CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
This chapter reviews literature related to the study. It presents the theoretical framework,
conceptual review, and empirical review. The theoretical framework was employed to review
two theories that concern the role of caregivers in developing children followed by a
conceptual review that touched on the meaning of caregivers, intellectual disability, and the
concept of development among children. The empirical review delves into previous studies to
cumulate views and perspectives on work done in the area and identify gaps in earlier studies
to contextualise this study. The precise area reviewed includes; caregivers, the role of the
caregivers, development among children, intellectual disability, and the influence of
caregivers on children with intellectual disability.
Conceptual Review
Caregivers
The role of caregivers has gained increasing attention in both research and policy domains, as
the demands and challenges faced by those providing care to loved ones have become more
widely recognized. Caregiving is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, involving
physical, emotional, practical, and financial dimensions (Reinhard et al., 2019). This
literature review examines the key conceptual frameworks and theoretical perspectives used
to understand caregivers' experiences and needs in developing children with intellectual
disability.
Caregivers provide care and support to someone unable to manage their daily activities
independently due to age, illness, disability, or other conditions. Caregivers can be family
members, friends, or professional care workers. They play a critical role in the healthcare
continuum, offering emotional and physical support.
The relational and emotional aspects of caregiving have also been a focus of the literature.
Caregiving often involves close, intimate relationships between the caregiver and care
recipient, and the quality and dynamics of these relationships can profoundly influence the
meaning and experience of caregiving (Nolan et al., 2003). For example, caregiving between
spouses may carry different emotional and practical implications than caregiving between
adult children and aging parents (Kahn et al., 2013).
The life course perspective further emphasizes the temporal and developmental dimensions
of caregiving, recognizing that the meaning and impact of caregiving can shift over time as
the caregiver and care recipient navigate various life stages and transitions (Bastawrous,
2013). Longitudinal studies have revealed how the caregiving experience can evolve in
response to changes in the care recipient's condition, the caregiver's life circumstances, and
the availability of social and institutional support (Sörensen & Pinquart, 2000).
The vast demand for the services of caregivers has increased the number of them we have in
our time. Caregivers can be categorized based on their relationship to the care recipient, the
setting in which they provide care, and whether they are compensated for their work.
Caregivers can be broadly categorized into the following groups: formal caregivers,
professional caregivers, such as nurses, social workers, and home health aides, who are paid
to provide care. These caregivers typically have specific training and qualifications to provide
medical, emotional, or practical assistance to individuals in need. Formal caregivers often
work in healthcare settings, such as hospitals, nursing homes, or hospices, or they may
provide in-home care services.
Family members, friends, or neighbors who provide unpaid care and support to
individuals in need are also regarded as informal caregivers. Informal caregivers may assist
with activities of daily living, medication management, emotional support, or coordination of
care. They may be spouses, adult children, siblings, or other relatives, and their caregiving
responsibilities can vary in intensity and duration.
There are other forms of caregiving such as individuals who provide care and support
voluntarily, often through community organizations or non-profit groups. Volunteer
caregivers may assist with a variety of tasks, such as providing companionship,
transportation, or assistance with daily living activities. There is another known as the
specialised caregivers, they may work with individuals with specific needs, such as the
elderly, individuals with disabilities, or those facing terminal illnesses.
Individuals who have personal experiences with a particular condition or situation and
provide support and guidance to others facing similar challenges. Peer caregivers can offer
emotional support, practical advice, and a shared understanding of the unique challenges
faced by the care recipient.
They may be involved in support groups, online communities, or specialized programs that
connect individuals with similar experiences.
We have specialized caregivers, which are individuals who have specific expertise or training
in caring for individuals with particular needs, such as dementia, mental health conditions, or
end-of-life care.
These caregivers may work in specialized settings, such as memory care facilities or
palliative care units, or they may provide specialized services within the community.
When conducting a literature review, it's important to consider the unique perspectives,
challenges, and needs of each type of caregiver, as well as how they may interact with and
support the care recipient. This understanding can help inform the research questions,
methodologies, and implications of the study.
Roles of caregivers
Families and other caregivers may find that raising a kid with an intellectual handicap
is a complicated and varied process. Significant limits in cognitive functioning and adaptive
behaviour are hallmarks of intellectual disabilities, which can pose particular difficulties and
obligations for caregivers (American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabil-
ities, 2021).
