (Africa, Americas); the name of their ‘tribe’, clan, group, band or
hilltribes (Thailand); scheduled tribes or nation (Waitt, 1999). Individually, an
adivasis (India); Native American, Indian or Indigenous person is one self-identified as
Amerindian (North and South America); Indigenous who is recognized and accepted by
Indigenas (Latin America); Aboriginal an Indigenous group or community as a
(Australia, Canada, Taiwan) and First Nations member. This definition of an Indigenous
(Canada). These Indigenous peoples may person as self-identified is followed in
either be the majority group (e.g. Papua New Australia, regardless of the mix or proportion
Guinea, Bolivia) or, more commonly, they are of ethnic backgrounds, whereas in Canada
a minority group, particularly in colonized there must be proof of native lineage with a
countries such as North America, Australia and minimum of 6% Indigenous ancestry. In New
New Zealand. Colonized Indigenous groups Zealand, people can be entered on the Maori
whose lands are now part of other modern list without knowing their tribe or iwi, while in
nation states are also called ‘fourth world’ the USA Native Americans need to show direct
peoples. Worldwide, there are an estimated descent from at least one Indian great-
400 million Indigenous peoples (Weaver, grandparent listed on a tribal or voting list from
2001). These 5000 tribal or Indigenous groups the early 1900s (Ryan, 1997). In Taiwan, the
represent about 5% of the world population. government requires that Indigenous people
There are 150 million Indigenous people in still speak their own native language and funds
China and India and some 30 million Indigenous language classes. Taiwan has about
Indigenous people in the Americas (Healey, 400,000 Indigenous people from 12 officially
1993). India has 67.76 million adivasis registered tribes (Coolidge, 2004; Yang, 2005).
recognized as scheduled tribes, living on 20% In contrast to these official government
of the land area, mainly in forests, hills or designations about Indigenous descent, ‘First
mountain areas (Bhengra et al., 2002). peoples have a strong sense of their own
Most Indigenous peoples are still found in identity as unique peoples, with their own
developing countries, mainly in the southern lands, languages, and cultures. They claim the
hemisphere. For example, some 50 million right to define what is meant by indigenous,
Indigenous people from about 1000 tribes live and to be recognized as such by others’
in tropical rainforests in the equatorial belt of (Burger, 1990: 16–17). In Africa, recognized
Africa, Asia, Oceania and the Amazon (Martin, Indigenous groups include the nomadic
2001). Small, traditional tribes in isolated pastoralists of West Africa (e.g. Fulani, Tuareg)
tropical or desert regions are often seen as and East Africa (e.g. Maasai), the hunter-
endangered cultures, threatened by resource gather San or Bushmen in southern Africa and
extraction, tourism and cultural change the rainforest Pygmies in central Africa. These
(Raffaele, 2003). New migrants, logging, groups are politically and economically
mining and dams have displaced many tribal marginalized, and experience discrimination
groups from their homelands. Organizations from the dominant Bantu agricultural groups.
such as Cultural Survival (US), Survival A coordinating committee for Indigenous
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 5

peoples of Africa was formed in 1998 to seek Macdonald, 2002; IFAD, 2003; Johnston,
official recognition for Indigenous groups and 2003). According to Honey (2003), the range
advocate for their rights (IPACC, 2004). Other of Indigenous rights include fundamental,
African politicians claim that all black Africans cultural, Indigenous knowledge and intellectual
are Indigenous to Africa and Indigenous property, land, protected areas, economic,
peoples are not always recognized as such by labour, local communities and a right to
African states (Sharpe, 1998; Kipuri, nd). sustainable development of ancestral lands.
Hence, other traditional and tribal groups in The International Labor Organization (ILO)
Africa are also covered in this book. Convention No. 169 (1989) is the only
international law recognizing the rights of tribal
and Indigenous peoples to their cultures,
Indigenous peoples and human rights languages and ancestral territories (Osava,
2005; Roy, nd). The ILO has sponsored a
The terms ‘tribal’ and ‘Indigenous’ are both website listing of community tourism projects in
used at the United Nations (UN). However, Latin America, including Indigenous
more people and communities with strong ties ecotourism ventures (Redturs, nd). World Bank-
to ancestral land now identify themselves as funded investment projects now require the
‘Indigenous’ where they are marginalized or informed participation of Indigenous peoples
oppressed. Tribal groups increasingly use the for preparation of an Indigenous Peoples
terms ‘Indigenous’ and ‘Indigenous peoples’ Development Plan (Survival International,
due to growing national and international 2004). The World Bank’s policy for Indigenous
recognition of the existence and territorial peoples recognizes their special cultural, social
claims of native groups. Hence, the politics of and environmental ties to land. It also supports
‘Indigeneity’ involves reworking or reposi- legal recognition of traditional or customary
tioning the identity of Indigenous people and land tenure through legal land titles or by rights
groups in relation to economic, political or of custodianship and use (World Bank, 1991).
social power (Barcham, 2000; Maaka and This policy of legal land titles was enforced for a
Fleras, 2000; Hendry, 2005). The category or forestry loan to Nicaragua. However, an
status of being Indigenous is then linked to internal operations evaluation found only 29 of
legally asserting cultural, political and 89 World Bank projects affecting Indigenous
economic claims, such as the ownership and peoples had any elements of this Plan
use of land, river and sea areas, hunting and (Selverston-Scher, 2003). Business for Social
fishing rights, cultural or intellectual copyright Responsibility has also published a document
of Indigenous knowledge and royalties from ‘Rights of Indigenous Peoples’ for companies
land use including tourism. Key issues for all doing business in the traditional territories of
Indigenous groups include human rights, use Indigenous groups (BSR, 2003).
of land and resources (e.g. plants, wildlife, Globally, Indigenous issues are represented
minerals and water), and intellectual and by key international organizations. For example,
cultural property rights (e.g. traditional the UN set up a Working Group on Indigenous
ecological knowledge, cultural copyright). The Populations in 1982, yet only established a
political and legal recognition of Indigenous Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in
status (i.e. people and territories) ‘entails claim 2000. The Forum is an advisory body to the UN
to certain rights over the use, management and Economic and Social Council addressing
flow of benefits from resource-based industries’ Indigenous issues related to culture, the
(Howitt et al., 1996: 3). Increasingly, environment, economic and social
Indigenous customary claims have been development, education, health and human
recognized as legal rights in national and rights. Recent activities of this Forum include an
international laws and conventions. These international workshop on Indigenous
include both individual human rights and the knowledge and a declaration on conserving
collective property claims of Indigenous groups biological and cultural diversity at sacred natural
to land and resources (Wilmer, 1993; McLaren, sites and cultural landscapes (UN, 2005). In
1998; Pera and McLaren, 1999; Smith, 1999; 2003, a Global Fund for Indigenous Peoples
6 Chapter 1

was established by the World Bank to support establishing their own organizations. For
this Forum and provide grants to Indigenous example, the Coordinating Body for Indigenous
organizations (Cultural Survival Voices, 2004). Organisations of the Amazon Basin (COICA)
A UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of represents tribal organizations from nine
Indigenous Peoples, based on human rights and Amazon countries and 2.8 million Amazon
communal property rights, was devised in Indian people (Osava, 2005). Globally, over
1989/90; however, it has still not been formally 1000 Indigenous organizations advocate for
adopted by the UN or by other organizations. land and resources (Hitchcock, 1994).
UNESCO’s 2001 Universal Declaration on
Cultural Diversity highlights protecting
Indigenous cultural heritage, traditional Indigenous peoples and biodiversity
knowledge and use of natural resources. The
UN Commission on Sustainable Development Indigenous land practices and cultural
has an Indigenous Peoples’ Caucus that knowledge have ensured the conservation of
prepared an issues paper about Indigenous global biodiversity. The UN Commission on
peoples for the World Summit on Sustainable Sustainable Development highlighted the key
Development held in Johannesburg, South role of Indigenous peoples in the conservation
Africa (UN Commission on Sustainable of natural areas and species on their lands:
Development, 2002). A World Social Forum for
Indigenous peoples comprise five per cent of
NGOs, held since 2001, also included
the world’s population but embody 80% of the
Indigenous peoples for the first time in 2005 world’s cultural diversity. They are estimated to
with 400 people from around 100 Indigenous occupy 20% of the world’s land surface but
ethnic groups attending (Osava, 2005). nurture 80% of the world’s biodiversity on
In addition, the UN Decade of the World’s ancestral lands and territories. Rainforests of the
Indigenous People was declared from 1995 to Amazon, Central Africa, Asia and Melanesia is
2004 with the UN International Year for the home to over half of the total global spectrum
World’s Indigenous People held in 1993 of indigenous peoples and at the same time
(UNESCO, 2004). There is even a UN contain some of the highest species biodiversity
International Day of the World’s Indigenous in the world (UN Commission on Sustainable
Development, 2002: 2–3).
People held each year on 9 August! These UN
initiatives focus on achieving social, cultural The Indigenous Peoples’ Biodiversity
and political recognition for Indigenous Network was established in 1997 in Peru and
peoples. Gaining this recognition was an has hosted workshops on Indigenous tourism
ongoing process; hence a second UN Decade and biodiversity conservation in Peru, Malaysia,
of the World’s Indigenous People was declared Spain and Panama. Its position is that
from 2005 to 2014. Funding for major Indigenous peoples are the ‘creators and
Indigenous development projects on bio- conservers of biodiversity’, with remaining
diversity conservation or ecotourism is also forest areas or global 200 ecoregions with the
directed through UN bodies (e.g. UNEP, UNDP) highest biodiversity linked with surviving
to national governments, aid groups, Indigenous groups in Asia, Africa, the Americas
environment NGOs and Indigenous peoples’ and Oceania (Nature Conservancy, 1996;
organizations. Increasing amounts of funding Oviedo et al., 2000; Weber et al., 2000; WWF,
from international banks and development 2000). The International Alliance of Indigenous
agencies are being directed towards ecotourism and Tribal Peoples of the Tropical Forests,
and the sustainable development of Indigenous formed in 1992, and the Forest Peoples
communities (Halfpenny, 1999; Griffiths, 2004; Programme (FPP) formed in 1990 also
EBFP, 2005). In 2002, the UN Environment represent Indigenous views on conservation,
Programme (UNEP) invested over US$7 billion parks and resource development. The UN
in 320 tourism-related projects with 21 Convention on Biological Diversity in 1992
development agencies (Selverston-Scher, recognized the environmental stewardship and
2003). Indigenous groups also represent their traditional dependence of many Indigenous
territorial claims and cultural interests by communities on biological resources (Prance,
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 7

1998). Article 8(j) requires governments to conservation NGOs (i.e. WWF, Conservation
preserve Indigenous environmental knowledge International and The Nature Conservancy)
to help conserve biodiversity and to share have together spent US$350 million a year on
equitably any benefits arising from the use of biodiversity conservation projects in
traditional knowledge (Johnston, 2003). Since developing countries, which is more than the
1991, the UN’s Global Environment Facility UN’s GEF programme. It is important to note,
(GEF) has funded major projects on however, that the political efforts and funding
biodiversity conservation in developing of local NGOs fighting for Indigenous land
countries with many including Indigenous rights are secondary to these major
lands. GEF funding from 2002 to 2006 was environmental NGOs funding conservation
nearly US$3 billion (Griffiths, 2004; GEF and ecotourism projects (Chatty and
Secretariat, 2004). WWF also adopted a policy Colchester, 2002; Epler Wood, 2003). The
on Indigenous peoples and conservation in World Conservation Union (IUCN) only
1996 that recognized the rights of Indigenous recently devised guidelines to involve
peoples to their traditional lands, territories and Indigenous communities in co-managing
resources (Weber et al., 2000; Alcorn, 2001; national parks, protected areas and community
WWF, 2001a, 2005). Over 12 million people, conservation areas (Beltran, 2000; Borrini-
mainly hunter-gatherers and pastoralists, have Feyerabend et al., 2004a,b; Marrie, 2004;
been removed from their ancestral lands to Scherl, 2005; Bushell and Eagles, 2006). In
make way for protected areas, conservation and many regions, such as Africa, protected areas
tourism. They are affected by poverty, limits on deny Indigenous rights or involvement in
resource use and land degradation, with few conservation (Negi and Nautiyal, 2003; Nelson
benefits from tourism (MacKay, 2002; African and Hossack, 2003; Lasimbang, 2004). Recent
Initiatives, 2003; Colchester, 2003, 2004; IUCN guidelines focus on securing Indigenous
Martinez, 2003; Negi and Nautiyal, 2003; Hill, rights in legislation together with policies for
2004; Lasimbang, 2004). co-managed protected areas and also support
Ecotourism is seen as one main way for for community conservation and resource
Indigenous groups to conserve and benefit management (Borrini-Feyerabend et al.,
from biodiversity on their traditional lands 2004b; Carino, 2004; Grieg-Gran and
(Butcher, 2003). Ecotourism operators in Mulliken, 2004; Hill, 2004; UNESCO, 2005).
Indigenous territories and protected areas with
Indigenous claims also need to negotiate and
be aware of the legal rights of Indigenous Indigenous territories
groups for ongoing use of natural resources. In
2002, new guidelines for tourism in Indigenous Indigenous territories are areas traditionally
territories were drafted under the UN occupied by Indigenous groups, or are other
Convention on Biological Diversity. The World smaller areas set aside as reserves and
Summit on Sustainable Development (UN reservations for tribal groups in colonized
Commission on Sustainable Development, countries. These designated ‘territories’ include
2002) and the World Parks Congress in 2003 Aboriginal reserves in Australia, Maori reserves
also included resolutions on the rights of in New Zealand, and Indian reservations in
Indigenous peoples in protected areas and North and South America. Examples include
conserving biodiversity (FPP, 2003; Larsen and the Hopi Indian Reservation in Arizona (USA)
Oviedo, 2005; Scherl, 2005). These are partly which attracts 100,000 tourists annually (Lew,
a response to the dominance of international 1999) and Arnhem Land Reserve in the
agencies funding biodiversity conservation Northern Territory of Australia, which is home
projects. In the mid-1990s, USAID had 105 to the Aboriginal rock group Yothu Yindi, bark
ecotourism projects in 10 tropical developing paintings and the yidaki or didgeridoo. In the
countries and also Nepal. These had US$2 western USA, cultural tourism on Indian
billion in funding directed through US reservations began in the 1960s (Browne and
conservation NGOs and the private sector Nolan, 1989). A lucrative form of diversified
(Honey, 1999). Since 2000, three international Indigenous tourism in the USA and Canada are
8 Chapter 1

