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Harold Cruse The Crisis of The Negro Intellectual Selections Part 1-3-10 and 11 63

The document reflects on the author's experiences in Harlem during the 1940s and explores the complexities of individualism and group identity among African Americans. It discusses the historical context of racial dynamics, the influence of various intellectuals, and the ongoing struggle for civil rights, emphasizing the tension between the ideals of American individualism and the realities faced by marginalized groups. Ultimately, it highlights the need for a deeper understanding of the Negro intellectual experience and the evolving consciousness within the African American community.

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98 views31 pages

Harold Cruse The Crisis of The Negro Intellectual Selections Part 1-3-10 and 11 63

The document reflects on the author's experiences in Harlem during the 1940s and explores the complexities of individualism and group identity among African Americans. It discusses the historical context of racial dynamics, the influence of various intellectuals, and the ongoing struggle for civil rights, emphasizing the tension between the ideals of American individualism and the realities faced by marginalized groups. Ultimately, it highlights the need for a deeper understanding of the Negro intellectual experience and the evolving consciousness within the African American community.

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emmnueltoure212
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Individualism and the “Open Society” In 1940, a8 one of my fist acts in the pursuit of becoming a more ‘social” being, 1 joined a YMCA amateur drama group in Har lem. T wanted to learn about theater so I became a stage technician meaning 3 handyman for all backstage chore. But the frst thing bout this drama group that stack me as highly curious was the fact that all the members were overwhelmingly in favor of doing white plays with Negro casts I wondered why and very naively ‘expresed my sentiments about it, The replies that T got clearly indicated that these amateur ators were not very favorable tothe play about Negto life, although they would not plainly say so Despite the fact that this question ofieentty was fst prevented to ime within the context of the program of a small, insignificant Amateur drama group, its implications ranged far beyond. thes ter group, no matter how sell, must have an audience. What did the audience atthe Harlem YMCA really think about the group's productions? Although T continued to work sith thi group, my preoceups ‘ion with its aesthetic values inevitably led me toward a considers ‘ion of other, related, social issues pecliar to Harlem, Ths began Iny first steps toward a long process of socal enlightenment, Life was quite complicated and there were no simple answers for any- hing Harlem in 190 was just beginning to emenge from the depths ‘of the Great Depression and it seethed with the eureents of many ‘Very understandably, these people want to be fullfledged Americans, without regard to race, creed, or color. They do not sop to realize that this social animal is x fgment of the American imagination and has never really existed except in rare instances ‘They cite the American Constitution as the legal and moral aw thority in their quest for fully ineegrated status (whichever intr pretation out of several they lend to this idea) and find it neces fy to aby away from that stratum I mentioned before, whieh forms the resdwum of the Negro ethnic group consciousness ‘However, each individual American is a member of 3 group. ‘The white AngloSaxon Protestant, the white Catholics, and the white Jews ate the three main power groupe in America, under the political and economic leadership of the WASPS. The Ameri ‘can Constitution was conceived and written by white Anglo Saxon Protestants for a white AngloSaxon society, The fact that what called American Society, or American Culture, did not subse ‘quently develop into a nation made up totally of WASPS—because ff Negro slavery and immigration-did not prevent the white Protestants trom perpetuating the group atitudes that would maintain the image of the whole American nation in terms of WASP cultural tradition, These attitudes, a sociologist Milton M. Gordon points out, “all have asa central assumption the desira: lity of maintaining English institutions (as modified by the American Revolution), the English language, and. English-ori ented cultural pattems as dominant and standard in American life Naturally, the historia! priorities and prerogatives estab lished by the English steers eatly inthe seventeenth century have ‘been expanded through all the suceeding generations of white ‘aiton M, Gndon, Animation n Amerie Lf (Se Yon: Od Ulery ret es Individualism ond the “Open Society” * Protestants into a wellentrenched social postion, characerited by 4 predominance in economic and political power, buttresied with strong, cohesive, group solidarity ‘Ths hat is wsually refereed to a8 general American society urns out in reality, imotar as communal inaitutions nd pr mary group relations are concerned, to be 1 white Protestant Social Word, colored and infused withthe implicit sumptions of this particular ethnie group. Ta he sre, it isthe Iangst ethnic ‘group in the United Stats, and like aber ethnic groups it is ivided in major fashion by social clas. ‘ge mai oer ep Prc cat goatee sles Coriganec nee a ot Speen eae i 10 The Grits