For children with intellectual disabilities, caretakers play a more involved role than just giv-
ing them the necessities of life. According to Pelchat et al. (2019), caregivers often take on
the role of advocates, assisting in navigating the healthcare and educational systems to guar-
antee that their families' needs are satisfied. According to Cooke and Hanline (2016), they
could also help with the planning of therapeutic interventions including speech, occupational,
and physical therapy, which are frequently essential for a child's growth and well-being.
Caregivers of children with intellectual disabilities may encounter heavy emotional and psy-
chological challenges in addition to the practical aspects of caregiving. Increased levels of
stress, anxiety, and caregiver burnout can result from providing care for a kid with special
needs (Giallo et al., 2019). As they come to terms with their child's diagnosis and any poten-
tial lifetime consequences, caregivers may also feel loss, grief, and uncertainty (Lalvani,
2015).
It is common for caregivers to have a crucial role in upholding the entire family sys-
tem, so their influence goes beyond just one child. According to Neely-Barnes and Dia
(2008), caregivers may face difficulties in juggling the requirements of other family members
with those of the kid with an intellectual handicap. This can result in conflict or feelings of
guilt.
Research has shown that caregivers of children with intellectual disabilities generally emerge
from this experience with resilience and fortitude, despite the tremendous responsibilities and
obstacles they confront. According to Bayat (2007), caregivers may grow in the importance
of variety, empathy, and the will to stand up for their children and others with similar needs.
Development among children
The journey of child development encompasses a multifaceted progression across var-
ious domains, including physical, cognitive, social, and emotional growth. Understanding
these intricate processes is crucial for supporting children's overall well-being and helping
them reach their full potential.
The physical development of children involves the maturation and growth of their
bodies, encompassing the development of both gross and fine motor skills (Gallahue & Oz-
mun, 2006). Infants and young children undergo rapid physical changes, with their bodies
growing, strengthening, and becoming increasingly coordinated over time (Gesell, 1928).
Milestones such as crawling, walking, and manipulating objects are important indicators of
early childhood physical development.
Cognitive development, on the other hand, relates to the growth and maturation of
children's mental processes, including perception, memory, problem-solving, and language
acquisition (Piaget, 1952). Seminal theories, such as Piaget's stages of cognitive develop-
ment, have provided valuable insights into the evolving nature of children's thinking and rea-
soning abilities (Piaget, 1952). As children progress through these developmental stages, they
demonstrate increasingly complex and sophisticated cognitive skills.
Social development in children concerns the ways in which they interact with others,
form relationships, and navigate the social world (Erikson, 1950). This involves the
acquisition of social skills, the development of self-awareness and understanding of others,
and the ability to engage in cooperative and prosocial behaviors (Rubin et al., 2006). The
quality of children's early social experiences, such as those within the family and peer group,
can significantly impact their social-emotional well-being.
Emotional development in children is closely intertwined with social development,
encompassing the ways in which they understand, express, and regulate their emotions
(Saarni, 1999). This includes the development of self-awareness, emotional regulation, and
the capacity for empathy (Denham, 1998). Children's emotional competence is closely linked
to their overall well-being and the quality of their relationships with others.
While these developmental domains are often discussed separately, it is essential to recognize
their interconnectedness and mutual influence (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The development of a
child is a complex and dynamic process, shaped by a myriad of factors, including biological,
environmental, and socio-cultural influences (Lerner, 2006).
Intellectual disability
The understanding of intellectual disability has evolved, reflecting a range of cultural per-
spectives and societal attitudes. In many traditional societies, individuals with intellectual dis-
abilities were often viewed through a spiritual or supernatural lens, sometimes seen as pos-
sessing special powers or divine wisdom, but also leading to their marginalization and segre-
gation (Ingstad & Whyte, 1995).
The medical model of disability, which emerged in the 20th century, framed intellectual dis-
ability as a biological or neurological condition requiring clinical intervention and treatment
(Morrow, 2014). However, this approach sometimes led to the institutionalization and medi-
calization of individuals with intellectual disabilities, overlooking their social and emotional
needs.
In more recent decades, the social model of disability has gained prominence, shifting the fo-
cus from the individual's impairment to the societal barriers and attitudes that hinder the full
inclusion and participation of individuals with intellectual disabilities (Oliver, 1990). This
perspective emphasizes the importance of accessibility, accommodations, and the dismantling
of stigma and discrimination to create more inclusive environments.
