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Tutorial Texts Series
• Thermal Infrared Characterization of Ground Targets and Backgrounds, Second Edition, Pieter A. Jacobs,
Vol. TT70
• Introduction to Confocal Fluorescence Microscopy, Michiel Müller, Vol. TT69
• Artificial Neural Networks An Introduction, Kevin L. Priddy and Paul E. Keller, Vol. TT68
• Basics of Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA), Raghuveer Rao and Sohail Dianat, Vol. TT67
• Optical Imaging in Projection Microlithography, Alfred Kwok-Kit Wong, Vol. TT66
• Metrics for High-Quality Specular Surfaces, Lionel R. Baker, Vol. TT65
• Field Mathematics for Electromagnetics, Photonics, and Materials Science, Bernard Maxum, Vol. TT64
• High-Fidelity Medical Imaging Displays, Aldo Badano, Michael J. Flynn, and Jerzy Kanicki, Vol. TT63
• Diffractive Optics–Design, Fabrication, and Test, Donald C. O’Shea, Thomas J. Suleski, Alan D.
Kathman, and Dennis W. Prather, Vol. TT62
• Fourier-Transform Spectroscopy Instrumentation Engineering, Vidi Saptari, Vol. TT61
• The Power- and Energy-Handling Capability of Optical Materials, Components, and Systems, Roger M.
Wood, Vol. TT60
• Hands-on Morphological Image Processing, Edward R. Dougherty, Roberto A. Lotufo, Vol. TT59
• Integrated Optomechanical Analysis, Keith B. Doyle, Victor L. Genberg, Gregory J. Michels, Vol. TT58
• Thin-Film Design Modulated Thickness and Other Stopband Design Methods, Bruce Perilloux, Vol. TT57
• Optische Grundlagen für Infrarotsysteme, Max J. Riedl, Vol. TT56
• An Engineering Introduction to Biotechnology, J. Patrick Fitch, Vol. TT55
• Image Performance in CRT Displays, Kenneth Compton, Vol. TT54
• Introduction to Laser Diode-Pumped Solid State Lasers, Richard Scheps, Vol. TT53
• Modulation Transfer Function in Optical and Electro-Optical Systems, Glenn D. Boreman, Vol. TT52
• Uncooled Thermal Imaging Arrays, Systems, and Applications, Paul W. Kruse, Vol. TT51
• Fundamentals of Antennas, Christos G. Christodoulou and Parveen Wahid, Vol. TT50
• Basics of Spectroscopy, David W. Ball, Vol. TT49
• Optical Design Fundamentals for Infrared Systems, Second Edition, Max J. Riedl, Vol. TT48
• Resolution Enhancement Techniques in Optical Lithography, Alfred Kwok-Kit Wong, Vol. TT47
• Copper Interconnect Technology, Christoph Steinbrüchel and Barry L. Chin, Vol. TT46
• Optical Design for Visual Systems, Bruce H. Walker, Vol. TT45
• Fundamentals of Contamination Control, Alan C. Tribble, Vol. TT44
• Evolutionary Computation Principles and Practice for Signal Processing, David Fogel, Vol. TT43
• Infrared Optics and Zoom Lenses, Allen Mann, Vol. TT42
• Introduction to Adaptive Optics, Robert K. Tyson, Vol. TT41
• Fractal and Wavelet Image Compression Techniques, Stephen Welstead, Vol. TT40
• Analysis of Sampled Imaging Systems, R. H. Vollmerhausen and R. G. Driggers, Vol. TT39
• Tissue Optics Light Scattering Methods and Instruments for Medical Diagnosis, Valery Tuchin, Vol. TT38
• Fundamentos de Electro-Óptica para Ingenieros, Glenn D. Boreman, translated by Javier Alda, Vol. TT37
• Infrared Design Examples, William L. Wolfe, Vol. TT36
• Sensor and Data Fusion Concepts and Applications, Second Edition, L. A. Klein, Vol. TT35
• Practical Applications of Infrared Thermal Sensing and Imaging Equipment, Second Edition, Herbert
Kaplan, Vol. TT34
• Fundamentals of Machine Vision, Harley R. Myler, Vol. TT33
• Design and Mounting of Prisms and Small Mirrors in Optical Instruments, Paul R. Yoder, Jr., Vol. TT32
• Basic Electro-Optics for Electrical Engineers, Glenn D. Boreman, Vol. TT31
• Optical Engineering Fundamentals, Bruce H. Walker, Vol. TT30
• Introduction to Radiometry, William L. Wolfe, Vol. TT29
• Lithography Process Control, Harry J. Levinson, Vol. TT28
• An Introduction to Interpretation of Graphic Images, Sergey Ablameyko, Vol. TT27
Tutorial Texts in Optical Engineering
Volume TT70
Bellingham, Washington USA
The Library of Congress has catalogued the earlier edition as follows:
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Jacobs, Pieter A.
Thermal infrared characterization of ground targets and backgrounds / Pieter A. Jacobs.
p. cm. – (Tutorial texts in optical engineering : v. TT 26)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8194-2180-4 (softcover)
1. Infrared detectors. 2. Target acquisition. 3. Heat––Radiation and absorption. I. Title. II.
Series.
TA1570.J33 1996
621.36'72––dc20 96-10613
CIP
2nd Edition ISBN 0-8194-6082-6
Published by
SPIE—The International Society for Optical Engineering
P.O. Box 10
Bellingham, Washington 98227-0010 USA
Phone: +1 360 676 3290
Fax: +1 360 647 1445
Email:
[email protected]Web: http://spie.org
Copyright © 2006 The Society of Photo-Optical Instrumentation Engineers
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed
in any form or by any means without written permission of the publisher.