tribally owned casinos on reserve lands with resources to support the economic
tax-free status for sovereign Indian nations development of Indigenous lands. Private
(Lew and van Otten, 1998). In Taiwan, operators also seek new locations and products
250,000 ha of land in mountain areas was in tribal territories, often in joint ventures or
designated as Aboriginal or native reservations. exclusive operating agreements with
Farming was limited and ecotourism was Indigenous groups.
encouraged. However, Taiwan’s Aboriginal
people wanted compensation for limited land
use and to independently manage their own Indigenous Tourism
reserve lands (Yang, 2005). Indigenous
territories with a majority Indigenous Indigenous tourism is referred to as Aboriginal
population inside modern nation states include or Indigenous tourism in Australia; as
self-rule for the Inuit people of Greenland, a Aboriginal, Native or First Nations tourism in
part of Denmark, and the newly created Inuit Canada; and Indian or Native American
territory of Nunavut in Northern Canada. Other tourism in the USA. It is also referred to as
territories are the former tribal homelands anthropological tourism or tribal tourism (see
(Bantustans) of South Africa and a ‘homelands’ Table 1.1). According to Hinch and Butler
movement back to traditional Aboriginal lands (1996: 9), ‘Indigenous tourism refers to tourism
in Australia. The Torres Strait Islands between activity in which indigenous people are directly
Australia and Papua New Guinea are moving involved either through control and/or by
towards being a more autonomous region having their culture serve as the essence of the
within Australia. Torres Strait Islanders are of attraction’. In Canada, Parker (1993: 400)
Melanesian origin and culturally distinct from defined Aboriginal tourism as ‘any tourism
the mainland Aborigines of Australia. Countries product or service, which is owned and
such as China and Russia also designate operated by Aboriginal people’. In Australia,
provinces or regions as ‘ethnic’ homelands for Aboriginal or Indigenous tourism has been
minority Indigenous groups (e.g. Tibetan defined as ‘a tourism product which is either:
Autonomous Region in China). However, Aboriginal owned or part owned, employs
settlers from the majority culture dominate most Aboriginal people, or provides consenting
of these ethnic regions (Weaver, 2001). contact with Aboriginal people, culture or land’
Indigenous territories include lands under (SATC, 1995: 5). Among the Kuna Indians of
the legal control of Indigenous groups, with this Panama, Swain (1989: 85) considers
formal native title defined by nation states, and Indigenous tourism as ‘tourism based on the
‘aboriginal’, ‘customary’ or ‘communal’ title for group’s land and cultural identity and
lands long occupied and used by Indigenous controlled from within by the group’. For Smith
peoples (Hinch, 2001). Most Indigenous (1996b: 299), tribal tourism at Acoma Pueblo,
groups are pursuing legal title to their New Mexico (USA) involves ‘small scale
traditional lands, reserves and national parks enterprises that are labour intensive for an
declared on Indigenous lands through treaties, owner, a family, or a small tribe’. Therefore,
native title claims, land use agreements and Indigenous tourism typically involves small
other means (MacKay and Caruso, 2004; businesses based on the inherited tribal
Weaver, 2006). These Indigenous territories knowledge of culture and nature.
are often in rural and remote areas, are high in Indigenous tourism is sometimes regarded
biodiversity, wildlife and scenic values and are as ethnic tourism (Smith, 1989; Sofield, 1991;
a focus for traditional life-ways and cultural de Burlo, 1996; Moscardo and Pearce, 1999).
practices such as art, music, ceremonies and Ethnic tourism always involves some form of
handicrafts. For these reasons ‘Indigenous direct contact with host cultures and their
territories are among the most significant of the environment. For Smith (1989), ethnic tourism
cultural environments associated with typically occurs among tribal groups in remote
ecotourism’ (Weaver, 2001: 262). Indigenous areas with limited numbers of visitors (though
peoples are developing ecotourism and other 100,000 visitors a year now go trekking among
sustainable ventures based on natural the hilltribes of northern Thailand). Therefore,
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 9

ethnic and tribal tourism are forms of theme, represent Diversified Indigenous
Indigenous cultural tourism involving tourist Tourism. These diversified tourist attractions and
contact with Indigenous peoples or their facilities owned by Indigenous groups include
cultural practices (Smith, 2003). However, resorts, boat transport or cruises, roadhouses,
ethnic tourism also implies contact with campgrounds and other visitor services. This
immigrant groups who may not be native or infrastructure, including transport and accom-
Indigenous to a destination. Indigenous people modation, is a key part of Indigenous tourism in
themselves may also be ‘ethnic’ tourists visiting Canada, the USA and New Zealand. Ryan’s
cultural sites, native reserves or tribal events (1997) model of Indigenous tourism involved
outside their local area. According to Smith Indigenous ownership and size of the enterprise,
(1996b: 287), the four ‘Hs’ of habitat, heritage, amount of Indigenous culture portrayed and the
history and handicrafts define Indigenous intensity of the visitor experience. Indigenous
tourism as: ‘a culture-bounded visitor ownership of tourism and the expansion from
experience which, quite literally, is a micro- culture-based to service-based Indigenous
study of man-land relationships’. Hence, tourism ventures, including ecotourism on
Indigenous tourism includes ‘that segment of traditional lands, has mainly occurred since the
the visitor industry which directly involves 1990s (Zeppel, 1998a, 2001, 2003; Ryan and
native peoples whose ethnicity is a tourist Aicken, 2005; Notzke, 2006).
attraction’ (Smith 1996b: 283). This includes
personal tourism businesses with direct contact
between Indigenous hosts and visitors and Key aspects of Indigenous tourism
indirect businesses involving the production
and sale of native handicrafts or manufactured Indigenous tourism evolves when Indigenous
‘Aboriginal’ products. Indigenous cultural people operate tours and cultural centres,
knowledge, ownership and control, then, are provide visitor facilities and control tourist
key factors defining Indigenous tourism (see access to cultural sites, natural resources and
Table 1.1). Key aspects of Indigenous tourism tribal lands.
products, along with their development and Indigenous tourist attractions include native
operation, are also related to community-based museums and cultural villages, nature-based
tourism, cultural tourism, heritage tourism, tours, Indigenous festivals or events and
responsible tourism, pro-poor tourism, nature- Indigenous art galleries. Cultural, environ-
based tourism and ecotourism. mental and spiritual aspects of Indigenous
Hinch and Butler (1996) distinguish between heritage and traditions are especially featured
Indigenous-controlled and Indigenous-themed in Indigenous tourism. Through the 1990s,
tourism. Attractions based on Indigenous culture Indigenous tourism has developed into a new
that are owned and operated by Indigenous visitor market segment marked by Indigenous
people represent ‘culture controlled’ or ownership and management of cultural
Indigenous Cultural Tourism. Other tourism attractions, nature tours and other visitor
ventures controlled by Indigenous people, that facilities (Getz and Jamieson, 1997; Zeppel,
do not have Indigenous culture as a main 1998a, d, 2001; Ryan and Aicken, 2005;

Table 1.1. Key features of Indigenous tourism.

INDIGENOUS TOURISM
Also referred to as: Anthropological Tourism; Cultural Tourism; Ethnic Tourism; Tribal Tourism

● Tourism connected with Indigenous culture, values and traditions

● Tourism products owned and operated by Indigenous people
● Tourism based on Indigenous land and cultural identity, controlled from within by Indigenous groups
● Tourism which includes Indigenous ‘habitat, heritage, history and handicrafts’
● Typically involves small tourism businesses owned by tribes or families
● Tourism focused on Indigenous knowledge of culture and nature

Sources: Based on Swain (1989); Parker (1993); Hinch and Butler (1996); Smith (1996a, b).
10 Chapter 1

Notzke, 2006). Many of these Indigenous the intellectual property rights of Indigenous
tourism ventures are community based, peoples for the use of their designs and their
developed by native bands, tribal groups, traditional cultural or biological knowledge in
leaders or entrepreneurs living in a native tourism. Indigenous self-determination and
community. Unique aspects of Indigenous control over tourism on Indigenous territories
history and cultural traditions are included in mainly relies on legal title to traditional lands
cultural and heritage tourism, while Indigenous (Hinch, 2004).
ties to the land and use of natural resources are Hence, achieving sustainable tourism on
a part of nature-based tourism and ecotourism Indigenous territories depends on several key
(Miller, 1996; Scheyvens, 1999). Ceremonial factors such as: ‘land ownership, community
aspects of Indigenous cultures are also featured control of tourism, government support for
in native festivals and special events. tourism development, restricted access to
Indigenous cultures are frequently the special indigenous homelands and reclaiming natural
interest or main motivating factor for tourist or cultural resources utilised for tourism’
travel to exotic destinations, regions and tribal (Zeppel, 1998a: 73). The chapters in this book
events. However, Indigenous tourism examine these key issues for Indigenous
enterprises on tribal lands are often located in ecotourism ventures on Indigenous lands or
rural or remote regions, with limited territories in the Pacific Islands, Latin America,
infrastructure and access by tourist markets Africa and South East Asia.
(Getz and Jamieson, 1997). For example, there
are high transport and tour costs for visiting
Nunavut in Arctic Canada or Arnhem Land in Indigenous Tourism Rights International
Northern Australia. These factors, along with a
lack of capital and business skills among Indigenous Tourism Rights International (ITRI)
Indigenous peoples, also limit the development was established in 1995. Based in the USA, it
of Indigenous ecotourism ventures in tribal was formerly known as the Rethinking Tourism
lands and territories. Project. It is dedicated to helping Indigenous
Honey and Thullen (2003) reviewed groups preserve and protect their traditional
various codes of conduct for Indigenous lands and cultures from the impacts of global
tourism, ecotourism and sustainable tourism (McLaren, 1999, 2003). Their
development that were prepared by Indigenous campaigns focus on helping Indigenous groups
groups, major tourism conferences, the travel achieve self-determination and control over
industry, ecotourism societies, NGOs, finance tourism. In 2002, ITRI campaigned against the
or development institutions and government UN International Year of Ecotourism, and
agencies. These codes reaffirmed the rights of organized alternative forums for Indigenous
Indigenous peoples to control and benefit from peoples to debate the benefits and impacts of
tourism, and the responsibilities of tour ecotourism activities on their culture and
operators, development agencies and traditional lands (Vivanco, 2002). The
governments for Indigenous groups. This International Forum on Indigenous Tourism
included fair terms for tourism participation, held in Oaxaca, Mexico in March 2002
community empowerment and poverty generated a declaration on the rights of
alleviation. For Indigenous peoples, regaining Indigenous peoples to control tourism on their
control of Indigenous lands and territories, lands. ITRI has formed a working partnership
along with their natural and cultural resources, with the International Indian Treaty Council to
are integral for self-determination and promote Indigenous community-based tourism
sustainable development of Indigenous projects and build an Indigenous Tourism
tourism. Network in the Americas. In 2004, an online
Key issues for the development of tourism ITRI conference titled ‘Rethinking Tourism
or ecotourism on Indigenous lands include the Certification’ discussed Indigenous viewpoints
legal rights of Indigenous peoples on on the promotion of global standards for
Indigenous territories, the commodification of certifying ecotourism or sustainable tourism.
Indigenous cultural practices for tourism and These certification programmes, however, give
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 11

priority to environmental and economic enterprises involve Indigenous communities

matters rather than to Indigenous issues, as using their natural resources and traditional
non-Indigenous agencies control these lands to gain income from tourism. Hence,
certification schemes with few Indigenous Indigenous ecotourism ventures involve nature
criteria included. conservation, business enterprise (or
partnerships) and tourism income for
community development (Sproule, 1996, cited
in Fennell, 2003). Hunting and fishing tours
Indigenous Ecotourism are also part of Indigenous ecotourism, (with
sustainable use of wildlife resources), although
Defining Indigenous ecotourism consumptive activities are not usually
considered to be ‘true’ ecotourism (Honey,
The main focus of this book is commercially 1999; Weaver, 2001).
marketed ecotourism products and ventures The term Indigenous ecotourism has
operated by Indigenous groups. Key aspects of emerged since the mid-1990s to describe
Indigenous ecotourism include a nature-based community ecotourism projects developed on
product, Indigenous ownership and the Indigenous lands and territories in Latin
presentation of Indigenous environmental and America, Australia and Canada. Colvin (1994),
cultural knowledge. Ecotourism includes Schaller (1996) and Wesche (1996) first used
Aboriginal people and their traditions because the term ‘Indigenous ecotourism’ to describe
of the strong bond between Indigenous community-based ecotourism projects among
cultures and the natural environment. This Indian tribes in Ecuador. Wearing (1996) also
includes cultural, spiritual and physical links presented a paper on training for Indigenous
between Indigenous peoples and their ecotourism development at the Fourth World
traditional lands or natural resources. Leisure Congress. Karwacki (1999) used the
Indigenous cultural tourism or ecocultural term Indigenous ecotourism in reviewing
tourism involves ‘responsible, dignified and challenges for Indigenous groups seeking to
sensitive contact between indigenous people develop ecotourism ventures on their lands,
and tourists which educates the tourist about while Beck and Somerville (2002) and Sofield
the distinct and evolving relationship between (2002) also referred to Aboriginal (cultural)
Indigenous peoples and their country, whilst ecotourism in Australia in this way. Fennell
providing returns to the local indigenous (2003) also refers to Indigenous ecotourism
community’ (TWS (The Wilderness Society), entrepreneurs, while the Mapajo Lodge in
1999). Indigenous ecotourism then is: ‘Tourism Bolivia describe their rainforest programme as
which cares for the environment and which Indigenous ecotourism. Furthermore, the
involves (Indigenous) people in decision- Australian National Training Authority (ANTA,
making and management’ (ANTA, 2001). It 2001) developed an Indigenous Ecotourism
includes nature-based tourism products or Toolbox, which includes case study examples
accommodation owned by Indigenous groups and business plans for communities to set up
and Indigenous cultural tours or attractions in a their own ecotourism ventures. Indigenous
natural setting. Much of this Indigenous Tourism Rights International has reviewed
tourism development focuses on community- certification programmes and culturally
based ecotourism that benefits local people appropriate standards for Indigenous
(Liu, 1994; Drumm, 1998; Sproule and ecotourism. Finally, and most recently, Nepal
Suhandi, 1998; WWF, 2001b; Tourism (2004, 2005) examined capacity building for
Concern, 2002; Fennell, 2003; Chen, 2004; Indigenous ecotourism on the Tl’axt’en Nation
Notzke, 2006). According to Drumm (1998: lands in British Columbia, Canada, while
198), Indigenous community-based ecotourism Hashimoto and Telfer (2004) reviewed
involves ‘ecotourism programs which take Aboriginal ecotourism in northern Canada.
place under the control and active Indigenous ecotourism also occurs in Africa,
participation of the local people who inhabit a Asia and Oceania, and is covered in several
natural attraction’. These ecotourism chapters of this book.
12 Chapter 1

