Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-023-02797-y

ORIGINAL PAPER

Attitudes Toward Cisgender Women’s Participation in Sex Work:

Opportunity for Agency or Harmful Exchange?
Hanna Puffer1 · Gordon Hodson1 · Elvira Prusaczyk2

Received: 24 November 2022 / Revised: 13 December 2023 / Accepted: 19 December 2023 / Published online: 29 January 2024
© The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2024

Abstract
Despite the stigmatization of sex work in society, little empirical research has examined attitudes toward sex work, especially
its modern incarnations (e.g., sugar relationships, webcamming). Here, a sample of 298 US residents (M age = 40.06 years;
59.1% male, 40.9% female) was recruited through Amazon Mechanical Turk. Various theoretical predictors (e.g., right-wing
authoritarianism [RWA]), sociosexuality) were set to predict the degree to which four sex work domains (prostitution, por-
nography, sugar relationships, webcamming) provide cisgender women agency (beneficial) or harm them (detrimental). We
found that the domains of sex work were organized hierarchically, as theorized by the so-called “whorearchy,” whereby the
more “unfavorable” domains (e.g., prostitution) fall at the bottom, and the more “favorable” ones (e.g., webcamming) sit at
the top. Additionally, multiple regression analyses revealed that RWA (negatively) and sociosexuality (positively) were the
strongest predictors of sex work agency across various domains. In predicting harm, RWA, feminism, religiosity, and age
were unique positive predictors, whereas sociosexuality and male (vs. female) self-identified sex were unique negative pre-
dictors, across the four domains of sex work. Moreover, individual differences (e.g., RWA) were often significantly stronger
predictors of agency or harm among female than male participants. The results suggest that although sex work domains vary
in agency and harm ratings, individual differences (most notably, RWA and sociosexuality) are important predictors across
domains, especially for cisgender women. Given the growing prevalence of such online forms of sex work, along with growing
evidence of sugar relationships, it will become increasingly important to track reactions as these forms of sex work evolve.

Keywords Sex work · Sociosexuality · Right-wing authoritarianism · Webcamming · Whorearchy · “Sugar relationships”

Introduction “Belle Knox”) who openly reflected on society’s compli-

cated views toward sex work (Knox, 2014). As a student
The notion that “sex sells” is arguably an understatement. at Duke University, she gained notoriety when she outed
Moderate estimates of the pornography industry put its value herself as a pornography actress (Miller, 2018). According
around 15 billion dollars, greater than the value of the NBA, to Weeks (2014), in the face of rising tuition and decreas-
the NFL, Netflix, or even Hollywood (Benes, 2018). Esti- ing financial aid, she turned to pornography to earn more
mates of the prostitution industry based on data collected money on her own schedule. This perspective is found in the
from just seven cities in the USA put its value at $975 million, literature examining the lived experiences of sex workers:
greater than the market for illegal drugs and guns (Dank et al., it is not uncommon for workers to discuss the benefits of
2014). Sex does more than “sell,” it dominates the market. sex work, including the freedom to express their sexuality,
Yet society has mixed attitudes toward selling sex. Con- female empowerment, monetary gain, and sexual pleasure
sider Miriam Weeks, a former porn star (using the stage name (Jones, 2016; Martin, 2007). Furthermore, some sex work-
ers, particularly those who provide services indoors (i.e., not
* Hanna Puffer on the street), view sex work as a profession and a career
[email protected] (Murphy & Venkatesh, 2006). In other words, some con-
sider sex work to offer women agency, the ability to exercise
1
Department of Psychology, Brock University, 1812 Sir Isaac choice (Kabeer, 1999). Indeed, some sex workers express
Brock Way, St. Catharines, ON L2S 3A1, Canada
their agency through sex work by being intentional, rational,
2
Department of Psychology, St. Francis Xavier University, goal-oriented, and resilient in using their bodies (Karandikar
Antigonish, NS, Canada

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1170 Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

et al., 2021). However, although third-wave feminists often and commitment of the relationship. Whereas prostitution is
perceive sex work as liberating (Martin, 2007; Scanlon, typically a single sexual interaction with no longer-term com-
2009) at the other pole, many scholars and/or feminists, par- mitment implied, sugar relationships occur over extended
ticularly second-wave feminists (Dines et al., 1998; Jensen, periods with the same partner and involve more romantic ele-
2007; MacKinnon, 1989) argue that sex work, in all forms, is ments (Ben-Zeév, 2020). Additionally, previous research has
inherently harmful to women, with sex-for-money rooted in found prostitution to be distinct from sugar relationships, pri-
male dominance and female subordination. Moreover, with marily because sexual interactions are not a defining charac-
sex work being highly stigmatized, sex workers face severe teristic of sugar relationships (Scull, 2020). Typically, sugar
consequences for their participation in this occupation, being relationships involve an older man (i.e., the “sugar daddy”)
more likely to be shamed, assaulted, or murdered compared providing material resources for a relationship with a younger
to workers in other occupations (Benoit et al., 2015; Cun- woman (i.e., the “sugar baby”). Importantly, although not
ningham et al., 2018a; Potterat et al., 2004; Whitaker et al., all sugar relationships are characterized by sexual interac-
2011). That is to say, sex work can be considered harmful to tions in exchange for material resources, the sexual script
women. Clearly, there are strongly diverging views concern- that guides sugar relationships fosters sexual relations (Scull,
ing the nature of sex work and its potential benefits or harms 2020), which is why we include it as a form of sex work for
to women. Problematically, we understand little about the the purposes of this study. Presently, very little research exists
factors that predict whether sex work is deemed empower- exploring attitudes toward women’s participation in sugar
ing or damaging to women. Therefore, the overarching goal relationships among those not engaged in the activities (for
of this study is to understand people’s attitudes toward sex an exception see Birkás et al., 2020). Of note, however, pre-
work better, and what predicts such attitudes. In the present vious research has explored women’s experiences entering
paper, we discuss attitudes toward cisgender women’s (i.e., sugar relationships and the various stigmas they face (Scull,
women whose gender identify aligns with the sex they were 2022; Upadhyay, 2021).
assigned at birth) participation in sex work. Pornography represents another common domain of
sex work, one whose operationalization varies consider-
Domains of Sex Work ably across researchers (see McKee et al., 2019). Feminist
scholars (and lawyers) have argued that pornography shares
We sought to address this gap in the literature using a rela- much in common with prostitution, involving an individual
tively broad lens, considering a wide range of forms of sex providing sexual resources in exchange for money (Streit,
work, including more recent variations such as webcamming, 2006; Tyler, 2015). However, these domains differ in that for
where sex workers produce and sell their pornographic ser- pornography, people are paid for performing sexual activities
vices online. Weitzer (2000) defines sex work as the exchange on camera for pornographic companies/productions. For our
of sexual services, performances, or products for material purposes, pornography involves sexual acts between people
consumption and can include direct (e.g., lap dancing) and that are typically filmed (but can be performed in front of
indirect (e.g., telephone sex) activities between buyers and others live), with the purchaser not being the direct recipient
sellers. Although sex work can involve same-sex transactions of the sexual acts.
(e.g., men purchasing sexual services from men, women pur- Webcamming is a more recent form of sex work that is
chasing sexual services from women), we focus on transac- performed online and is becoming increasingly popular
tions where men purchase sexual services from women, the (Cunningham et al., 2018b). This domain typically involves
most common form of sex work (e.g., Brents et al., 2020; models (so-called “cam girls”) selling a variety of sexual ser-
InfluencerMade, 2022). vices to their online customers (e.g., a live video of masturba-
Often referred to as the world’s oldest profession (Long tion) (Jones, 2016), often at the direct request of a client or
et al., 2012), prostitution is the act of providing physical a small group of clients. One example of a popular webcam-
and intimate sexual services in direct exchange for money ming platform is Chaturbate, where webcammers post sexual
(Digidiki & Baka, 2017). Different types of prostitution material of themselves for users on the platform to purchase
include escorts, brothel workers, and “street walkers” (Fuchs, and watch (Hernández, 2019). A more recent webcamming
2013). In contrast, so-called “sugar relationships” are char- platform that has overtaken Chaturbate in popularity is Only-
acterized by transactions in which one partner provides inti- Fans, where creators produce and distribute original content,
macy, companionship, or other forms of attention in exchange control its access to the client, and monetize their services
for personal benefit (e.g., financial support, professional at their own price to sell to other users (OnlyFans, n.d.).
advancement etc.) from the other partner (Wade, 2009, p. 11). Although the OnlyFans company takes a cut of the profits,
Although these relationships can and often do involve sexual they do not direct the actions of the creators (Garin, 2020),
interactions, their presence is not a defining characteristic. differentiating it from pornography. By 2020, OnlyFans
Sugar relationships differ from prostitution in the complexity exceeded one million creators (Jarvey, 2020), reaching over

