Cities 106 (2020) 102868

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Cities
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cities

City profile

Jakarta: A city of cities T

⁎
Rafael Martinez , Irna Nurlina Masron
Lee Kuan Yew Centre for Innovative Cities, Singapore University of Technology and Design, 8 Somapah Road, #02-302, Building 3 Level 2, Singapore 487372

A R T I C LE I N FO A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Jakarta, Indonesia's primate city and the world's second largest urban agglomeration, is undergoing a deep
COVID-19 transformation. A fresh city profile of Jakarta is long overdue, given that there have been major events and
Everyday transformations developments since the turn of the millennium (the Asian Financial crisis and decentralisation in Indonesia,
Layered city among the most important), as well as the fact that the city is a living entity with its own processes to be
Megacity
examined. The inhabitants of the city have also taken centre stage now in these urban processes, including the
Permanent temporariness
recent pandemic COVID-19 response. Our paper profiles Jakarta heuristically in two cuts: presenting the city
Smart city
from conventional and academic perspectives of megacities like it, which includes contending with its negative
perceptions, and more originally, observing the city from below by paying attention to the viewpoints of citizens
and practitioners of the city. In doing so, we draw from history, geography, anthropology, sociology and political
science as well as from our experience as researchers who are based in the region and have witnessed the
transformation of this megacity from within, with the idea that the portrayal of the city is a project permanently
under construction.

1. Everyday Jakarta result in acute mobility problems and permanent infrastructural defi-
ciencies. Concomitantly, the competition for land in Jakarta gives rise
Present-day Jakarta and its metro area seem a massive and chaotic to an endless cycle of conflicts, invasions, evictions, and eternal legal
jumble of concrete, asphalt, vehicles, and people. Each day the streets disputes between original owners, developers, and other powerful
carry more than 20 million vehicles; every year, approximately 11% agents (Herlambang, Leitner, Liong Ju, Sheppard, & Anguelov, 2018).
more motorcycles, cars, buses, and trucks take to the streets (BPS Every day, city and countryside seem to merge in this spatial con-
Provinsi DKI Jakarta, 2018).1 On average, motorists spend more than glomerate, in a sort of babel of skin and eye colors, languages, con-
half their daylight hours stuck in traffic, and when they can move, their versations, memories, shouts, watchful eyes, rumors and gossip.
speed is only about 5 km/h during rush period (Tempo.co, 2015).2 Intermingled with sirens, pounding and drilling, singing birds, heli-
The city (comprising Jakarta and its metro area) spans 4384 km2 copters' whumping roar, the adhan,3 vehicle horns, squealing cranes,
and has a population density of around 13,000 people per km2 (Idem). croaking frogs, vendors' harangues, quacking ducks, the roar of engines
Such a high population density makes land one of the most highly de- and the whistling of the wind all become part of the same ubiquitous
sired commodity in the city, a situation not unlike megacities else- miasma of vomit, urine, sweat, kretek,4 stagnant water, burning trash,
where. The continual pressures a rising population put on scarce land smoked meat, perfume, smog, gorengan,5 kerosene, open sewage,

⁎
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (R. Martinez), [email protected] (I.N. Masron).
1
Of which 73.92% are motorcycles, passenger cars 19.58%, load vehicles 3.83%, public transportation 1.88% and official vehicles 0.79%. Source: Badan Pusat
Statistik (BPS) (the Indonesian Central Statistics Agency), 2018.
2
In 2015, Jakarta's traffic congestion ranked ahead of Istanbul, Mexico City, Surabaya, St. Petersburg, Moscow, Rome, Bangkok, Guadalajara (Mexico), and Buenos
Aires. According to Castrol's Magnatec Stop-start Index 2015, motorists in Jakarta made on average 33, 240 start-stops per year. Source: http://www.castrol.com/id_
id/indonesia/car-engine-oil/engine-oil-brands/castrol-magnatec-brand/stop-start-index.html.
3
Islamic call to prayer.
4
Cigarettes made with a blend of tobacco and cloves.
5
A fritter, banana, tofu or bakso (meat balls) gorengan is a popular street snack in Indonesian cities.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2020.102868
Received 7 May 2020; Received in revised form 13 June 2020; Accepted 26 July 2020
Available online 21 August 2020
0264-2751/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

siomay6 and soto7 that seem to permanently envelope residents and by a mayor appointed by the governor) and one administrative regency,
passers-by alike in Jakarta. Thousand Islands (headed by an appointed regent). The nature of the
In the preceding paragraphs, we see how time and space materialise DKI Jakarta government is a centralised regional one, with less au-
in various modalities and intersect in the city of Jakarta, a living, tonomy for its municipalities than other parts of Indonesia (Cybriwsky
layered landscape of people and objects – a city of cities. Profiling a city & Ford, 2001). These units are further divided into 44 districts (keca-
with all its complexities and contradictions is never a straightforward or matan) and 267 subdistricts (kelurahan) in total.
settled endeavour. Nonetheless, we will attempt to do so by heur- Overlapping neighbouring cities, Jakarta and its metro area merge,
istically profiling Jakarta in two cuts. First, we approach the city from a transforming the Indonesian capital into a megacity, known locally as
conventional perspective, including predictable negative aspects of Jabodetabek (an acronym of Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, and
megacities like Jakarta. Second, in a somewhat more unconventional Bekasi) (Fig. 1). With the exception of some hilly areas in southern parts
cut, we propose to profile and understand Jakarta by observing the city of the city, Jakarta sprawls on a low, flat terrain. Extended parts lie
from below, by foregrounding the standpoints of citizens and practi- between −2 and 50 m in altitude and, in general, the city's elevation
tioners of the city. This is to illustrate the various ways a city, including averages just 5 m above sea level. Jakarta is indeed crucially shaped by
Jakarta, could be seen, and how these are being done through under- water. Its shoreline and sea floor are affected by seasonal flooding on an
standing the everyday transformations of the city, which evolve across annual basis. The city spreads over a vast area of alluvial lowland re-
space and time. sulting from the volcanoes surrounding it, i.e. Salak, Pangrango and
Given that the last profile of Jakarta in this journal was published Gede. This fertile alluvial plain, crisscrossed by 13 rivers, has histori-
nearly two decades ago (Cybriwsky & Ford, 2001), we believe an up- cally been swampy, making it highly suitable for rice farming and other
dated profile of Jakarta, the capital of the most populous country in agricultural activities. Because of this, and in addition to the river
Southeast Asia, is long overdue. There have been major developments courses, canals and dams water the city's underground.8
since the turn of the millennium. The aftermath of the 1997–98 Asian Jakarta has a tropical monsoon climate. The rainy season usually
Financial Crisis would continue to be felt years later. The same can be starts in November and lasts through June; then the city enters the dry
said about the new policy of regional autonomy and especially fiscal season. Precipitation is more intense in the winter months, between
decentralisation of Indonesia since 1999, making urban development December to March. This close relationship between city and water as
increasingly the remit of local authority. But major events are not the well as climate is often obscured by dominant political narratives of
only origins of changes. As researchers who are based in the region and flooding being caused by communities living on the riverbanks
have witnessed the transformation of this megacity from within, our (Padawangi, 2019). The mitigating solutions mainly involve reclama-
goal is also to reflect on the city as a living entity with its own processes tion projects (Puspa, 2019) and/or moving people away (sometimes
by which means it periodically emerges anew, and to acknowledge how through forced evictions) from the riverbanks to widen and deepen the
citizens have since become important agents of change in the city. Al- city's rivers (Van Voorst & Padawangi, 2015). These actions may hurt
though the impetus for change and processes are not necessarily unique the environment and local livelihoods more than alleviate flooding
from other developing cities, the outcomes may well be, such as the problems (Chan, 2017; Kusumawijaya, 2016). People are often left to
aftermath of COVID-19 worldwide. While this profile focuses on Jakarta deal with climate change effects on their own as the issue has received
and its characteristic circumstances, we believe it presents interesting little attention from government leaders (Kurniawan, 2018), and, in
and relevant lessons for perceiving similar cities in the Global South. It some cases, to shoulder the blame for them (Van Voorst & Padawangi,
posits Jakarta in the fold of a rich literature on these other cities. 2015).