Indigenous views on ecotourism In addition to generating employment and

income, there are often political motivations for
According to Johnston (2000), there are some Indigenous ecotourism. For many Indigenous
key differences between industry definitions of groups, ecotourism is used to reinforce land
ecotourism and Indigenous views of claims, acknowledge cultural identity and land
ecotourism (see Table 1.2). Industry use of ownership, and regain their rights to access or
ecotourism includes commercializing use tribal land and resources. Ecotourism also
Indigenous biological and cultural heritage, shows that tribal land is being used
claims to be environmentally or socially productively to generate income and the ability
responsible, and uses criteria for sustainability of Indigenous groups to govern themselves or
derived without input from Indigenous manage businesses (Hinch, 2001; Weaver,
peoples. Indigenous support for ecotourism, 2001, 2006). For Indigenous peoples, then,
however, involves ‘tourism that is based on sustainable ecotourism development is based
indigenous knowledge systems and values, on ‘conservation of resources and
promoting customary practices and livelihoods’ empowerment of local people through direct
(Johnston, 2000: 91). Cultural aspects of benefits and control over ecotourism activities’
Indigenous ecotourism include the close bonds (Scheyvens, 2002: 80). However, government
between Indigenous peoples and the policies on community-based ecotourism and
environment, based on subsistence activities, support from environmental NGOs are
along with spiritual relationships with the land, essential for most Indigenous ecotourism and
plants and animals. However, potential conservation projects to be implemented.
conflicts within Indigenous ecotourism include Most tourism organizations consider
tourists objecting to traditional hunting Indigenous tourism, ecotourism and wildlife
activities and tribal people using modern items tourism as separate niche or special interest
such as rifles and outboard motors (Hinch, areas of nature-based tourism. Ecotourism
2001). In East Africa, there are land-use Australia (2005), though, defines ecotourism
conflicts between hunting companies killing as: ‘ecologically sustainable tourism with a
wildlife and the walking or wildlife-viewing primary focus on experiencing natural areas
safaris run as community ecotourism ventures that fosters environmental and cultural
by the Maasai (Tourism in Focus, 2002b). understanding, appreciation and conservation.’

Table 1.2. Industry and Indigenous perceptions of ecotourism.

Industry Ecotourism
● Ecotourism as any form of industry monopolized tourism
● Marketed as nature, cultural, ethnic or adventure travel
● Commercialize Indigenous bio-cultural heritage, including
● collective property (knowledge) and/or homeland of ‘host’ peoples
● Claim to be socially and environmentally responsible
● Apply sustainability criteria determined without Indigenous input
● Indigenous cultures commercialized e.g. photographs on brochures
● Few companies obtain prior consent to promote Indigenous peoples
● Few companies negotiate business partnerships or royalty payments

Indigenous Ecotourism
● Ecotourism based on Indigenous knowledge systems and values
● Ecotourism based on promoting Indigenous customary practices and livelihoods
● Ecotourism used to regain rights to access, manage and use traditional land and resources
● Ecotourism used to manage cultural property such as historic and sacred sites
● Takes place under the control and active participation of local Indigenous people
● Includes Indigenous communities in ecotourism planning, development and operation
● Managing Indigenous cultural property in terms of land, heritage and resources
● Negotiating the terms of trade for the use of ecotourism resources, including people

Sources: Based on Drumm (1998); Johnston (2000); Hinch (2001); Hillel (2003).
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 13

In this definition, there is a primary focus on tion ethics in ecotourism or land management.
the natural environment with a secondary Nganyintja, a Pitjantjatjara Elder working with
emphasis on cultural heritage, including Desert Tracks in Central Australia, stated that:
Indigenous cultures. The International ‘carefully controlled ecotourism has been good
Ecotourism Society (2004), based in the USA, for my family and my place Angatja’ (cited in
defines ecotourism as ‘responsible travel to James, 1994: 12). Many Indigenous tours in
natural areas that conserves the environment natural areas are marketed as cultural tours
and improves the well-being of local people’. rather than ecotours, emphasizing the ongoing
The focus, again, is on the natural cultural links between Indigenous tourism
environment, but with ecotourism providing operators and their traditional lands.
benefits for local communities. For Honey Indigenous ecotourism ventures, then, focus
(1999: 25), ecotourism also ‘directly benefits on Indigenous relationships with the land and
the economic development and political the cultural significance of the natural
empowerment of local communities; and environment, including wildlife. This includes
fosters respect for different cultures and for Indigenous use of bush foods and medicinal
human rights’ (see Table 1.3). In Canada, the plants, rock art, landscape features with
term Aboriginal tourism is preferred to spiritual significance, creation stories, totemic
ecotourism (Hashimoto and Telfer, 2004). animals, traditional artefacts and ceremonies
Some Indigenous groups also refer to cultural and contemporary land use. Such tours
ecotourism or ecocultural tourism, to educate visitors on Indigenous environmental
emphasize that the natural environment and values, sustainable use of natural resources
resources are still managed as an Indigenous and ‘caring for country’. As Tom Trevorrow, an
cultural landscape (Helu-Thaman, 1992; Beck Ngarrindjeri operator of Camp Coorong in
and Somerville, 2002). South Australia noted, ‘We have to look after
the environment and we teach visitors the
importance of this’ (cited in ATSIC, 1996: 29).
Indigenous ecotourism in Australia
Indigenous interpretations of nature and
wildlife are also important for the maturing
In Australia, Indigenous ecotourism ventures
ecotourism market (DISR (Department of
include boat cruises, nature-based
Industry, Science and Resources), 2000).
accommodation, cultural ecotours and wildlife
However, there is limited engagement of the
tours operating on Aboriginal lands, National
ecotourism industry with Aboriginal peoples in
Parks and in traditional tribal areas (Singh et
Australia (Dowling, 2001). Gatjil Djerrkura, an
al., 2001; Zeppel, 2003). These Indigenous-
Aboriginal keynote speaker at the 2000
owned ecotourism enterprises present unique
ecotourism conference, stated that Aboriginal-
Indigenous perspectives of the natural and
owned enterprises should have contemporary
cultural environment, promote nature
business roles to play in Australia’s ecotourism
conservation and provide employment for
industry (Ecotourism News, 2000). Indigenous
local Indigenous people (Zeppel, 1998a).
culture is a significant but overlooked part of
Hence, these Indigenous products meet the
ecotourism products in Australia. Aboriginal
key criteria of ecotourism as nature based,
tourism operators also resent ‘outsiders setting
include environmental education, are
up tours in their traditional areas, national park
ecologically sustainable and support nature
permits to visit sites in their own country and
conservation (Weaver, 2001). Indigenous
ecotourism certification when ‘Aboriginal
nature conservation or ‘caring for country’
“accreditation” involves approval from elders’
involves traditional landowners or custodians
(Bissett et al., 1998: 7).
‘looking after the environmental, cultural and
Key Indigenous issues in Australian
spiritual well being of the land’ (Aboriginal
ecotourism include the following:
Tourism Australia, 2005). Looking after
Aboriginal sites, landscapes or natural ● sustainable development of Aboriginal
resources and educating visitors about tourism (Burchett, 1992; Altman and
‘country’ often motivate Indigenous conserva- Finlayson, 1993);
14 Chapter 1

Table 1.3. Key features of general ecotourism and of Indigenous ecotourism.

Ecotourism Indigenous ecotourism

1. Involves travel to natural destinations

Remote regions, protected areas, private Remote homelands, communal reserves,
reserves inhabited protected areas and tribal territories
2. Minimizes impact
Reduce ecological/cultural impacts of facilities Minimize environmental and cultural impacts
and tourists
Sustainable development of non-consumptive Sustainable tribal use of natural resources
industry
3. Builds environmental and cultural awareness
Environmental education of tourists and Tribal guides share environmental knowledge
residents by trained guides Reinforces Indigenous cultural links with land
4. Provides direct financial benefits for conservation
Tourism funds environmental protection, Tourism funds conservation and community needs
education and research
Park entrance fees, tourist taxes and levies, Tourist/lease fees, wildlife quotas and NGO
conservation donations funding
5. Provides financial benefits and empowerment
for local people
Park revenue sharing, community tourism Park revenue sharing with local communities
concessions and partnerships Legal land title to negotiate tourism contracts
Lease land on reserves and sell wildlife quotas
Business owned/co-owned by tribal community
6. Respects local culture and sensitive to host
countries
Culturally respectful of local customs, dress Promotes ecocultural tourism and learning
codes and social norms Tourism complements traditional lifestyle
7. Supports human rights and democratic
movements
Respect human rights; understand social and Tribal land rights and human rights recognized
political situation Indigenous political history acknowledged

Sources: Based on Honey (1999); Blake (2003); Scheyvens (2002); The International Ecotourism Society
(2004).

● environmental impacts of tourism (Ross, 1998b, c). In Australia, ecotourism is regarded

1991; Miller, 1996); solely as nature viewing activities. Some
● cultural interpretation of heritage sites Aboriginal tours, though, include hunting
(Bissett et al., 1998; Howard et al., 2001; activities, eating witchetty grubs and plant
Beck and Somerville, 2002); and foods. Tasting wild plant foods may be
● tourism in Aboriginal national parks constrained by environmental laws in
(Mercer, 1994, 1998; Pitcher et al., 1999; protected areas. One Aboriginal tour operator
Sutton, 1999; Hall, 2000).
in North Queensland used to let visitors taste
Other industry issues include ecotourism rainforest fruits, but a sign in the vehicle now
training for Aboriginal people (ANTA, 2001), asks guests not to touch or eat anything in the
Aboriginal control of tourism (Trotter, 1997; rainforest (Miller, 1996). Telling tourists how
Pitcher et al., 1999; Zeppel, 2002), ecotourism Indigenous peoples used to hunt, eat bush
policies (Zeppel, 2003) and developing foods and utilize the natural environment, as a
Aboriginal ecotourism products (Zeppel, past practice, contradicts the reality of
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 15

Indigenous cultures as alive and still linked to responsible for marketing, bringing tourists, a
tribal lands. These key issues are similar for all guide and most transport, with the Indigenous
Indigenous peoples involved in ecotourism. group hosting and entertaining visitors.
Alternatively, the outside company obtains a
long-term lease on Indigenous land, builds
Indigenous involvement in ecotourism tourist facilities and employs local people. The
tour operator pays a lease rental fee and/or
Worldwide, Indigenous involvement and percentage of profits to the Indigenous group
participation in ecotourism occurs with varied owning or claiming the land. Indigenous
levels of ownership and input from Indigenous people also develop ecotourism ventures in
groups and organizations. Indigenous people partnership with conservation NGOs, national
may participate in ecotourism as individuals, park agencies, government tourism bureaus,
families, a village or community and through a Indigenous organizations, development
tribal council or federation (Cater, 1996; agencies, university researchers and other local
Ashley and Roe, 1998; Wesche and Drumm, communities (Fennell, 2003). Other related
1999; Mann, 2002). Indigenous involvement issues with these enterprises include limited
in ecotourism can include full or part community involvement and empowerment in
ownership, joint ventures, partnerships, ecotourism, especially by women (Scheyvens,
services provision (e.g. lodge accommodation, 1999, 2000, 2002; Medina, 2005) business
boat transport, guiding and food) and and social challenges for Indigenous groups in
employment by non-Indigenous tourism developing ecotourism ventures (Karwacki,
companies (see Table 1.4). Mann (2002) 1999; Epler Wood, 1999, 2002; Johnston,
distinguishes between responsible tours that 2001), and potential conflicts between
hire a local Indigenous guide; partnership tours ecotourism and Indigenous hunting or land use
with a tourism business and marketing by an activities (Pleumarom, 1994; Grekin and
outside operator; and community tours, with Milne, 1996; Hinch, 1998; Zeppel, 1998d;
enterprises set up, owned and run by an Honey, 1999). The chapters in this book assess
Indigenous community though often with an the nature of Indigenous ownership and
outside manager. Community-based ecotourism involvement in ecotourism ventures on their
enterprises (e.g. lodges) are owned and traditional lands.
managed by communities, with tourism jobs
rostered among members and profits allocated
to community projects. Family or group UN International Year of Ecotourism
initiatives in ecotourism may also employ or
involve other community members. Joint The UN International Year of Ecotourism was
ventures involve formal business contracts or held in 2002. It provided a global focus for
exclusive operating agreements between efforts to link sustainable tourism development
Indigenous communities or tribal councils with with the conservation of natural areas. There
non-Indigenous tourism businesses. In joint were two main international ecotourism
venture arrangements, the outside operator is conferences sponsored by the UN, one held in

Table 1.4. Indigenous community involvement in ecotourism.