The field of disability studies has offered critical analyses of how intellectual disabil-
ity is constructed, represented, and experienced within various cultural, historical, and politi-
cal contexts (Goodley, 2017). This field has highlighted the inherent worth and dignity of in-
dividuals with intellectual disabilities while acknowledging the diversity of their lived experi-
ences and perspectives.
Moreover, the self-advocacy movement, led by individuals with intellectual disabili-
ties themselves, has played a crucial role in challenging societal perceptions and advocating
for their rights, autonomy, and inclusion (Goodley, 2005). This movement has empowered in-
dividuals with intellectual disabilities to assert their voice, challenge stereotypes, and shape
the discourse around intellectual disability.
Intellectual disability (ID) in children encompasses a range of cognitive and adaptive func-
tioning impairments that manifest during the developmental period, typically before the age
of 18 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). While intellectual disability is often consid-
ered a single condition, it can be classified into several distinct types, each with its own char-
acteristics and implications.
Types of Intellectual Disability
Mild Intellectual Disability: Children with mild intellectual disability typically have an IQ
score between 50-69 and demonstrate some delays in cognitive and adaptive skills, but are
often able to live independently and participate in mainstream educational settings with ap-
propriate accommodations and support (Schalock et al., 2010).
Moderate Intellectual Disability: Children with moderate intellectual disability typically have
an IQ score between 35-49 and exhibit more significant delays in intellectual and adaptive
functioning, requiring more intensive educational and support services to develop skills nec-
essary for semi-independent living (Schalock et al., 2010).
Severe Intellectual Disability: Children with severe intellectual disability typically have an IQ
score between 20-34 and exhibit profound limitations in intellectual and adaptive skills, re-
quiring comprehensive, lifelong support and specialized educational programs to acquire ba-
sic self-care and communication abilities (Schalock et al., 2010).
Profound Intellectual Disability: Children with profound intellectual disability typically have
an IQ score below 20 and demonstrate the most significant impairments in intellectual and
adaptive functioning, often requiring around-the-clock care and support for even the most ba-
sic daily activities (Schalock et al., 2010).
It is important to note that the severity of intellectual disability can be influenced by a variety
of factors, including genetic conditions, environmental factors, and the presence of co-occur-
ring disabilities or medical conditions (Maulik et al., 2011). Additionally, the classification of
intellectual disability may shift over time as children develop and their support needs change.
Regardless of the type of intellectual disability, early identification, access to appro-
priate educational and support services, and a focus on fostering independence and self-deter-
mination are crucial for promoting the well-being and optimal development of children with
intellectual disabilities (Wehmeyer & Abery, 2013)
Causes of Intellectual Disabilities
There are several potential causes of intellectual disability, including environmental or
hereditary factors. Comprehending the fundamental reasons is essential for prompt detection,
assistance, and management. The following list includes genetic, prenatal, perinatal, and
postnatal factors as common causes of intellectual disability.
Genetic Factors: Intellectual disability may result from inherited diseases and genetic
abnormalities. Down syndrome, fragile X syndrome, and genetic conditions such as
phenylketonuria (PKU) are a few examples.
Prenatal variables: There is a chance that some prenatal variables will raise the intellectual
disability risk. These include insufficient prenatal care, exposure to chemicals or drugs (such
as alcohol or some medications), maternal malnutrition, and infections (like rubella or CMV)
in the mother.
Perinatal Factors: Intellectual disability may result from difficulties encountered during
labour and the early postnatal phase. Birth trauma, asphyxia, premature birth, and oxygen
deprivation are a few examples of factors that may have an effect.
THEORETICAL REVIEW
Early interactions between children and their primary caregivers are crucial, according to at-
tachment theory, which Mary Ainsworth and John Bowlby developed. According to this hy-
pothesis (Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth, 1978), a person's emotional and social development is
greatly influenced by the quality of these early relationships. The fundamental ideas, import-
ant research, and ensuing ramifications of attachment theory are examined in this study.
The foundation of attachment theory is that children have an inbuilt urge to develop strong
emotional ties with their caretakers. British psychologist John Bowlby postulated that attach-
ment behaviuors are survival-related and biologically determined. Bowlby distinguished sev-
eral essential elements of attachment:
The need to stay close to the individuals we are attached to is known as proximity mainten-
ance.
Safe Haven: Turning to the attachment figure in times of danger or terror to feel secure and
protected.Using the attachment figure as a secure base from which the child can investigate
the surroundings is known as "Secure Base."Anxiety that arises when the attachment figure is
not there is known as separation distress (Bowlby, 1969).