of the Negro Intellectual lie of these groups, and the resultant block in communication be tween the ethnic subsociety and the intellectual [might] have dys fonetional consequences."" In the face of these sociological findings, then, how do. Negro intellectuals measure up to the complex problem of being spokes ‘men on behalf of thei ethnic group, the Negro masses? This has to be examined on two level. First, 35 eveative artists, how can their creative outpat he asesed? Second, as Negro spokesmen, to ‘what extent do their analyses of the Negro situation get to the bottom of things? Also, i there any eorelaion between these (wo intellectual levels of performance, any value judgments to be derived? For several years the chief spokesman for the Negro among the intellectual clase was James Baldwin, who, i€ might be said, has signalized « new level of involvement, Following Baldwin there have been other literary voices, such as John O. Killens, the late Lorraine Hansberry, Ossie Davis, Paule Marshall and LeRoi Jones. However, if one closely examines the ideas, the social status, the literary content or even the cass background of these writers fd intellectuals, iti found that they are not at all in agreement fom what general course the Negro should follow towards racial equality. today, the Negro evil rightsintegration movement calls int play two aspects of Negro reality which now demand closer ‘examination and analysis than heretofore=the residual stratum oF [Negro ethnic group consciousnes, of which Ihave spoken, and the ‘new Negro intellectual class that has emerged a6 of the 1gg0's and 1960's, Harlem Background— ‘The Rise of Economic Nationalism and Origins of Cultural Revolution al and radical ctees i soften said that New York City i not truly representative of what America is, deep in its hinter Tans, Khas been suid that itis a mistake to confuse the cosmopali ‘anism of New York with the outlook of the Midwest, the Deep South, the North and Far Wes, the tate of Tesas ot even Maine This would seem to raise the question: Where is the “rea” America to be found? Or, who ithe “typical” American and from what region inthe United States does he come? ‘On the other hand, the idea suggests thatthe United States does ‘not represent truly uniform nation of peoples. One could ex plain this Ik of wniformity by pointing out that America is a ration that ip still in the proces of formation, that itis too young to have achieved the Kind of advanced cultural fusion found in certain European nations, Yet, with all the long centuries of ma tional development typical of European nations, Paris is not like Normandy of Brittany, London is not the British Midlands Rome is most unlike Hay souch of Naples. Ie seems, then, that even when nations mature in age it is merely the maturation of| variety undemeath a uniform surface By the same token, American Negroes wnder the impress of American development have their regional variations. Harlem is not Birmingham, New Orleans or Los Angeles. Yet, these sme American conditions have resulted, today, in a degree of cultural alfinity among Negroes of all regions tht is neither compel nor needed among the whites. The black world of America is unlike the white in more ways than mere color, Ths to sty that Harlem isnot Birmingham would cll for much qualification, The tuth of ” Phe Crisis ofthe Negro Imelletual the matter is that Harlem tas, in this century, Become the most strategically important community of black America, Harlem is sul the pivot ofthe black world's quest fr identity and sleation, "The way Harlem goes (or does not go) 10 goes all black America Harlem is the black world's key community for historical, polit ical, economic, cultural and/or ethnic reasons. The trouble is that Harlem has never been adequately analyzed in such terms. The demand often heard~"Break up the Harlem ghetto!” (as a hated symbol of segregation) —represents nothing but the romantic and empty wail of politically insolvent integrationss, who Fear gheto ‘ots only more than they fear the responsibilities of politcal and ‘economic power that lie in the Harlem potential, Caring Hite lor nothing forthe ethnic solvency ofthe Negro group, the integra Tioniss maintain dht since Harlem was created by segregation the only solution isco desegregate it by abolishing it. But this is falla ‘ous logic that refuses to admit che clase nature of the American social dynamic that permits social mobility only upwards into the middle clas. On the other hand, a forced abolition of a ghesto composed primarily of unemployed and unskilled nonwhites ‘would be tantamount to resettlement By decree wih all is “un: democratic” implications. Thus, i has not been understood that ‘with all the evils and deprivations of the Harlem ghetto this com: "munity sll represents the Negro’ strongest bastion in America from which to launch whatever group effort he is able to mobilize for political power. economic rehabilitation and cultural reident Iication. Hence, for the Negro to le his population contro ofthe Harlem area means an uprooting from his strongest base in the American socal structure, Ie is these considerations which reveal the incompetence of much Northern integrationist philowphy. Uwhich when carried to its characteristic extremes, sees integration assolving everything. Since integrations se very litle in group ‘economic power, oF black poitieal power, to say nothing of tural identity, they ultimately misled many Negroes on the bot. tom of the social scale whose fundamental ethnie group