The content of this book reflects the work and thought of the author(s).
Every effort has been made to publish reliable and accurate information herein,
but the publisher is not responsible for the validity of the information or for any
outcomes resulting from reliance thereon.
Printed in the United States of America.
Introduction to the Series
Since its conception in 1989, the Tutorial Texts series has grown to more than 60
titles covering many diverse fields of science and engineering. When the series
was started, the goal of the series was to provide a way to make the material
presented in SPIE short courses available to those who could not attend, and to
provide a reference text for those who could. Many of the texts in this series are
generated from notes that were presented during these short courses. But as
stand-alone documents, short course notes do not generally serve the student or
reader well. Short course notes typically are developed on the assumption that
supporting material will be presented verbally to complement the notes, which
are generally written in summary form to highlight key technical topics and
therefore are not intended as stand-alone documents. Additionally, the figures,
tables, and other graphically formatted information accompanying the notes
require the further explanation given during the instructor’s lecture. Thus, by
adding the appropriate detail presented during the lecture, the course material can
be read and used independently in a tutorial fashion.
What separates the books in this series from other technical monographs and
textbooks is the way in which the material is presented. To keep in line with the
tutorial nature of the series, many of the topics presented in these texts are
followed by detailed examples that further explain the concepts presented. Many
pictures and illustrations are included with each text and, where appropriate,
tabular reference data are also included.
The topics within the series have grown from the initial areas of geometrical
optics, optical detectors, and image processing to include the emerging fields of
nanotechnology, biomedical optics, and micromachining. When a proposal for a
text is received, each proposal is evaluated to determine the relevance of the
proposed topic. This initial reviewing process has been very helpful to authors in
identifying, early in the writing process, the need for additional material or other
changes in approach that would serve to strengthen the text. Once a manuscript is
completed, it is peer reviewed to ensure that chapters communicate accurately the
essential ingredients of the processes and technologies under discussion.
It is my goal to maintain the style and quality of books in the series, and to
further expand the topic areas to include new emerging fields as they become of
interest to our reading audience.
Arthur R. Weeks, Jr.
University of Central Florida
Contents
Introduction ix
1 Sensor Systems 1
1.1 Active Sensor Systems 1
1.2 Passive Sensor Systems 3
1.3 Active Versus Passive Sensor Systems 5
References 6
2 Radiation Terminology and Units 7
2.1 Definitions and Spatial Relationships 7
2.1.1 Blackbody radiation 7
2.1.2 Blackbody spectral emittance: Planck’s radiation law 8
2.1.3 Wein displacement law 9
2.1.4 Stefan-Boltzmann law 9
2.1.5 Gray bodies 10
2.2 Intrinsic Radiation Terms 10
2.3 Atmospheric Propagation 12
2.4 Range-Dependent Radiation Terms 13
2.5 Target-to-Background Contrast 14
References 15
3 Introduction to Target Detection 17
3.1 IR Detection Process 17
3.1.1 Target-to-background radiation contrast 17
3.1.2 Attenuation processes 18
3.1.3 IR systems 18
3.1.4 Detection system 21
3.2 Point Target Detection 22
3.3 Extended Target 23
3.4 Signature Variations 24
3.5 Thermal Contrast Considerations 27
References 28
vii
viii Contents
4 Theory of Heat and Mass Transfer 29
4.1 Surface-Atmospheric Boundary Layer 29
4.2 Heat and Mass Transfer 31
4.3 The Heat-Balance Equation 35
4.3.1 Solar heating 36
4.3.1.1 Solar absorption coefficient as 36
4.3.1.2 Solar irradiance Esun 41
4.3.2 Long-wave radiation exchange 44
4.3.2.1 Long-wave absorption coefficient al 44
4.3.2.2 Long-wave sky irradiance Esky 45
4.3.3 Surface emittance Es 47
4.3.4 Convective heat exchange Qc 47
4.3.5 Heat exchange by evaporation/condensation Qec 51
4.4 First Principles Modeling 53
4.4.1 Model definition 54
4.4.2 Sensitivity analysis 57
4.4.3 Pros and cons 65
References 66
5 Meteorological and Atmospheric Parameters 69
5.1 Meteorological Sensors and Measurements 69
5.2 SCORPIO Infrared Sky Radiance Distribution 72
References 78
6 Infrared Calibration Procedures 79
6.1 Calibration Methodology 80
6.2 Calibration Parameters 83
6.3 Calibration Procedures Guidelines 86
6.3.1 Blackbodies and target in the same image 86
6.3.2 Blackbodies and target at different ranges 88
6.3.3 Blackbodies and target in different images 89
6.4 Practical Example 91
References 97
7 Infrared Signature Characterization 99
7.1 Target Signatures 99
7.1.1 Field measurement of the long wave reflection coefficient 100
7.1.2 Measurement of thermal target signatures in the field 103
7.1.2.1 CHAR-II experiment 104
7.1.2.2 IRIS trials 108
7.1.2.3 Land mine detection experiments 111
7.1.3 IR target modeling 115
7.1.3.1 T62 tank 115
7.1.3.2 Land mines 119
7.2 IR Background Characterization 122
7.2.1 Field measurement of the shortwave reflection coefficient 125
Contents ix
7.2.2 Measurement of background apparent temperatures 128
7.2.2.1 CARABAS measurement system configuration 129
7.2.2.2 Practical examples 137
7.3 Background Temperature Statistics 138
7.3.1 Background temperature distributions 139
7.3.2 Statistical temperature differences between 3–5 mm
and 8– 12 mm 143
7.3.3 Background temperature curve fitting 145
7.3.3.1 Radiometer data 146
7.3.3.2 Images 153
7.3.4 Pros and cons 159
References 159
8 Signature Management 161
8.1 Target and Background Signature Analysis 161
8.2 Thermal Signatures of Materials 166
8.3 Mobile Camouflage Systems 172
8.4 Thermal Camouflage of Personnel 174
References 179
Index 181
Introduction
A number of physical phenomena can be used to observe or, more generally,
to detect an object in a background. Usually such a detection process has the
following elements: target-to-background contrast (with or without camouflage),
atmospheric attenuation, and sensor performance (detector and signal processing)
(see Fig. 1). It is essential that there be a difference, i.e., a contrast, between at least
one object and one background feature, such as a radiation contrast or a tempera-
ture contrast (difference). Furthermore, this contrast must generate a detector
signal S that significantly differs from the noise N spectrum of the sensor
system, thus S/N . 1. If this is the case, then detection in principle is possible.