● Renting land to an operator to develop while simply monitoring impacts

● Working as occasional, part- or full-time staff for outside operators
● Providing selected services such as food preparation, guiding, transport or accommodations
(or a combination of several or all of these) to operators
● Forming joint ventures with outside operators with a division of labour, which allows the
community to provide most services, while the operator takes care of marketing
● Operating fully independent community tourism programmes
● Enterprise run by local entrepreneur, supplying goods and services (guiding, campsites,
homestays)
Sources: Drumm (1998: 201); Ashley and Roe (1998: 8).
16 Chapter 1

Quebec (Canada) and the other in Cairns groups to manage and control tourism on their
(Australia), which addressed a range of issues lands.
including the role of Indigenous groups in The nature or type of Indigenous
ecotourism. The Quebec Declaration on ecotourism differs between developed and
Ecotourism stated that ecotourism is developing countries (see Table 1.5). This
sustainable tourism that contributes actively to includes the legal status of Indigenous peoples,
the conservation and interpretation of natural their lifestyle, type of Indigenous territories,
and cultural heritage. In this Quebec extent of legal rights and land rights and type
Declaration, ecotourism also ‘includes local of support from government agencies or NGOs
and indigenous communities in its planning, for ecotourism on tribal lands. Indigenous
development and operation, and contributes to groups in developing countries are threatened
their well being’ (Hillel, 2002, in Buckley, by land incursions, still acquiring legal land
2003: xiv). The vision statement for the related titles and rely on support from NGOs to
Cairns Charter on Partnerships for Ecotourism develop ecotourism. This book examines
developed in Australia at the end of 2002, Indigenous participation and control over
states: ‘Ecotourism respects the desire of ecotourism that occurs on tribal lands and
indigenous peoples … to profitably generate protected areas in the developing countries of
sustainable economic and social development’ Oceania, Latin America, Africa and South-east
(Ecotourism Australia, 2002). Article one in Asia.
this Cairns Charter on Indigenous communities
as ecotourism partners reaffirms that
Indigenous peoples are recognized for their Study of Indigenous Ecotourism
cultural heritage, provision of access to cultural
sites and traditional practices, the requirement There have been a number of books and
of consent for ecotourism projects in homeland articles written about Indigenous involvement
areas, support and participation in ecotourism in ecotourism since the mid 1990s. The first
training and encouragement of the tourist book published on Tourism and Indigenous
appreciation and understanding of Indigenous Peoples (Butler and Hinch, 1996) included two
cultures. chapters about Indigenous ecotourism. One
Indigenous groups argued that the UN addressed issues with Inuit people in Pond
International Year of Ecotourism represented Inlet, Canada, developing and marketing
the commercial aspects of using ‘ecotourism’ to tourism in a remote Arctic area, and also
develop global mass tourism, further negative tourist responses to traditional Inuit
encroaching on Indigenous territories and the hunting (Grekin and Milne, 1996). The other
rights of Indigenous peoples. Organizations reviewed community conflicts between
such as Tourism Concern, the Third World customary landowners and local ‘big men’ in
Network and the Rethinking Tourism Project developing a rainforest wilderness walking trail
raised key issues relating to the impacts of on Guadalcanal in the Solomon Islands
ecotourism on local communities. Indigenous (Rudkin and Hall, 1996). Other chapters in the
groups held an alternative meeting in Oaxaca, book reviewed cross-cultural issues and the
Mexico in March 2002 to debate the issues impacts of tourism on local hosts in Bali,
from ecotourism development. Some 200 Nepal, Thailand, Vanuatu, the Cook Islands,
participants from 13 countries in the Americas Native American reservations in the USA and
reviewed case studies of Indigenous tourism Maori tourism in New Zealand. However, this
projects in local communities. In a Zapotec book’s inclusion of case studies about Balinese
community in Oaxaca, ecotourism was seen as people did not meet the criteria for
sharing Indigenous knowledge of sustainable ‘Indigenous’ or tribal peoples as defined by the
land use, with forest tours an economic UN (Ryan, 1997).
alternative to other uses of forest resources The book, People and Tourism in Fragile
(Vivanco, 2002). The International Forum on Environments (Price, 1996), included five case
Indigenous Tourism at Oaxaca drafted a study chapters of Indigenous peoples and
declaration reaffirming the rights of Indigenous community-based tourism in natural areas.
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 17

These included cultural tourism at Zuni Pueblo, have been included in more recent tourism
New Mexico (USA) (Mallari and Enote, 1996); books. For example, the book Tourism
Inuit hunting and tourism in Nunavut, northern Development in Critical Environments included
Canada (Smith, 1996a); and the development chapters about community-based ecotourism on
of Aboriginal tourism on remote Cape York nature reserves in Belize, with Mayan families
Peninsula in northern Australia (Strang, 1996). involved at Cockscomb Basin Wildlife Sanctuary
Another case study covered the 75,000 Sami (Horwich and Lyon, 1999); community tourism
people in their Sapmi homeland of northern in Senegal, Uganda and Namibia in Africa
Scandinavia, where tourism is based on the (Echtner, 1999); and tourism on Pueblo Indian
traditional life of reindeer herding (Pedersen and reservations in Arizona and New Mexico, south-
Viken, 1996). In Kenya, some Maasai people west USA (Lew, 1999). Books on sustainable
benefit from ecotourism partnerships with safari tourism and special interest tourism have also
tour operators on Maasai group ranches and included chapters on Indigenous tourism
trust land, however, community disputes over ventures (Zeppel, 1998a, 2001). The Earthscan
income from tourism have increased (Berger, Reader in Sustainable Tourism (France, 1997)
1996). These five case studies review the key included articles about Maasai people and
challenges for Indigenous groups in developing tourism in Kenya and Tanzania, the CAMPFIRE
ecotourism ventures on tribal lands based on programme in Zimbabwe and ecotourism in the
natural and cultural resources. Third World (Cater, 1997). The book Tourism
Chapters on Indigenous ecotourism issues and Cultural Conflicts included chapters on

Table 1.5. Indigenous peoples and ecotourism in developed and developing countries.

Developed countries Developing countries

Indigenous peoples Minority cultures Majority or minority cultures

Officially recognized as Varied status as indigenous/tribal/minorities
Indigenous Traditional subsistence economies
Traditional or modern lifestyles Colonized or independent nations
Colonized sovereign nations
Indigenous territories Mainly government reservations Ancestral lands and some Indigenous
Co-managed Aboriginal national reserves
parks Live inside protected areas, share revenue
Managed by tribal councils and Managed by Indigenous tribal councils
government
Tax-free status on reserves Threatened by resource extraction and
(North America) settlers
Indigenous rights Traditional resource use rights Communal resource use rights (forest,
No direct wildlife ownership reefs)
rights Limited wildlife ownership or use rights
Intellectual and cultural No intellectual and cultural property rights
property rights Traditional or legal title to ancestral lands
Legal title to ancestral lands
Indigenous ecotourism Supported by government Supported by conservation and aid NGOs
agencies Funded by development agencies and NGOs
Funded by government grants Mainly community tourism ventures
Community, family or individual Economic alternative to extractive land
ventures uses
Economic development of tribal
areas

Developed countries/regions = Canada, USA, Australia, New Zealand, Europe, Japan.

Developing countries/regions = Pacific Islands (Oceania), Latin America, Africa, South-east Asia, China,
India.
18 Chapter 1

Maori tourism in New Zealand (Ryan, 1998), Sunungukai ecotourism venture and Noah’s
First Nations peoples managing heritage sites in ecocultural tours in Zimbabwe; communal
Canada (Wall, 1998) and cultural property rights conservancies in Namibia and Zambia; tourism
for Indigenous tourism in Australia (Whittaker, at protected areas and Phinda wildlife reserve
1998). Ecotourism: A Guide for Planners and in KwaZulu Natal, South Africa; and gorilla
Managers (Lindberg et al., 1998), published by tourism in Rwanda and Uganda. However,
The Ecotourism Society, included three chapters there was no chapter in this book dedicated to
reviewing community-based ecotourism ventures Indigenous tourism or ecotourism.
in southern Africa (Christ, 1998), Ecuador Since 2000, books on the ecotourism
(Drumm, 1998) and Indonesia (Sproule and industry, ecotourism policy and ecotourism
Suhandi, 1998). Drumm (1998) reviewed management have included some chapters or
ecotourism ventures in Ecuador managed by sections on Indigenous ecotourism issues.
Quechua, Huaorani, Napo Runa and Cofan Zeppel (2003) examined current ecotourism
Indians. In contrast, the book Ecotourism in the policies for Indigenous peoples in Australia,
Less Developed World (Weaver, 1998) did not while Hashimoto and Telfer (2004) reviewed
cover Indigenous involvement in ecotourism. Aboriginal ecotourism in northern Canada.
Most recently, Tourism in Destination Duffy (2002) included a chapter on threats to
Communities included a chapter reviewing community-based ecotourism among Mayan
Indigenous resource rights in tourism and communities in Belize in her book titled A Trip
biodiversity (Johnston, 2003). too Far: Ecotourism, Politics and Exploitation.
There are several published case studies Weaver’s (2001) book on ecotourism reviewed
about Indigenous ecotourism projects in the key issues for ecotourism on Indigenous
Pacific region. Harrison (2003), in his edited territories, while Epler Wood (2002) covered
book Pacific Island Tourism, included chapters the key criteria needed for ecotourism to
reviewing ecotourism policy in Fiji and benefit Indigenous communities. The
community-based ecotourism projects, such as Encyclopaedia of Ecotourism included a
village guesthouses in Vanuatu and trekking on chapter on Indigenous territories addressing
Makira Island in the Solomon Islands. Sofield land claims and Indigenous involvement in
(2003) in Empowerment for Sustainable ecotourism (Hinch, 2001). Page and Dowling’s
Tourism Development critically examined the (2002) book on ecotourism summarized an
outcomes of village or community-based Indigenous ecotourism project in Capirona,
tourism projects in the Solomon Islands, Fiji Ecuador, based on research by Drumm (1998).
and Vanuatu. A manual on Community-based Buckley’s (2003) Case Studies in Ecotourism
Ecotourism and Conservation in the Pacific provided brief reviews of conservation and
islands included 14 case studies of ecotourism ecotourism projects involving Indigenous
ventures in community Conservation Areas peoples in Latin America, Australia/NZ, Africa
(SPREP, 2002). The book, Nature-based and Asia-Pacific. These studies mainly focused
Tourism in Peripheral Areas: Development or on Indigenous ecotourism in protected areas,
Disaster? (Hall and Boyd, 2004) has a chapter on private reserves, at ecolodges and a few
on beach fale tourism in Samoa (Scheyvens, ecotours on tribal lands. A manual on
2004). In contrast, tourism books on Asia and Sustainable Development of Ecotourism
Africa have included little coverage of included case studies of several Indigenous
Indigenous ecotourism, apart from village ecotourism projects in Africa and Latin
tourism and management of national parks. A America (WTO, 2003). The book Ecotourism:
book on local participation in Latin American Management and Assessment (Diamantis,
tourism included one chapter on Indigenous 2004) has chapters on responsible nature
tourism in Ecuador (de Bont and Janssen, tourism in South African parks, community
2002). A Companion to Tourism had a chapter ecotourism at Lisu Lodge (Thailand) and Il
on Indigenous peoples and tourism (Hinch, Ngwesi Lodge (Kenya) (Johannson and
2004). Scheyvens’ (2002) book, Tourism for Diamantis, 2004) and on Canadian Aboriginal
Development: Empowering Communities, ecotourism (Hashimoto and Telfer, 2004).
included reviews of CAMPFIRE, the Indigenous Tourism (Ryan and Aicken,
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 19

2005) analysed the commodification and homelands. The few papers published about
management of Indigenous cultures at various Indigenous ecotourism projects mainly focus
tourist sites, attractions and areas that involve on developing countries, starting with Colvin’s
Indigenous peoples. The book reviewed (1994) paper on Capirona, Ecuador. Other
Indigenous tourism in Australia, New Zealand, related papers cover Indigenous property rights
Canada, USA and Sweden, along with Lijiang in tourism (Johnston, 2000) and empowering
(China), Botswana (Africa) and Western Flores women through ecotourism (Scheyvens,
(Indonesia). The main focus was on visitor 2000). Recent journal articles on natural
experiences of Indigenous tourism, authenticity resource management also refer to Indigenous
in Indigenous cultural tourism products, events ecotourism projects.
and artefacts, and interactions between tourists However, to date, there have been no
and Indigenous hosts. One chapter analysed reports or books addressing Indigenous
community-based tourism projects among San ecotourism as a specific type of nature-based
Bushmen (Basarwa) in the Okavango Delta, tourism. Therefore, the chapters in this book
Botswana (Mbaiwa, 2005), while others provide a global review and analysis of
addressed Indigenous ecotourism in western Indigenous ecotourism projects in developing
Canada (Nepal, 2005) and at Camp Coorong countries (i.e. Pacific Islands, Latin America,
in South Australia (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2005). Africa and South-east Asia). The chapters
Indigenous ecotourism is included in a new review the development and management of
book by Notzke (2006), The Stranger, the Indigenous-controlled ecotourism ventures
Native and the Land: Perspectives on mainly in tribal homelands and protected
Indigenous Tourism. It reviews Indigenous areas. The environmental, cultural and
tourism, Indigenous economies, visitor markets economic benefits of different types of
for Indigenous tourism, cultural issues in Indigenous ecotourism ventures are also
tourism, protected areas, Indigenous evaluated. For Indigenous peoples, achieving
ecotourism and community-based tourism. sustainable ecotourism depends on asserting
The section on Indigenous ecotourism includes legal rights, Indigenous control of land and
case studies from Canada, Belize and Ecuador, resources, geographic location, funding or
with additional case studies on Indigenous business support and developing effective links
tourism in the Canadian Arctic, Australia and with the wider tourism industry.
Samoa. There are also other books covering
topics relating to Indigenous peoples,
conservation, ecotourism and protected areas Key themes in Indigenous ecotourism
(Furze et al., 1996; King and Stewart, 1996;
Stevens and De Lacy, 1997; Igoe, 2004). In Key themes in the published research and case
these books, the Indigenous co-management studies about community tourism and
of protected areas and tourism is covered in Indigenous ecotourism include community
case studies drawn from East Africa, Nepal, development (Russell, 2000; Fennell, 2003;
Papua New Guinea, Nicaragua, Honduras, Briedenham and Wickens, 2004), empower-
Australia and Canada, along with Alaska and ment (Scheyvens, 1999, 2000, 2002; Sofield,
Dakota in the USA. 2003; Spenceley, 2004; WTO, 2005) or self-
Articles in tourism journals have mainly determination (Johnston, 2003a; Hinch, 2004)
reviewed the cultural impacts of tourism on and sustainable tourism/ecotourism (Epler
Indigenous groups. From the early to mid- Wood, 1999, 2002; Robinson, 1999; WWF,
1990s, a few papers addressed key issues for 2001b; WTO, 2003; Mat Som and Baum,
Indigenous tourism development in the USA 2004; Mbaiwa, 2005). Community tourism
(Lew, 1996), Arctic Canada (Notzke, 1999), development became important during the
Pacific Islands (Sofield, 1993), Australia 1990s as many regional and local communities
(Altman and Finlayson, 1993) and New looked for economic alternatives to agriculture,
Zealand (Barnett, 1997; Zeppel, 1998e). Their mining and manufacturing. These new
focus was on Indigenous-owned tourism avenues included ecotourism, nature tourism
ventures and managing tourism on tribal and heritage or cultural tourism, initiated either
20 Chapter 1