problems the integrationists evade and cannot solve. It must be sid that these are the causes behind gheto uprisings. These glaring defects in the social analysis of Negro ghettoes are what lend that quality ‘of unreality to much of what integrationiss say and do, 28S long as the Negro's cultura identity is in question, or open Harlem Background ts to selidoubts then there ca be no poitive entiation with the real demands of his politcal and ccoomicextence Further th that without a cultural identity tht adequately defines himsel the Negro cannot even entity withthe American mation ay 6 tole He st inthe limbo of soil marginal, alienaed ad Airetionlen om the lndacpe of Aerie, ina vaiegated nation ‘whites who have not et decided on thet own iden The fat of the mtter that American whites, aa we ar jus tc in doube about ther ational, she caltral identi, at are Negroct Ths the problem of Negro cultural Hensty a ah solved problem within the context of am American nation that i Sill in proce of formations 1. isthe Negro movement's impact that brings such historical questions tothe fore Te forces she whole mation to ook intl Which it has never wanted to do. Hiorcaly the American poy ‘hoogy bas been conditioned by the overriding economic moxie tion of plundering the continent for the weath ofits nual ve sources. Every spect of Amerie mation morality predicated ‘an that materainic etn, With notational love for the and adopted, the American as remained to this dy strange in thetand o his bir lat ene with his power uncertain abut his "tionality am exttoverted prgiatit for whom every expose of the social immorality hit nner ie becomes a wanda Arai Integration movement thie doesnot cate to look ft int the internal disorder ofits own vs, blind to the fct tat fhesto pathologies cannot be tested by attacking them from the der side ofthe rail fence, by way of iteration A socal tique ofthe Neqn's potion in America hat dvs not perceive the Pivotal characteris of Hatiem a comunity. fala positive {rique ad troms the entire Negro movement im 9 verered sneer o conflicting and often drectinles, methods these pra ‘tie prot methods 6 rel, become op iniatonalied that ‘hey en no longer be guided, aired, and channeled ey rom the pursue of the iteration miage, which inthe North, te Ssdes farther away after every pron demonstation, The te has hen tha he northern ergs movement. een Jer tn ented legion of scales for whom tegration hot eet !ypoatied into religion rater than sacl cente method Based on lay undertond prispleye pete cruel to hve 4 The Criss of the Negra Intellectual to say so, but we have to face many truths: In the Nott, the civil rights movement has produced a crackpot trend marked by a zea ‘ous commitment without understating that borders om anarch: jam; there has in fact been considerable verbal exposition of the desire for the “revolution of chaos,” rather than what could be called "mainstream social change” This anarchistic development his is roots in the accumulated history of incompetent methods Tin Negro life the cultural spheres appear to many as being rather remote intangible and hardly related to what is ealled he ‘mote practical aspect of rae relations. However, the ruth is that the more practical sides of the Negro problem in America are bogged dotn orgsnizationally and methodologically precisely be ‘cause of cultural contusion and disorientation on the pit of most Negroes. Tis itis only through «cultural analysis of the Negro ‘approach to group “politics” thal the errs, weakness and goel: failures can cogently be analyzed anid positively worked out The years between the day I entered the army, and the wa’ end in 1945, atked the end of an ers for Harlem. For mysell at that time, it merely meant the disippearance of that special ado- escent favor that attaches toa cert locale. Beyond that i took Awhile 1o understand that World War I represented. very abropt break, a sitchover in the continuity of Harlem traditions New’ migrations from the South (as in World War 1), the creation of 2 new middleclas sirtum on the crest of the war ‘Doom, the war veteran's paychology ec al served to hide prewat Haarlem behind the mask of 2 transicional kind of postwar person lity If one tried to he nextalgie shou the Harlem favor tat was gone forever, such sentiments were quickly dissipated in the ur encis of adjustment to postwar problems—and they were man. But aftr a few years t became appatenn thatthe very abrupt. ness ofthat break i the continuity of Harlem trations served to confound and aggravate the community’s postwat problems. Har Jem was trying to pun forward, it seemed, by cutting tell of from every vestige of its past in that strangely distant time before the war. neellectualy, this attitude proved, in time, to be workable. Eventually, one had to go back into the 1930. th tg2o's and even before World War I, in order to understand the Harlem sga—sehere it had come from, where it had been, ard where it might be going Harlem Background 7 For myself, the real necesiy for seeing Harlem in a reeospec tive context came slowly. The American ether is impatient with history and cares deeply only about today. and possibly about to morrow. History is valid for the American only when it ean be ted a6 facile justification for what is hallheartedly pursued today in defense’ of pragmatic “Americanism,” Negroes are no diferent inthis espee: thus even those who glory in certain black antecedents learn very little trom their past "The profound ineffectiveness of social action in Harlem did not