NATO operations of today are deployed worldwide, exposing man and machine
to a wide variety of climatological and environmental conditions. Consequently,
target-to-background contrasts vary accordingly, and may reach considerable
values at some extreme locations.
Various imaging and nonimaging sensor systems have been developed to
detect special features such as color, temperature, sound, smell, shape, and such.
Detection-system designers select features and system parameters to achieve
the highest possible detection probability for a large variety of sensor-target-
background scenarios under various weather conditions. On the other hand,
military-equipment designers search for construction methods and materials that
minimize the detection probability for such detection systems.
So, for both worlds it is of utmost importance to have detailed knowledge of
target signatures under various target and environmental conditions.
Detection systems are subdivided into three categories:
(1) Active sensor systems.
This type of system needs an active source to create or enhance a feature
difference in order to detect it. Sometimes source and detector (receiver)
are integrated into one system, such as a laser range finder or a synthetic
aperture radar (SAR) system. At other times they are separate, as in a situ-
ation in which a forward observer illuminates the target as a beacon for
homing devices.
(2) Passive sensor systems.
In the same context, passive systems do not need an active source, but
utilize the existence of natural features, such as a thermometer to
xi
xii Introduction
Figure 1 Detection scenario.
measure temperatures, or a thermal imager measuring emitted radiation of
an object (the sun and moon are considered natural passive sources).
(3) Semiactive sensor systems.
Detecting alien, foreign active sources, such as radar (RWR), laser (LRF),
and electronic support measures (ESM).
Some active sensors are considered passive when the detection principle is
based on signals that exist in a background. A microphone would be considered
passive when picking up the sound of a bird, which is an example of a passive
natural sound. However, the microphone becomes active when picking up an
artificial source such as a helicopter. Another example is the human eye. The
human eye-brain system is the best known active sensor system and, in terms of
performance, is probably the best system that exists today. It operates in a very
small spectral region, the visible part of the electromagnetic (EM) spectrum, as
shown in Fig. 2. However, its practical use is limited to daytime and its perform-
ance decreases seriously under adverse weather conditions. Figure 2 shows that the
EM spectrum offers many more frequency regions, which could be utilized in
either a passive or active way.
Gradually, more and more parts of the EM spectrum have been used in
imaging sensor systems, comprising the ultraviolet (UV), near-infrared (NIR),
thermal infrared (TIR), and radar systems. Operational radar systems were intro-
duced during World War II and contributed largely to the defeat of the German
U-boat fleet. With the enormous revolution in technology during the post-war
years, new detector materials became increasingly available, opening up more
spectral bands to be used in sensor systems.
Source: www.temple.edu/biomed/spectrum.gif.
Introduction xiii
Figure 2 Electromagnetic spectrum.
Imaging sensor systems in the UV region, frequently used for missile (plume)
detection, have become available. Especially, the spectral window from
0.25– 0.39 mm is used for this purpose because the natural background does not
contain solar UV radiation (solar blind window). Also, sensor systems have
been developed in the NIR 1.1 – 3 mm, based on new sensor technology, such as
quantum-well detectors. Although reflected natural NIR radiation can be used
for detection, spotlights such as a NIR lamp or laser may be needed to enhance
contrast during adverse weather conditions, as with laser detection and ranging
(LADAR) systems.
One promising option was the TIR spectral region, ranging from 3–50 mm.
Since all surfaces emit electromagnetic radiation in this spectral region, it can
be used for passive detection. The explosive development of modern electronics
and ongoing development of new detector materials have resulted in high-perform-
ance IR imaging systems. In this context, “high performance” means that the
characteristic system parameters, such as NETD (noise equivalent temperature
difference), IFOV (instantaneous field of view), MRTD (minimum resolvable
temperature difference), etc. can be optimized, theoretically to take nearly any
desired value for a given choice of hardware components. During the last few
years, uncooled IR detector technology emerged, offering a cheaper alternative
to cooled systems, but providing less performance.
Computer computational power also has grown enormously, offering powerful
image-processing tools that can analyze imagery almost in real time. The conse-
xiv Introduction
Figure 3 Overview of spectral ranges, in which modern detection systems operate.
quence is that in the detection process, more target and background features can be
analyzed quickly and automatically, which makes targets even more vulnerable.
Modern sensors use many parts of the EM spectrum to optimize their performance
for specific applications. Figure 3 shows an overview of spectral ranges in which
modern detection systems operate.
In addition to system hardware specifications, system performance should be
expressed in terms of the system’s ability to perform the task for which it was
designed. This could be expressed thus: “With this system, it is possible to
detect an armored personnel carrier parked in front of a tree line from a distance
of 3 km, during the middle of a clear European night.” The performance of that
system is determined not only by its hardware specifications, but also by atmos-
pheric propagation and, probably to the largest extent, the momentary IR contrast
between the object and the local background. This is why all components, as given
in Fig. 1, must be taken into account to accurately judge the detection performance
of a given sensor system.