by a top-down government policy approach or ‘if ecotourism is to be viewed as a tool for rural
by local people starting new ventures (Godde, development, it must also help to shift economic
1998; Hatton, 2002; WTO, 2002). Small-scale and political control to the local community,
ecotourism promotes local conservation of village, cooperative, or entrepreneur’ (Honey,
natural and cultural resources, either 2003: 23). Scheyvens (1999, 2002), based on
individually or through tourism enterprises Friedmann (1992), developed an empowerment
owned or managed by communities. Local framework to account for local community
participation, sharing economic benefits and involvement and control over ecotourism or
control of tourism were essential for other ventures. This community-based model
community-based ecotourism (Lash, 1998). included psychological, social, political and
Ecotourism, as a tool for community economic empowerment or disempowerment
development, also involves new partnerships through tourism. Increased status and self-
with tour operators, government agencies, esteem, lasting economic benefits, community
conservation NGOs, researchers, other development and tourism decision-making are
Indigenous communities and international key aspects of empowerment through tourism.
groups (Butcher, 2003; Fennell, 2003; Suansri, Sofield (2003) also proposed that tourism
2003). According to Mann (2000), community sustainability depends not only on empowering
tourism involves local people in decision- Indigenous communities, but that traditional
making and ownership of tourism, a fair share community mechanisms had to be supported by
of profits from tourism ventures and new legal empowerment, along with environmental
tourism committees or organizations that or institutional change to reallocate power and
represent the community while minimizing decision-making on resource use to local
environmental and cultural impacts. For communities, supported and sanctioned by
Indigenous people, the community is a tribe or states.
village of related members, with shared In South Africa, despite moves towards
decision-making and village ownership of local participation in tourism decision-making
forests or reserves held under traditional or and training, community tourism projects are
legal land titles. For this reason, most limited by a lack of business funding or legal
Indigenous ecotourism projects are land titles, remote rural locations, tourism
community-based tourism ventures. However, seasonality and poor support from other local
marginalized Indigenous groups require tourism operators (Briedenham and Wickens,
support from NGOs, aid groups and 2004). There is limited commitment from tour
government agencies to control and benefit operators in supporting Indigenous peoples
from community tourism or joint tourism and their rights to benefit economically from
ventures (Lash and Austin, 2003; Smith, wildlife and traditional lands in South Africa
2003). (Woodwood, 1997). However, in 2000/01,
Successful community-based ecotourism bids for new tourism concessions in Kruger
requires the empowerment of community National Park included empowerment criteria
members through local participation and control (20% of bids) such as: ‘shareholding by
of tourism decision-making, employment and historically disadvantaged individuals or
training opportunities and increased groups (HDI/HDG) (40%), training and
entrepreneurial activities by local people. affirmative action in employment (20%),
Empowerment also requires building local business and economic opportunities for local
capacity to participate in tourism, such as basic communities (40%)’ (Spenceley, 2004: 274).
tourism awareness courses along with training in Indigenous ecotourism ventures also required
languages, business and operational skills. ‘resource empowerment’ whereby local
According to Fennell (2003: 159), the process of communities have ownership or use rights of
empowerment involves local people ‘holding land and resources (Mat Som and Baum,
the will, resources, and opportunity to make 2004). In the Okavango Delta of Botswana,
decisions within the community’. This process land trusts for San Bushmen run community
needs to be supported by appropriate policies, tourism ventures or leased land and wildlife
education, training and partnerships. Moreover, quotas to other operators. This promotes
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 21

wildlife conservation and local economic provides local economic and social benefits,
benefits. However, to be successful, communities most of the villages had little control over
require further social and political empowerment tourism. Doan’s (2000) analysis of ecotourism in
through training in managerial skills and use of developing countries suggests that ecotourism in
trust funds, direct resource ownership and more private reserves, including Indigenous areas,
input in land use or wildlife quotas allocated to was more sustainable and delivered better local
tourism (Mbaiwa, 2005). Empowering Indigenous benefits than ecotourism in public parks.
communities in tourism depends on enhancing However, ongoing Indigenous use of
local control through traditional tribal or legal wildlife and natural resources, particularly in
empowerment, and recognition of individual protected areas, conflicts with the
and collective rights to ancestral lands (WTO, environmental standards and sustainability
2005). Successful models of community-based criteria of developed nations, western tourists,
ecotourism, such as Capirona in Ecuador national park agencies and conservation NGOs
(Colvin, 1994), are based on community (Hinch, 1998; Robinson, 1999). Therefore,
ownership and management of both natural negotiating acceptable forms of Indigenous
resources and tourism (Lash, 1998; Sproule resource use is a key part of many Indigenous
and Suhandi, 1998; Sofield, 2003; Mat Som ecotourism ventures. These core Indigenous
and Baum, 2004). cultural and environmental values influence
The sustainable development of ecotourism, and shape economic development strategies
then, is based on the integrated elements of on tribal lands (Groenfeldt, 2003). A key
ecological, economic and socio-cultural premise of this book, then, is: ‘The nexus
sustainability (WTO, 2003). Ecotourism is based between land and culture defines sustainable
on the conservation of biodiversity, mainly in tourism for Indigenous peoples’ (Zeppel,
protected areas, and minimizing the impacts of 1998a: 65). In the Cuyabeno Wildlife Reserve
tourism in natural areas (Garen, 2000; Buckley, of the Ecuadorian Amazon, Indian income
2003). The economic benefits of ecotourism from ecotourism depends more on the tourist
aim to assist nature conservation as well as attractiveness of the natural area, the type of
provide returns to local communities through tourism specialization or services offered and
employment, the purchase of goods and the type of local tourism organization or
services and fees. Ecotourism and pro-poor industry structure adopted (e.g. community-run
tourism projects focus on poverty alleviation versus joint ventures). Ecotourism had a
and conservation to provide alternatives to positive impact on conservation only where
traditional subsistence economies and resource tourism changed land use decisions (e.g. no-
use in rural areas (Butcher, 2003; Roe et al., take areas); and when tourism work reduced
2004; Epler Wood, 2005). As well as social the local free time and need for hunting
benefits, ecotourism also aims to foster local (Wunder, 2000). Wesche (1996) also suggested
cultural practices, crafts and traditions. However, that as the ecotourism industry in Ecuador
many conservation and community reached a consolidation stage, it became more
development projects in protected areas, concerned with sustainability and more willing
including ecotourism, have had limited to accommodate Indigenous interests and
community participation through consultation, rights. These key aspects of sustainable
monetary compensation or employment. ecotourism development are examined in this
Decision-making power about conservation and book in case studies of Indigenous ecotourism.
tourism still lies with NGOs and government
agencies, with local communities limited or
restricted in resource use (Honey, 1999; A framework for Indigenous ecotourism
Wilshusen, 2000). Intrepid Travel (2002)
reviewed the economic, socio-cultural and Indigenous ecotourism occurs within a wider
physical impacts of alternative tourism in 59 nature-based tourism industry dominated by
rural villages and in first-hand case studies of non-Indigenous tour operators and travel
five villages they visited in South-east Asia. agents. Ecotourism itself is one part of a global
Their findings indicate that while tourism tourism industry. Developing countries now
22 Chapter 1

attract 30% of all international tourists, with a control tourism development (Zeppel, 1998a,
growth rate of 9.5% per annum since 1990. In 2000; Dahles and Keune, 2002; Epler Wood,
addition, 19 of 25 biodiversity hotspots 2004) (see Table 1.6). Indigenous ecotourism
favoured by ecotourism, most with Indigenous takes place within a global tourism industry,
populations, are in the southern hemisphere which dominates marketing, transport,
(Christ et al., 2003). As such, Indigenous accommodation and visitor services (Hinch
ecotourism is part of a broader environment and Butler, 1996). Socio-political factors that
that is influenced by non-Indigenous tourism, affect Indigenous groups developing
conservation and development activities ecotourism include land and property rights
(Butcher, 2003; Mowforth and Munt, 2003). and overcoming social and economic
Therefore, issues associated with Indigenous disadvantage in both developing and
control of ecotourism and factors that affect industrialized countries. Other external factors
these enterprises need to be considered. that affect the tourism industry, including
Indigenous ecotourism ventures face the same Indigenous ecotourism ventures, include
issues of product development, marketing, political unrest in developing countries (e.g.
competition, quality control, training and Fiji, PNG, Solomon Islands, Nepal and Peru),
profitability faced by other small ecotourism terrorism and natural disasters such as
businesses (Weaver, 2001; Walpole and cyclones. Therefore, guiding principles for
Thouless, 2005). However, Indigenous ecotourism in Indigenous territories include
ecotourism businesses also have other community involvement and benefit, small-
objectives, such as asserting territorial rights, scale ventures, land ownership and cultural
maintaining cultural knowledge and practices sensitivity (Hinch, 2001). Scheyvens (1999), in
and providing employment. For many her community model, analysed the impacts of
Indigenous people, ecotourism is an alternative ecotourism on local groups in terms of
to other extractive land uses such as logging, economic, psychological, social and political
mining (Weaver, 2001), oil drilling, ranching, empowerment. For Honey (1999), ‘real’
fishing and sport hunting (Tourism in Focus, ecotourism also has to empower local people
2002a, b). However, the development of and provide financial benefits. The ‘successes’
Indigenous ecotourism is limited by poverty, of individual Indigenous ecotourism ventures
the lack of infrastructure on reserves, may also be measured in environmental, social
community conflicts over tourism, gaining or political outcomes (e.g. land rights) rather
business knowledge and forming commercial than in purely economic terms.
links with the tourism industry. In the suggested framework for Indigenous
A framework for Indigenous ecotourism ecotourism, the environmental and cultural
thus needs to consider environmental, cultural, impacts or benefits of ecotourism are treated
economic and political factors that may limit or equally with financial or territorial (i.e. political)

Table 1.6. A framework for Indigenous ecotourism.

Environmental Economic
Indigenous environmental stewardshipa Limited capital and equity in tribal areasb
Cultural and spiritual values of biodiversitya Lack of reserve infrastructure and servicesb
Preserving environment from harmful useb Tax status and public funding schemesb
Subsistence uses of the environmentb NGO funding for ecotourism venturesb
Cultural/Social Political
Diversity of Indigenous culturesa Indigenous land rights and resource rightsb
‘Traditional’ culture and authenticitya Indigenous councils and organizationsa,b
Intellectual and cultural property rightsb Indigenous elders, kinship, local leadersa
Poverty and social issues on tribal reservesb Access to Indigenous territories (‘title’)b
aInternal cultural, environmental and political factors controlled within Indigenous groups.
b Externallydetermined factors or legal rights of Indigenous groups controlled by nation-states.
Sources: Based on Hinch and Butler (1996); Scheyvens (1999); Johnston (2003).
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 23

outcomes for Indigenous groups. Economic in developing countries are reviewed in

and political criteria are key motivators for chapters for the Pacific Islands, Latin America,
Indigenous ecotourism, while environmental east, southern and West Africa and South East
and cultural criteria are outcomes for Asia. These examples highlight the key role of
Indigenous groups involved in ecotourism. For government policies on Indigenous lands or
example, Gerberich (2005) applied cultural, wildlife and conservation NGOs in supporting
environmental, socio-economic and political Indigenous resource management and
factors to assess the sustainability of tourism on ecotourism projects. Information about these
American Indian reservations. All four factors Indigenous ecotourism case studies is
had to be considered, as economic summarized for each continent or region, with
development through tourism is contingent on an overview of key issues at the end of each
protecting cultural and environmental chapter. The final chapter in this book discusses
resources. Retaining cultural integrity in key factors for the sustainable development of
tourism is paramount, while a native land ethic Indigenous ecotourism ventures in tribal lands
or holistic approach to ecosystem management and protected areas.
assured sustainability of natural resources.
Socio-economic benefits derive from
employment and tourism income funding Methods and Case Study Approach
healthcare, childcare and housing. The political
factors revolve around Indian sovereignty and This book summarizes information about
tribal ownership of land and resources. In the Indigenous ecotourism ventures published in
USA, tourism development on Indian English in tourism books and journals; in
reservations maintained tribal cultures and reports and manuals from conservation NGOs;
reinforced autonomous powers. government organizations or ecotourism
operators; and on Websites for Indigenous
communities or organizations. These selected
Rationale and Need for this Book case studies either describe Indigenous
ecotourism products and/or critically evaluate
Despite the growing global popularity of the operation of selected Indigenous
ecotourism, there has been no book to date ecotourism ventures in more detail. These
examining Indigenous involvement in examples meet the key criteria for Indigenous
ecotourism ventures. This book, then, builds on ecotourism, as nature-based attractions, lodges
other recent books published about ecotourism or tours owned or part-owned by Indigenous
policy, certification and management. Current people. There is a focus on the conservation
books on Indigenous peoples and protected and community benefits of these different
areas also have limited consideration of Indigenous ecotourism projects.
ecotourism. Previous research and reports on The criteria for an Indigenous business to
Indigenous ecotourism are published widely qualify as ecotourism in this book (Weaver,
across academic, government and conservation 2001) are:
sectors. Compiling and analysing this diverse
information on Indigenous ecotourism ventures ● nature-based product or setting;
provides the main rationale for this book. The ● manage environmental or cultural impacts;
lessons learned from these case studies of tribal ● environmental education based on
ecotourism ventures will benefit Indigenous Indigenous culture;
groups, tourism operators, government agencies, ● conservation of natural environment; and
conservation groups, consultants, researchers and ● benefits for Indigenous communities.
tertiary students, including Indigenous students. Additional measures for defining community-
This Indigenous involvement in ecotourism based ecotourism involving Indigenous groups
is examined in developing countries, mainly the are:
approaches adopted by different Indigenous
communities in operating ecotourism ventures. ● ecotourism activity based in community or
Case studies of Indigenous ecotourism ventures tribal territory;
24 Chapter 1