strike me forcibly until around 1950-1951, when Hatlem’s polit fal leieing initiated 4 protest action aguins the Apolto Theater fom 125th Street-the business thoroughfare of white economic em trol of the Harlem community, A picket line was ordered to pro test the showing of the film sitirzing Russi, Ninotchka, starring Greta Garbo. Without a doubt, this interracial picket line had ‘been ordered by the Communist hierarchy downtown and agreed upon by the captive Negeo leadership in Harlem, But from 1 Harlem point of view, the picketing was as ludicrous a8 it ws meaningless as few Harlemites who frequented the Apollo really fared about the movie. (They go, frst ad foremat, to see ane hhear variety stars in performance. Movies are usually a timing Mlevice added toil inthe gaps between stage shows, during which time the theater is practically empry.) For « native, unasimilated Havlemite, nurtured in Harlem's ldiosynerasies, to be forced to walk in such 1 picket line repre: sented the height of embarrassment and che depths of ignominy For it pointed up all too graphically how far removed vas the Communistoriented leftwing from the facts of life and the native psychology of the Harlem mast mind. This protest action met with the open hostility of Harlemites, specially those employed by the Apollo Theater” And the action iself revealed the damning fact thatthe Harlem lefewing. dusing this period, took no interest tall inthe longstanding grievances ofthe performers, musicians, sagchands, etc, aginst the Apollo management. There were no Picket Fines protesting these ists, The Negro radical leftwing leadership of Harlem hd always shown a soobbish and intolerant atid towards the type of stage fare featured weekly at the Apollo. The “cultural” tastes of the masses never sulled the aesthetic sensibilities of the Comiiist lite. Knowing this, we soon realized that f was not the picket 6 ‘The Cri ofthe Negro Intellectual that was wrong but that i was being staged forthe rong ste In a fish the ies dawned thatthe Rusin-baltng Sim, although 2 Calor ase being made polit, was nt the righ colral ue Stake here. ‘The rea! eautal ie for Harem was the Apollo “Theater ull: tole aan inttation, its ownership ts inluence and it history. None ofthe piketer were old enough to know {hat ther action was smply the mou recent of 2 Tong ist f a tions, both open and clted, cai! ovt against the Apollo agement sinc the ageos No one was hep out of the Apollo “Theater bythe picket line, ofcourse, but larger implications be camecear During the sme period, the Apollo Thester came an vein the Harlem pre era controveny inspired bya age joe that to interpreted ax sur against Negro women, specially the Prowitutes who frequented the neighborhood neat the Apollo. “The incden ook place athe very time certain embers ofthe Haslem theater movement were tying to convince the Apollo management to permit the preenationof some ltt drama “The Apollo had responded by preenting Nogro versions of Rain and Detective Story, both of which were bowofice failures. The Apollo went back tots ustal varicyyenterainment, and hen caine the stage joke: A white ventriloqui bad hieduminy sy that he war having hard ine with women ately, whereupon the ‘entrlogust replied that “jus around the corner women are in en Halen Women Growp rote ne Apollo management was chained in the pest which was a staring over being rebufed by the Apollo on "lsiinate arama "The owner of the Apollo had been known as pple who be- live they hnew Dest hae Hatemites wanted in the way of entertainment, and sid so. Thu Jack Shinn, one of the ‘gers. was forced wo answer with a satement of policy which ap pened in the muted New, forthe week of September 2, ey he Apollo Theser Inne an expeiment which i shen comideret ble and worth that of ting one Iegumate sage plas with om al: Nego cit, he experinent proved to bes rater dautous falls» Ad wy bach to {he vase poley for sw wah am occatonl Byer in he Jegumate Held fo be amtcipatcd. And, the sail plicy Harlem Background rs ood enough for us because there i a great deal of satisfaction, in varying degree in puting on our weekly shows... Then too, tere is the talented youth to he considered, There are many youngsters who ae crying to rath into show business and we "he Apollo lke to fee shat we've playing an important part in supplying the opportuniy for thee young folk, From the point of view of the Apollo management, this settled the issue most conveniently; but for the community, it answered none of the larger questions that had hovered about the heads of the Apollo management since the 1920, One of the members of the pioneer Harlem Writers Club wrote the frst of an intended series of articles answering the Apollo management, and tied to set Paul Robeson’s Freedom newspaper to publish them, Robe- son's chief editor, 2 Communist bureaucrat, sidestepped the is and refused for reasons of “policy” and “space.” ‘Thus, the most fundamental cultural instivuional isue in the Harlem comm nity was never aited by the Harlem letwing ‘The Apollo Theater episode was only one of several issues that further widened the breach between cettain members of the Hat. em Writers’ Club and the leftwing culeural inner ciele of Free ddom newspaper. The Apollo Theater iste was rife with many related challenges. The legitimate dramas that failed on the Apollo stage were not representative of Negro Theater despite the allNegto casts, fr the question of the Negro dramatists tole was ‘ot considered. Fain and Detective Story, both white plays, am swered