Analyses of atmospheric transmission enhance the understanding of atmos-
pheric effects, such as aerosols, dust, and smoke particles, which have an
impact on the propagation of IR radiation through the atmosphere. Many short-
and long-range measurements have been conducted under various meteorological
conditions. These efforts have culminated in a number of sophisticated semi-
empirical models, such as MODTRAN and HITRAN. These models have been
updated continuously over the last 15 years as new measurements and theory
became available. Today, these models are reliable tools for calculating the atmos-
pheric propagation and only require a small number of meteorological input
Introduction xv
parameters. Other than the use of MODTRAN, atmospheric transmission is not be
discussed in this text.
The next part of the observation scenario is the characterization of the
IR contrast between the object and the background. For simple object geometry,
IR signatures can be calculated by solving the heat balance equation for the differ-
ent object facets. However, with increasing object complexity, calculations soon
become unreliable because mathematical representations of some energy flows
are not valid (or not known) for small, arbitrarily oriented object facets. Measure-
ments are a good alternative because on many occasions object conditions can be
controlled and the environmental conditions can more or less be selected (i.e.,
waited for). Databases exist comprising more than 10,000 images of military
targets alone, taken at various target conditions and observation angles.
The characterization of background radiation is the most complex issue. This
complexity is probably one reason it was (until recent years, when the lack of back-
ground information became the most limiting factor in the detection process) given
more attention. In spite of this increase of effort, especially in the modeling area,
little progress was made in the development of models that produced results
accurate enough to be used in detection and recognition studies. This mainly is
because, on the one hand, backgrounds are difficult to model as a result of their
complex geometrical structure and, on the other hand, because the mathematical
description for some transfer processes, such as those that exist in a vegetation
layer, are not yet known accurately enough. The temporal variability of IR back-
ground radiation can be described satisfactorily with the aid of semi-empirical
models. The characterization of the spatial distribution of IR background radiation
is not discussed explicitly in this Tutorial Text.
The main part of this Tutorial Text deals with the characterization of the
thermal infrared (3– 12 mm) radiation contrast between ground targets and back-
grounds. Sensor systems are discussed only as far as necessary to explain the
topic under discussion. For more detailed information on sensor systems, the
reader is referred to one of the many textbooks available on this topic,1 – 3 or to
specific literature on IR detectors.4
Passive radar systems use differences in reflected cosmic radiation between
target and background in the higher frequency bands. Generally, detection
ranges are relatively short (a few kilometers) and strongly weather dependent.
This topic is not further addressed. Not only is the EM spectrum used to gather
information using active and passive detection, but acoustic, magnetic, and
seismic phenomena can also be used. Systems based on these principles are not
discussed any further here.
In summary, many sensor systems that can be used for detection purposes are
available, offering a wide range of deployment options: active/passive, day/night,
long-/short-range, good/bad weather, and such.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
CHAPTER XXXIV
1879—COMPLIMENTARY HONOURS
Honours from County of Essex—Visit to Balmoral—Cawdor
Castle—Hughenden Manor—Promotion by selection
disapproved—Entertained by the Bar of England—Forecast of
Boer Rebellion.
I ATTENDED on the 20th of September the sale of Sir Thomas
Lennard’s hunters at Belhus, then an annual event of much
interest in the County, and it having been stated in the papers I
should be there, many of the labouring classes came to see me. An
elderly woman, who had walked many miles, pushing her way
through the crowd round the show-ring, asked a policeman eagerly,
“Which is ’im?” She had pictured in her mind an imposing heroic
figure in a splendid uniform, and on my being pointed out, a middle-
sized man in plain clothes, observed in a disappointed tone as she
wiped her perspiring brow: “What, ’im kill all them Zulus! Why, my
old man would clout un.”
On the 14th of October the County of Essex entertained me at
Chelmsford, presenting me with a handsome Sword of Honour and a
service of plate, and in a speech at dinner, while thanking the
inhabitants of Essex, I replied to the adverse anonymous critics who
had objected to my naming my comrades in previous speeches by
explaining the necessity of bringing the Nation into closer touch with
its private soldiers. I had long thought that with a Voluntary Army it
was useless to expect the best results, unless where bravery and
devotion to the interests of the country is concerned, all ranks
receive consideration, and I deliberately acted upon the conviction,
202
in spite of adverse criticism.
A friend, the able editor of a newspaper, while remarking on my
speeches in terms personally complimentary to me, observed: “Sir
Evelyn Wood does not appear capable of perceiving the seamy side
of his profession.” I was too fond of my friend to answer him in
print, for I feel sure that if I had written to his paper he would have
put in my letter, but, as I told him privately, the occasion was not
one for bringing to notice the seamy side, of which there is,
doubtless, in military life more than anyone could desire, but there
are also many noble aspects in such a career; for, as I remarked in
speaking of the death of Ronald Campbell, Coldstream Guards,
“When the noise and excitement of a war is over, the soldier who
has seen men die for each other, or for Duty’s sake, can never again
be altogether unheroic in his life.”