Based on his research, Bowlby suggested that certain attachment behaviuors have been natur-
ally chosen to protect the survival of the young. certain ideas were informed by evolutionary
biology, psychoanalysis, and ethology. According to his theory (Bowlby, 1969), children are
biologically predisposed to develop relationships with other people to live.
Developmental psychologist Mary Ainsworth built on Bowlby's ideas with her empirical re-
search, most notably the "Strange Situation" approach. The purpose of this experiment was to
study attachment bonds between a child and caregiver, usually at the age of one year. A series
of separations and reunions between the child and caregiver occurs in The Strange Situation,
which enables researchers to categorize attachment into several styles (Ainsworth, Blehar,
Waters, & Wall, 1978).
Secure attachment is characterized by a child's confidence in the availability and responsive-
ness of their caregiver(s). Securely attached children have developed a positive internal work-
ing model of themselves as worthy of love and care, and of their caregivers as reliable and
supportive (Bowlby, 1969, 1982).
Anxious-ambivalent attachment is characterized by a child's heightened anxiety and uncer-
tainty about the availability and responsiveness of their caregiver(s). These children have de-
veloped an inconsistent internal working model, where they are unsure whether their needs
for comfort and support will be met (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Anxious-ambivalent children
may exhibit clingy and dependent behaviors, along with heightened emotional responses and
difficulty regulating their emotions. They may also demonstrate low self-esteem and diffi-
culty in forming secure relationships with others (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).
Anxious-avoidant attachment is characterized by a child's tendency to avoid or dismiss the
need for comfort and support from their caregiver(s). These children have developed a nega-
tive internal working model, where they view themselves as unworthy of love and care, and
their caregivers as unavailable or rejecting (Ainsworth et al., 1978).
Anxious-avoidant children may appear independent and self-sufficient, but they often strug-
gle with intimacy and emotional expression. They may have difficulty trusting others and
forming close relationships, and may also exhibit behavioral problems and emotional distress
(Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007). This child may ignore their caregiver and express apathy to-
ward them. When these children are reunited, they don't seem to be distressed or look for
much consolation.
Insecure-Resistant (Ambivalent) Attachment: When the caregiver returns, the children not
only behave clingingly and dependently but also become resistive and challenging to console.
When the caregiver departs, they become quite upset.
Disorganized attachment is a more complex and concerning attachment style, characterized
by a child's lack of a consistent strategy for seeking comfort and support from their
caregiver(s). These children have experienced inconsistent, frightening, or abusive caregiv-
ing, which has led to the development of a disorganized internal working model (Main & So-
lomon, 1990).
Disorganized children may exhibit a range of conflicting behaviors, such as approaching their
caregiver with a mix of avoidance and resistance, or displaying disoriented and confused be-
haviors. They are at a higher risk of developing emotional and behavioral problems, includ-
ing dissociative disorders and other mental health issues (van IJzendoorn et al., 1999).
Ainsworth's Strange Situation provided a robust method for classifying attachment styles and
demonstrated the critical role of early attachment experiences in shaping future relational pat-
terns.
Implications and Extensions of Attachment Theory
Attachment theory has far-reaching implications for understanding human development, par-
ticularly in the areas of emotional regulation, social relationships, and mental health. Re-
search has shown that secure attachment in infancy is linked to positive outcomes such as
higher self-esteem, better peer relationships, and resilience in the face of adversity (Sroufe,
2005).
The relevance of attachment theory lies in its ability to provide a comprehensive framework
for understanding the impact of early caregiving relationships on human development and
well-being. Attachment theory has been extensively researched and applied across various
domains, highlighting its significant implications for a wide range of psychological and soci-
ological phenomena.
One of the primary ways in which attachment theory is relevant is in its ability to explain the
influence of early childhood experiences on later developmental outcomes. Numerous studies
have demonstrated that the quality of attachment relationships formed in infancy and early
childhood can have long-lasting effects on an individual's emotional, social, and cognitive
functioning (Sroufe, 2005; Fearon et al., 2010). Securely attached children, for instance, have
been found to exhibit better self-regulation, social competence, and academic achievement
compared to their insecurely attached peers (Sroufe, 2005; Colonnesi et al., 2011).