only the acir’s plea-for integrated casting, for instance serving the shortterm interests of such actors ax Sidney Poitier, on his way “up” from the defunce American Negro Theater. ‘The implication of the junior Schifman’s claim that the Apollo management's interest in helping Negro youth crash show business was all altruism was never publicly examined in Har lem. What were the ral inside relationships between the Apollo ‘management and the variety. musicians’ and theatrieal raft ‘unions? How did Negro youth entering show busines fare with these unions? Why did the Apollo management close up theater ‘nd movie houses in Harlem nd sellout only to churches? This Prevented rival and competing theater interests from gaining,» foothold in Harlem that has worked tothe detriment of Harlen ‘altura! life, Bur the Harlem letwing evaded these problems, and ‘he official Communist Party leadership could look atthe Apel 8 The Grits ofthe Negro Intellectual and see only one thing to attack—an “anti-Soviet propaganda fm! “The crowning irony in these 1951 events was that right in the mist of the Apollo episode, the Communist Party ofthe United States sae ft {0 move its national headquarters onto Harlem's tagth Street in order to exape the presures of politial and press harassment growing out of McCarthyite hysteria. Under 3 head: Tine—"Commonists Woo Harlem—Open Big Drive in Local Area” =the Amsterdam News of September 29,1953, sai that the Com: ‘muniat had retreated to Harlem becaine “this belabored, bei fled community is considered to be America’s weakest Tine of resistance against the movement.” Yet, with all che seven Commu- nist font groups listed and functioning in Harlem, the Commu nist Party had no program that could deal with the Fundamentals of Harlem reality However, for this writer atleast the Apollo picket line sarted another train of thought, and established method and line of historical investigation into the complex origins of Harlem's prob: lems, There were too many tall tales and glamorous legends i the folklore about Harlem's good old days that reused to die. Wise bold men would talk of events of forty years ago as if they happened last year, and conjure up the image of personalities long dead ‘whose grest Fame was unrecorded except in crumbling newspaper clippings. When, how. and why did they all appear? “The pioneer history of Haslem, James Weldon Johnson's Black Manhatten, wa, esentaly cleral history. From sociological point of view. Johnson wat correct in his choice of colural analy Sis ava method. et the cultural aspects of Harlem developments had economic determinants and political consequence. Ineo nomic terms, the origins of Harlen's black community are to be found in the rise of black economte natinaliom At the turn of this century Harlem was a predominantly whive community that had been “oserbslt with new apartment houses. Ie was fr up town, and the oly rapid tranportation was the elevated runing sip Eighth Avcnue-the Lenox Avenue Subway had not yet Been bite So landlords were finding it alto Bl their owen" fe Wee J php i Harlem Background 9 However, the Harlem whites organized to ute all mesns-legl persuasive, and conspiratorial—to stem the Negro infu which as sumed mass proportions around 1905, The spirit behind this influx was economic nationalism. The economic onganization behind this nationalism was the Afro American Realty Company, a group of Negro leaders, business men, and politicians of whom the leading voices were Philip A, Payton a veal estate man, and Charles W. Anderson, a Republican ary saa wh. 09, apne clon of ne revenue in New York by Theodore Roosevelt *(Behind these men stood T. Thomas Fortune, editor of the New York Age, the oldest and most influential Negro newspaper in New York. But behind ‘hem all stood the guiding mind of Booker T. Washington and bi National Negro Business League founded in 1900,-Al ofthe pet: sonalities in or around the Atvo-American Realty Company were proteges of Washington and members of his business league, They were, thus, representatives of Washington's Tuskegee Machine, a power in Negro affairs, and the bane of the civil rights radials led bby W.E-B. Dubois in his Niagara Movement of 1905. By this time nationalism had become aggressive and asertive in economics but ‘conservative in civil rights politics, hence the clash over “pro gram’ between Washington and DuBois new civil rights “radi ‘aise ‘The operations of the Afro-American Realty Company spear headed the growth of black Harlem by ether leasing or buying ‘partment dvellings that could not be rented and renting them to Negroes. In many cases whites voluntarily abandoned houses, in ‘other cases whites were evicted and replaced by Negroes, The whole movement in the eyes of the whites, tok on he aupec of an "invasion"; they Became panicatrcken, and. bogan Aeeing as from a plague. The presence of one colored family In x Dlock, no matter how well bred and orderly, was acent to ny ns, Hoy Pen, Jobe Bah "wand SF ep Bot Joes ic to Jon Nate st » ‘The Gri of the Negro Intellectual precipitate a fight. House alter house and block after block was cally deserted? Philip A. Payton organized the Afro-American Realty Company to counter the thrust of the Husdion Realty Company, a white ‘group, formed to sop and turn back the black influx after it had begun to spread west ofthe Lenox Avenue “line” of demareation. ayton’s group then attempted to incorporate with a capitalization fof $500,000 at ten dollars per share with the aim of expanding ‘operations to include