● community or its members have substantial This book establishes Indigenous ecotourism as
control and involvement; a new field of study within the disciplines of
● major benefits from ecotourism remain in tourism, community development, natural
the community; and resource management and conservation and
● ecotourism venture approved by Indigenous studies.
community or tribal council (Wesche and
Drumm, 1999).
The published research reviewed in this book Conclusion
largely provides a non-Indigenous perspective
This chapter has reviewed relevant literature
of Indigenous ecotourism, since it is mostly
and established a context for the study of
non-Indigenous people (including the author of
Indigenous ecotourism as a global trend in new
this book) who write the majority of case
tourism. Indigenous ecotourism is defined as
studies about tribal tourism ventures (Hinch,
nature-based attractions or tours owned by
2004; Ryan and Aicken, 2005; Johnston,
tribal groups, which feature Indigenous cultural
2006; Notzke, 2006). However, Indigenous
knowledge and practices linked to the land.
views of tourism, culture, conservation and
Tourists are increasingly visiting Indigenous
natural resources are reported in these case
peoples and their tribal lands around the
studies. The researchers, advisers and
world. Areas of high biodiversity, such as
consultants working on developing ecotourism
tropical rainforests, are linked with surviving
ventures with tribal groups generally did so
groups of Indigenous peoples. Key factors
with the permission and support of relevant
driving Indigenous involvement in ecotourism
Indigenous groups and organizations. Hence,
include gaining legal rights to land, preventing
the role of government agencies and
other extractive land uses and cultural revival.
conservation NGOs in developing Indigenous
Many Indigenous groups are now owners and
ecotourism is also reviewed along with
operators of ecotourism ventures located on
alternative Indigenous perspectives and
traditional homelands and protected areas.
approaches to ecotourism.
Indigenous control over ecotourism on tribal
The benefits, therefore, of compiling diverse
lands includes approval, ownership,
case studies of Indigenous ecotourism projects
partnerships and joint ventures. Ideally,
are to:
Indigenous ecotourism will sustain and
● provide a broad global overview of conserve natural areas, maintain Indigenous
Indigenous ecotourism ventures; lifestyles and provide benefits for Indigenous
● establish key ‘best practice’ models for communities. The review of Indigenous
communities and NGOs to follow; ecotourism ventures in this book illustrates
● compare Indigenous ownership and how and why different Indigenous groups
involvement in ecotourism projects; are involved in ecotourism. Indigenous land
● identify development and management and cultural identity are central to this
issues for Indigenous ecotourism; trend. Indigenous ecotourism also operates
● analyse the incorporation of Indigenous within a broader framework of economic,
cultural perspectives in ecotourism; and political, cultural and environmental
● assess sustainability based on economic, factors, which are examined in the chapters
cultural, political and environmental criteria. that follow.
 Context of Indigenous Ecotourism 25

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Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 Rien de particulier à signaler quant aux solennités religieuses du
jour de Pâques. Dans quelques communes, et entre autres aux
Saintes-Maries, les jeunes gens donnent, la veille, des sérénades;
et, le matin, ils passent avec des corbeilles ornées de fleurs et de
rubans, dans lesquelles les personnes qui ont été honorées de leurs
chants, accompagnés de musique, s’empressent de déposer des
œufs. Car, fait digne de remarque, dans le Midi le jour de Pâques est
le jour des œufs; on en sert de toutes couleurs et sous toutes les
formes. On y mange aussi l’agneau pascal, qui semblerait une
réminiscence de l’usage établi par Moïse, en souvenir de la sortie
d’Egypte et du passage de la mer Rouge.
La fête des Rogations a lieu le jour de saint Marc et les trois jours
qui précèdent l’Ascension. Les pénitents des confréries portent en
procession sur un brancard un coffre en forme de châsse, dans
lequel sont enfermées des reliques; de chaque côté est suspendue
une étole. On a donné au coffre le nom de Vertus, par allusion aux
reliques qu’il renferme et qui restent exposées trois jours dans
l’église. A la campagne, les paysans font passer par-dessus les
Vertus des poignées d’herbe et de blé qu’ils donnent ensuite à
manger aux bêtes de somme, persuadés qu’après cette opération
elles seront préservées de la colique.

La Pentecôte et les jeux de la Tarasque.—Au point de vue

religieux, la Pentecôte provençale, comme Pâques, se conforme à
l’usage ordinaire. Mais les jeux qui l’accompagnent ont un caractère
absolument local, et méritent, par leur importance et leur variété,
d’être décrits en détail.
Mentionnons, d’abord, les jeux de la Tarasque, fondés sur
l’ancienne tradition relative à sainte Marthe et que tout le monde
connaît. Le roi René, tout en les célébrant conformément à la
coutume, voulait, pour leur donner plus d’éclat, que chacun des trois
ordres y participât, sans oublier les corps de métiers dont les chefs
ou prieurs faisaient partie du conseil municipal. Il faut voir ici, dans la
pensée du bon roi, une haute leçon de fraternité et d’égalité
chrétienne. Le peuple qu’il gouvernait était considéré par lui comme
une grande famille, dont il aimait à rassembler les divers membres
pour faire sentir à chacun l’étroite liaison qui doit exister entre eux et
l’estime réciproque qui doit en résulter.
Les chevaliers dits de la Tarasque étaient choisis parmi les
premières familles de la ville de Tarascon; ils représentaient la
noblesse. L’un d’entre eux, l’Abbat, ou abbé de la jeunesse, présidait
aux jeux, et avait la police de la ville pendant la durée de la fête. Les
étrangers étaient invités à dîner par eux. Leur costume, très élégant,
se composait d’une culotte de serge rose, justaucorps de batiste,
manches plissées garnies de mousseline et ornées de dentelle; bas
de soie blancs, souliers blancs, talons, houppe et bordure rouges;
chapeau monté, cocarde rouge, collier de ruban rouge. Les insignes
de la Tarasque, en argent, étaient suspendus à un ruban de soie de
la même couleur, porté en sautoir.
Le jour de la Pentecôte, les chevaliers, en habits bourgeois,
parcouraient la ville avec tambours et trompettes et distribuaient des
cocardes écarlates que les hommes portaient à la boutonnière de
l’habit et les femmes sur le sein. Les mariniers du Rhône, qui les
suivaient, distribuaient des cocardes bleues attachées avec du
chanvre. Puis venaient tous les corps de métiers, chacun dans le
rang que lui assignait le cérémonial.
 Le lendemain, cette procession était renouvelée à l’issue de la
messe, avec cette différence que les chevaliers étaient en costume.
Vers midi, un groupe d’hommes en uniforme allait chercher la
Tarasque pour la conduire hors la porte Jarnègues. Cet animal
fabuleux, sorte de dogue énorme, avait le corps formé par des
cercles recouverts d’une toile peinte; le dos était une forte carapace
pourvue de pointes et d’écailles; des pattes armées de griffes
puissantes, une queue recourbée animée d’un balancement funeste
aux curieux, une tête qui tient du taureau et du lion, une gueule
béante qui laisse voir une double rangée de dents, complètent le
portrait du monstre. Porté par douze figurants, tandis qu’à l’intérieur
un autre produisait les mouvements de la tête et de la queue, il
donnait le signal de la course au moyen de fusées attachées à ses
naseaux et auxquelles un chevalier mettait le feu. Alors il s’agitait en
tous sens, comme animé de rage et de fureur. Malheur à ceux qui se
trouvaient à sa portée: heurtés, culbutés, meurtris, ils n’avaient pas
la consolation de se plaindre. S’ils cherchaient à s’enfuir, il les
poursuivait, et leur affolement ne faisait qu’exciter les quolibets et la
gaieté de la foule. La course terminée, on portait la Tarasque à
l’église de Sainte-Marthe, où elle exécutait trois sauts en manière de
salut devant la statue de la sainte. Pendant l’intervalle des courses,
les chevaliers et les corporations procédaient à divers jeux en
rapport avec leur rôle et leur condition sociale.
Ainsi les Portefaix désignaient un des leurs qui représentait saint
Christophe, patron de la corporation, pour porter sur ses épaules un
enfant richement vêtu, figurant le Christ. Six autres promenaient un
tonneau sur un brancard. Ils imitaient les ivrognes et se heurtaient
volontairement aux spectateurs. Cela s’appelait la Bouto ambriago.
Les prieurs présentaient à tout le monde une gourde remplie de vin,
où il était malséant de refuser de boire.
Les Paysans, pour imiter l’alignement que l’on trace en plantant
la vigne, tenaient un cordeau qui ne servait, il est vrai, qu’à faire
trébucher les badauds, au grand contentement de la foule.
Les Bergers escortaient trois jeunes filles élégamment vêtues et
montées sur des ânesses. Un berger à l’air niais barbouillait d’huile
de genièvre (huile de cade) la figure des curieux qui s’avançaient
trop près d’elles.
Les Jardiniers jetaient des graines d’épinard aux demoiselles.
Les Meuniers, armés de poignées de farine, s’en servaient pour
blanchir les visages indiscrets qui s’avançaient pour les examiner.
Les Arbalétriers faisaient pleuvoir sur la foule des flèches sans
pointes.
Les Agriculteurs, montés sur des mules richement harnachées et
précédés par la musique, distribuaient du pain bénit.
Les Mariniers pratiquaient le jeu de l’Esturgeon. Six chevaux du
halage du Rhône traînaient une grosse charrette sur laquelle était un
bateau que l’on remplissait d’eau à tous les puits que l’on
rencontrait. Une pompe placée à l’intérieur servait à asperger les
badauds qui s’enfuyaient, inondés, aux éclats d’un rire général.
Venaient ensuite les Bourgeois, sous le patronage de saint
Sébastien, précédés par des tambours et une fanfare, portant de
petits bâtons blancs surmontés d’un pain bénit. Enfin le clergé de la
ville, le Chapitre et le corps municipal fermaient le cortège qui entrait
dans l’église de Sainte-Marthe. Les prieurs de chaque corporation
déposaient les pains bénits aux pieds de la sainte et versaient des
aumônes dans le tronc des pauvres. A la sortie, une immense
Falandoulo se formait et parcourait les rues de la ville. C’était le
dernier épisode de la fête de la Tarasque.