Attachment theory is also highly relevant in the context of clinical psychology and psycho-
therapy. The attachment patterns established in childhood have been shown to influence an
individual's interpersonal functioning and vulnerability to various mental health difficulties,
such as depression, anxiety, and personality disorders (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2016; Dozier et
al., 1999). Understanding a client's attachment history and style can inform therapeutic ap-
proaches and interventions, potentially enhancing the effectiveness of treatment (Bowlby,
1988; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2012).
Furthermore, attachment theory has implications for parenting and caregiver-child relation-
ships. The theory emphasizes the importance of caregiver sensitivity, responsiveness, and
consistency in fostering secure attachment relationships, which in turn can promote positive
developmental outcomes for children (Ainsworth et al., 1978; De Wolff & van IJzendoorn,
1997). Attachment-based parenting interventions are effective in supporting caregivers and
improving child-caregiver relationships (Bakermans-Kranenburg et al., 2003; Steele et al.,
2014).
Beyond the parent-child context, attachment theory has also been applied to a range of other
relational contexts, such as teacher-student relationships, adult romantic relationships, and
therapeutic alliances (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2016; Bergin & Bergin, 2009; Mallinckrodt,
2010). In each of these domains, the principles of attachment theory provide valuable insights
into the dynamics and quality of interpersonal relationships.
Overall, the relevance of attachment theory lies in its ability to offer a comprehensive under-
standing of human development and interpersonal functioning, with important implications
for various fields, including clinical psychology, developmental psychology, education, and
social work.
SOCIAL LEARNING THEORY
Social learning theory, developed by psychologist Albert Bandura, is a influential
framework for understanding how individuals acquire new behaviors, attitudes, and skills
through observational learning and modeling (Bandura, 1977). At the core of this theory is
the premise that people can learn by observing the actions and consequences experienced by
others, without necessarily engaging in the behavior themselves.
The primary mechanism of social learning, as proposed by Bandura, is observational
learning or modeling (Bandura, 1986). Through observing the behaviors of others, known as
models, individuals can acquire new responses and integrate them into their repertoire of
behaviors. This process involves four key elements: attention, retention, reproduction, and
motivation (Bandura, 1977).
Attention refers to the individual's ability to focus on and perceive the relevant aspects of the
model's behavior. Retention involves the cognitive processes that allow the observer to store
and remember the observed actions. Reproduction entails the individual's ability to actually
perform the modeled behavior. Finally, motivation encompasses the internal and external
factors that influence the individual's decision to engage in the observed behavior (Bandura,
1986).
Bandura's research has demonstrated that people are more likely to attend to and model the
behaviors of individuals who are perceived as attractive, competent, or similar to themselves
(Bandura, 1977; Bandura & Huston, 1961). Additionally, the consequences experienced by
the model, whether positive or negative, can significantly impact the observer's motivation to
engage in the observed behavior (Bandura, 1977).
Social learning theory has been applied in a variety of contexts, including education,
health promotion, organizational behavior, and clinical psychology (Schunk & Usher, 2019;
Glanz et al., 2015; Manz & Sims, 1981; Morgenstern et al., 2016).
In the educational domain, social learning theory has informed the development of
instructional strategies that capitalize on the power of observational learning and modeling.
For instance, the use of peer tutoring, where students learn from observing and interacting
with their peers, is an effective approach for enhancing academic performance and social
skills (Ginsburg-Block et al., 2006; Topping, 2005).
Within the field of health promotion, social learning theory has been employed to design
interventions aimed at encouraging healthier behaviors, such as physical activity, healthy
eating, and smoking cessation. By using role models and peer support, these interventions
have demonstrated success in facilitating behavior change and improving health outcomes
(Glanz et al., 2015; Baranowski et al., 1990).
In the organizational context, social learning theory has been applied to understand and
enhance leadership development, team dynamics, and organizational learning. For instance,
research has shown that leaders who model desired behaviors and provide opportunities for
observational learning can positively influence the skills and attitudes of their subordinates
(Manz & Sims, 1981; Morgenstern et al., 2016).
While social learning theory has been widely influential, it has also faced some
criticisms and limitations. Some researchers have argued that the theory places too much
emphasis on the role of external factors, such as models and reinforcement, and may neglect
the importance of internal cognitive processes and individual differences (Bandura, 1986;
Rosenthal & Bandura, 1978). Additionally, the theory has been criticized for its inability to
fully explain the acquisition of complex behaviors and the role of self-regulation in the
learning process (Zimmerman, 2000).