building apartments. For a long period the [New York Age carried an ad appealing for buyers of shares. From 1905 to the beginning of World War 1, a legal and financial -sruggle went on in Harlem between black and white realy inter tots during which time Negroes gained a soli foothold. "The dominant thinking of the times was reflected in the re marks of several of the leading minds behind the organization of the AfroAmerican Realty Company. Speaking to an audience of farmers ae the fourteenth annual sesion of the Tuskegee Negro Gonference, Washington was quoted by the New York Age as sy ing "When Race gets Bank Book, ity Troubles will Cense.”” He further advised Negroes “Get Some property». Get a home of your own.” WEB. Dubois was unhappy over the way Washing ton emphasized his goypel of "Work and Money.” Speaking at a celebration of Lincolns birthday to the "Professional and Busi hess Men's” group, Philip A. Payton discussed the Afro-American Realty Companys operations and aims, stating “There is strength in financial combination”. In pleading for more race support. he declared: "How often do we see because of (this) lack of race confidence a competent Afro-American lawyer or doctor hardly Able to exis from want of patronage from his ace."" “The Afro-American Realty Company lasted about five years. It collapsed, Johnson wrote, because of “Tack ofthe large amount of ‘capital esenial but several individual colored men carried on. Philip A. Payton and J.C. Thomas bought two fivestory apart ments... John B. Nail hough row of ive aparements St James Weldon Joboan, “Harem; te Cita Caplin Alin Lake ft. Harlem Background " Philips Episcopal Church, one of the oldest and richest colored congregations in New York bought a row of thirteen apartments ‘on One Hundred and Thiety-6ith Street between Lenox and Sev enth Avenues" The Afro-American Realty Company initiated 3 wave of real esate buying among Harlem's new Negro arrivals. Despite much bitter feeling during a fifteen year struggle of Ne- frocs to gain a foothold, Harlem was won without serious vio- lence. ‘The social role of economic nationalism in the rite of black Haarlem and similar movements has been ether ignored or poorly understood by most professional Negro historians. Even writers such as John Hope Franklin and E. Franklin Frazer fail to men. tion either Payton, his realty company or the men around him, More than that, the important influence of Booker T, Washing: ton’s philosophy on the rise of black economic nationalisn has 1 been generally acknowledged, This omission ofthe role of national ism leaves much of the analysis common to Negro historiography ‘open © question. Philip A. Payton was disciple of Booker T. ‘Washington, thus the affinity of Washington's economic idess to the founding of black Harlem is historically factual. Johnson “The move to Harlem, in dhe beginning and fora Tong time, was fathered and engineered by Philip A. Payton... But ths was ‘more than a mater of mere busines with Mr. Payton; dhe eater ‘of better and sil beter housing for colored people in New York became the dominating iden of his ile and he worked om it 28 long ashe lived. When Negro New Yorkers evaluate their bene factors in thelr own race, they mus nd that not many have done ‘more than Phil Payton: for much of what has made Harley the Sellectual and ati capital ofthe Nero world i in god part due to this fundamental advancage* Haarlem became what the historian, James Weldon Jobnson, called the intellectual and artistic capital of the Negro world” for 4 very good reason—because New York City was the intellectual and cultural capital of the white world in. America. This is of historical and cultural importance in more ways than one. By ® The Cri ofthe Negro Intellectual understanding this, is then posible 10 see that the emergence land gromth of Negro Harlem took place within the framework of Negrowhite relations, both in New York and elsewhere. Manha tan real estate interests, the relations of various national groups southern Negro migrations, war economics ete, made Harlem a hnew Promised Land for the black worker and former “peasan from both the South and the West Indies. But Harlem also fos tered something else which has not been adequately deat with in the history books cultural movement and a creative intelli igentia, That this occureed was not at all suange in tems of the Nogro's native artic gifts. What was unique, however was that this Negro cultural movement ran almost parallel to, and in inter faction with, a white American cultural resurgence. Again the his torical motif of the Negro dynamic acting and reacting within the context of Negro-white relations, was demonstatedbut on the cultural plane. Thus itis more than coincidence that Negro Ha Tem, which began as a eickle of black settlers quickly grew into a city within a city, and the fact that im 1gt2, a group of white ‘creative intellectuals came together in the “salon” of Mabel Dodge iin Greenwich Village to launch the American literary and cultural renaissnce that reached ts zenith in the 1920'. Tn 1930, James Weldon Jobson wrote In the history of New York the name Harlem has changed! fom Dutch to Irish to Jewish to Negeor but 3 hough this Ist change that i has guined it mont widespread fame. Throughout Coloured Ameria Harlem is the recognised Negro capital. I ‘eed x Mees for the sightser, the pleasure secker, the eur fous, the advent, the enterprising, the ambitious, andthe {alented ofthe entire Negro wot: forthe lute of it has reached down to every sland