2. A conventional view of the city 2.1. Historical background

Jakarta is situated on the northwest coast of Java at the mouth of Jakarta's origins can be traced back centuries, before the city be-
the Ciliwung, a canalised river over 100 km long that flows from the came a colonial settlement, starting from the Neolithic in the Buni area
hinterland of Java, criss-crosses the city, and then empties into the Bay (ca. 400 BCE). Stretching along the north western coast of Java towards
of Jakarta. The Special Capital Region (Daerah Khusus Ibukota - DKI) of the southern hinterlands, various civilisations have been superimposed
Jakarta occupies an area of roughly 664 km2 of land (Table 1) and over each other. One of these, the oldest in the Indonesian archipelago,
6977 km2 of sea where the Thousand Islands archipelago (Kepulauan is Tarumanagara. The remains of this kingdom are represented by the
Seribu) is located. The urban sprawl of the city, however, extends well Tugu Inscription found near Tanjung Priok, Jakarta's modern-day port.
beyond its formal limits (Fig. 1). With a population of 10.56 million in In the 9th Century, as the Sunda Kingdom emerged as one of Srivijaya's
2019, Jakarta is the sixth most populous province in Indonesia, home to vassals, Sunda Kelapa became known as one of the main port-cities on
3.94% of its population, and the densest province in Indonesia the coast of northwest Java. The port first became a capital city during
(Table 1). this period.
As a special capital territory of the Republic of Indonesia, DKI Due to its strategic location, Sunda Kelapa rapidly became a coveted
Jakarta assumes the same administrative level of a province (of which possession of the surrounding Muslim kingdoms of Demak and Cirebon.
there are 34 in Indonesia), with a directly elected governor as its head After Sunda Kelapa fell to Fatahillah, the leader of the Islamic forces,
of city/local government with a 5-year term. The administrative the port's name was changed to Jayakarta, and a short-lived period of
structure of the city consists of the executive branch (i.e. the governor glory graced the city (Gultom, 2017). The increasing pressure exerted
and 4 vice-governors) and the legislative branch (i.e. nominated by the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) would eventually undermine
members of political parties, the armed forces, etc.). Within DKI the relationship between the Kingdom of Banten and the English East
Jakarta, there are five administrative municipalities – South Jakarta, India Company, leaving the path clear for the Dutch to appropriate and
East Jakarta, Central Jakarta, West Jakarta, North Jakarta (each headed totally control the port. During this period the VOC began constructing
the citadel, a spatial reference identified as the starting point of colonial
Batavia (Idem).
6
A strong-smelling steamed fish dumpling with vegetables served with The historic origin of Batavia has been connected with the arrival of
peanut sauce.
7
A traditional soup of turmeric-colored broth spiced with shallots, garlic,
8
galangal, ginger and coriander, with beef or chicken and vegetables. It is It has been estimated that more than half of Jakarta's total population rely
usually served with prawn crackers (krupuk). on ground wells for water. Source: (ADB, 2016).

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R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

Table 1
Number of residents, population density and area of the top 6 populous provinces in Indonesia.
Source: Statistical Yearbook of Indonesia, BPS (2020).
Province Number of residents in 2019 Population density per km2 Area in km2
(% of total population) (% of Indonesia's area)

West Java 49.32 million (18.4%) 1394 35,377 (1.85%)

East Java 39.69 million (14.81%) 831 47,803 (2.49%)
Central Java 34.72 million (12.95%) 1058 32,800 (1.71%)
North Sumatra 14.56 million (5.43%) 200 72,981 (3.81%)
Banten 12.92 million (4.82%) 1338 9662 (0.50%)
DKI Jakarta 10.56 million (3.94%) 15,900 664 (0.03%)