EMPIRICAL REVIEWS
Roles of caregivers
According to a study conducted by Rowe (2003), a primary caregiver must be aware
of their duties and responsibilities when providing care for children with disabilities. Their
mental and physical capacity to perform their jobs effectively is impacted by this. Because
each caregiver connects with the function of the caregiver, a certain picture of the caregiver
and indirectly of a patient is created. The majority of unpaid caregivers eventually take on the
job of caregiver, which puts additional stress on them (Harding and Leam, 2005). According
to Clarke (2001), providing care is a role that involves tensions on a variety of levels,
necessitating the development of efficient coping mechanisms by caregivers.
According to Slade (2010), caregivers are frequently entrusted with the fundamental
duty of managing their emotions, including any feelings they may have toward the patient
and the situations surrounding the patient's wellbeing. Eventually, the person finds them-
selves in a position where their patients' needs come before their own by taking on the job of
caregiver. However, Semiatin & O'Conner (2012) pointed out that the caregiver's function
must also be understood in the context of the broader caregiving idea. This is especially im-
portant when taking into account how various environmental elements interact with one an-
other and how they affect one another mutually.
A study by research by Margaret et al.(2015),indicated that caregivers carry out their
duties in a way that reflects how a family operates because it comes naturally to them and be-
cause of their own experiences as wives and mothers. They saw their main duties as making
sure the kids had access to necessities like food, and they carried out this responsibility by
seeing to it that the kids eat at mealtimes. The study showed their believe that it is their duty
to supervise the upkeep of vulnerable children's surroundings and their hygiene. It is plausible
to infer that their views of their tasks and responsibilities are shaped by their societal posi-
tions as mothers and women, as well as demonstrated by the research done by Razavi and
Staab (2010).They again indicated that caregivers primary duty and the job they do for the
most of the day is to see the provision of essential resources. They use this word because they
see themselves as providing a motherly role to vulnerable children, who they see as their
moms.
In Margaret et al. (2018) study, the caregivers saw themselves as significant agents in
the personal, social, academic, and professional growth of the children under their supervi-
sion.
Like all other children raised in families, vulnerable children go through distinct stages of de-
velopment and must grow in various areas of their lives.
Thus, caregivers teach children socially acceptable behaviours by drawing on their own spir-
itual beliefs to instill personal values and morals. In addition, caregivers offer assistance and
direction for the advancement of their education and profession. They help children with their
schoolwork and inspire them to do their best while in school so they can succeed in the fu-
ture.
The children's home was seen by the caretakers as a family system that needed to be main-
tained and managed. This includes handling and keeping an eye on the health of the children
and giving medicine to those who require it, as well as organizing and managing the day-to-
day activities that involve their interactions with their families of origin and with other people
in the community. Additionally, caregivers are in charge of overseeing and planning the daily
schedules of the children under their care, including disciplining them as best they can.
Furthermore, the research by Razavi and Staab (2010) also showed that caregivers see them-
selves as the primary providers of support and nurturing for the children they look after. It is
reasonable to assume that the caregivers' realization that the majority of the vulnerable chil-
dren in their care may never get parental love, care, and nurturing is what motivates them to
love these children as if they were their own.
Hannah Jo Black (2018) conducted a study on caregivers to examine the
responsibilities of caregivers. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 35 caregivers
providing care for elderly relatives or individuals with disabilities. Caregivers were asked to
describe their typical daily activities and responsibilities in caring for their care recipient. The
key findings showed Caregivers reported taking on a diverse array of responsibilities,
including assistance with activities of daily living (bathing, dressing, feeding, etc.),
medication administration and coordination of healthcare services, helping with household
chores and maintenance, provision of financial assistance, and providing emotional support
and companionship for these individuals with disabilities and other health conditions.
Challenges experienced by caregivers of children with intellectual disability.
Caregiving for children with ID presents unique challenges, including emotional stress,
financial burdens, navigating healthcare systems, and addressing societal stigma. Support
systems, education, and access to resources are essential in alleviating caregiver burden and
promoting optimal caregiving practices.
Research conducted by Aneesh et al. (2022) on the topic “The Challenges faced by
Primary Caregivers of Children with Intellectual Disability” had 58 respondents in the study
This study interviewed the primary caregivers of children who were below the IQ of 70 who
were called children with intellectual disability. The sample size for the current study was
restricted to 58 respondents. The respondents were selected through convenience non
probability sampling method. Data was collected using the convenience sampling technique.