of the Cari Sen and penetrated even into Aria. 1 is almost 2 well own to the white work, for it hat ‘ben much alked aad writen abou Here, Johnson wis describing the Harlem of the 1gto's, the age of the Negro renaissance (often called the Harlem Rena: ‘nce, A Tse of its most outstanding personalities would include Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, “Countee Cullen, Walter White, George 8. Schuyler, E, Franklin Frazer, J.A. Rogers, Harlem Background 8 Charles Gilpin, Alin Locke, Gwendalyn Bennett, WEB. Dut Bois, Paul Robeson, Abbie Mitchell, Noble Sisle, Eubie Blake, Josephine Bake, Florence Mil, Roland Hayes, Louis Armstrong, Bill Robinson,” Duke Ellington, A. Philip Randolph, Jean ‘Toomer, and Ethel Waters, to mention only those who would be known or remembered today. But there were many others whose ‘creative contributions were important, Note that the majority of this creative generation were not New Yorkers, but hailed from places as distant as Joplin, Misouri (Hughes) and the British West Indies (McKay). Harlem wae the Mecca for the intel sensi (Out of the Greensich Village literary and cultural movement, ‘entered around Mabel Dodge's famonts “23 Fifth Avenue” son near Washington Square, came the following: Carl Van Vechten George Gram Cook, the discoverer and mentor of Eugene O'Neil! Emilie Hapgood: Ridgely Torrence: Paul Green; John Reed, the first American Communist mareyrhera; Louise Bryant Reed's wife; Max Fastman, editor of the original Maser magazine of the radical Left; Walter Lippmann, then a Socialist (stil a leading journalist); Lincoln Stetlens: Elizabeth Gurley Flyan¢, 4 ranking ‘Communist leader; William English Walling, a leading Socialis, and the first Chaitman of the Executive Committee of the NAACP, organized in 1910: Sinclair Lewis; Michael Gold; Doro- thy and DuBose Heyward—to name the more prominent. These ‘white arity and intellectuals are listed not only to reveal some ‘hing of the character and quality of this early Village renaissance, ‘but also because most of them are to be remembered for thei close Personal relationships with certain Negro individuals from the Harlem Renaissnce, Historically, there was an ethnie or aesthetic ingeraction between these two “racial” movements, Tt was a rela tionship thar helps not only to explain these parallel movements but reveals much about the nature of the American nationality problem in is evolutionary proces. ‘This 1912 salon coterie later expanded from its fist, Bohemian a ee 4 “The Cris of the Negro Intellectual stage (the Harlem movement also had its bohemian element) (0 Include such figures a¢ Floyd Dell, VF. Calverton, FLL. Mencken dnd Frank Harsis-more slid intellectuals, who lent stability to 3 movement with a pronounced madcap fringe, Both movements fad a much greater social potential than they ever realized, and a brief analysis of why, i of useful interest even now. Infact, Har en's cultura history eannot be fully appreciated without sich an evaluation, “The Harlem Renaissance differed from the Greenwich Village renaissance fist, in racial content, and also inthe respective social Tevelsof the participants and their creative standards, in terms of content and form, Moreover, the Village movement began under the rare guidance and sponsorship of a patroness with a very broad land cultivated background, in the person of Mabel Dodge. The Harlem Renaissnce had at is helm no such comparable personal ity and thus was rather ditecionles. C. Wright Mills, our greatest sociologist of late, wrote ofthe significance of Mabel Dodge: “The type of woman known a the Salon Lady—who pass before a i the pages of Proust—has never been known In Are “apart fom stray figures ike Mabel Dodge of lower Fith Ave ‘nue and Ton, New Mexico, there have not been women who ra (genuine salons inthe sene that sons were run a6 artic and Fntellestal centers im Europe. ‘The nearest approach to the "Salon Lady” produced by the Harlem Renaissince was not an heiress of old, upper-class white prominence. She was the famous A‘Lelia Walker the daughter of the cally famous Madame CJ, Walker, one of the leading Negro business pioneers who, eatly in cis century, had accumu fated million dollar fortune from the manufacture of hair and skin preparations ‘Madate Walker exemplified the emergence of a new economic clag~the black bourgeoisie. This clas, of course, was never (0 tchieve any substantial take in American high finance, and was Timited to serving certain special needs ofthe Negro market. Being late limited, anid marginal, the black bourgeoisie asa clas, did not achieve the kind of cultural and inellecual maturity that woul Harlem Background . have produced a Mabel Doge forthe Harlem Renaissance. But it produced mo ofthat movements creative artsts* Thee Negro Acvelopment aking place around 1898 to rgto, were spt ‘matic ofthe quality of rapt change nthe economics ofthe Anes Can soil dynamics dynamic thu crentes new middlelas gers But each new black midleclw trend with ew spiro ges checked by th olor in, and tunable to seve ally. the sk before it. This wan the problem of the emergent Negr buns hsm old xp beyond te come nel the Negro community that white busines posed up. Ths, Frain Paseo wte of Madan Wer: eu nanufacre of cosmetic that Negroe-women fist achieved ‘pec acen The nme beat shop ih co {ute large proportion of Negro busines underekings. ave Midd outlet for thew proce”= Te ire that ey Yeas cater James Weldon Johnson had admonished: "Notwi ‘nding ile to expec the Neo in Harlem or anger ce «build busines in general upon a sry racial founda to develop it to any conidersbe proportions sity win the limi of the patonage, credit, and nicl resources of the ‘This as, of cous, anol NAACP “integration” type of arg mt an ame heal tralian for Cig the ‘soe of maton ands eonomie imperative fr the Ni omni. The lege oth argue ha bean edn devine the Neo twa The el ren Reg bineamen have not been seo in “patonage fan cee Ove the “ean rams of een bce ty Preciely, to "build busine upon sry rca founda oe NP ees See ene SN Lice Coe rin Famer pany promisiate ane ae rae Sek Mecano. 