La Fête-Dieu.—Dans toute la Provence, les processions de la

Fête-Dieu se sont toujours distinguées par la pompe qu’on y
déployait. La décoration des rues pavoisées de drapeaux de toutes
nuances, les fenêtres et balcons ornés de riches draperies, les
reposoirs improvisés avec goût, les chaussées jonchées de pétales
de fleurs, le peuple dans ses plus beaux vêtements accourant en
foule sur le passage, offraient un spectacle pittoresque rehaussé par
le défilé de la procession elle-même. Alors se déroulaient en longues
théories les pénitents de toutes les confréries, coiffés de la cagoule,
les corporations d’hommes et de femmes ayant chacune son guidon
ou sa bannière, les tambourins, les trompettes et les musiques
militaires escortant les prêtres revêtus de riches chasubles, les
lévites avec des palmes et des corbeilles de fleurs, les jeunes filles,
la tête couverte d’un voile de tulle et couronnées de roses blanches,
les autorités civiles et militaires en grand costume. Enfin, sous un
dais d’une grande richesse, l’évêque ou le curé portait le Saint-
Sacrement, resplendissant dans les nuages d’encens qui
s’échappaient des cassolettes agitées en un mouvement régulier par
les enfants de chœur, vêtus de pourpre et de surplis de dentelles.
Tels étaient, tels sont encore, dans quelques localités, la
composition et l’aspect d’une procession de la Fête-Dieu.
Dans certaines villes, telles qu’Aix et Marseille, on y adjoignait
des jeux, tombés maintenant en désuétude. Nous les décrirons
néanmoins sommairement.
Les officiers des jeux étaient choisis dans les trois corps qui
avaient accès au conseil municipal. La noblesse fournissait le Prince
d’Amour, le barreau, le Roi de la Basoche, et les corps de métiers,
l’Abbé de la Jeunesse. Le clergé s’abstenait.
Le Prince d’Amour était le premier officier. En cette qualité, il
siégeait au conseil de ville après les consuls et avait voix
délibérative. Mais, comme cette charge occasionnait de grandes
dépenses, sur la demande de la noblesse le roi la supprima en
1668, et ce fut un lieutenant du Prince d’Amour qui le remplaça. Il lui
fut accordé une indemnité de 1.000 livres et le droit de Pelote[7]. Il
avait droit aux trompettes, tambours, violons, et au porte-guidon.
Son costume était ainsi composé: justaucorps et culotte à la
romaine, de moire blanche et argent tout unie, manteau de glace
d’argent, bas de soie, souliers à rubans, chapeau à plumes, rubans
de soie à la culotte, cocarde au chapeau, nœud à l’épée, bouquet
avec rubans; ce bouquet se portait à la main, et le lieutenant s’en
servait pour saluer les dames.
Le Roi de la Basoche était élu le lundi de la Pentecôte par les
syndics des procureurs au parlement et par les notaires, sous la
présidence de deux commissaires du Parlement. Son costume était
semblable à celui du Prince d’Amour, mais il portait en plus le cordon
bleu et la plaque de l’Ordre du Saint-Esprit.
De tous les cortèges, celui de la Basoche était de beaucoup le
plus beau et le plus nombreux. Le premier bâtonnier ouvrait la
marche, suivi par une compagnie de mousquetaires portant
l’écharpe en soie bleu de ciel; le porte-enseigne avait aussi une
compagnie de mousquetaires avec écharpes roses. Le deuxième
bâtonnier, le capitaine des gardes, portaient une lance ornée de
rubans. Le connétable, l’amiral, le grand maître et le chevalier
d’honneur étaient suivis de vingt-quatre gardes en casaques de soie
bleu de ciel doublées de blanc, avec des croix en dentelle d’argent
sur la poitrine et dans le dos, le mousquet sur l’épaule et l’épée au
côté. Le troisième bâtonnier était escorté par une compagnie de
mousquetaires avec écharpes bleues; puis venaient le guidon du roi,
la musique et les pages. Le Roi de la Basoche, entre deux gardes
du Parlement, suivi de ses invités, fermait la marche. Une de ses
prérogatives consistait, avant de se rendre à l’église, à faire acte
d’apparition au Palais, où il siégeait quelques instants à la place du
roi.
L’Abbé de la Jeunesse était nommé sur une liste de candidats
présentés par les syndics des corporations. Cette nomination avait
lieu après celle du Prince d’Amour, et, comme celui-ci, l’abbé
jouissait du droit de pelote. Les six bâtonniers commandaient les
compagnies de fusiliers attachés à l’Abbadie pour exécuter les feux
ou décharges appelées Bravades.
Le porte-guidon et le lieutenant avaient l’habit noir, le plumet et la
cocarde au chapeau, l’épée et le hausse-col. L’abbé était en
pourpoint et manteau noir de soie, avec rabat, etc. Il était
accompagné des deux autres abbés, et portait à la main un bouquet
pour saluer les dames. Sa suite était formée de nombreux parents et
amis, gantés de peau blanche et tenant un cierge dont il leur avait
fait cadeau.
Les jeux des trois ordres avaient lieu simultanément et toujours
aux dates et heures convenues. Ils commençaient la veille de la
Pentecôte et se continuaient à toutes les fêtes qui suivaient.
La Passade.—La veille de la Fête-Dieu, vers les trois heures et
demie du soir, les bâtonniers de l’Abbadie et de la Basoche
parcouraient la ville, accompagnés de fifres et de tambourins qui
jouaient des airs de la composition du roi René. Après s’être arrêtés
à des endroits convenus, ils simulaient des combats à la lance,
comme dans les tournois, et saluaient les dames après chaque pose
d’armes. Ce jeu, emprunté à la chevalerie, s’appelait en provençal
La Passade. Vers dix heures lui succédait Le Jeu du guet.
Le cortège, en tête duquel était placée la Renommée à cheval et
sonnant de la trompette, était ainsi composé. D’abord un groupe de
deux personnages grotesques, drapés dans un manteau rouge à
rubans jaunes, coiffés d’un casque empanaché, montés sur des
ânes et entourés de toutes sortes d’animaux, qu’on avait bien de la
peine à contenir au milieu des cris des enfants et des huées de la
foule. Ces deux caricatures représentaient ordinairement de hauts
personnages politiques dont le peuple et le roi avaient à se plaindre.
A la suite, un groupe mythologique: Momus et ses grelots, Mercure
avec les ailes et le caducée, la Nuit en robe de gaze noire parsemée
d’étoiles d’argent et tenant à la main des pavots. Mais ce groupe, on
ne sait pourquoi, était brusquement coupé en deux par un autre
allégorique, composé de Rascassetos: quatre individus ayant des
poitrails de mulets et trois d’entre eux des têtières, armés, l’un d’une
brosse, l’autre d’un peigne, le troisième d’une paire de ciseaux,
entourent le quatrième Rascasseto, affublé d’une énorme perruque,
et font semblant de le brosser, de le peigner, puis de le tondre. On
avait l’intention de figurer ainsi les lépreux de l’ancienne loi
mosaïque, qui avait aussi fourni la matière du jeu suivant.
Le Jeu du Chat.—C’était encore une allégorie. Un Israélite portait
une perche surmontée du veau d’or; trois autres, dont l’un tenait un
chat à la main, se prosternaient devant l’idole. Arrivait Moïse, avec
les tables de la loi, le visage empreint d’une grande colère; le grand
prêtre Aaron, revêtu de ses habits pontificaux, cherchait à calmer
son courroux. Enfin celui qui portait le chat le jetait en l’air,
circonstance dont le jeu a tiré son nom. C’est cet animal qui, adoré
en Egypte, amena les Hébreux à l’idolâtrie du veau d’or. Ici, l’action
de le jeter en l’air signifiait que Moïse reçut la soumission des
Israélites, qui renoncèrent aux superstitions de l’Egypte.
Avec Pluton et Proserpine à cheval, précédant l’Armetto, la
mythologie reparaissait. Cette armetto se composait d’un premier
groupe de quatre petits diables vêtus de noir; une bandoulière de
grelots, un trident à la main et un masque surmonté de deux cornes
complétaient leur costume. Ils voulaient s’emparer d’une Ame,
figurée par un jeune enfant vêtu de blanc et à demi nu. L’enfant se
cramponnait à une croix qu’un ange lui présentait. Ne pouvant
enlever l’Armetto[8], les diables se vengeaient sur son protecteur qui
recevait leurs coups sur un coussin placé entre les ailes. Le second
groupe se composait de douze grands diables, dont le chef se
distinguait par des cornes plus longues et plus nombreuses. Ils
entouraient Hérode, en casaque cramoisie et jaune, avec couronne
et sceptre, accompagné par un homme habillé en femme
représentant la diablesse. Dans le principe, elle se tenait à côté de
saint Jean-Baptiste et représentait Hérodiade.
Le tableau que nous allons esquisser est celui des divinités de la
mer. On voyait Neptune et Amphitrite, escortés par une foule de
Dryades et de Faunes, dansant au son des tambourins; le dieu des
bergers à cheval, poursuivant la nymphe Syrinx, qui, pour indiquer
sa métamorphose, portait un roseau; Bacchus, assis sur un tonneau,
la coupe d’une main et le thyrse de l’autre; Mars et Minerve, Apollon
et Diane, Saturne et Cybèle à cheval avec leurs attributs et suivis de
deux troupes de danseurs. Du char de l’Olympe, où trônaient Jupiter
et Junon, Vénus et Cupidon, qui président aux jeux, aux ris et aux
plaisirs, souriaient à la foule en envoyant des baisers. Le cortège
finissait par les trois Parques, pour rappeler que la mort termine tout.
A ces jeux, à ces cortèges, succédaient, le lendemain et pendant
la procession même de la Fête-Dieu, des groupes nouveaux ayant
plutôt un caractère d’allégorie religieuse.
La mise en scène du massacre des Innocents, désignés sous le
nom de Tirassouns, était en quelque sorte une pantomime. Hérode
présidait à l’exécution, escorté d’un tambourin, d’un porte-enseigne
et d’un fusilier[9] qui, au signal donné, faisait une décharge, abattant
quelques enfants. C’étaient ces enfants qu’on appelait tirassouns, à
demi nus, qui tombaient et se roulaient dans la poussière. Moïse,
indigné, montrait au roi sanguinaire les tables de la loi.
La Belle Etoile (la bello Estello).—Les trois Mages, partant pour
Bethléem, étaient précédés d’un enfant vêtu en lévite et portant une
étoile d’argent à l’extrémité d’un long bâton. Trois pages chargés de
présents les suivaient.
 Les Apôtres, revêtus du costume oriental, étaient munis chacun
d’un symbole propre à le faire reconnaître; Jésus, au milieu d’eux,
marchait recueilli et comme accablé sous le poids de la croix.
Les Chevaux Frux, que la tradition fait remonter aux Phocéens,
furent en grand honneur sous la chevalerie et le roi René.
Longtemps regardés, d’après la légende, comme l’image des
combats entre les Centaures et les Lapithes, on y voit aujourd’hui
une reproduction grotesque des anciens tournois. Ces chevaux en
carton, richement caparaçonnés, la tête ornée de panaches, étaient
mis en mouvement par leurs cavaliers. Une ouverture pratiquée
dans le dos permettait à l’homme, au moyen de courroies, de
suspendre sa monture, qui avait l’air de faire corps avec lui; les
draperies masquaient les jambes, et les mouvements imprimés par
le cavalier casqué, armé d’une lance, imitaient toutes les figures
usitées dans les tournois. Cet escadron, composé d’une vingtaine de
chevaux, était précédé d’un héraut d’armes, d’un coureur et d’un
Arlequin, qui faisait toutes sortes de tours. A sa suite, la musique,
fifres et tambourins, jouait des airs gais de la composition du roi
René.
 Un Tambourinaire.

La Mort, comme aux jeux du Guet, apparaissait enfin, mais sous

un aspect plus repoussant. La personne qui la représentait, grande,
la figure noire, la tête couverte d’ossements, était armée d’une faux
avec laquelle elle écartait les curieux. Ces derniers attachaient une
grande importance à n’être pas touchés par la faux qui, d’après eux,
désignait ceux qui devaient mourir dans l’année.
Un usage qui s’est perpétué jusqu’à nos jours, c’est la
promenade du bœuf, pendant la semaine précédant la Fête-Dieu. La
corporation des bouchers de la ville de Marseille a toujours eu le
monopole de cette cérémonie. On choisit le bœuf le plus beau, on lui
dore les sabots et les cornes auxquelles on suspend des guirlandes
de roses. On couvre son dos d’une housse de velours à crépines
d’or, et l’on y fait asseoir le plus bel enfant que l’on peut trouver. Il
est vêtu d’une tunique blanche comme un lévite et couronné de
roses. Parfois aussi il est tout nu, avec une peau de léopard sur les
épaules et la poitrine, et, sur la tête, des feuilles de vignes
entremêlées de grappes de raisin. Quatre bouchers l’accompagnent;
leur vêtement consiste en une robe de damas de différentes
couleurs, attachée à la taille et assez courte pour laisser voir au-
dessous du genou des bas de soie et des souliers à boucles. Une
ceinture de soie à franges et crépines d’or, une chemise plissée à
manches, ornée de rubans, enfin un chapeau d’abbat bordé d’or et
entouré de plumes blanches complètent le costume. Le cortège,
suivi de fifres et de tambourins, parcourt les rues où doit passer la
procession. Les bouchers portent des plats d’étain et font la quête,
dont le produit sert à payer les frais de cette exhibition. Le soir venu,
on abat le bœuf, dont les quartiers sont distribués aux pauvres de la
ville. On s’est livré à de longues dissertations pour expliquer ces
usages, et surtout la mort du bœuf. Les uns ont voulu y voir le
sacrifice du bouc émissaire des Hébreux, chargé de toutes les
iniquités du peuple. Mais alors pourquoi un bœuf, quand il était si
simple de se procurer un bouc? D’autres ont pensé que les
bouchers tiennent la place des anciens sacrificateurs romains, idée
justifiée par une certaine ressemblance de costume. Nous croyons
simplement que tous les corps de métiers étant représentés à la
procession de la Fête-Dieu, sauf les bouchers, qu’aucune bonne
raison n’excluait, ils avaient pris un bœuf comme emblème de leur
corporation. Quant à l’enfant, sa robe de lévite est une réminiscence
de la religion juive. Avec les attributs de Bacchus, il perpétue un
souvenir du paganisme.
A Salon, la confrérie des paysans dite de Diou lou payre (Dieu le
père) élisait tous les ans, le jour de l’Ascension, un laboureur qui
prenait le titre de Rey de l’Eyssado[10]. Il paraissait à la procession
de la Fête-Dieu tenant une pioche en guise de sceptre, précédé de
pages portant des épées nues. Une paysanne partageait avec lui les
honneurs de la royauté. Des dames d’honneur tenant des bouquets,
précédées par un autre paysan portant un drapeau, un autre jouant
du tambour de guerre, un berger portant une écharpe en sautoir et
jouant du bâton, enfin quatre danseurs suivis de tambourins
complétaient le défilé.
Pour la Saint-Jean, les artisans élisaient le Roi de la Badache[11].
Cette cérémonie était annoncée la veille au son des cloches et des
tambourins par un grand feu de joie. A la procession de la Fête-
Dieu, le Roi de la Badache se montrait en habit à la française avec,
sur les épaules, un manteau bleu parsemé d’étoiles d’or et à la main
un chapeau Henri IV. Il était précédé d’un courrier, d’un porte-
drapeau, d’un joueur de pique, de trois princes d’amour, de huit
danseurs et de deux pages. Derrière lui, un second courrier
annonçait la reine et ses dames d’honneur.

La Saint-Jean.—A huit heures du soir, la veille de cette fête, le

corps municipal, le clergé et les prieurs des corporations se
rendaient en grand cortège sur la place où l’on avait disposé des
fagots de sarments et des fascines. Le maire a encore aujourd’hui le
privilège d’y mettre le feu et il fait trois fois le tour du bûcher, suivi de
tous les assistants. La flamme monte et éclaire la foule, les cloches
sonnent à toute volée, les boîtes à poudre font entendre leurs
détonations, les serpenteaux éclatent, traversent l’air et tombent sur
les spectateurs effarés. Bientôt la falandoulo se forme, et c’est en
dansant et en chantant que l’on voit s’éteindre le feu de la Saint-
Jean. A Marseille, on dispose sur la colline de Notre-Dame de la
Garde des tonneaux de goudron qui brûlent toute la nuit. Par
intervalles, des feux de bengale de toutes couleurs changent
l’aspect de cette partie de la ville, où l’on termine la fête par un
brillant feu d’artifice. Le marché aux herbes de la Saint-Jean est trop
intimement lié à ces réjouissances pour que nous n’en disions pas
un mot. Qui ne le connaît, à Marseille? C’est un des plus anciens
que nous ait légués la tradition provençale, et c’est aux allées de
Meilhan, sous les ormes séculaires et les platanes grecs, qu’il se
tient.
Les paysans de la banlieue ou du Terradou, comme l’on dit en
provençal, y apportent leurs plus beaux produits. A peine a-t-on fait
quelques pas que des émanations singulièrement piquantes
s’échappent d’un amoncellement d’aulx, promesse, pour les
amateurs d’aioli, d’un festin savoureux que n’aurait pas dédaigné
Homère. Les plantes et les fleurs, sauge, romarin, verveine, menthe,
lavande, mêlent leur parfum et leur couleur aux roses, jasmins,
cassies, géraniums, pétunias, chrysanthèmes et à toute la gamme
florale si riche de la Provence, pour arriver aux arbustes, câpriers,
ifs, pistachiers, orangers, citronniers, lentisques, palmiers, syringas,
arbousiers, néfliers, azeroliers, jujubiers: le tout soigneusement
étiqueté et aligné, dans l’arrangement le plus propice à tenter
l’acheteur. Dès la première heure la foule s’empresse, et chacun fait
ses provisions pour l’année. La coutume veut aussi que les plantes
aromatiques soient cueillies sur la montagne de la Sainte-Baume,
lorsque les premiers rayons du soleil viennent frapper le Saint-Pilon.
D’après la légende, les herbes et les plantes acquièrent à ce
moment des vertus qu’elles n’ont pas si on les cueille avant ou
après; voilà pourquoi les marchandes n’oublient jamais de vous dire,
en vous offrant de la sauge, de la lavande ou du romarin: «C’est de
l’aurore.»

Les Morts.—Le soir de la Toussaint, on se réunit en famille et

l’on prend en commun le repas dit des Armettos[12]. Les châtaignes
et le vin cuit sont de rigueur. Ce repas est donné en commémoration
des parents décédés, dont on raconte la vie aux enfants; on le
termine par une prière pour le repos de leur âme.

La Noël.—De toutes les fêtes religieuses célébrées en Provence,

la Noël est certainement la plus importante, la plus populaire, la plus
généralement observée par les riches comme par les pauvres. Elle
se divise en quatre parties: la Crèche, les Calenos, la Messe de
minuit et le Jour de Noël. La crèche a la même origine que les
mystères; ce sont les Pères de l’Oratoire qui, les premiers à
Marseille, en donnèrent le spectacle. De nos jours, la semaine qui
précède la Noël, il s’établit sur le Cours une foire où l’on vend des
crèches toutes préparées. On y trouve également les Santons[13] et
les accessoires pour ceux qui veulent les composer eux-mêmes.
Ces santons représentent saint Joseph, la sainte Vierge, le petit
Jésus, le bœuf, l’âne, les rois maures et, en général, tous les
personnages et les animaux qui se trouvaient à Bethléem à la
naissance du Christ. Le soir, les familles s’assemblent et, à la lueur
des cierges, chantent les noëls de Saboly.
Les Calénos, altération du mot Calendes, consistent en cadeaux
que l’on échange à cette époque. Ce sont des fruits, des poissons et
surtout un certain gâteau au sucre et à l’huile que l’on appelle
Poumpo taillado. Les boulangers et les confiseurs ont conservé
l’usage d’en envoyer à leurs clients. La veille de la Noël, au soir, les
familles se réunissent dans un banquet, et rivalisent d’efforts pour lui
donner plus d’éclat. On voit même de pauvres gens qui n’hésitent
pas à porter un gage au mont-de-piété, afin d’en pouvoir faire les
frais. A Marseille, il est désigné sous le nom de Gros soupé; mais,
pour retrouver vraiment les anciens usages, il faut aller dans les
communes rurales. Là, le père de famille conduit par la main le plus
jeune des enfants jusqu’à la porte de la maison où se trouve une
grosse bûche d’olivier, tout enrubannée, qu’on appelle Calignaou ou
Bûche de caléno. L’enfant, muni d’un verre de vin, fait trois libations
sur la bûche en prononçant les paroles suivantes:
Alégre, Diou nous alègre.
Cachofué ven, tout ben ven.
Diou nous fagué la graci de veire l’an qué ven.
Se sian pas mai, siguen pas men.