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Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185 1171

1.5 million as of 2022 (Wise, 2022) thanks to the COVID-19 to find others that might be in the middle. Pornography is
pandemic (Writes, 2020). Of note, it also provides non-sexual a large industry, and is a taboo that is becoming increas-
services, but most of the subscription services offered are of ingly mainstream, so that domain was chosen. Further, unlike
women selling sexual content of themselves (Tabalia, 2021; webcamming, pornography in the present context involves
Venturer, 2021). Given the recent rise in popularity of Only- performers engaging in sexual activities while being filmed
Fans as a webcamming platform, it is important to understand under contract by pornographic companies/productions.
factors that predict ratings of participation in its service, as no Sugar relationships are not explicitly sexual; with approxi-
research thus far has examined attitudes toward women’s par- mately 60% involving some sexual interactions (Scull, 2020),
ticipation in OnlyFans. Although the intent of webcamming typically involving one-on-one relationships, so we reasoned
may be the same as other domains of sex work in that people that this type of sex work would fall nearer the middle of the
provide their sexual services for compensation, it is distinct whorearchy. We recognize that these four categories are not
because cammers (i.e., those who engage in webcamming) mutually exclusive in nature; some people engage in multi-
self-publish their content and make the decisions about what ple forms of sex work simultaneously (e.g., prostitution and
sexual acts they engage in. pornography or stripping). Our intention here is to provide a
Although prostitution and sex work have both been used to snapshot of how people think about these types of sex work,
describe discrete sexual acts in exchange for money, for the not to define them in ways that are mutually exclusive.
purposes of this paper, “sex work” will serve as an umbrella
term that covers the following domains: webcamming, por- Potential Predictors of Attitudes Toward Sex Work
nography, sugar relationships, and prostitution. Although
distinct, these types of sex work domains allegedly repre- To understand what predicts sex work we selected predictors
sent a so-called “whorearchy,” a hierarchical organization based on a consideration of the sex work literature. Of note,
of different domains of sex work, organized by the physical the sex work literature is predominantly comprised of studies
intimacy and type of contact with clients (e.g., in-person, assessing attitudes toward prostitution (Basow & Campanile,
online), how many clients sex workers have, and the amount 1990; Brents et al., 2020; Cao et al., 2015; Digidiki & Baka,
of effort that sex workers put into maintaining “attractive” 2017; Hansen & Johansson, 2022a; Jakobsson & Kotsadam,
feminine appearances (Knox, 2014, paras. 3–5; Smith, 2018, 2011; Long et al., 2012; Roberts et al., 2010) or pornography
paras. 3–4). According to sex workers, the more unfavorable (Droubay et al., 2018; Lambe, 2004; Roberts et al., 2010).
domains of sex work fall at the bottom of the whorearchy In contrast, very little research has been conducted on atti-
with the more favorable domains at the top (Knox, 2014; tudes toward sugar relationships (Birkás et al., 2020), and
Smith, 2018). At the bottom are the outdoor sex workers no research conducted on attitudes toward OnlyFans as a
who find their clients while walking the streets, who adver- webcamming platform. These studies reveal various demo-
tise their services through “sketchy” service providers (e.g., graphic and psychological factors associated with attitudes
Craigslist), and who have a high volume of clientele. Slightly toward sex work, which are discussed below.
higher on the hierarchy are the sex workers who meet their Typically, traditional feminist scholars (e.g., Dines et al.,
clients indoors and invest more money into their appear- 1998; Jensen, 2007; MacKinnon, 1989) argue that any form
ances in ways that are socially valued (i.e., gym member- of sex work (e.g., prostitution or pornography) harms the
ships, designer clothing, etc.). At the top of the whorearchy equality of women in society, as sexuality is inherently tied
are sex workers who have no direct contact with their clients to male dominance and female subordination. In general,
and invest considerable money into maintaining their femi- feminists perceive sex work as being exploitative of women
nine appearance (e.g., camgirls). Here, we assess attitudes (Basow & Campanile, 1990), and hold more negative atti-
toward four distinct domains of sex work (i.e., prostitution, tudes toward sex work (Basow & Campanile, 1990; Digidiki
sugar relationships, pornography, and webcamming) to & Baka, 2017).
explore if attitudes toward women’s participation in them Similarly, religiosity is associated with more negative
are hierarchically organized. The domains of sex work that attitudes toward sex work. Religiosity reflects an ideological
we are assessing is not an exhaustive list of all domains of orientation and practices linked to belief in a supernatural
sex work. Other domains, such as phone sex operators or agent (Sedikides, 2009) that stresses the importance of these
massage parlor workers also engage in sex work. However, religious practices in everyday life. Religiosity is associated
we chose domains with relatively more distinct differences. with more negative attitudes toward sex work, being less
Prostitution and webcamming, particularly OnlyFans, were accepting of prostitution (Cao et al., 2015; Hansen & Johans-
selected as extremes, where one is maximally in-person and son, 2022a), and being more willing to censor pornography
“about sex,” and another form that is much more modern (Lambe, 2004). Similarly, those who attend church more
and high-tech where a person has more choice and safety regularly are more opposed to prostitution (Vlase & Grasso,
due to the physical distance from the client. We then sought 2023).

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1172 Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

Another predictor of sex work attitudes is belief in mas- 2017; Hansen & Johannson, 2021; Lambe, 2004; Roberts
culine norms, a pattern of social practices stereotypically et al., 2010). Relative to men, women are more likely to view
associated with men (vs. women), such as being physically women’s participation in sex work as subordination (Basow
aggressive, holding leadership positions, securing income, & Campanile, 1990) and exploitation (Ciclitira, 2004) of
and being toughminded (Connell, 2015; Levant et al., 2010). women, which may explain why men are more favorable
Traditional heteronormative masculine values are also asso- toward sex work. Additionally, men are more likely to sup-
ciated with perceived toughness and less risk aversion. This port prostitution (Vlase & Grasso, 2023). Others have con-
concept has not been well-explored in the sex work literature, sidered sex as a moderator of other relations. For example,
and the results are mixed, with some studies finding mascu- sociosexuality, the willingness to engage in sexual relations
linity associated with lesser (Brents et al., 2020) or greater without strong emotional commitment to a partner (Clark,
(Hansen & Johansson, 2022a) positivity toward sex work. 2006), is a stronger predictor of favorable attitudes toward
Thus, more research is needed regarding the role of belief in prostitution among men than women (Hansen & Johansson,
traditional heteronormative masculine values. 2022a).
On a similar note, hostile sexism, characterized by apathy Along the lines of sociosexuality, studies reveal that atti-
and negative attitudes toward women (Glick & Fiske, 1996), tudes toward non-committal sex are associated with more
has been found to be associated with attitudes toward sex positive attitudes toward sex work (Birkás et al., 2020;
work. Long et al. (2012), for instance, found that women with Hansen & Johansson, 2022a), as those with more positive
greater (vs. lesser) hostility toward other women agreed more attitudes toward non-committal sex are less likely to hold
with negative stereotypes about sex workers. Although mas- prejudicial attitudes toward sexually active women (Kel-
culinity is positively correlated with hostile sexism (Glick lie et al., 2021). Additionally, previous research shows that
et al., 2015), these constructs are distinct, and each might be sociosexuality is positively associated with more willingness
relevant to predicting sex work attitudes. to engage in casual sex with online dating site users (Hallam
Ring-wing authoritarianism (RWA; Altemeyer, 1996) per- et al., 2018). As noted above, the positive relation between
tains to endorsing traditional values, submission to authori- sociosexuality and favorable attitudes toward prostitution was
ties, and aggression toward out-groups. Those higher on stronger for men than women (Hansen & Johansson, 2022a).
authoritarianism are more willing to censor pornography and Finally, political ideology is another well-established
disavow its use (Lambe, 2004; Peterson & Zurbriggen, 2010) predictor of sex work attitudes. Generally, those with more
and endorse more traditional beliefs about sexuality (Peter- politically liberal (vs. conservative) views evaluate sex work
son & Zurbriggen, 2010). More recently, Cao et al. (2015) more positively (Cao et al., 2015; Lambe, 2004). In one nota-
found that authoritarianism, along with religiosity, are asso- ble exception, in Denmark, those with more politically con-
ciated with less acceptance of prostitution. These findings servative views were more accepting of prostitution (Hansen
are consistent with the observation that those higher in RWA & Johansson, 2022a), although the authors cautioned about
are more invested in regulating others (Ashton et al., 2005). low variability for political ideology (i.e., most respondents
Related to RWA, social dominance orientation (SDO; were in the middle).
Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) represents a position of support
for social hierarchy and social dominance over lower-status Present Study
groups. Although RWA and SDO are generally positively
correlated (Hodson et al., 2017; Sibley & Duckitt, 2008), Although sex work is generally frowned upon (Basow &
they can diverge on the question of sex work in theoretically Campanile, 1990; Hansen & Johannson, 2021; Long et al.,
meaningful ways, with those higher in RWA more disapprov- 2012; Roberts et al., 2010), recent trends suggest that it is
ing, given their focus on traditions and law and order. Those growing in popularity, particularly the sort performed online
higher in SDO are likely more approving, presumably given (Cunningham et al., 2018b). Sex work, at least in terms of
their “dog-eat-dog” competitive worldview that disregards prostitution, is also becoming less stigmatized (Cao et al.,
the welfare of disadvantaged others. Previous research finds a 2015). Clearly, the sex work landscape is evolving, both in
positive relation between SDO and attitudes toward sex work. terms of relatively new domains (e.g., sugar relationships,
For example, Escot et al. (2022) found that those higher on webcamming) and in terms of support or opposition. Addi-
the anti-egalitarian SDO-sub scale (see Ho et al., 2015) are tionally, given the severe consequences women face for their
more accepting of prostitution. participation in sex work, it is imperative to gain a better
In terms of predicting more favorable attitudes toward understanding of people’s attitudes toward women’s par-
sex work, male sex predicts more positive attitudes toward ticipation in various domains of sex work. Our goal was to
sex work, with men holding more favorable attitudes about answer three broad research questions about sex work offered
sex work than women, who in turn tend to hold particularly by women:
unfavorable attitudes (Birkás et al., 2020; Digidiki & Baka,