Dutch colonial power and the interaction of Europeans with Chinese and Soviet, were entrusted with producing a prolific iconography in the
and immigrants from other parts of the Indonesian archipelago city (Dovey, 2016). Crowning boulevards and thoroughfares, monu-
(Abeyasekere, 1987). However, in spite of some external features, Ba- ments representing soldiers, peasants and youth were material expres-
tavia was far from merely a fortified Dutch city. In fact, some scholars sions of progress, friendship and nationhood as well as a strategy meant
have argued that pre-Dutch cities also had walls and canals and even a to educate and imbue all Indonesians with a sense of national pride.
similar internal organisation (Miksic, 1990). An example of that is the Unlike Sukarno, his successor Suharto (1921–2008) established a
very notion of kampung. Mistakenly translated as “village” or con- goal to differentiate rather than undertake new building projects. In his
sidered a “Dutch innovation,” kampung was a section within the wish to distance the city from his predecessor, Suharto's new approach
boundaries of land controlled by a nobleman (Abeyasekere, 1987). By to Jakarta was to thwart direct participation by its citizens. This was
adopting this spatial division in Batavia as well as in other cities, the reflected in the suppression of construction of massive new public
Dutch were able to separate groups on the basis of ethnic affiliation, spaces. Suharto's approach to public space aimed to portray a new re-
religion, occupation or other characteristics. Whatever the origin of lationship with his citizens, assuming the role of a father who looks for
kampung, after more than three centuries, the Dutch colonial period the well-being of his children (Kusno, 2000).
left its distinctive mark on the city's landscape (Idem). Suharto provided Jakarta with a massive infrastructure, including
The development of Batavia had two epicentres, the first in the internal toll roads, flyovers, Indonesia's biggest seaport, Tanjung Priok,
north of Jakarta in the area known today as Kota Tua (Old City) and the Soekarno-Hatta international airport along with numerous of-
(Fig. 2),9 close to Sunda Kelapa port, and the second in the southern fice buildings, shopping malls, and the so-called superblocks.10 Under
part of the city, built as a defensive move against recurrent British at- Suharto too Jakarta increasingly became an urban environment domi-
tacks. This southern area surrounded the Weltevreden, a colonial nated by the upper classes. Kusno (2000) has argued that gentrification
country estate where the National Monument (Monas), Tanah Abang, and fear of the underclasses pushed the urban poor off the streets and
Gambir and Lapangan Banteng are now found in Central Jakarta. These out of the public areas. This new order built upon technologies of
landmarks, along with numerous other grand buildings, became sym- violence and surveillance aimed at disciplining Indonesians while re-
bols of victory and power during the colonial period in the 19th Cen- storing Islamic and Javanese values as binding elements.
tury. In the 20th Century, after the outbreak of World War II and under Suharto's rule marked by widespread corruption and festering cro-
the control of the Japanese, the city's colonial glory ended. This interim, nyism was finally upended by the global financial crisis in the late
characterised by the change of the city's name to Jakarta, marks the 1990s. The ethnic violence during Indonesia's economic crisis, also
beginning of it as the capital of Indonesia, an independent nation. known as krismon, would be instrumental in bringing down Suharto's
The transformation of Jakarta's landscape, particularly between New Order and with it went his desire to transform Jakarta into a
1950 and 1965, represents the symbolic construction of the new nation modern, global city (Firman, 1999; Bunnell & Miller, 2011). The vio-
by Indonesia's first president, Sukarno (Kusno, 2000). Imagining Ja- lence before and after krismon led to the exodus of numerous In-
karta as a showcase or “portal of the country,” Sukarno (1901–1969) donesians of Chinese descent. The departure of this powerful economic
envisaged the city as a stage upon which Western (Dutch) and Eastern minority precipitated a decrease in local investments. Violence and
(Javanese) traditions merge (Idem). Under Sukarno, buildings and economic collapse were expressed in the city's landscape through
monuments in Jakarta mixed two important symbols of power in the stalled and cancelled projects and public works. It also brought about
Javanese world: monument (tugu) and palace (istana) in one place the transformation of entire areas and homes into fortresses.
(Pemberton, 1994). In less than two decades, the capital of a nation self- In the early 2000s, in the aftermath of krismon, to prevent home-
proclaimed as the world's “beacon of emergent force” was filled with lessness, unemployment and socio-political unrest, the state allowed
stadia, extensive avenues and boulevards, monuments and wide public urban villages or kampungs and other temporary settlements to grow in
spaces. “abandoned” or “empty” land, including hidden spaces under toll roads
Such construction, however, would not have been possible without and along riversides and railways in Jakarta (Kusno, A., August 2018,
collaboration from regimes on the other side of the Iron Curtain. This Personal communication). However, as the 2000s progressed, devel-
collaboration, at times enthusiastic though short-lived, would leave a opment of Jakarta would gradually resume.
permanent imprint on the Indonesian capital. Gigantic infrastructure In different parts of the city, particularly in the central area, new
projects such as the Friendship Hospital (Rumah Sakit Persahabatan) office buildings, condominiums, and mega malls along with numerous
(1963) or the Gelora Bung Karno stadium (1962) are just two examples small cities or enclaves, e.g. SCBD and the further expansion of Jakarta's
of Russian embedding in Jakarta's landscape. In the context of the 1962 Golden Triangle (Mega Kuningan), emerged and transformed Jakarta's
Asian Games, a Soviet-influenced aesthetics emerged virtually every- landscape. Gentrification of extended areas, quasi-privatisation of
where, dominating most of Jakarta's public spaces. Artists, both local others, and changes in residential use of land generated tensions be-
tween developers and residents, land grabs, and further retreat of the
9
See for more on the 2014 Kota Tua Master Plan to conserve and revitalize
the historic city centre: Revitalizing Cultural Heritage. A comprehensive urban plan
10
to revitalize Kota Tua in Jakarta, UCLG, 2017. https://www.uclg.org/sites/ A then brand-new arrangement accommodating offices, apartments,
default/files/peer_learning_note_22.pdf. shopping malls and other facilities all in one place.

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R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

Fig. 1. Jakarta in Jabodetabek and Java.

Source: Lee Kuan Yew Centre for Innovative Cities (LKYCIC).

kampung. In spite of these tensions, the city today is still undergoing a particularly related to co-existence of different uses of the city in close
deep transformation. quarters (Fig. 4), and the use of digital platforms and other mobile
The city's recent transformation took place within the framework of technologies, e.g. technologies people use to navigate the city (Fig. 5) or
domestic and international events, e.g. river normalisation program, interact with each other in everyday life.
the Southeast Asian Games in 2018, May 2019 election protests and
riots (Fig. 3). The opening of Jakarta's first MRT line in early 2019 was
another factor of change. Other changes, though less visible, are

4
R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

Fig. 2. View of the outer side of Kota Tua after the 2014 revitalisation (2019).
Source: Winston Yap, LKYCIC.

Fig. 3. Fencing on main roads in Jakarta during May riots (2019).

Source: Rafael Martinez, LKYCIC.