I received in September a command to stay at Balmoral, and left
town on the evening of the 8th. I was most graciously received by
Her Majesty, who honoured me with her conversation throughout
dinner, and again the next night, in addition to an hour’s interview
each forenoon and afternoon, and then on until the 11th. My original
invitation was for one night only, and when I was told on Thursday
that I was expected to stop till Saturday I was much concerned, as I
had promised to visit Lord Cawdor, who was naturally anxious to
hear about his son, Ronald Campbell; and moreover, Sunday
travelling is practically impossible in Scotland. The Equerry-in-
Waiting informed me that it would not be etiquette for me to express
any wish in the matter, so I approached Lady Ely, who was equally
determined that she would not speak to the Queen, and explain my
position. I then said, “Well, Lady Ely, then I shall,” believing that the
Queen, who had been so gracious, would not wish to put me to
inconvenience, or disappoint Lord Cawdor. This had the desired
effect, and when Her Majesty sent for me in the afternoon she
opened the conversation by saying, “I believe it will not be
convenient to you to remain till Saturday?” and I replied, “Most
inconvenient, Your Majesty.” I was greatly impressed, not only by the
Queen’s accurate judgment, but by her profound knowledge of
details of the recent operations.
I went by Elgin to Nairn, and spent an interesting twenty-four
hours with the family of my late friend. On my return south I
received the following courteous letter from Lord Beaconsfield, and I
went to Hughenden on the 23rd.
“Hughenden Manor, Sept. 15th, 1878.
“Dear Sir Evelyn,—The Queen wishes that I should see
you, but it is not only in obedience to Her Majesty’s
commands, but for mine own honour and gratification, that I
express a hope that your engagements may permit you to
visit Hughenden on the 23rd inst., and remain there until the
following Friday.—Your faithful servant,
“Beaconsfield.”
There was a house party, those interesting me most after my
host being Mr. Edward Stanhope, then known as “Young Stanhope,”
afterwards Secretary of State for War, and Sir Drummond Wolff. Lord
Beaconsfield asked me to come and stroll with him on the terrace
the morning after my arrival,—a walk which we shared with his
peacocks,—and he asked me many questions about soldiers and
South Africa, I endeavouring to parry his queries respecting Sir
Bartle Frere. In the course of his conversation he expressed
unbounded admiration for Sir Garnet Wolseley, telling me that when
he embarked for South Africa he had said to him: “Now, I trust you
—you trust me.” Then passing on to other soldiers, he asked if I had
known Colonel Home. I explained that I had lived for many weeks in
a hut of leaves on the West Coast of Africa with him, and, moreover,
had been associated with him at Aldershot. His Lordship said: “That
man had the biggest brain of any soldier I have met.” I agreed
heartily, but then Lord Beaconsfield rather spoilt the value of his
judgment by observing, “Why, it was Home who made me acquire
Cyprus!” Home foresaw clearly that England must, for the sake of
India, acquire a predominant interest in Egypt, and at one time had
made a plan for building a gigantic fort in the bed of the sea, three
miles outside Port Said.
The second night, after the ladies had left the dining-room,
somebody remarked on the news in the evening papers that Mr.
Waddington had been appointed French Ambassador at the Court of
St. James, and went on to say how extraordinary it was that the
French found it necessary to nominate an Englishman to that
position, appealing to Lord Beaconsfield for his opinion. His Lordship
replied: “The fact is, the French have never had a native Frenchman
worthy of the name of statesman.” I observed gently: “My Lord,
have you forgotten Colbert?” He turned to me, saying somewhat
sharply: “You don’t seem to be aware that Colbert was a Swiss!” I
did not think it necessary to contradict my host, and a much older
man, by stating the fact that, although educated in Switzerland,
Colbert was born at Rheims, and submitted to the suppressing looks
of my fellow guests, who chorused: “Yes, Colbert was a Swiss!” I
was sitting next but one to His Lordship, and then in a low tone
observed: “My Lord, how about Sully?” Sir Drummond Wolff from the
end of the table called out: “What is that you are saying?” “Oh,
nothing, I only made another suggestion;” but our host, drawing
himself up, said in his slow, measured voice: “I now feel I made a
rash and inaccurate statement. Sir Evelyn Wood challenged it, and I
could not agree with him when he instanced Colbert, but he has now
reminded me of Sully, who was not only a Frenchman, but a very
great minister. I admit my mistake.”
In the drawing-room, later in the evening, Drummond Wolff
came up to me and said: “I say, how on earth did you manage to
remember Sully?” “When I was small,” I replied, “my parents were
poor, and we had few toys, but in our nursery there was a French
history book, The Kings and Queens of France, and I often looked at
a picture of Sully standing at the door with a portfolio of papers,
having surprised Henri IV., who was on his hands and knees carrying
two of Gabrielle D’Estrées’ children on his back.”
I saw by Lord Beaconsfield’s manner that if I stayed till the end
of the week, as I had been invited, I should never escape a
searching inquisition respecting Sir Bartle Frere’s action in declaring
war, so on Wednesday night I asked my host’s permission to take my
leave next morning. As we were going to bed, I said: “You will allow
me to thank you, and say good-bye, as I am going by the earliest
train.” He replied: “There is no earlier train than 8.23, and as I am
always up at 7 I shall have the pleasure of seeing you.” As this was
just what I wanted to avoid, I told the butler I would have my
breakfast at 7.30 in my bedroom, and at that hour rang, and asked
why it had not been brought. He answered that it was in an ante-
room, close at hand, where a fire had been lighted. I had scarcely
sat down before I heard the measured step of his Lordship on the
stairs, and as he came in, after greeting him, I asked him whether
he had read an article in a magazine which I had open on the table.
He replied somewhat shortly, “No,” but he had come to talk to me
about other matters, and he proceeded to put many searching
questions as to Sir Bartle Frere’s procedure with the Zulu nation.
We all knew in December that the Government had refused
General Thesiger the reinforcements he had asked, as the Cabinet
wished to avoid war, but the High Commissioner and the General
were of opinion that matters had then gone too far to avoid it. Lord
Beaconsfield asked me: “Will you please tell me whether, in your
opinion, the war could have been postponed for six months?” “No,
sir.” “For three months?” “I think possibly.” “For one month?”