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Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185 1173

1. Which individual and demographic variables predict the leaving a final sample of 298 participants (Mage = 40.06;
degree to which sex work is deemed as providing women 59.1% male, 40.9% female). For ethnicity, majority of par-
agency (i.e., empowering) or being harmful (i.e., detri- ticipants identified as White (77.5%), 11.1% identified as
mental) to women? Asian, 7.7% identified as Black, 6.7% identified as Latino,
2. Does respondent sex moderate these relations? 0.7% identified as Middle Eastern, 0.7% identified as another
3. Are attitudes toward different domains of sex work organ- ethnicity, and 0.3% identified as Indigenous. For highest level
ized hierarchically, as theorized by the “whorearchy”? of education completed, 36.6% of participants completed a
4-year degree, 17.4% completed some university, 15.1%
We felt that the sex moderation question was particularly graduated high school, 12.1% completed Master’s or pro-
difficult to predict in advance. Given that men are more fessional school, 8.7% completed some community college,
positive toward sex work than women (Birkás et al., 2020; 5.4% received a community college diploma, 2.3% completed
Digidiki & Baka, 2017; Hansen & Johannson, 2021; Lambe, some graduate or professional school, 1.0% completed Doc-
2004; Roberts et al., 2010) and that Hansen and Johansson toral work, 1.0% completed some Doctoral work, 0.3% com-
(2022a) found stronger sociosexuality effects for men than pleted between grades 9–11 (see Supplemental Table 8 for
women, it may be the case that predictors, in general, exert a breakdown of how our sample demographics compare to
stronger effects for men than women. Note, however, that US Census data). Participants were presented with all the
the Hansen and Johansson study was conducted in Denmark, measures in the study.
where sex work domains such as prostitution are legal, mak-
ing it unclear whether their findings would generalize to con- Measures
texts such as the US (or other locations) where sex work such
as prostitution is relatively stigmatized and is (largely) illegal. Attitudes Toward Sex Work
In the latter case, there might be no sex differences. Alterna-
tively, sex differences might show the opposite pattern, where Participants completed a measure we created for the purpose
men (vs. women) as a group are more approving of sex work of this study to assess their attitudes toward various domains
regardless of individual differences, but for women, indi- of sex work. Participants first read descriptions of the four
vidual differences play a greater role in predicting whether domains of sex work outlined in this study (i.e., webcam-
sex work is harmful or beneficial for women. Given these ming, sugar relationships, prostitution, and pornography) to
potential outcomes, we treated the question as an exploratory ensure that all participants had knowledge of each domain
one. Importantly, we do not consider this study to contrast prior to answering any questions. For the domain of web-
that of Hansen and Johansson (2022a). Rather, we are build- camming, all participants were provided with a definition
ing on past work, including Hansen and Johansson, while also of OnlyFans, a popular webcamming platform, which read
recognizing the differences in samples and methods. as follows:
OnlyFans is an online social platform launched in 2016
that allows users to create and monetize their own con-
Method
tent to other users (OnlyFans, n.d.). This site is largely
dominated by women producing sexual content of
Participants
themselves and selling it to male viewers. On this site,
women can set the price they wish to sell their content
Data from 389 US residents were collected via Amazon
for and receive the majority of the profit; 80% goes to
Mechanical Turk (MTurk). Participants were required to be
creators (i.e., the women) and 20% goes to the web
fluent in English and 18 years or age or older. Participants
company (Garin, 2020).
were invited to complete a survey entitled “8-Minute Study
of Attitudes Toward Sexual Situations” and were paid $1.00 For the domain of pornography, all participants read the
USD for completion of the survey. Participants who did not following definition:
complete the key measures1 were removed from the study
Pornography is characterized by material that depicts
(n = 89), as well as those that did not identify their sex (n = 2),
erotic behavior intended to evoke sexual arousal (Mer-
riam-Webster, n.d.). Typically, pornography is con-
1
sumed through online videos. In these scenarios, there
These participants signed up to participate in the study but exited
before completing any measures as they were not interested in continu-
is a director and a producer behind the scenes recording
ing the study. The study was titled “Study of Attitudes Toward Sexual and instructing the pornography actor.
Situations,” so we anticipate that some potential respondents were hop-
ing to see sexual images or scenes, which were not on offer in the pre- For the domain of sugar relationships, all participants
sent study. read the following definition: “Sugar relationships are

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1174 Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

relationships where typically older, wealthy men (i.e., the Social Dominance Orientation
sugar daddy) provide material resources (e.g., money) to
a younger “partner,” typically a young woman (i.e., sugar Participants completed a shortened 8-item version of Ho
baby), in return for her companionship (Birkás et al., 2020).” et al.’s (2015) Social Dominance Orientation Scale (i.e.,
For the domain of prostitution, all participants read the fol- ­SDO7). Participants were asked to assess how much they
lowing definition: favor or oppose statements about their support for social hier-
archy and social dominance on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly
Prostitution is the act of providing sexual services
oppose, to 7 = strongly favor). Two examples of statements
in exchange for money (Digidiki & Baka, 2017) and
on this scale are: “An ideal society requires some groups to be
involves an individual paying another person (i.e., a
on top and others to be on the bottom” and “Some groups of
prostitute) for sexual activities. Different types of pros-
people are simply inferior to other groups.” After items were
titution include escorts, brothel workers, and street-
reverse-coded, an overall score was created by averaging
walkers (Fuchs, 2013).
participants’ responses to the items. Higher scores reflected
Participants were then asked to answer questions assess- greater levels of social dominance orientation (α = 0.92).
ing their opinions about a woman’s participation in each
domain of sex work on a 7-point scale (1 = not at all, to Right‑Wing Authoritarianism
7 = extremely). For each domain, participants were asked
the extent to which a woman’s participation does the fol- Participants completed an adaptation of Altemeyer’s (1996)
lowing: exploits her, harms her, empowers her (i.e., gives Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale (i.e., RWA). Participants
her confidence), benefits her, puts her in danger, and gives were asked to answer 12 items assessing their endorsement of
her agency (i.e., independence). For each domain, the items traditional values, submission to authorities, and aggression
were submitted to an exploratory factor analysis. The pattern toward out-groups on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree,
matrices revealed two clear factors which we named agency to 7 = strongly agree). Two sample items are: “Our country
and harm, respectively. Participants’ responses to the ques- will be destroyed someday if we do not smash the perver-
tions that loaded onto their related factors were averaged to sions eating away at our moral and traditional beliefs” and
create two subscales for each domain (i.e., an agency and “What our country really needs, instead of more ‘civil rights’
harm subscale). For the agency factor, higher scores reflected is a good, stiff dose of law and order.” After reverse-coding
viewing women’s participation in sex work as giving them necessary items, an overall score was created by averaging
agency for the domains of webcamming (α = 0.90), pornog- participants’ responses to the items. Higher scores reflected
raphy (α = 0.89), prostitution (α = 0.89), and sugar relation- greater levels of right-wing authoritarianism (α = 0.95).
ships (α = 0.78). For the harm factor, higher scores reflected
viewing women’s participation in sex work as harmful to Traditional Heteronormative Masculine Values
women for the domains of webcamming (α = 0.86), pornog-
raphy (α = 0.89), prostitution (α = 0.87), and sugar relation- Participants also completed a 10-item shortened version of
ships (α = 0.85). The factor loadings for each domain ranged Levant et al.’s (2010) Male Role Norms Inventory assess-
between 0.61 and 0.94, with very few cross-loadings (see ing agreement of traditionally heteronormative, mascu-
supplemental material). line behaviors and values. Participants rated agreement or
disagreement with various statements on a 7-point scale
Conservatism (1 = strongly disagree, to 7 = strongly agree). Two sample
items include: “A man should never admit when others hurt
To assess political ideology, three items (Skitka et al., 2002) his feelings” and “Boys should play with actions figures
were administered to participants, asking them how conserv- not dolls.” An overall score was created by averaging par-
ative or liberal they considered themselves to be, in general, ticipants’ responses to items, with higher scores reflecting
on social issues, and on economic issues, on a 7-point scale greater endorsement of masculine beliefs (α = 0.91).
(1 = very liberal to 7 = very conservative). A sample item
reads: “How liberal or conservative do you tend to be when Feminism
it comes to social policy?” An overall score was created by
averaging participants’ responses to the items. Higher scores Participants completed a modified 4-item scale to measure
reflected greater levels of conservatism (α = 0.95). their endorsement of feminist values and identification with
the feminist movement (Szymanski, 2004). Participants
agreement or disagreement with statements on a 7-point scale
(1 = strongly disagree, to 7 = strongly agree). This scale is not
necessarily associated with a particular wave of feminism,