2.2. Population

According to official figures, the population of DKI Jakarta is esti-

mated at 10,557,810 people in 2019 (BPS Provinsi DKI Jakarta, 2020).
That means that in about a decade the city's population has risen by
almost 10% since the previous census in 2010. The population dis- Fig. 4. Kampung, unmarked graves, and street vendors, all coexisting in
tribution in its six administrative divisions (five municipalities and one proximity, next to a pedestrian bridge.
Source: Rafael Martinez, LKYCIC.
regency) is as follows: East Jakarta (2.937 million), West Jakarta (2.589
million), South Jakarta (2.264 million), North Jakarta (1.812 million),
Central Jakarta (928,110), and Thousand Islands (24,300). Central year, 10,370,000 in 2017, 10,467,600 in 2018, and 10,557,810 in 2019
Jakarta is the most densely populated at 23,875 persons per square (BPS Provinsi DKI Jakarta, 2020). Jakarta and its metro area (Jabode-
kilometre, followed by West Jakarta at 19,592 persons (BPS Provinsi tabek), with more than 30 million people, is the second largest mega-
DKI Jakarta, 2020). The female-male ratio is almost equal across the city in the world in 2020.12 The suburban areas seem to be where much
divisions. In 2020, the percentage of 15–64 years old, the working age
range, in Jakarta's population is about 71%. This is in line with the
national situation where the demographic dividend is to be realised on 11
“Commentary: Are we heading towards demographic bonus or disaster?,”
the horizon (expected to peak in 2030) with the working age population The Jakarta Post, March 5, 2018. https://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/
constituting 70% of the total population of Indonesia.11 2018/03/05/commentary-are-we-heading-toward-demographic-bonus-or-
Population growth in Jakarta has been subdued but steady. In 2015, disaster.html.
12
for instance, the population reached 10,180,000, 10,280,000 the next Demographia World Urban Areas, 16th Annual Edition (April 2020) http://

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R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

Table 2
Jabodetabek population aged 5 and older according to their place of residence
and commuter status.
Source: BPS (2019)
Residence Commuter status Population 5 years
and older
Commuters Non-commuters

Total % Total % Total %

South Jakarta 231,383 11.5 1,785,451 88.5 2,016,834 100

East Jakarta 341,591 13.8 2,140,147 86.2 2,481,738 100
Central Jakarta 100,692 13.7 632,692 86.3 733,384 100
West Jakarta 283,069 12.7 1,937,101 87.3 2,220,170 100
North Jakarta 137,956 9.4 1,323,231 90.6 1,461,187 100
Bogor Regency 408,874 8.0 4,699,765 92.0 5,108,639 100
Bogor City 80,325 8.9 826,503 91.1 906,828 100
Depok 395,093 19.6 1,624,093 80.4 2,019,186 100
Tangerang 236,284 7.4 2,976,000 92.6 3,212,284 100
Regency
Tangerang City 234,137 12.4 1,650,181 87.6 1,884,318 100
South 197,168 12.9 1,328,812 87.1 1,525,980 100
Tangerang
City
Bekasi Regency 240,197 7.3 3,028,252 92.7 3,278,449 100
Bekasi City 373,125 15.1 2,091,049 84.9 2,464,174 100
Jabodetabek 3,259,894 11.1 26,053,277 88.9 29,313,171 100

people.
In addition to this complex picture of Jakarta and the temporal
dynamics of its population, internal migration14 has a huge role to play
Fig. 5. Vending machine requiring the use of e-money.
in its demographic realities. 42.5% of the total population of DKI Ja-
Source: Irna Nurlina Masron, LKYCIC.
karta in 2010 were lifetime incoming migrants (migran masuk seumur
hidup), while 7.3% of its population were recent incoming migrants
of the population growth is happening, making up about 84% of the (migran masuk risen) (BPS, 2012). Lifetime in-migration for DKI Jakarta
total population growth in the metropolitan area between 2000 and is the third largest in terms of percentage of its total population in In-
2010.13 donesia. However, recent outmigration from DKI Jakarta surpasses in-
The population census enumerates people in their “usual residence”, coming migrants in 2010, therefore the net migration was −2.9% (BPS,
which captures where the resident usually lives, or for persons without 2012). This indicates that while Jakarta is still an attractive place for
a fixed residence, it captures where they are found on the night of internal migrants, the number of outmigrants is increasing as they move
Census day (BPS Provinsi DKI Jakarta, 2018). An identification system to neighbouring provinces such as West Java, Banten, and Lampung
in the form of a national identity card (KTP – Kartu Tanda Penduduk) (Sumatra) (BPS, 2012).
formally registers one as a citizen of Jakarta to be accounted for in Jakarta has been and will probably continue to be a city of migrants.
official statistics. It is verified and issued by the local authorities, Rukun Yet, judging by some habits of this population, the city might not be the
Tetangga/Rukun Warga (RT/RW), and ties a citizen to the locality (ITU, magnet it is alleged to be. In fact, a sizeable proportion of Jakarta's
2016). This system was upgraded to an electronic one (e-KTP) in 2011, migrant population never actually severed its bonds with their place of
which includes a unique serial number, personal and biometric data origin or made the city their permanent home (BPS Provinsi DKI
and is valid for a lifetime, as opposed to the KTP which has to be re- Jakarta, 2018). Families remain in their places of origin, establish their
newed every 5 years. dwellings and create businesses. Hence, not uncommonly, migrants in
Though it might be difficult to establish an accurate profile of ty- Jakarta always look to these places as their destination after retiring.
pical Jakartans, it is easy to assert that a number of them are actually This strategy is embraced by numerous, but not all, labourers, providers
migrants. Jakarta is not called a “city of migrants” without cause (Mani, of services and blue-collar workers. Even though it provides many ad-
1993). Various reports and research speak of a “day” and “night” po- vantages and benefits for the workers and their families, it takes a
pulation of Jakarta, primarily because of the huge number of commu- heavy toll on the city. This endless cycle of human mobility, perhaps
ters coming into the city from the outskirts during the day. In 2019, a more accurately, the permanent temporariness of migrants in Jakarta,
commuter survey by BPS (Table 2) showed that there were 3.2 million occurs at the expense of government policies crucially dependent on the
commuters from the cities of Bogor, Bekasi, Depok, and Tangerang, into active engagement of citizens aimed at improving the city of today and
the capital, with 63.3% of them using motorcycles and 26.9% public planning the city of tomorrow (Deputy Governor DKI, April 2019,
transport (BPS, 2019). This means in DKI Jakarta there are about 14.2 Personal interview). The planned relocation of the nation's capital to
million people during the daytime, when workers stream into the city
from the metro area and in the evening, there are about 11 million
14
An “internal migrant” is someone who moves from one place to another to
stay, crossing administrative provinces, and is staying in a new dwelling or
(footnote continued) intends to stay at least 6 months long, with a difference between current and
demographia.com/db-worldua.pdf. A megacity is defined as an urban area es- former dwellings is also used as a proxy for migration. Within this, two sets of
timated to have more than 10 million. migrants are identified – a “lifetime migrant” is one whose current dwelling is
13
Wendell Cox, “The Evolving Urban Form: Jakarta (Jabotabek),” New in a different province from which one was born; a “recent migrant” is one
Geography, May 31, 2011. http://www.newgeography.com/content/002255- whose dwelling of the last five years is different from the current dwelling.
the-evolving-urban-form-jakarta-jabotabek. Here suburbs are considered to be Source: “Migrasi Internal Penduduk Indonesia Hasil Sensus Penduduk 2010,”
within the urban area, but outside the central city of Jakarta. BPS, 2012.