“Certainly.” “Well, even a fortnight would have made all the
difference to me, for at that time we were negotiating with Russia at
San Stefano, and the fact of our having to send out more troops
stiffened the Russian terms.” “But, sir,” I said, “you surely do not
mean to say the sending out of four or five battalions and two
cavalry regiments altered our military position in Europe?” He said:
“Perhaps not,—but it did in the opinion of the Russians, who
imagined we were sending an Army Corps.” He then went on to say:
“You are young; some day you may be abroad, and let me urge you
to carry out, not only the letter of the Cabinet’s orders, but also the
spirit of its instructions.” Two years later, after Majuba, I had to
ponder often on this admonition.
On the 16th October the Military Secretary informed me that the
Colonial Office had brought to the notice of the Commander-in-Chief
“the very valuable Political services” I had rendered when in
command of a column in Zululand. Sir Bartle Frere had brought the
services of my friend Colonel Pearson also to notice, and the fact
that the only result in my case was an expression of His Royal
Highness’s gratification, which caused him to make a note in the
records of the War Office, did not detract from the pleasure I had on
reading of Pearson’s being made a Knight Commander of the Order
of Saint Michael and St. George.
There were many discussions amongst the Heads of the Army on
the question of my promotion. His Royal Highness the Commander-
in-Chief was conscientiously opposed to it, and indeed to all
promotion by selection, having been a consistent advocate of
advancement by seniority. He held an officer should command a
battalion when he was forty, but on the other hand maintained that
a Colonel should become a Major-General only by seniority. He said
more than once, “Men are much of a muchness; I find officers very
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much on a par.” Lord Penzance’s committee pointed out, however,
that if the system advocated by the Commander-in-Chief was
maintained the average of Majors-General would be sixty-four. The
senior Staff officers appointed by him naturally reflected his views.
There was, however, a Colonel of very decided opinions then in the
office, for whom the Adjutant-General sent, and asked: “Would you
object to Evelyn Wood being put over your head?” He replied: “Do
you consider he would make a good general?” “Yes, his reports are
good.” “Then, sir, I think you should promote him; and having said
that, may I further add I do not think you have any right to ask my
opinion.”
Sir Garnet Wolseley did his utmost to get me promoted on Public
grounds. In addressing the Commander-in-Chief from South Africa,
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on the 18th July, he wrote: “I earnestly hope that Your Royal
Highness will be enabled to recommend Colonel Wood to Her
Majesty for the permanent rank of Major-General, not as a reward
for what he has done, but in the interests of the Queen’s Army, and
of the State.” The Chief, ignoring the Public grounds question,
replied: “Evelyn Wood I know as an excellent man.... I have my
doubts, however, whether Wood has not received his full reward
with a K.C.B. and a Good Service Pension.” The Commander-in-Chief
was misinformed as to the rewards he mentioned. He had given me
the Good Service Pension in March 1879, on General Thesiger’s
strong remonstrance that I was the only officer unrewarded for the
Gaika War, and the K.C.B. was given for my services in Northern
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Zululand, before the battle of Kambula.
On the 1st November the Bar of England gave me a dinner in
the Middle Temple Hall, the first, I believe, to a soldier, unless we
consider Drake belonged to both Services, at which the Lord
Chancellor paid me a gracious compliment: “The law is silent in the
midst of Arms, yet, as we see to-night, the lawyer and soldier
combined can, after Arms have been laid aside, speak with the
eloquence which befits the one and the vigour which characterises
the other.”
Early in December 1879 my mother’s health gave us cause for
anxiety, and on the 13th of that month my sister, Lady Lennerd, in
whose house she was staying, said: “I am afraid that you are feeling
very ill.” “Yes, very ill!” “Would you like us to telegraph for Evelyn to
come and see you?” “Yes, please do so.” As my sister was leaving
the room, mother called her back, and asked: “What time is it?”
“About six.” “Then please write on the telegram, ‘Not to be delivered
till 11.15 p.m.’” “Why?” my sister asked. “Because he is giving an
important dinner party at his Club, and if the telegram goes now he
will leave the table, and it will spoil the party.” I was, in fact,
entertaining the Attorney-General Sir John Holker, and some friends
who had thrown themselves warmly into the dinner given to me by
the Bar. At 11.15 the telegram was placed in my hands as I was
saying good-night to my guests. My brother was with me, and we
left by a luggage train at 2 a.m., reaching Belhus early on Sunday.
My mother spoke to me about ten o’clock that night quite rationally,
asking about the dinner party, and died at five o’clock next morning,
so painlessly that I was unable to credit the fact that she had passed
away.
Her last act of unselfishness was only similar to her conduct
throughout her life. There are few men, I suppose, who remain in
quite as close touch with mother and sisters when they marry as
they were while bachelors; but in my case, with the mother, as with
two sisters, my marriage only brought one more into the circle of
devoted relations.
I assumed command of the Belfast District on the 22nd of
December, and to this day am ignorant why I was sent there, as the
Commander-in-Chief had given me on the 29th of October the
command of the Chatham District, which I took over on the 12th of
January 1880, from General (now Sir) Edward Bulwer, brother of Sir
Henry Bulwer, who was Governor of Natal in 1879. My only
difference of opinion with the General was as to the terms on which
I purchased horses, furniture, et cetera, concerning which he
showed much more consideration for me than for his own pecuniary
interests.