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Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185 1175

but rather, a more general view of feminism leaving it open importance of religion in their life. Participants rated agree-
for the participant to interpret accordingly. An example of an ment or disagreement with each statement on a 7-point scale
item from this scale is: “Feminist values and principles are (1 = strongly disagree, to 7 = strongly agree). Two sample
important to me.” After relevant items were reverse-coded, items read: “I believe in God” and “Religion is not important
an overall score was created by averaging participants’ to me.” After items were reverse-coded, an overall score was
responses to items. Higher scores reflected greater endorse- created by averaging participants’ responses to items. Higher
ment of feminism (α = 0.89). scores reflected greater levels of religiosity (α = 0.93).

Hostile Sexism
Results
Participants completed a shortened version of Glick and
Fiske’s (1996) Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (from Rollero For descriptive statistics, the reader is referred to Supplemen-
et al., 2014), excluding the items that measured benevolent tal Table 1. All analyses were conducted using SPSS v28. To
sexism. Participants were asked to answer 6 items measuring view the following analyses separated by sex (i.e., conducted
hostile sexist beliefs on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disa- separately for men and women), we encourage the interested
gree, to 7 = strongly agree). A sample item reads: “Women reader to visit the supplemental material. For the purposes
seek to gain power by getting control over men.” An overall of the present paper, when discussing “men” and “women,”
score was created by averaging participants’ responses to we are referring to cisgender men and women.
items. Higher scores reflected greater levels of hostile sex-
ism (α = 0.94). Perceived “Whorearchy”

Sociosexuality To address the last research question, we examined whether

there were differences in ratings of harm or agency as a func-
Participants also completed a shortened 6-item scale assess- tion of domain using a repeated measures one-way ANOVA.
ing endorsement of non-committal sexual activities and will- There were significant differences between the means of each
ingness to engage in sexual activities in absence of emotional domain for the harm subscale (F(2.78, 811.05) = 151.99,
attachment (Penke & Asendorpf, 2008). For three items, par- p < .001), such that participants believed webcamming was
ticipants rated agreement or disagreement with statements on less harmful than sugar relationships (mdiff = 0.354, p < .001),
a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, to 7 = strongly agree). sugar relationships were less harmful than pornography
An example of this item is: “Sex without love is acceptable.” (mdiff = 0.258, p = .007), and pornography was less harmful
For three items, participants were asked to answer how fre- than prostitution (mdiff = 1.219, p < .001). There were also
quently they fantasize about/are sexually aroused by people significant differences between the means of each domain for
they do not have a committed romantic relationship with on a agency (F(2.87, 838.73) = 128.98, p < .001), such that partic-
9-point scale (1 = never, to 9 = at least once a day). An exam- ipants believed that webcamming affords more agency than
ple of this item is: “How often do you have fantasies about sugar relationships (mdiff = 0.646, p < .001), sugar relation-
having sex without someone with whom you do not have ships afford more agency than pornography (mdiff = 0.350,
a committed romantic relationship?”. After relevant items p < .001), and pornography affords women more agency than
were reverse-coded, an overall score was created by aver- prostitution (mdiff = .552, p < .001). Together, these analyses
aging participants’ standardized responses to items. Higher suggest that work based in sexual transactions is hierarchi-
scores reflected greater levels of sociosexuality (α = 0.89). cally organized in respondents’ minds. There were some sex
An eighth item was embedded within the sociosexuality scale differences present (see supplemental analyses).
to ensure that participants were attending to and accurately
indicating their responses on the questionnaire, rather than Predictors of Sex Work Agency or Harm Ratings
clicking options at random. The attention check item read as
follows: “For this item, please check ‘2’ as your response.” To address the first research question, we ran regression
Participants would be excluded if they did not complete the analyses with the individual difference variables set to pre-
attention check; however, all participants passed the atten- dict agency and harm (in separate analyses) for each domain
tion check. (8 in total). Results can be found in Tables 1 (for agency)
and 2 (for harm). Given the use of correlated predictors in
Religiosity our analyses, we also tested for multicollinearity. None of
our variables exceeded the recommended values (i.e., all
An 8-item scale from Pew Research Centre (2014) assessed tolerance values > 0.10, VIF values < 10). Post hoc two-tail
how religious participants identified themselves to be, and the linear multiple regression power analyses with an alpha of

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1176 Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

Table 1  Regressions predicting agency ratings

Predictors Webcamming Sugar relationships Pornography Prostitution
β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE

RWA​ − .44*** − .67, − .24 .11 − .22* − .40, − .00 .10 − .31** − .51, − .10 .10 − .16 − .39, .06 .11
Feminism − .06 − .19, .09 .07 .01 − .12,.14 .07 .00 − .14, .14 .07 .09 − .07, .23 .08
Sociosexuality .22*** .19, .69 .13 .30*** .30, .77 .12 .21** .16, .65 .13 .18** .09, .62 .13
Religiosity .05 − .07, .16 .06 − .03 − .13, .09 .06 .08 − .05, .17 .06 .04 − .09, .15 .06
Conservatism .08 − .07, .21 .07 − .00 − .14, .13 .07 − .19* − .30, − .03 .07 − .13 − .27, .03 .07
Masculinity .09 − .09, .30 .10 .24** .08, .46 .10 .14 − .03, .36 .10 .09 − .10, .32 .11
Hostile Sexism − .05 − .21, .11 .08 .01 − .14, .15 .08 − .03 − .19, .12 .08 .06 − .10, .23 .08
SDO − .05 − .23, .10 .08 − .01 − .17, .15 .08 .11 − .03, .30 .08 .07 − .09, .25 .09
Sex .04 − .14, .26 .10 − .17* − .43, − .06 .10 .01 − .18, .21 .10 .04 − .15, .27 .11
Age − .09 − .03, .00 .01 − .04 − .02, .01 .01 − .06 − .02, .01 .01 − .07 − .02, .01 .01
n 288 287 288 286
R2 .21 .12 .16 .09
R2 cisgender women .27 .23 .21 .21
R2 cisgender men .14 .07 .12 .08

Sex was coded (− 1) for female and (1) for male. ­R2 models for men and women were the same as original models except for including sex as a
predictor, as these models were filtered by sex. Standard errors are from unstandardized betas. Sociosexuality values are standardized
RWA = right-wing authoritarianism, SDO = social dominance orientation
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001

Table 2  Regressions predicting harm ratings

Predictors Webcamming Sugar Relationships Pornography Prostitution
β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE

RWA​ .37*** .20, .64 .11 .24* .03, 48 .11 .26* .05, .52 .12 .08 − .13, .28 .10
Feminism .01 − .14, .16 .08 .22* .04, .34 .08 − .05 − .21, .11 .08 − .02 − .15, .12 .07
Sociosexuality − .04 − .35, .17 .13 − .15* − .57, − .03 .14 − .11 − .52, .05 .14 − .04 − .33, .16 .12
Religiosity .14* .01, .25 .06 .11 − .04, .21 .06 .11 − .03, .23 .07 .26*** .09, .32 .06
Conservatism − .15* − .30, − .00 .08 − .02 − .17, .13 .08 − .16* − .32, − .00 .08 .08 − .07, .20 .07
Masculinity − .08 − .31, .11 .11 − .01 − .22, .21 .11 − .07 − .32, .13 .11 − .09 − .30, .09 .10
Hostile Sexism .04 − .13, .20 .08 − .04 − .21, .13 .09 − .01 − .19, .17 .09 .01 − .15, .16 .08
SDO .08 − .08, .27 .09 .02 − .16, .20 .09 .06 − .12, .26 .10 .03 − .14, .19 .08
Sex − .18** − .52, − .10 .11 .03 − .16, .27 .11 − .06 − .33, .12 .11 − .02 − .23, .16 .10
Age .16** .01, .04 .01 .01 − .01, .02 .01 .10 − .00, .03 .01 .12* .00, .03 .01
n 288 287 288 287
R2 .25 .09 .11 .13
R2 cisgender women .25 .07 .15 .24
R2 cisgender men .16 .07 .07 .13

Sex was coded (− 1) for female and (1) for male. R2 models for men and women were the same as original models except for including sex as a
predictor, as these models were filtered by sex. Standard errors are from unstandardized betas. Sociosexuality values are standardized
RWA = right-wing authoritarianism, SDO = social dominance orientation
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001

0.05 and 10 predictors for both agency and harm ratings for difference variable, sex, and their product term were set to
each domain of sex work revealed that we were sufficiently predict ratings of agency/harm for each domain (see Tables 3
powered to detect the effect sizes we obtained (all > 0.999). and 4). As we used a continuous variable approach, there are
To address the second question regarding whether individual no “cells” in the present interactions (for review of interac-
difference relations are moderated by sex, each individual tion models, see Brambor et al., 2006). For brevity, in the text

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Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185 1177

Table 3  Individual differences × sex interactions (agency)

Predictors Webcamming Pornography Prostitution Sugar relationships
β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE

RWA​ − .41*** − .54, − .31 .06 − .32*** − .43, − .21 .06 − .23*** − .35, − .12 .06 − .20*** − .29, − .08 .05
Sex .15* .07, .41 .09 .11* .01, .35 .09 .13* .02, .38 .09 .02 − .13, .20 .08
RWA × sex .07 − .03, .19 .06 .08 − .03, .20 .06 .15** .04, .27 .06 .13* .01, .23 .05

SDO − .22*** − .41, − .13 .07 − .12* − .28, − .01 .07 − .09 − .24, .04 .07 − .06 − .19, .07 .07
Sex .17** .09, .45 .09 .12* .01, .37 .09 .13* .03, .40 .09 .03 − .13, .21 .09
SDO × sex − .02 − .16, .12 .07 .03 − .11, .17 .07 .05 − .08, .20 .07 − .03 − .16, .10 .07

Feminism .19** .06, .26 .05 .22*** .09, .28 .05 .17** .04, .24 .05 .08 − .03, .16 .05
Sex .19** .12, .49 .10 .16** .07, .43 .09 .16** .07, .44 .09 .04 − .11, .24 .09
Feminism × sex .01 − .09, .11 .05 − .03 − .12, .08 .05 .01 − .09, .11 .05 − .04 − .13, .06 .05

Conservatism − .20*** − .29, − .08 .05 − .28*** − .36, − .15 .05 − .22*** − .30, − .09 .05 − .11 − .19, .00 .05
Sex .17** .09, .45 .09 .13* .04, .38 .09 .14* .05, .41 .09 .04 − .12, .22 .09
Conservatism × sex .00 − .11, .11 .05 .02 − .08, .12 .05 − .01 − .12, .09 .05 .01 − .09, .11 .05

Masculinity − .23*** − .44, − .14 .08 − .14* − .32, − .02 .08 − .11 − .29, .02 .08 .02 − .12, .17 .07
Sex .22*** .17, .55 .10 .16** .06, .44 .10 .17** .08, .46 .10 .02 − .15, .21 .09
Masculinity × sex .08 − .05, .25 .08 .08 − .05, .24 .08 .13* .01, .31 .08 .05 − .08, .20 .07

Hostile sexism − .23*** − .35, − .10 .06 − .16* − .27, − .03 .06 − .08 − .20, .05 .06 − .02 − .13, .10 .06
Sex .21*** .15, .53 .10 .16* .06, .43 .09 .16** .07, .45 .10 .04 − .13, .23 .09
Hostile sexism × sex .10 − .03, .22 .06 .05 − .08, .17 .06 .08 − .05, .20 .06 .02 − .10, .14 .06

Religiosity − .24*** − .30, − .11 .05 − .22*** − .27, − .09 .05 − .19** − .25, − .06 .05 − .18** − .23, − .05 .05
Sex .10 − .02, .35 .09 .07 − .07, .28 .09 .09 − .04, .32 .09 − .12 − .19, .15 .09
Religiosity × sex .11 − .00, .19 .05 .18** .06, .24 .05 .18** .05, .24 .05 .13* .01, .19 .05

Sociosexuality .36*** .48, .96 .12 .35*** .44, .91 .12 .30*** .35, .84 .12 .40*** .50, .93 .11
Sex .00 − .19, .20 .10 − .03 − .24, .14 .10 − .01 − .20, .19 .10 − .14* − .38, − .03 .09
Sociosexuality × sex − .12* − .49, − .01 .12 − .12* − .48, − .01 .12 − .15* − .56, − .08 .12 − .11* − .44, − .00 .11

Age − .11 − .03, .00 .01 − .09 − .03, .00 .01 − .11 − .03, .00 .01 − .06 − .02, .01 .01
Sex .13* .03, .41 .10 .10 − .02, .34 .09 .11 − .01, .36 .09 .02 − .15, .19 .09
Age × sex .08 − .00, .03 .01 .13* .00, .03 .01 .08 − .00, .02 .01 .09 − .00, .02 .01

Sex was coded (− 1) for female and (1) for male. Standard errors are from unstandardized betas. Sociosexuality values are standardized
RWA = right-wing authoritarianism, SDO = social dominance orientation
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001

below, we focus attention on the interaction terms (i.e., the to ensure that researchers acquire a sufficient sample size
extent to which the predictors vary in strength as a function of for developing multiple regression models with continuous
sex), but the main effects can be found in the tables. See Fig. 1 predictors. We performed each step using information from
for interaction patterns. We report standardized betas for the our present study, and we meet all the requirements set by
regressions to allow for comparisons across variables, but Riley et al. (2018). Additionally, Babyak (2004) specified that
report unstandardized betas when unpacking the interactions researchers should have 10–15 observations per predictor in
(i.e., for simple slopes analysis). Also, for brevity, we only multiple regression models with continuous predictors. In
report the significant results from our regression analyses. our present study, with 298 participants and 10 predictors, we
The interested reader can find all these results in Tables 1, have approximately 30 observations per predictor (see also
2, 3, and 4. Riley et al. (2018) provide six steps to follow Krishnan & Selvam, 2019; Van Hijfte et al., 2022).

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1178 Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

Table 4  Individual differences × sex interactions (harm)

Predictors Webcamming Pornography Prostitution Sugar relationships
β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE β CI SE

RWA​ .41*** .35, .58 .06 .28*** .19, .44 .06 .28*** .16, .39 .06 .21*** .10, .34 .06
Sex − .24*** − .61, − .25 .09 − .14* − .44, − .06 .10 − .11 ŧ − .35, .00 .09 − .09 − .33, .04 .09
RWA × sex − .05 − .17, .07 .06 − .00 − .13, .12 .06 − .05 − .16, .06 .06 − .03 − .15, .09 .06

SDO .22*** .14, .43 .08 .12 − .00, .30 .08 .14* .03, .30 .07 .04 − .10, .19 .07
Sex − .26*** − .65, − .27 .10 − .15* − .46, − .06 .10 − .12* − .36, − .01 .09 − .09 − .34, .04 .10
SDO × sex .04 − .10, .20 .08 .08 − .04, .26 .08 − .03 − .17, .10 .07 .05 − .09, .20 .07

Feminism − .21*** − .31, − .09 .06 − .16** − .26, − .04 .06 − .17** − .24, − .04 .05 .02 − .09, .12 .05
Sex − .29*** − .72, − .31 .10 − .17** − .51, − .10 .10 − .14* − .40, − .04 .09 − .09 − .34, .05 .10
Feminism × sex .04 − .07, .15 .06 .03 − .08, .14 .06 − .00 − .10, .10 .05 .09 − .02, .19 .05