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East Kalimantan might impact on the city in unexpected ways.15 coupled with daily life noises such as the call to prayer or adhan. De-
In many cities like Jakarta, the increase in popularity of such citizen spite appeals from different sectors of society, including Indonesia's
engagement approaches and participatory budgeting efforts by the former vice president, for the regulation of speakers of mosques, the call
government in the era of decentralisation faces numerous difficulties in to prayer remains a highly sensitive issue in Indonesian society
terms of fiscal, political and administrative capacities (Bunnell, Miller, (Tempo.co, 2012).
Phelps, & Taylor, 2013). However another important issue alluded to Another form of pollution permeating almost every aspect of urban
earlier which needs more attention is the detachment from the city life in Jakarta and its metro area is air pollution. In addition to lead,
which urban residents experience because they are more transient and carbon monoxide, sulfur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide and ozone, the
diverse, as compared to rural populations which tend to have stronger particulate matter PM 2.5 is a significant pollutant.18 In Jakarta PM 2.5
patterns of participation (Feruglio & Rifai, 2017). There is also a di- averages around 160 which, according to the Air Quality Index (AQI), is
versity of profiles among urban residents which participatory budgeting considered “unhealthy for everyone” (AQI, 2019). Added to air and
processes often do not take into account, either by design (marginalised noise pollution, water pollution is another important environmental
groups such as migrants, women, children, people with disabilities) or problem in Jakarta.
lack of capacities of local authorities (Feruglio & Rifai, 2017). Although at varying levels and degrees, pollution is also ubiquitous
Besides internal migration, there is a small but significant popula- in rivers, canals, and underground water in Jakarta. In the last few
tion of international migrants, both permanent and temporary, making years a variety of policies have been formulated to address the problem
Jakarta a cosmopolitan city. An important part of this demographic (Luo et al., 2019). One such policy relates to the eviction of irregular or
segment is the diplomatic corps and representatives of international illegal settlements. Communities along riverbanks or canals have been
organisations including the ASEAN Secretariat, as well as expatriates blamed for littering and using rivers for sewage disposal, not only
and refugees.16 At the end of 2018, there were 95,335 foreign workers polluting the water, but making Jakarta more prone to floods (Van
in Indonesia, an increase of about 11% from 2017, and the majority are Voorst & Padawangi, 2015). Yet water pollution is not a recent problem
professional workers (Kulsum, 2019). These migrants, most covered in Jakarta. In fact, some sources date back its origin from over a century
under the expat umbrella, hail from East Asia (Japan, Korea, China and ago through the production of batik.
Taiwan), South Asia (India and Pakistan), and the Middle East (Saudi In the 1900s, the Dutch saw the peripheries of Batavia as ideal for
Arabia, Oman, UAE) among others. The top 5 origin countries are: the production of printed batik (batik cap). Areas located in what are
China, Japan, South Korea, India, and Malaysia (Kulsum, 2019). The now Central and South Jakarta were chosen for their little creeks or
arrival of these peoples can be seen, although not exclusively, in the streams to drain the excess water from the batik process (Nurdalia,
emergence of new businesses and new real estate developments that 2006). In mid-1990s, however, the government of Jakarta19 ordered
have mushroomed everywhere in the city. The presence and im- that all batik workshops and factories be relocated from the capital city
portance of these populations is also reflected through different forms to the peripheries, particularly to Tangerang, Bekasi or Cikarang. This
of space production. These changes in the city's demographics can be was meant to curb the pollution of the rivers crisscrossing the city. The
seen spatially, as evident in visible enclaves in parts of the city where regulation, included in the city's first Master Plan, was also intended to
certain groups live. There are businesses and services catered to the push the city's development towards the eastern and western parts of
daily life needs of migrants, such as particular religious buildings, su- the capital to reduce traffic and demographic density. This ban resulted
permarkets, restaurants, types of trade, educational institutes, and in further growth of residential areas as former workshops and factories
cultural centres (Ajistyatama, 2014; Hang, 2015). were transformed into private homes. As this regulation implies, one
way the government sought to address the city's problems is by re-
designing and planning the urban space.
2.3. Urban problems and planning paradigms Soon after Jakarta officially became the nation's capital (Undang-
Undang No. 4 Tahun 1964), the city government issued its first Master
The problems Jakartans experience in daily life are far from new, Plan (1965–1985). The Master Plan addressed three main uses of urban
although they seem to daily renew. Nor are the narratives urging to land: industrial, unplanned, and public buildings. This led to the crea-
move the capital far from the current location, and in an environment tion of avenues and streets, construction of infrastructure, and estab-
thoroughly planned from scratch unique to Jakarta.17 One of the most lishment of more residential areas. Additional residential expansion
acute problems in Jakarta is pollution and perhaps one of the most onto land formerly occupied first by kampung and paddy fields, later by
obvious forms of pollution is noise. In a city packed with thousands of factories and workshops, brought a college-educated and mixed-ethnic
cars, motorcycles and other types of vehicles, it is no surprise that noise urban middle class that thrived in urban Indonesia during the 1980s
profoundly affects this almost permanently gridlocked capital. It is no (Aspinall, 2005; Bresnan, 2005; Taylor, 2012).
wonder that Jakarta was ranked one of the most stressful cities in Asia Jakarta's next Master Plan (1985–2005) triggered an unprecedented
and the world (Zipjet, 2017). The almost permanent clatter of engines is number of changes in residential zones orienting central Jakarta de-
velopment towards mixed-use. Within years, infrastructural develop-
15
“Indonesian president announces site of new capital on Borneo island,” ment and a further increase of investments brought a radically different
CNA, August 26, 2019. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asia/ landscape to central Jakarta and Jakarta in general. Hence, during the
indonesia-picks-borneo-island-as-site-of-new-capital-joko-widodo-11842756. 1980s new buildings mushroomed almost everywhere on former kam-
16
Many of the almost 14,000 refugees and asylum seekers currently in pung land. During Suharto's New Order, in effect, Jakarta grew rapidly
Indonesia are based in Jakarta, with the majority coming from Afghanistan, thanks to an enormous investment in the property sector, focusing
Somalia and Myanmar, according to the UNHCR in 2019. Source: https://www. particularly on offices, commercial buildings, high-rise residential
unhcr.org/id/en/figures-at-a-glance. buildings and hotels (Pravitasari, Saizen, Tsutsumida, Rustiadi, &
17
During the late 1950s, Sukarno, Indonesia's first president, envisaged
moving the recently independent nation's capital to Palangkaraya (Central
Kalimantan) (Labolo, Averus, & Udin, 2018). The idea of moving to Kalimantan,
to either Bukit Soeharto, Bukit Nyuling or Palangkaraya came up in 2015, a few 18
Less than 2.5 μm in width, these particles can permeate the lungs and cause
months after President Widodo was elected in his first term (The Jakarta Post, 4 long-term damage (Xing, Xu, Shi, & Lian, 2016).
19
May 2019). In 2005, Myanmar replaced its capital Naypyidaw with Yangon, Source: KEPUTUSAN MENTERI NEGARA LINGKUNGAN HIDUP NOMOR:
and in 1960, Brazil replaced Rio de Janeiro with Brasilia – both new cities were KEP-51/MENLH/10/1995. https://lingkunganhidup.jakarta.go.id/wp-content/
planned cities. Source: “Why is Indonesia moving its capital city? Everything uploads/2019/10/Kepmen-LH-No.51-Tahun-1995-Baku-Mutu-Limbah-Cair-
you need to know,” The Guardian, August 27, 2019. Industri.pdf.