When Her Imperial Majesty the Empress Eugénie read in the
newspapers the account of the Fishmongers’ banquet on the 30th of
September, and the allusion to her noble son beautifully expressed in
Shakespeare’s language, she sent for me, and, after several
prolonged interviews, I was commanded to Windsor, where Her
Majesty was graciously pleased to honour me with the charge of the
Empress on a journey she was undertaking to the spot where her
gallant son perished. The Queen enjoined on me the greatest care
for the safety of her Sister, and I replied I could only accept full
responsibility if H.I.M. the Empress would follow my instructions as if
she were a soldier in my command. This was arranged, and on the
25th of March the Empress sailed from Southampton for Cape Town
and Durban.
Her Imperial Majesty had sent me a cheque for £5000, desiring
me to purchase everything required, and to defray all charges. I
handed back on our return to the Empress’ Secretary £3600. I was
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allowed to take my Aide-de-Camp, Captain Arthur Bigge, and
207
Lieutenant Slade as an extra Aide-de-Camp. Both these officers
had distinguished themselves by the courage with which they fought
their guns in the open at Kambula twelve months earlier. The
Marquis de Bassano, Lady Wood, and the Honourable Mrs. Ronald
Campbell, the widow of my Staff officer and friend who fell leading
so determinedly at the Inhlobane, Dr. Scott of the Army Medical
Department, two maids in the service of the Empress, Walkinshaw,
my bugler, who had served with me in 1878 and 1879, and a
complete establishment of servants, made up the party.
When we reached Cape Town, I had communications from well-
educated acquaintances in the old Colony and Natal, loyal to our
Government from conviction and personal interest. I wrote to my
uncle on the 20th April, after an interview with a Dutch gentleman:
“From what this gentleman told me, and from what I learn from
other sources, it is clear to me that affairs in South Africa are in a
very unsatisfactory state. Joubert and Kruger are now in this Colony
agitating amongst the Colony Boers for the restoration of the
Transvaal. There are many members of the Cape House whose seats
depend on the vote, and thus pressure is brought on the Ministry
here. I do not suppose we shall restore the Transvaal: if we do, we
shall be obliged to re-annex it in ten years, for the sake of both
Whites and Blacks. If it is not to be restored, the cause of order and
progress will be greatly strengthened by the Imperial Ministers
saying, ‘We cannot restore the Transvaal.’” I suggested he should tell
some of his friends in the Cabinet what I had learnt. He had long
before resigned his seat on the Woolsack, owing to failing vision, but
was on intimate terms with his former colleagues.
CHAPTER XXXV
1880—H.I.M. THE EMPRESS EUGENIE
Cetewayo in captivity—Boers welcome me in Utrecht—Value
of a Zulu wife—The Inhlobane—Ityatosi—How Cetewayo killed
Masipula—How the Prince Imperial fought 18 Zulus.
W HILE we were at Cape Town I paid Cetewayo two visits, and
sat with him for some time. He expressed great pleasure,
and, unless he was a good actor, felt such at seeing me. He was a
man of considerable tact, for he had taken the trouble to procure a
photograph of myself. He discussed the merits of his chiefs in the
course of conversation, and said it was quite correct that he had
ordered Faku to drive the settlers away from Luneberg. As he put it
humorously, “I said they were to go away lest they should be hurt.”
He told me many interesting stories of my proceedings in Zululand,
and mentioned that he was always nervous lest I should make a raid
with the mounted men and carry him off to Ulundi, thus confirming
208
the information obtained by Sir Bartle Frere. The ex-monarch
asked me for a rug; and so appropriating a thick handsome one
belonging to my wife, I sent it when we got back to Government
House, where the Empress was staying. But Cetewayo returned it
with a message that it was not nearly big enough to cover his body,
and with some difficulty I found one which gave him satisfaction.
We left Maritzburg on Thursday the 29th of April, with waggons,
cooks, servants, waggon drivers, and mules. The party consisting of
eighty persons.
H.I.M. the Empress had proposed, in the first instance, to ride
throughout her journey, but foreseeing that this might be
inconvenient I had purchased a “Spider,” and after our first day’s
journey, finding it too heavy for a pair, in spite of the predictions of
the oldest inhabitants, that it was impossible to drive four horses
from such a low seat, I drove the Empress or one of the other ladies
800 miles before we re-embarked.
They greatly enjoyed the scenery in the Tugela Valley. The camp
was pitched one day on a slope overlooking a ravine, 150 feet below
the tents. Up to Helpmakaar, the track is carried through a beautiful
though rugged country, and on the 5th May we mounted 650 feet in
5 miles, and descended 1800 feet in the next 5, travelling on an
unfenced road, scarped out of the mountain-side.
When we reached Utrecht the whole of the population turned
out to see me, and from the moment we crossed the Blood River I
had a succession of Black visitors, including 10 men enlisted in
October 1878, who had been attached to Companies of my
Battalion, and who had lost wives killed in the raid made by Umbilini
after the battle of Kambula. They were the men who had thrown
their knobkerries in the air when they learned I was to decide, and
pay the amount they claimed for their wives. In every case the claim
was certified by Mr. Rudolph, the Landdrost, as correct, and I
handed over cheques amounting to between eight and nine hundred
pounds, which I told them would be honoured at Newcastle. They
saluted according to their fashion, and walked off without the
slightest doubt of their getting gold for the pieces of paper tied up in
the corner of their blankets.
When the last of them had departed, one man came forward
and said, “Will you do something for me?” “Oh! but you are not one
of the men whose wives I insured?” “No; but I was in Wood’s
Regiment, and my wife was killed.” “When was that?” “In August.”