Conservatism .22*** .11, .34 .06 .13* .02, .25 .06 .26*** .13, .33 .05 .09 − .03, .19 .06
Sex − .26*** − .65, − .26 .10 − .15* − .46, − .06 .10 − .12* − .35, − .01 .09 − .09 − .34, .04 .10
Conservatism × sex − .09 − .20, .03 .06 − .05 − .17, .06 .06 .01 − .10, .11 .05 − .02 − .13, .09 .06

Masculinity .27*** .20, .52 .08 .16* .04, .37 .08 .20** .09, .38 .08 .10 − .04, .28 .08
Sex − .32*** − .77, − .37 .10 − .19** − .54, − .12 .11 − .18** − .47, − .09 .10 − .12 − .39, .01 .10
Masculinity × sex − .04 − .22, .10 .08 .00 − .16, .17 .08 − .11 − .29, .01 .08 .01 − .14, .18 .08

Hostile sexism .19** .07, .34 .07 .10 − .03, .24 .07 .12 − .01, .24 .06 − .03 − .16, .11 .07
Sex − .31*** − .76, − .36 .10 − .18** − .53, − .11 .11 − .17** − .45, − .08 .09 − .10 − .37, .03 .10
Hostile sexism × sex − .02 − .16, .11 .07 .03 − .10, .17 .07 − .06 − .18, .06 .06 − .02 − .15, .11 .07

Religiosity .36*** .23, .43 .05 .27*** .15, .35 .05 .37*** .21, .39 .05 .23*** .10, .29 .05
Sex − .18** − .50, − .12 .10 − .09 − .36, .04 .10 − .04 − .24, .11 .09 − .05 − .27, .11 .10
Religiosity × sex − .10 − .19, .01 .05 − .11* − .21, − .00 .05 − .07 − .14, .03 .05 − .02 − .11, .09 .05

Sociosexuality − .23*** − .76, − .24 .13 − .25*** − .81, − .27 .14 − .22** − .66, − .18 .12 − .27*** − .79, − .28 .13
Sex − .15* − .47, − .05 .11 − .04 − .28, .15 .11 − .01 − .22, .17 .10 .02 − .17, .24 .10
Sociosexuality × sex .16** .10, .63 .13 .14* .05, .58 .14 .15* .07, .56 .12 .08 − .07, .44 .13

Age .20*** .01, .04 .01 .13* .00, .03 .01 .19** .01, .04 .01 .08 − .01, .03 .01
Sex − .22*** − .58, − .19 .10 .03* − .41, − .02 .10 − .09 − .32, .04 .09 − .08 − .32, .06 .10
Age × sex − .22* − .03, .00 .01 − .13* − .03, − .00 .01 − .04 − .02, .01 .01 − .06 − .02, .01 .01

Sex was coded (− 1) for female and (1) for male. Standard errors are from unstandardized betas. Sociosexuality values are standardized
RWA = right-wing authoritarianism, SDO = social dominance orientation
ŧ
p = .051; *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001

Agency as Criterion pornography (b = 0.42, p = .004), and sugar relationships

(b = 0.49, p =  < .001) but not prostitution (b = 0.28, p = .067).
In the regression analyses, sociosexuality positively pre- For women, simple slopes analyses revealed that sociosex-
dicted greater agency in each sex work domain: webcamming uality was a significant positive predictor for all domains:
(β = 0.22, p < .001), sugar relationships (β = 0.30, p < .001), prostitution (b = 0.92, p =  < .001), webcamming (b = 0.97,
pornography (β = 0.21, p = .001), and prostitution (β = 0.18, p =  < .001), pornography (b = 0.92, p =  < .001), and sugar
p = .008). We found a significant negative sociosexual- relationships (b = 0.94, p < .001).
ity × sex interaction in predicting agency for webcamming Although religiosity was not a significant unique predictor
(β = − 0.12, p = .044), pornography (β = − 0.12, p = .038), of ratings of agency, we found significant religiosity × sex
prostitution (β = − 0.15, p = .010), and sugar relationships interactions, such that men (vs. women) higher on religiosity
(β = − 0.11, p = .046). Interestingly, a test of simple slopes were more likely to view women’s participation in sex work
showed that, for cisgender men, the slope of sociosexual- as giving her agency for pornography (β = 0.18, p = .001),
ity was significant for webcamming (b = 0.47, p = .002), prostitution (β = 0.18, p = .002), and sugar relationships

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Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185 1179

Fig. 1  Individual differences × sex interactions for ratings of harm women. Standard errors are from unstandardized betas. Sociosexual-
and agency. *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001. Sex was coded (− 1) for ity values are standardized
female and (1) for male. Men and women refer to cisgender men and

(β = 0.13, p = .023). Simple slopes analyses revealed that, p = .791). In comparison, masculine beliefs was a significant
for men, religiosity was not a significant predictor of agency negative predictor of agency for women regarding prostitu-
regarding pornography (b = − 0.03, p = .612), prostitution tion (b = − 0.30, p = .018).
(b = − 0.01, p = .938), or sugar relationships (b = − 0.04, In contrast, RWA negatively predicted agency for the
p = .519). In contrast, for women, religiosity was a significant domains of webcamming (β = − 0.44, p =  < .001), sugar rela-
negative predictor in the following domains: pornography tionships (β = − 0.22, p = .049), and pornography (β = − 0.31,
(b = − 0.33, p < .001), prostitution (b = − 0.30, p < .001), and p = .003).
sugar relationships (b = − 0.24, p < .001). Similarly, conservatism also negatively predicted agency
Traditional masculine beliefs also positively and uniquely for the domain of pornography (β = − 0.19, p = .019). The
predicted, but only for sugar relationships (β = 0.24, RWA × sex interaction was significant, such that men (vs.
p = .005). We also found evidence of a traditional masculine women) higher on RWA were more likely to view women’s
beliefs × sex interaction such that men (vs. women) higher on participation in sex work as giving her agency for prostitu-
masculine beliefs were more likely to view women’s partici- tion (β = 0.15, p = .008) and sugar relationships (β = 0.13,
pation in sex work as giving her agency, but only for prostitu- p = .026). For men, RWA was not a significant predictor
tion (β = 0.13, p = .039). For men, masculine beliefs was not agency for prostitution (b = − 0.08, p = .292) or sugar rela-
a significant predictor of agency for prostitution (b = 0.02, tionships (b = − 0.07, p = .351). In contrast, for women,

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1180 Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