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R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

Pribadi, 2015). In 1988 and 1989 alone, the city's economy grew more plans have historically imagined the city, but also in the ways proposed
than 13.9% (Jakarta Regional Research Council, 2013). Such an in- solutions to the city's problems have informed Jakartans' identity and
crease, thanks largely to the concentration of foreign and domestic in- their aspirations.
vestment in the capital, eventually marked the rise of real estate in- As has happened with other megacities, Jakarta has been compared
vestment and speculative urbanism in Jakarta (Herlambang et al., to different urban models (Goh & Bunnell, 2013), some not necessarily
2018; Leitner & Sheppard, 2018). compatible with its permanently shifting morphology subject to di-
Two decades later, from 2010 onwards, in the framework of the chotomies such as formal and informal, planned and organic. Despite
city's 2010–2030 Master Plan, Jakarta has experienced profound the moderni sation projects the city experienced during the 1960s,
changes. Entire areas, particularly in central Jakarta, have once again Jakarta's space could be the consequence of spontaneous processes. An
been divided, into three dominant zones: public, mixed-use and high- instance of this is the takeover of kampung land followed by real estate
rise residential. Tacitly, by not addressing the gaps between zoning development led mostly by private agents.
regulations and existing conditions in different parts of the city, the new In the city's daily life, dichotomies in Jakarta's landscape are ex-
master plan has enabled developers to continue creating more land pressed in the way planned, sophisticated real estate projects coexist
banks in the permissible densified areas. However, perhaps for the first with kampungs or other forms of urban villages. Such dichotomies do
time ever, the plan has acknowledged the presence and continuity of not necessarily entail the clash of opposing agendas or ways of ima-
noncommercial or residential places as religious venues, exempting gining the city's space. The kampung takes advantage of its location by
them from potential eviction, which seems to have expanded almost providing restaurants, shops, and accommodations among other ser-
everywhere in the city. vices, all essential to workers and employees in highly gentrified areas
In addition to spatial planning and infrastructure, public utilities such as the Central Business District (CBD).
(electricity and gas), water, sanitation, transportation, affordable Just a few years ago, the final print-out of different projects and
housing, education are main municipal services which are also to be modern estate developments was determined by the surrounding
provided and managed by the provincial government. Though ob- kampungs. The print-out resulting from some of the oldest developed
servers have argued that it is lagging in most sectors even though the areas in Jakarta is the outcome of the Kampung Improvement Program
economy is reportedly growing substantially (Baker, 2012). In this (KIP), initiated more than four decades ago (Irawaty, 2018). Hence, in
context, there has been a ‘participatory turn’ in this respect as citizen different parts of the city the resulting design resembled an orthogonal
participation in spatial planning and budgeting (musrenbang since 2000, grid. Such design was mostly the outcome of policies which aim to
Dana Desa since 2014) has been introduced and organic forms of col- improve the living conditions in kampung areas by transforming the
laboration in communities such as the urban villages in Jakarta have internal road system of kampungs and connecting it to the main roads.
been encouraged and supported by both non-governmental and gov- Over the years, this spatial configuration was further shaped by a
ernmental efforts (Feruglio & Rifai, 2017). process of densification and layer addition accommodating new gen-
This is to modify the development since independence which re- erations of inhabitants (Santoso, 2011).
flects a top-down approach to planning that focuses on serving “the In this layered context, self-help in implementing improvements at
urban elite and link[ing] to global networks of market flows, but have the neighbourhood level is a phenomenon which reflects the challenges
less direct benefits for the majority of the population” (Lo, 2010). While authorities face in providing public goods, such as sanitation and
the participatory budgeting has received more attention in terms of housing. It has been argued that this practice of spatial production has
making it accessible to the average citizen, this is less of the case in allowed the cost of providing these public goods to be externalised to
spatial planning. According to the Jakarta Area Spatial Plan (Rencana communities and residents in terms of resources and time to meet
Tata Ruang Wilayah Jakarta) 2030, which is a revised plan from the dominant urban imaginaries (UN HRC, 2013). Propagated by autho-
RTRW Jakarta 2010, four strategic issues are highlighted for deeper rities, improving living conditions on their own initiative is increasingly
focus on – transport system and infrastructure, city flood and drainage being practised (and internalised) by marginalised residents as a way of
management system, provision of city utilities (clean water, liquid and being and belonging to the city; yet the spatial uncertainties faced by
solid waste management, telecommunications, energy), and green open the marginalised who rely on these spaces for residing and working
spaces (DKI Jakarta, 2011). The 3 main principles undergirding the have not been much ameliorated (Padawangi, 2019).
plan are: managed growth and not development ‘as usual’, the basis of As different cases in the city illustrate, the transformation of ex-
functional planning being the Jabodetabekpunjur Metropolitan, and a tended areas in Jakarta is actually the outcome of a longer period, from
shift from ‘stakeholders’ to ‘shareholders’ model (DKI Jakarta, 2011). colonial times to Indonesia's independence. Rapid modernisation, the
There is increasing concern with whether this participatory and country's economic collapse and its recovery brought in different times
community-based planning is being integrated into official mainstream and circumstances, new uses of land, processes of gentrification and, in
planning (Padawangi, 2019). Some of the major challenges for in- general, more layers in the same space (Santoso, 2006). Observing the
volvement in participatory budgeting include access to information to city as a context resulting from the coexistence of formal and informal is
identify the needs and priorities of the community, and about the nonetheless complex in Jakarta.
process of participatory budgeting - what happens to the proposals
made by citizens, and whether they are being responded to, im- 3.2. Jakarta today
plemented, or can be monitored (accountability) (Feruglio & Rifai,
2017). Jakarta is nowadays a city engaged in an endless transformation.
Not uncommonly, changes in this megacity take place organically, in
3. The city from below the context of the informal economy. Daily life practices and different
ways to see and produce space continuously shape the city's landscape,
3.1. Power and morphology in Jakarta leaving their print on it. Other changes, however, are the outcome of
top-down policies thoroughly planned and implemented by the state.
Describing Jakarta's morphology is a complex task as the city is In recent years, particularly in the context of globalisation, the state
constantly changing and consequently unpredictable. Some scholars has dictated a series of policies and regulations meant not only to ad-
have characterised the city's space as layered (Santoso, 2006). The dress Jakarta's regular issues, but to make the city more efficient, less
shape Jakarta has adopted derives from a plethora of contextual factors costly and citizen friendly. Since the launch of the Jakarta Smart City
preeminent in different moments throughout its history. The con- program (2014), the city has invested in technology as an effort to
tinuous evolution of the city is confirmed not only in the way the master improve the services provided to residents (Dewanti, 2014). By means