19) "Toman pis pats * {The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual ‘other words, Negroes of Harlem have never achieved economic Control inside Harlem, or inside any other major black commu: tity. Failing this, the black bourgeoisie has been condemned 10 emain forever mainginal in relation to its own innate potential (sithin American capitalism. It fs also remained politically sub Servient intellectually unfulfilled and provincial, Thus, the black bourgeoisie was unprepared and unconditioned to play any Yad ing sponsorship role in the Harlem Renaissance—this cass was and stills culeurally imitative and unimaginative. (Obviously the famous A'Lelia Walker made an effort, but could not adequately Bil the role of Salon Lady—her new class lacked a broad cultural conditioning. Langston Hughes aply assessed her Lelia Water ws the then great tle pasty ier. She] fowever, bigheancd nighe-dar, hair tghtening feiss, made fro petense a being intelectual or exconive. AU et "at homes ego poets sol Negro number bankers ning with downtown pcs dnd seivanshesidkexchange racket Count Callen om be there amd Water Byam, Muri Draper and Nora Hole Andy Kral and Taylor Gordon. And ood tie was ad Dy all "Atel Walker wan the joygoddes of Harken soac| Garl Van Vechten, a music erie, novelist, photographer and are patron, was one of the most important figures in Mabel Dodge's Salon, He was the frst to establish 2 link between the Harlem and Greenwich Village artistic movements, He subsequently became the leading white patron of Negro art and artis during the hey day of the Harlem movement in the 1920. In his first autobiog raps, Langston Hughes speaks of Van Vechten: He never talks grandiloguently about democracy or Americ ism, Nor makes fei of tho Qualities, But he lives chem with Slncerity—and humor. ‘What Carl Van Vechten di for me was o submit my fst book of poems to Alfred A. Knopf, put mein contact with the editors ft Panaty Far, who bought my frst poems sold to 2 magazine, ‘used me to meet many eons and writers who were Iriendly nd helpful tame, encouraged me in my efforts to help public the Stotsboro case, cheered me om in the writing of my fst short Harlem Background " stories. Many others of the Negroes in the arts, fom Paul Robeson to Ethel Waters, Walter White to Richmond Barthe [sculptor will ofr the same testimony 25 to the interest Van Veeten has diplayed toward Negro creators in the elds of wit ing, plstic ars, and popular entertainment. ‘To say that Carl Van Vechten has harmed Negro creative activities i sheer poppy oxks ‘Van Veeden had come under fire fom Negro newspaper cities for his choice of the title Nigger Heaven tor his novel on Hoarlem life, published in 1986, However in 1giz-gns, Van Vechten had convinced a rather unwilling Mabel Dodge to permit the fst Negroes to attend one of her famous arts’ sorees, She had been consulting with Van Vechten, Walter Lippmann and Lincoln Steffens and Hutchins Hapgood, on how toad special attractions to her “evenings.” She wrote in her memois: ‘The fis evening I can remember was engineered by Carl [Van Vechten), who wanted to bring a put of Negro entertainers he hha seen somewhere who, he sai, were marvelous, Ctl’ interes in Negroes began as aback as that So a readily a1 let Carl bring Negroes [once I lt Steff Lin coln Stes) sugst another pater, She related—"I didn't betray my feclingy’—as she watched the "unrestrained Negroes" While an appalling Negress danced before us in white stock ings and black buttoned boot, the man strummed « banjo and Sng an embarrassing song. Tey both lered and rolled the suggestive eyes and made me fc st hot and then old, or U had never been 50 neat this Kind of thing bore: bat Carl rocked ‘with laughter and Hiele shrieks escaped hia as he clapped his prety hands. His big veh became wickedly prominent snd his yes tolled in his darkening face, until he grew to somewhat "semble the clattering Negras before hi, But after discussing this kind of experience with Lippmann and Steffens, she decided: “One must just let life expres itelf in what fever form i will Mabel Dodge's salon didnot represent the fist contacts between, = The Crist ofthe Negro Intellectual [Negro and white in the artistic fields. This had already taken place in the theatre a far back as 1898-1990~before Negro Harlem win ‘reated—when the talented pioneer Bob Cole wrote music and sketches for white vaudeville shows, But the Mabel Dodge group. represented new American intellectual and creative movement fn another level. 1¢ was the frst white intellectual revolt aginst the deadening materialistic pal chat 2 wiumphang industiaism had spread over the American landscape, choking up the spiritual pores ofthe nation and threatening to smother it creative poten: tial. "America is all machinery and money making and factories, Mabel Dodge had suid after ten years of cultural rejuvenation in Europe “eis ugly, gly, gly. “

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