In Satara, Maharashtra, two non-governmental organizations provided 58 caregivers who
participated in the survey as respondents. undertaken in 2014 as a study. The study employed
the Zarit Burden Scale and the Caregiver Distress Scale, to assess the difficulties faced by
primary care providers. The study found that the respondents feel a moderate burden in
caring for these children with intellectual disability. The economic burden is higher than
other factors because the respondents were from poor or average income-generated families.
The study found that the caregivers were burdened in these five areas: health, financial,
relationship, psychological, and social life. Their study reported a statistically significant
(P=.000) positive moderate connection between the health burden and the psychological (r
=.642), financial (r =.530), and relationship (r =.480) difficulties. In these three areas, the
majority feel that their care is burdensome.
Moreover, Allan (2016) using purposive sampling selected 20 participants and by us-
ing the qualitative research approach explored the experiences of primary caregivers of chil-
dren living with disabilities. The findings of this research revealed that the caregivers experi-
enced financial challenges and a lack of psychosocial support from families. The study again
reported the importance of the caregiver’s health as a critical element in the caregiving
process as it has the caregiver’s health could affect the well-being of the child being cared
for. Due to the high physical labour demands and lack of specialized equipment that might
help them lessen their workload, primary caregivers in low-income nations have an extremely
difficult time providing care. Physical health issues and injuries could arise from this.
Research by Murphy et al. (2006) sampled forty caregivers and employed a focused
group discussion to assess the challenges they had encountered as caregivers of these children
with this developmental disability. From this work five themes encapsulated the experience
of providing care: the stress of providing care, the detrimental effect on the health of care-
givers, sharing the burden, concerns about the future, and coping mechanisms employed by
caregivers. Of the caregivers, 41% said that their health had gotten worse over the previous
year and blamed their diminished psychological vitality, lack of time, and lack of control for
these changes. The study showed the correlation positive correlation between most psycho-
logical conditions such as anxiety, stress and depression, and caregiving. In addition, Cherry
(1989) suggests another challenge faced by these caregivers is social isolation.
Strategies that support caregivers of children with intellectual disability.
Lazarus and Folkman (Citation1984) described coping as the strategies one uses to
deal with the causes of stressful occurrences. According to Lazarus and Folkman (1984), an
individual's coping techniques are significantly influenced by the personal meaning they as-
sign to situations. This meaning is typically shaped by their personal values, beliefs, and life
goals (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000).
According to Murphy et al. (2006) , caregivers of children with disabilities used short
10- to 15-minute breaks, mini-naps, or the excuse "sometimes I just have a good cry" as ways
to escape their daily obligations. Having pets as companions, going shopping, and "eating
lots of chocolate" were common ways to unwind. In addition to noting that "a quick phone
call to a friend" was a useful way to decrease stress, caregivers placed a high value on the
support of friends, extended family, and peer organizations.
In addition, Jorge(2022) researched the common challenges caregivers face and dif-
ferent coping strategies. He did a purposive sampling of ten caregivers using the qualitative
approach. Through this study, he outlined a number of coping strategies as follows: getting
enough sleep, seeking medical attention, seeking help, and training from resource personnel.
Different coping strategies are used by primary caregivers of children with physical
limitations. The availability of social support and the primary caregiver's financial condition
play a crucial role in handling situations when the primary caregiver may turn to other people
as coping mechanisms. Nolan et al. (as referenced in Bailey and Savage, 2004). Concern has
been raised about how providing care affects caregivers' psychological well-being, sense of
self, and coping mechanisms. According to Nolan et al. (quoted in Savage and Bailey, 2004),
coping responses can be classified as coping resources or strategies. Nevertheless, the devel-
opment of social media sites where parents of kids with physical disabilities can exchange ex-
periences has shown to be a useful strategy for knowledge exchange and issue-solving in
When it comes to proposed intervention measures, children with severe intellectual
disabilities and their caretakers are likewise little represented (Razzouka et al. 2010).
Thus, a potential intervention model is put out to construct the collaborative intervention of a
child with severe intellectual disability based on this and the study's findings. According to
Stanbridge (2012), this paradigm incorporates counselling as the primary component of the
intervention and is essential to every level of Bronfenbrenner's bioecological systems model.
To improve the assistance given to the caregiver, a transdisciplinary team would entail each
healthcare professional taking on the role of a counsellor when it is suitable for them includ-
ing the educational psychologist (Costan et al. 2018).