8
R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

of smartphone applications and installation of CCTV cameras, the city acknowledge that citizens are transforming Jakarta in different ways
government aims at providing quick response to daily life, including and to uncover the mechanisms by which they do so, in order to begin
floods, crimes, fires or waste-related issues. Even though Jakarta re- to understand how and how much of citizen participation can and will
ports an increase of interaction between the city government and its work in the different spaces of the Indonesian capital. Whatever new
citizens through applications such as Qlue20 (Fig. 6) for residents and ideas, policy, or programs one comes up with to address urban pro-
CROP for civil servants and officials, the city is still far behind the blems and issues, it is imperative to keep in mind the ways in which the
original goals and expectations. This occurs in spite of the high ex- city, as a living entity, could and should be seen - the relationship it has
posure Indonesians – and particularly Jakartans – have to electronic with its physical surroundings, the multiplicities of its past, present and
devices and Internet.21 future narratives, the diversity of its inhabitants, the seemingly mun-
In recent times, the transformation of the city into a smart one has dane and rhythmic everyday life, and the various nodes of power.
also been hindered by the overwhelming reality coupled with political In merging academic theories and methodologies, challenging the
aspects, e.g. the fall from grace of Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama, one empirical stereotypes, and going back to the field to learn from those
of its main supporters as the former city governor. Jakarta was recently who practise in the city, we aim to bring this amalgamation to the
ranked overall 81st out of 102 cities in the IMD Smart City Index reader and to demonstrate the potential of these citizen-centric ap-
ranking, and 47th out of the Top 50 Smart City governments from over proaches. We are neither making new discoveries nor presenting a
140 cities globally.22 In response, the city has sought to compensate for definitive view of the city here, for its portrayal is a project perma-
this negative outcome through strategies, some based on public rela- nently under construction. Through this paper we hope to underscore
tions and further strengthening of Jakarta's branding as a smart city, the importance of observing in the field how people live in and shape
e.g. Smart City Lounge (http://smartcity.jakarta.go.id/). the city, and of understanding it in an active manner, an understanding
As cities are becoming more challenging to manage and inhabit as which, consequently, is ever evolving and effervescent.
rapid urbanisation continues, the concept of smart city to address these
challenges is being actively propelled and promoted (Cardullo & 4.1. Epilogue: Jakarta, a living entity
Kitchin, 2019). However, the transformation of the Jakarta as a smart
city begs the question of who the transformation is for and by whom. For the more than ten million souls living within its spatial
One of the major critiques is that being a smart city “is too often as- boundaries, Jakarta offers no middle ground: either it is abhorred or
sociated with high technology-powered and large-scale sensing-fed ‘big adored. Hence its moniker the “Big Durian.” Big Durian, it has been
data’ management”, whereas Perez, Du Chemin, Turpin, and Clarke argued by some, is not an equal comparison with New York's Big Apple.
(2015) argue that the focus should be on nurturing “smart and con- Rather, it is a sordid sensorial equivalence the controversial fruit raises
nected citizens” by drawing upon existing social media and networks, among Jakartans. Although intimidating, thorny, repulsive and
and the potential of individuals. In a bid to increase transparency and stinking, like “the king of fruits,” Jakarta could also be exciting, sensual
inclusiveness of citizen participation processes, technology may be and delectable in strange ways. Jakartans, no matter whether residing
employed, such as the e-musrenbang platforms “through which people temporarily or just passing through seem to be enduringly engaged in a
can monitor the approval of projects submitted”, though their adoption love/hate relationship with the city.
has been very low due to “low digital literacy and internet use” gen- Stereotypes about Jakarta abound. They are produced and re-
erally for governance issues. Furthermore, engagement through these produced through various mediums, whether in academic pieces, press
platforms “reduces participation to those who have the technical know- articles, social media, by government leaders, opposition camps, for-
how,” thus raises “serious issues of elite capture” (Feruglio & Rifai, eigners, and citizens. A cursory glance of the city in its physical man-
2017). ifestation seems to confirm these often negative views – the traffic
gridlock in various parts of the city; the multisensorial pollution which
overwhelms newcomers and disenchants old timers; the overpopulation
4. Conclusion
of a sinking city which faces a paradoxical situation with water – suf-
fering from the excess of it during frequent floods, and the lack of it for
This is the first of a series of papers examining Southeast Asian ci-
potable uses; the gentrification of the city which has resulted in further
ties. The goal of this series is not only to present the conventional and
segregation between different groups of people with varied socio-
academic points of view of a city, but also to embrace learning from
economic statuses in the city; the permanent transience of its in-
people and practitioners in the field and include their experiences and
habitants and the interminable question who is a Jakartan?
opinions about the city as data.
Yet a deeper regard of the city beyond its material expressions re-
In this paper, we have provided traditional perspectives from which
veal the inherent complexities of Jakarta which do not easily yield to a
to regard Jakarta as the first layer, contending with its negative per-
simplistic characterisation of chaos or order – a city historically built
ceptions, and proposing a view of the city from below in the second. By
against an inconvenient although indelible colonial background; a ca-
presenting these points of view, we bring forth how practitioners see
pital continuously informed by and planned based on ideals, local and
and live in the city. A major motivation behind this approach is to
imported interpretations of mobility, and competing centres and prac-
tices of power; a torn open urban landscape where extended areas have
20
“Qlue is a social media app which allows users to report problems directly endlessly festered for decades long after violent episodes; a megacity
to the city government and businesses, as well as sharing informations (sic) to periodically re-engineered, producing the dystopic layers to which it is
the neighbors around them in order to help creating (sic) Smart City. Reports commonly associated. This is especially critical in the search for re-
from citizens will be dispatched in real time to the related officials. Each re- solutions for the both obvious and obscure urban problems and issues.
port's status can be monitored using Qlue App and Qlue's Dashboard in mycity. At the time of writing (April 2020), Jakarta is undergoing a partial
qlue.id.” Retrieved from Google Playstore. lockdown in an attempt to contain the spread of the coronavirus disease
21
According to the APJII (Association for Internet Service Provider in
(COVID-19). Any city as densely packed and complex as Jakarta would
Indonesia), Internet penetration reached 143 M in 2018. Fifty-eight per cent of
struggle in such an attempt. The authorities, like elsewhere, were
internet users are concentrated in Java and the majority (72.41%) are con-
centrated at the city or regency level. caught unawares, even though they had some experience dealing with
22
Sources: IMD Smart City Index, 2019, https://www.imd.org/smart-city- the Avian Flu in 2009 because the level of preparedness has not been
observatory/smart-city-index/; 2018/19 Top 50 Smart City Governments maintained (Nugroho, 2020). The state's incapacity is even more jarring
Rankings, Eden Strategy Institute and ONG&ONG (OXD), www.smartcitygovt. considering how the current pandemic is unlike any the world has seen
com. in recent history.