RWA was a significant negative predictor of agency for both (β = 0.16, p = .007), pornography (β = 0.14, p = .021), and
prostitution (b = − 0.39, p < .001) and sugar relationships prostitution (β = 0.15, p = .011). For men, sociosexuality
(b = − 0.31, p < .001). was not a significant predictor of harm for women for web-
Lastly, although age was not a significant unique predictor camming (b = − 0.14, p = .408), pornography (b = − 0.23,
of ratings of agency, the age × sex interaction was signifi- p = .172), or prostitution (b = − 0.11, p = .483). In contrast,
cant, such that men (vs. women) who were older in age were for women, sociosexuality was a significant negative pre-
more likely to view women’s participation in sex work as dictor for the following domains: webcamming (b = − 0.86,
giving her agency, but only regarding pornography (b = 0.13, p < .001), pornography (b = − 0.86, p < .001), and prostitution
p = .026). For men, age was not a significant predictor of (b = − 0.74, p < .001).
agency (b = 0.01, p = .631). In contrast, for women, age was Conservatism was a significant negative predictor of harm
a significant negative predictor (b = − 0.03, p = .008). for the domains of webcamming (β = − 0.15, p = .046) and
Although male sex was also a significant predictor of pornography (β = − 0.16, p = .048); given the positive asso-
participants’ ratings of agency (β = − 0.17, p = .012) for the ciations at the zero-order level, we caution against interpret-
domain of sugar relationships, this relation was non-signif- ing this effect.
icant at the zero-order level (see Table 6 in supplementals),
so we caution interpreting this effect.
Discussion
Harm as Criterion
To our knowledge, this study is the first to provide support
In regression analyses, RWA positively and uniquely for the existence of the so-called whorearchy through sci-
predicted harmfulness for the domains of webcamming entific data analysis comparing domains of sex work. The
(β = 0.37, p < .001), sugar relationships (β = 0.24, p = .026), whorearchy is a well-known concept among individuals in
and pornography (β = 0.26, p = .017). the sex work industry (Writes, 2020). Outside the world of
Similarly, religiosity predicted harm for webcamming sex workers, however, little is known about the whorearchy.
(β = 0.14, p = .036) and prostitution (β = 0.26, p < .001). The Our results demonstrate that participants view prostitution
religiosity × sex interaction was significant, such that cis- the most unfavorably (i.e., is most harmful to women and
gender women (vs. men) were more likely to view another gives them the least agency), followed by pornography, then
women’s participation in sex work as more harmful, but only sugar relationships, and were the most favorable toward web-
for pornography (B = 0.39 p = .044). Religiosity was a sig- camming (i.e., is the least harmful to women and gives them
nificant predictor of harm for both men (b = 0.14, p = .034) the most agency). Despite its stigmatization, there exists
and women (b = 0.35, p < .001). a power imbalance in the sex work industry, as evidenced
Age also positively predicted harm for webcamming by the hierarchical organization of sex work. In the present
(β = 0.16, p = .004) and prostitution (β = 0.12, p = .043). The study, we found support of the “whorearchy” as it pertains to
regression analysis including the age × sex term revealed a these domains. However, future research should explore the
significant negative interaction between age and sex in pre- hierarchical organization of attitudes toward domains of sex
dicting harm for webcamming (B = − 0.11, p = .048) and work outside of the domains of the present study.
pornography (β = − 0.13, p = .021), where women (vs. men) The goals of the present study were to gain insight into
that were older were more likely to view another woman’s the existence of the whorearchy and to uncover which con-
participation in sex work as harmful. Simple slopes analysis structs predict attitudes toward sex work. RWA was a unique,
revealed that for men, age was not a significant predictor negative predictor of agency ratings, whereas sociosexual-
of viewing sex work as harmful for webcamming (b = 0.01 ity, across all domains, was a unique, positive predictor of
p = .256) or pornography (b = 0.00, p = .992). However, age agency ratings. This is consistent with previous literature for
was a significant predictor for women for both webcamming both RWA (Cao et al., 2015) and sociosexuality (Birkás et al.,
(b = 0.04, p < .001) and pornography (b = 0.04, p = .001). 2020; Hansen & Johansson, 2022a). In these studies, however,
Interestingly, feminism positively and uniquely predicted the researchers only measured attitudes toward prostitution.
harm, but only for sugar relationships (β = 0.22, p = .015). The present study builds upon these previous findings by dem-
In contrast, sociosexuality and male sex negatively pre- onstrating that RWA and sociosexuality are central predictors
dicted harm, but only for the domains of sugar relationships for various domains of sex work, not just prostitution. RWA
(β = − 0.15, p = .027) and webcamming (β = − 0.18, p = .004), and religiosity were unique, positive predictors in ratings of
respectively. The sociosexuality × sex interactions for ratings harm, whereas sociosexuality was a unique, negative predic-
of harm were largely significant. Women (vs. men) higher tor in ratings of harm. These results provide further support
in sociosexuality were significantly more likely to view for RWA as a predictor of more negative attitudes toward sex
sex work as less harmful for the domains of webcamming work (Cao et al., 2015), but also of religiosity as a predictor

13
Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185 1181

of more negative attitudes toward sex work (Cao et al, 2015; of sex work) acceptable while also deeming them harmful.
Hansen & Johansson, 2022a; Vlase & Grasso, 2023). Indi- Likewise, smoking cigarettes might be deemed by some as
viduals higher in authoritarianism tend to hold rigid gendered harmful but acceptable. This demonstrates the need to assess
beliefs where women are meant to be the homemakers and multiple factors that comprise people’s attitudes toward sex
caregivers, and endorse conservative beliefs about sexuality work, not just acceptability or (un)favorability of sex work.
(Altemeyer, 1996; Peterson & Zurbriggen, 2010). Likewise, Our results also demonstrate a need for future research into
religious individuals believe in rigid gender roles and strongly the factors that predict men’s views toward considering sex
oppose premarital sex (Barkan, 2006). work as an activity that gives women agency or is harmful.
In contrast, we consistently found that those higher in soci- In many cases, the individual difference variables failed to
osexuality were more favorable toward a cisgender woman’s predict these outcomes among men. On average, the predic-
participation in sex work. Considering that those higher in tors used in the present study explained 20% of the variance
sociosexuality are more willing to engage in casual sex (Hal- in ratings of agency and harm for women but only 10% for
lam et al., 2018), it could be that these individuals are more men (see Tables 1 and 2 and Supplemental Tables 2–6 for full
liberal (vs. conservative) about sex and view sex work as model results). Why might this be? Factors not considered in
another variant of casual sex, rendering them more favorable the present study might account for men’s attitudes toward
toward a woman’s participation in sex work. To such people, sex work. Consider the willingness to consume/engage in/pay
sex work may be viewed as casual sex but with fees involved. for sex work. When it comes to sex work, men are more likely
Our results also show that RWA, but not conservatism, is a to buy and women are more likely to sell (see Brents et al.,
unique predictor of attitudes toward sex work. Although these 2020). For men, their willingness to consume/engage in/
two concepts may be considered similar, they are generally pay for sex work might be strong predictor of their attitudes
recognized as distinct concepts (Altemeyer, 1996; Crowson compared to the individual difference variables considered
et al., 2005). Importantly, in the present study conservatism in the current study. This might explain why the individual
was measured by assessing how conservative/liberal people difference variables in the present study accounted consid-
are in general, regarding economic policy, and in regard to erably less variance in (un)favorability of sex work for men
social policy. In contrast, some items in the RWA scale assess than women. Future research would benefit from including
views toward sex/sexuality directly. It could be that because measures of willingness to consume/engage in/pay for sex
the items in the RWA scale are more directly related to atti- work when studying opinions toward sex work.
tudes toward sex work, conservatism loses it predictive power Overall, and unsurprisingly, people are the most nega-
when placed in regression analyses alongside RWA. As previ- tive toward prostitution, a domain of sex work that is largely
ous research has found conservatism to be a unique predictor illegal in the USA, and is stigmatized (Hansen & Johansson,
of attitudes toward sex work (Cao et al., 2015; Lambe, 2004), 2022b). Pornography, although perceived less negatively than
future research should continue to explore conservatism as a prostitution, was another domain that people held negative
predictor of attitudes toward sex work. attitudes toward. Considering that pornography is regarded
Furthermore, relations were often moderated by self-iden- as similar to prostitution (Streit, 2006; Tyler, 2015), but that
tified sex, specifically being stronger for cisgender women only 2–4% of American men are estimated to have visited a
than cisgender men (see Fig. 1). In multiple cases, individ- prostitute in the past year (Pappas, 2012), whereas 44% of
ual differences were not significant predictors among men. American men are estimated to have watched pornography
Our results thus run contrary to the findings of Hansen and in the past month (Cox et al., 2022), it is unsurprising that
Johansson (2022a), who found that the effects of sociosexual- people are less negative toward a sex domain that men use
ity were stronger for men compared to women. We speculate most frequently. In contrast, people are more positive toward
that the location of data collection might play a role; their domains of sex work that are more socially acceptable. Sugar
data were collected in Denmark (and ours in the US). Pros- relationships typically align with a “traditional,” heteronor-
titution is legal in Denmark but (largely) illegal in the USA, mative, cisgender relationship where a man provides mate-
so the (il)legality of sex work may influence attitudes toward rial resources for a woman in exchange for her company and
participation in sex work. Future research would benefit from potential sexual availability, which is why people might be
exploring how the legality of sex work might create sex dif- more positive toward this domain. People were the most
ferences in attitudes toward participation in sex work. Addi- positive toward webcamming, potentially because it is less
tionally, Hansen and Johansson analyzed data from a 2017 stigmatized and considered more “high-class” than the other
census survey asking Danish citizens about the acceptability domains of sex work. Compared to prostitution, pornogra-
of prostitution and not the other domains focused on in our phy, and sugar relationships, cammers are able to keep their
project. Furthermore, their study assessed acceptability of identity more private, they do not engage in physical contact
sex work whereas we examined agency and harm ratings. with the client, and are (better) able to set their own prices for
For instance, one might find prostitution (and other domains their services, all of which differentiate it from other domains