Ce qui se traduit ainsi:

Soyons joyeux, Dieu nous rende joyeux. Feu caché vient, tout bien vient. Dieu
nous fasse la grâce de voir l’an qui vient; si nous ne sommes pas plus, ne soyons
pas moins.
Dans le verre, qui passe à la ronde, chacun boit une gorgée.
L’enfant soulève le calignaou par un bout, l’homme par l’autre et ils
le portent jusqu’au foyer en répétant devant les assistants les
paroles de la libation. Puis on l’allume avec des sarments et on le
laisse brûler jusqu’au coucher, moment où on l’éteint, pour le
rallumer le lendemain, en ayant soin qu’il se consume entièrement
avant le jour de l’an. On célèbre par cette cérémonie le
renouvellement de l’année au solstice d’hiver. La flamme que la
bûche recèle dans ses flancs représente les premiers feux du soleil
qui remonte sur l’horizon. L’enfant est le symbole de l’année qui
commence, le vieillard de celle qui va finir. Là où l’usage du
Calignaou a disparu, il a été remplacé par la lampe de Caléno ou
Calen. C’est un carré de fer-blanc avec un rebord, dont les quatre
angles en forme de bec contiennent des mèches. On le suspend par
un crochet fixé à une tige en fer et il sert à éclairer la crèche sur le
devant de laquelle pousse, dans deux soucoupes, le blé de Sainte-
Barbe. Il doit brûler huit jours et ne s’éteindre que la veille du jour de
l’an.
Le souper, dans ces pays primitifs, comprend trois services; pour
y correspondre, la table est couverte de trois nappes de dimensions
différentes. Le premier service se compose de la Raïto, plat de
poissons frits auquel on ajoute une sauce au vin et aux câpres, et
qui, d’après la tradition, fut apporté de la Grèce par les Phocéens.
Des artichauts crus, des cardes, du céleri et différents légumes lui
servent d’accessoires. On enlève ensuite la première nappe et l’on
sert les Calénos qui consistent en gâteaux, Poumpo taillado ou
autres, des fruits secs ou confits, des biscuits, des sucreries, des
marrons, etc. On les arrose de vins vieux du pays et d’une espèce
de ratafia appelé Saouvo-Chrestian (sauve-chrétien) fait avec de la
vieille eau-de-vie dans laquelle ont infusé des grains de raisins. Pour
le troisième service, on prend le café et les hommes fument une
sorte de pipe appelée Cachinbaù. La gaieté préside à ces agapes;
on y chante des noëls et l’on ne se sépare que pour aller à la messe
de minuit.

La Messe de Minuit.—Elle diffère par certains détails originaux

de celle qui est célébrée dans les villes. C’est ainsi qu’au moment de
l’offrande on voit s’avancer de l’autel le corps des bergers précédés
du tambourin, de la cornemuse et de tous les instruments rustiques
que l’on peut se procurer. Ils portent de grandes corbeilles remplies
de fleurs et d’oiseaux. A Maussanne, les femmes qui accompagnent
les bergers, ou prieuresses, sont coiffées du Garbalin, sorte de
bonnet conique assez haut et garni tout autour de pommes et de
petites mandarines. Suit un petit char couvert de verdure, éclairé par
des cierges et traîné par une brebis dont la toison éclatante de
blancheur est piquée çà et là de pompons de rubans: c’est le
véhicule de l’agneau sans tache. Une seconde troupe de bergers et
de bergères jouant et chantant des noëls ferme la marche. Après
avoir fait don de l’agneau et des corbeilles, le cortège retourne dans
le même ordre et la messe s’achève sans autres variantes.
La Noël est essentiellement dans toutes les classes de la société
une fête de famille. On se réunit à table le soir en face d’un excellent
repas dont la dinde fait le fond. Puis l’on se groupe autour du foyer,
où le chef de famille raconte les vertus des ancêtres, et répète
devant les enfants les traits capables de leur servir d’exemple ou
d’enseignement; ce jour-là, il revêt ainsi que sa femme ses habits de
mariage conservés tout exprès. Dans le peuple, le troisième jour de
la fête, le dîner se termine par un plat d’Aioli ou de Bourrido, mets
traditionnels en Provence. En se retirant, l’on se donne rendez-vous
pour l’année suivante.

LES JEUX

Outre les fêtes que nous venons de décrire et qui sont assez
généralement célébrées dans toute la Provence, il existe d’autres
réjouissances particulières à diverses communes: ce sont les Trains
ou Roumevages[14].
La fête d’une commune est le plus souvent une fête patronale,
qui provoque l’affluence des fidèles des environs. A part les
cérémonies religieuses, qui sont les mêmes qu’ailleurs, la population
et les étrangers se livrent à des jeux qui, nés et pratiqués en
Provence depuis un temps immémorial, portent l’empreinte
indiscutable de leur origine, quoiqu’on ait pu les imiter et les
conserver dans d’autres pays.
Les instruments de musique primitifs y sont restés obligatoires,
malgré les progrès de la lutherie. Ce sont: le tambour ou Bachias,
mot qui paraît dériver de Bassaren, surnom appliqué à Bacchus,
pour les fêtes duquel on faisait beaucoup de bruit avec un énorme
tambour; le tambourin, plus long et sur lequel on ne joue qu’avec
une seule baguette; le galoubet ou petit fifre, sur lequel on joue des
airs vifs et gais, autrefois employé surtout le matin pour saluer
l’aurore, d’où son nom, galoubet ou gai réveil, gaie aubade; les
Timbalons ou petites timbales en cuivre attachées à la ceinture, et
que les musiciens frappent avec des baguettes; les cymbalettes les
accompagnent ordinairement: ce sont de petits cylindres en acier
dont l’usage remonte aux Grecs.
Les Joies forment la partie essentielle du Roumevage. On
appelle ainsi une perche dont l’extrémité est munie d’un cercle qui
sert à suspendre les prix destinés aux vainqueurs des différents
jeux, prix consistant en plats d’étain, montres en argent, écharpes de
soie, rubans, etc...
La Targo, ou joute sur mer, est un des jeux les plus intéressants
de la catégorie dont nous nous occupons. Les ports où elle acquiert
le plus d’importance sont Marseille et Toulon. Les bateaux employés
sont des bateaux de pêche ou des canots de navires de guerre,
armés de huit rameurs, d’un patron et d’un brigadier. Ils sont divisés
en deux flottilles, peints en blanc avec bande de la couleur adoptée
par chaque flottille. Cette couleur se retrouve dans les rubans que
portent les rameurs, qui sont aussi en blanc, la tête coiffée de
chapeaux de paille. A l’arrière des bateaux qui doivent concourir
pour la joute se trouvent des sortes d’échelles appelées Tintainos[15]
qui font une saillie d’environ trois mètres. A l’extrémité, une planche
très légère soutient le jouteur, debout, tenant de la main gauche un
bouclier en bois, de la droite une lance terminée par une plaque. Au
signal donné par les juges, deux barques se détachent du groupe
des concurrents. Les patrons naviguent de façon à éviter un
abordage, mais en se rapprochant assez pour que les jouteurs
puissent se porter un coup de lance; le plus faible est précipité dans
la mer et regagne à la nage le bateau le plus voisin. La lutte
continue, et, si le même champion a raison de trois de ses
adversaires, il est proclamé Fraïre. Tous les fraïres joutent entre eux
et celui qui reste le dernier debout est proclamé vainqueur. On le
couronne, on lui donne le prix de la targue et on le promène en
triomphe dans toute la ville. Pendant la joute, la musique des
galoubets et tambourins exécute les airs les plus variés, entre autres
la Bédocho et l’Aoubado. Le port offre un spectacle ravissant, les
navires arborent le grand pavois; des chattes[16] bien alignées
forment un avant-quai et supportent des tribunes destinées aux
autorités de la ville, aux invités et à la musique. Ce jeu[17] constitue
un spectacle assez imposant, dans tous les cas intéressant et
curieux. Il semble, dans l’antiquité, avoir remplacé, à Marseille, les
exercices des arènes, que ne possédait pas cette ville.
Le jeu de la Bigue a lieu le même jour. Il consiste à marcher sur
un long mât enduit de suif ou de savon. Ce mât ou Bigue est posé
horizontalement sur un ponton près du quai ou au bord d’une rivière.
Celui qui atteint l’extrémité sans tomber gagne le prix, mais il est
malaisé d’obtenir promptement ce résultat. Ce n’est qu’après un
nombre considérable de chutes dans l’eau, à la grande joie des
spectateurs, que, le frottement continu des pieds ayant peu à peu
fait disparaître le suif, le plus adroit concurrent parvient enfin à
atteindre le but et à être proclamé vainqueur.
Nous ne citerons que pour mémoire les courses de bateaux ou
régates, qui ne diffèrent pas beaucoup des régates usitées dans
tous les ports français.
La Course des hommes et des femmes ne se voit plus que dans
quelques villages. Le droit de porter le caleçon de soie ou
Brayettos[18], qui est l’unique vêtement des hommes, est le privilège
de celui qui a été trois fois vainqueur de la course. Lorsque à son
tour il est battu, il le remet à son heureux rival. Les brayettos sont
conservées avec soin dans les familles; on se les transmet de père
en fils.
Course des animaux.—Bien avant qu’il ait été question des
courses de Longchamp, Auteuil ou autres, célèbres aujourd’hui, la
Provence connaissait les courses de chevaux. Tout Roumevage un
peu important les inscrivait à son programme. Les conditions d’âge,
de race, d’entraînement n’étaient pas imposées; tout propriétaire
d’un cheval qu’il croyait capable de gagner le prix n’hésitait pas à
concourir. Au signal donné par un coup de fusil, le peloton s’ébranlait
dans un nuage de poussière; bientôt le nom du vainqueur
retentissait dans la foule qui l’acclamait, tandis qu’il allait recevoir,
des mains du maire de la commune, le prix qui lui était destiné. Les
mulets, nombreux dans le Midi, étaient aussi admis à concourir entre
eux; la course, plus longue, présentait aux concurrents des chances
de succès plus égales. Mais la plus amusante, celle à laquelle le
peuple a toujours donné et donne encore sa préférence, est, sans
contredit, la course des ânes. Conduits par des enfants armés d’une
gaule, ils partent au galop. Libres de leurs mouvements, sans
cavaliers pour les maintenir, sans autre direction que celle des
gamins qui courent après, leur humeur vagabonde se donne libre
carrière et ils se dispersent dans tous les sens. Quelques-uns, irrités
par les coups de houssine, se jettent dans les fossés, d’autres ruent
ou s’en retournent, et les spectateurs, que ce désordre amuse, se
livrent à une joie bruyante et battent des mains lorsqu’un baudet
atteint enfin le but et gagne la course. Le vainqueur ramené, on lui
octroie une muselière en cuir, insigne peu agréable de son triomphe.
Le Combat de taureaux, jeu national en Espagne, est aussi usité
en Provence. Mais si, dans ces dernières années, on lui a enlevé le
caractère régional qu’il avait primitivement, il est bon de constater
que, dans certaines localités, il est resté ce qu’il était, c’est-à-dire un
amusement, un exercice où l’astuce et le courage suffisent pour
attirer et intéresser les spectateurs, sans dégénérer en cruautés
répugnantes pour nos mœurs et pour notre caractère. Pas d’épées,
pas de sang versé; un simple bâton suffit. L’habileté, l’agilité, la force
sont les trois qualités seules requises.
Arles a la spécialité de ce genre de spectacle depuis que les
arènes ont reçu les réparations nécessaires. Excité par les
bandilleros, le taureau, dont la tête est ornée d’une rose ou cocarde
de ruban, se précipite sur celui qui l’a provoqué; un coup de bâton
appliqué sur le mufle le rend plus furieux. Il bondit et cherche à
atteindre son adversaire. Après une série de tours rapides, celui qui
est désigné pour vaincre l’animal se rapproche de lui et, d’un
brusque mouvement, le saisissant par les cornes, le renverse, lui
enlève la rose piquée sur sa tête et la présente à la foule qui
l’acclame. Le taureau a en quelque sorte le sentiment de sa défaite;
il se relève honteux et se sauve vers le torril sous les huées des
spectateurs. Ce jeu n’est pas sans dangers; quelquefois le taureau,
poussé à bout, se précipite sur son adversaire avec une telle
impétuosité que celui-ci n’a pas le temps de le saisir ou de l’éviter et
se trouve atteint par ses cornes terribles. Heureusement, l’habileté
des toréadors arlésiens est telle que les blessures graves sont rares.
La course landaise, la course à la perche sont des variétés que les
Provençaux ne dédaignent pas. Dans la seconde, le Pouly et son
quadrille se sont acquis une célébrité bien méritée.

Combat de taureaux.

On a toujours pensé que les courses de taureaux avaient passé

d’Espagne en Provence sous les comtes de Barcelone. Nous
croyons que l’importation en est plus ancienne et nous l’attribuons
plus volontiers aux Romains, inventeurs des jeux du cirque. Ce qui
pourrait donner une certaine vraisemblance à cette opinion, ce sont
les résultats des fouilles opérées dans les arènes de Nîmes lorsqu’il
fut décidé de reconstituer ce monument romain. Les terrassiers ont
alors mis au jour une certaine quantité de crânes de taureaux, des
défenses de sangliers et des pattes de coqs pétrifiées. Cette
découverte tendrait à faire croire que de temps immémorial la
Provence a été le théâtre de combats de taureaux, de sangliers et
de coqs, et qu’elle n’a pas eu besoin de les emprunter à l’Espagne.
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