9
R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

Fig. 6. Snapshot of Qlue mobile application.

Source: https://images.app.goo.gl/xNxCPwny18hJkX5r8.

Tensions showed between the different levels of government on

what actions to take, what the priorities should be, who should be
calling the shots and providing the resources. Decentralisation in this
case has made government response difficult to coordinate, and societal
fragmentation is still palpable because of past presidential and coming
regional elections (Nugroho, 2020). In the interim, different grassroots
organisations have come forth in various ways to compensate for the
government's weaknesses in tackling the pandemic and its effects – a
situation not unusual to most observers of Indonesia (Preuss, 2020).
There was initially an ambivalence regarding restricting movement and
banning the annual Ramadan exodus (mudik) because of economic and
political rivalry and considerations (Mariani, 2020). President Jokowi
needed to keep up his promise of economic growth, and stopping such a
massive human movement or a lockdown would impact the economy
adversely (AsiaOne, 2020). In addition to the lack of government
transparency and public information, societal complexity manifests in
how social distancing measures could be confusing and very challen-
ging to enforce. This is especially due to the nature of dense housing (a Fig. 7. Advertising on the Jakarta MRT.
taken for granted spatial manifestation of social capital) and informal Source: Rafael Martinez, LKYCIC.
work for many of the city's residents and migrants.
In the current COVID-19 context, a private-sponsored geography of
urban villages. Currently, the numbers of COVID-19 cases and related
emergency services23 have noticeably appeared in a city where the
deaths are tricky to pin down, because of different reporting mechan-
privatisation of public spaces has inconspicuously been taking place for
isms and this is also compounded by multiple factors such as limited
a while (Fig. 7).24 In this seemingly endless COVID-19 interregnum,
testing, testing backlog and inadequate healthcare system (Syakriah,
Jakartans have had to learn to live with an invisible enemy. An enemy
2020). At the moment, Indonesia is reported to have the highest
whose only existence they know from the mounting cases of fellow
COVID-19 fatality rate in Asia (Siregar, 2020).
citizens, family members and friends infected, and whose disturbing
One day, Jakartans know, COVID-19 will subside and eventually be
extent they can only infer from the proliferation of unchecked news and
gone. But until then, like in the rest of the world, masks, social dis-
rumours, for example, the increasing number of unreported graves in
tancing along with seasonal measures such as the banning of mudik,
private yards and public parks in populous city neighbourhoods and
seem to be the only ways available for Jakartans to palliate the im-
mediate trail of devastation the pandemic leaves on daily basis. It re-
23
Soon after the outbreak of COVID-19, PT Jaya, one of the largest con- mains to be seen how long other effects of these troubled times, espe-
struction companies in Indonesia, sponsored the installation of public sinks on cially those impacting peoples' livelihoods and, of course, their memory
sidewalks to promote hygiene among Jakartans. See “Dorong warga rajin cuci of the city, will last.
tangan pemprov DKI sediakan wastafel portable di tempat umum (To en-
courage citizens to wash their hands, the Jakarta government installs portable
sinks in public areas),” Terbaiknews, March 23, 2020. https://terbaiknews.net/ Author statement
berita/jakarta/dorong-warga-rajin-cuci-tangan-pemprov-dki-sediakan-
wastafel-portabel-di-tempat-umum-3938077.html.
Martinez, Rafael: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation,
24
Soon after the opening of Jakarta's first MRT (April 2019), private com-
Writing.
panies could buy the naming rights (and add their name) to five stations: Dukuh
Atas BNI, Setiabudi Astra, Istora Mandiri, Blok M BCA, and Lebak Bulus Grab. Masron, Irna Nurlina: Investigation, Data curation, Writing-
After advertising, naming rights constitutes the most important source of rev- Reviewing and Editing.
enue for Jakarta's MRT (DetikFinance, 20 November 2019). https://finance.
detik.com/infrastruktur/d-4791928/ini-stasiun-mrt-jakarta-yang-dijual-paling-
mahal.

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R. Martinez and I.N. Masron Cities 106 (2020) 102868

Declaration of competing interest Review of national identity programs. Retrieved from https://www.itu.int/en/ITU-
T/focusgroups/dfs/Documents/09_2016/Review%20of%20National%20Identity
%20Programs.pdf.
None. Irawaty, D. T. (2018). Jakarta's Kampungs: Their history and contested future. Retrieved
from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/55w9b9gg.
Jakarta Macet Gila, Jarak 5 Km Butuh Waktu 1 Jam (2015, June 5). Tempo.co. Retrieved
Acknowledgements from https://metro.tempo.co/read/672310/jakarta-macet-gila-jarak-5-km-butuh-
waktu-1-jam/full&view=ok.
Jakarta Regional Research Council (2013). Jakarta old city revitalisation. Retrieved from
We thank Harvey Neo for his valuable comments and suggestions http://drd-jakarta.org/uploads/files/2.%20Komisi%20B%20-%20KOTA%20TUA1.
for this article. pdf, Accessed date: 28 August 2016.
This work is supported by the Ministry of Education - Singapore JK Akan Atur Volume Pengeras Suara Masjid (2012, July 22). Tempo.co. Retrieved from
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/418571/jk-akan-atur-volume-pengeras-suara-
[grant number SGPCTRS1802]. masjid.
Kulsum, U. (2019, January 14). Tahun 2018 Tenaga Kerja Asing Naik 10.88 Persen,
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