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1182 Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185

and make it more socially acceptable to engage in. However, clients), and massage parlors (i.e., providing massages and a
it is important to acknowledge the use of language in our range of sexual services to clients) are all considered types of
survey; given that people tend to be more negative to the word sex work (Harcourt & Donovan, 2004). Additionally, future
“prostitution” compared to “sex work” (Hansen & Johansson, research could explore attitudes toward compensated dat-
2022b), attitudes toward prostitution may have differed if we ing (CD), where sexual intimacy is exchanged for monetary
had instead used the often interchangeable term “sex work.” gifts, which has previously been explored in Eastern Europe
(Swader & Vorobeva, 2015) and is considered to be a type
Limitations and Future Directions of sugar relationship (Scull, 2020). Considering that in the
present study, we found that attitudes toward sex work dif-
As with any study, our project has limitations. First, our use fer depending on the domain, future research would benefit
of only US residents limits the generalizability of our find- from exploring people’s attitudes toward other domains of
ings. Given that sex work domains such as prostitution are sex work.
largely illegal in the USA, our findings might generalize to Additionally, future research could explore the endorse-
other countries where selling sex is illegal but not to coun- ment of feminist ideologies characteristic of specific waves of
tries where it is legal or illegal but tolerated. Future research feminism as predictors of attitudes toward sex work. As pre-
should compare how attitudes toward sex work differs by viously mentioned, feminism in the present study was meas-
country. The US is also very religious relative to other coun- ured by assessing participants’ general views of feminism.
tries, especially compared to other Western countries (see However, there could be a difference in attitudes toward sex
Ashton & Lee, 2019). As noted by Chen (2015), those who work between those that identify as second-wave feminists
are more religious disapprove more of prostitution, mean- and third-wave feminists. Second-wave feminists and radical
ing that additional research in less religious countries would feminists often see sex work as inherently harmful to women
be beneficial. Along these lines, future research would ben- and view women involved in sex work as victims (Scanlon,
efit from analyzing data from large, nationally representa- 2009). However, most third-wave feminists advocate for
tive samples. The goal of the present study was to explore greater sensitivity to sex work and sexuality, performances
attitudes toward women’s participation in sex work by com- of gender outside of masculine and feminine alone, and view
paring attitudes toward various domains of sex work, some- the choice to participate in sex work as empowering (Mar-
thing that has not been previously done. However, we see the tin, 2007; Scanlon, 2009). Therefore, there might be greater
employment of nationally representative samples in future nuance about the relationship between feminism and attitudes
research as a valuable next step to better understand people’s toward sex work, such that second-wave feminists might hold
attitudes toward sex work on a broader level. more negative attitudes toward sex work compared to third-
Another limitation involves our exclusion of sex work rela- wave feminists, who might hold more positive attitudes.
tionships that exist outside of the traditional men-purchasing- Future research could explore this possibility.
sex-from-women relationships. Our limited scope suited an Lastly, future research should also explore using the Atti-
early investigation of this nature but arguably could (and tudes Toward Sex Work scale created for this study. It is
should) be expanded to include other forms. For instance, worth noting that we performed exploratory factor analysis
future research should explore non-heteronormative sex work and found a superior fit for our models when separating the
relationships. Future research could also measure whether scale into “harm” and “agency” subscales compared to one
respondents have personally engaged in or paid for sex work. overall scale (not shown, results available upon request);
After all, the general population tends to be relatively nega- given that this was the first time we used the scale, it would
tive toward sex work (Basow & Campanile, 1990; Hansen be beneficial to validate this scale further to assess attitudes
& Johannson, 2021; Long et al., 2012; Roberts et al., 2010), toward sex work. As attitudes toward sex work change with
whereas sex workers often emphasize the benefits (Jones, the development of newer forms of sex work (e.g., Only-
2016; Martin, 2007; but see Jones, 2016 for a discussion of Fans as a platform for webcamming), it will become increas-
the drawbacks of sex work). Further research could directly ingly important to track attitudes toward these forms of sex
compare sex workers and non-sex workers’ ratings of agency work. For example, it would be beneficial to validate the
and harm toward various domains of sex work. scale in other populations, such as Africa, where women’s
Another limitation of the present study is the limited involvement in sex work/transactional sex is associated with
number of domains of sex work we explored. As mentioned a heightened risk of HIV (Wamoyi et al., 2016). Therefore,
previously in the paper, the domains presented in the present it could be beneficial for future researchers to further vali-
study do not represent an exhaustive list of all of the domains date the attitudes toward sex work scale in different popula-
of sex work that exist. For example, lap dancing (i.e., exotic tions, for different domains of sex work, for sex work that
dancing), CB radio (i.e., sex workers using CB radio along involves LGBTQ + individuals, and to track attitudes to sex
highways to exchange messages with potential truck driver work across time. However, if future researchers wish to use

13
Archives of Sexual Behavior (2024) 53:1169–1185 1183

the scale in a different context, we would highly recommend Babyak, M. A. (2004). What you see may not be what you get: A brief,
to first ensure the items are understood as intended in that nontechnical introduction to overfitting in regression-type models.
Psychosomatic Medicine, 66(3), 411–421. https://d​ oi.o​ rg/1​ 0.1​ 097/​
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Basow, S. A., & Campanile, F. (1990). Attitudes toward prostitution
The sex work industry is a multi-billion-dollar industry. as a function of attitudes toward feminism in college students:
An exploratory study. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 14(1),
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cisgender women’s participation in sex work is quite mixed. Benes, R. (2018). Porn could have a bigger economic influence on the
We find support for the presence of a hierarchical organiza- US than Netflix. Quartz. https://q​ z.c​ om/1​ 30952​ 7/p​ orn-c​ ould-h​ ave-
tion of sex work reflecting the so-called “whorearchy,” with a-​bigger-​econo​mic-​influ​ence-​on-​the-​us-​than-​netfl​ix
Benoit, C., McCarthy, B., & Jansson, M. (2015). Stigma, sex work, and
the more online versions being deemed more empowering to substance use: A comparative analysis. Sociology of Health and
and less harmful toward women than those with direct con- Illness, 37(3), 437–451. https://d​ oi.o​ rg/1​ 0.1​ 111/1​ 467-9​ 566.1​ 2201
tact with clients. We also find that attitudes toward women’s Ben-Zeév, A. (2020). Why sugar daddy relationships are on the rise |
participation in sex work, in terms of agency and harm, vary psychology ... Psychology Today. https://​www.​psych​ology​today.​
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by sex of respondent and the domain of sex work evaluated. ionsh​ips-​are-​the-​rise
The top predictors of agency and harm for many domains Birkás, B., Meskó, N., Zsidó, A. N., Ipolyi, D., & Láng, A. (2020).
are RWA, religiosity, and sociosexuality, particularly among Providing sexual companionship for resources: Development,
cisgender women (vs. men). Given the growing prevalence of validation, and personality correlates of the Acceptance of Sugar
Relationships in Young Women and Men Scale (ASR-YWMS).
such online forms of sex work, along with growing evidence Frontiers in Psychology, 11, 1135. https://​doi.​org/​10.​3389/​fpsyg.​
of sugar relationships, it will become increasingly important 2020.​01135
to track reactions as these forms of sex work evolve. Brambor, T., Clark, W. R., & Golder, M. (2006). Understanding inter-
action models: Improving empirical analyses. Political Analysis,
Supplementary Information The online version contains supplemen- 14(1), 63–82. https://​doi.​org/​10.​1093/​pan/​mpi014
tary material available at https://​doi.​org/​10.​1007/​s10508-​023-​02797-y. Brents, B. G., Yamashita, T., Spivak, A. L., Venger, O., Parreira, C.,
& Lanti, A. (2020). Are men who pay for sex sexist? Masculin-
Funding This project was funded by a Brock University Chair for ity and client attitudes toward gender role equality in different
Research Excellence award given to the second author. prostitution markets. Men and Masculinities, 24(5), 719–739.
https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​10971​84x20​901561
Availability of Data and Materials Not applicable. Cao, L., Lu, R., & Mei, X. (2015). Acceptance of prostitution and its
social determinants in Canada. International Journal of Offender
Code Availability Not applicable. Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 61(10), 1171–1190.
https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​03066​24x15​609920
Declarations Clark, A. P. (2006). Are the correlates of sociosexuality different for
men and women? Personality and Individual Differences, 41(7),
Conflict of interest The authors have no relevant financial or non-fi- 1321–1327. https://​doi.​org/​10.​1016/j.​paid.​2006.​05.​006
nancial interests to disclose. Connell, R. (2015). Masculinities: The field of knowledge. In S.
Horlacher (Ed.), Configuring masculinity in theory and literacy
Research Involving Human Participants and/or Animals This study was practice (pp. 39–51) Brill. https://​doi.​org/​10.​1163/​97890​04299​
cleared by the Brock University Research Ethics Board. 009_​004
Cox, D. A., Witt-Swanson, L., Orrell, B., & Bowman, K. (2023). Poli-
Informed Consent Informed consent was obtained from all individual tics, sex, and sexuality: The growing gender divide in American
participants included in the study. life. The Survey Center on American life. https://​w ww.​a meri​
cansu​r veyc​enter.​org/​resea​rch/​march-​2022-​aps/
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