“But then you could not have gone straight home when I dismissed
you in the middle of July near Kwamagasa?” “No; it is true I stayed
for some little time with relatives in Sirayo’s country, and the raid
took place while I was there.” “That is, you contributed to your own
loss?” “Yes; I have no claim, but perhaps, as my wife was killed, you
will do something for me?” “How long had you had her?” “Five
209
years.” “What did you give for her?” “Ten cows.” “That is a good
deal.” “Well, it was the current price when I married her.” “Wives will
be cheaper now, for we have killed a good many men, and no
women. Had you any children?” “Two.” “Boys or girls?” “Girls.” “Were
they killed?” “No.” “Then they are worth a calf a piece?” “That is so.”
“What sort of value was your wife?” “Excellent; she could hoe well.”
“Well, for the sake of calculation, if you have had her five years she
could not be as good as she was when you got her, and eight cows
was the outside value when you married her, according to the
current rate at this time; so if we take off one cow for the two girls
you have still got, and two cows for wear and tear, if you get the
price of five cows you will be fully compensated?” “Yes; I shall be
perfectly content.” I satisfied myself that his loss was correctly
stated, and then having prize money which was somewhat of a
white elephant to me, I eventually gave him £24, with which he
departed expressing deep gratitude.
While we were encamped on the Blood River the whole of the
Uys family came to see me, as did also Sirayo and his two sons.
They accompanied us to Kambula, and on the 16th the Empress,
standing in a little redoubt on the hill, was able to see not only
where Lieutenants Bigge and Slade had fought their guns in the
open for four hours, but also where the Ngobamakosi Regiment, of
which Melokazulu was a mounted officer, attempted to come out of
the ravine, to storm the laager. We had taken up a tombstone for
the graves near the camp, and on the 21st, in Mrs. Campbell’s
presence, I had the tombstone to Ronald Campbell carried up the
Inhlobane by men who were fighting against him when he lost his
life on the 28th of March.
The Empress rode and walked up the eastern end of the
mountain where Colonel Buller ascended and descended by the
Devil’s Pass, at the foot of which he gained his Victoria Cross. The
ruggedness and steepness of the descent may be gathered by the
fact that I had all 14 ponies belonging to the party driven slowly, and
allowed to pick their path down, and the only one which
accomplished the descent without a heavy, fall was my own pony,
which I led, and indicated to him where he should put his feet.
While we were near the Inhlobane I rode many miles to the
eastward and to the north of the mountain searching for the body of
my friend Robert Barton, but was no more successful than were the
25 natives whom I employed for three weeks for the same purpose.
Uhamu came to visit me at Tinta’s Kraal. He naturally did not tell me,
but I learned from others, that both he and Mnyamane, who were
the most powerful chiefs, were oppressing their lesser brethren.
Mnyamane had then taken 400 cattle from Sirayo, and 600 from his
people, on the ground that it was his fault the Zulu dynasty had
been destroyed.
We had arranged that the Empress should reach the Ityatosi
some days before the sad anniversary, the death of her only son,
June the 1st. When we arrived there we were troubled by the
intrusive action of a lady correspondent of an American newspaper,
who endeavoured with much persistence to obtain “copy” for her
paper. I sent for the head man of the kraal,—and it is remarkable
how the natives trust any Englishman whom they know,—and after
an explanation of the case, he signed a witnessed deed of a lease of
all his land on a radius of 2 miles from the spot where the Prince fell.
We explained the law of trespass, and after giving the Zulus some
blankets they formed a long line, and clasping hands danced away,
showing how they would resist passively the approach of any one
who endeavoured to go on the property.
I have already described, by Chicheeli’s help, how he killed
Robert Barton. We were able to give the remains a Christian burial.
When we arrived at the Ityatosi I sent out for all the men who had
been engaged in the attack on the reconnoitring party when the
Prince lost his life, and while waiting for them to assemble,
Lieutenant Bigge and I rode to the Inhlazatze Mountain, with the
double purpose of returning Mr. Osborne’s call, who had waited on
the Empress when she entered Zululand by crossing the Blood River,
and also because I wanted to confer with him about the lease I had
taken of the land around Sobuza’s kraal, the spot where the Prince
was killed. Leaving at 1 a.m. we were able to spend several hours
with Mr. Osborne, and got back in time for dinner, the ponies doing
the 74 miles without any sign of distress.
I had long wanted to know the truth of the story of the death of
Masipula. When we were marching on Ulundi the previous year I
was out in advance of the column reconnoitring and when sitting
under a tree the interpreter said, “The last time I was under this tree
I said good-bye to Masipula, Umpande’s Prime Minister;” and he told
me this story. During the later years of Umpande’s long reign the
position in Zululand was somewhat analogous to that in the days of
our Regency, when George the Third was no longer capable of
managing the affairs of the nation. Masipula felt it his duty to check
Cetewayo continually in his desire of raising more regiments, and
when the king died, Cetewayo delayed until he was crowned by
Shepstone, and then sent a message to Masipula, “The King is
dead.” The meaning of this intelligence thus formally delivered was,
“As you were his minister so many years, you ought to die.” Masipula
not accepting the hint, sent back a message that he greatly
regretted Umpande’s death; and Cetewayo waited patiently for
another three months, and finding that Masipula would not take the
hint, sent for him. He told my informant he knew that Cetewayo
would kill him, and the Englishman asked, “Then why go? Ride over
the border into Natal, and live there.” The old chief drawing himself
up proudly, observed, “And do you think that, after being his father’s
minister so long, I would refuse to obey the son’s orders?”
I asked Mr. Osborne, “Can you tell me whether Cetewayo
poisoned or strangled Masipula? for I have heard that he had his
beer poisoned, and another story that, after receiving him, in the
evening he sent men into the kraal assigned to him, and that when
the executioners entered, Masipula placed his head in the noose
which was already in the rope. Tell me if you can, was he poisoned,
or strangled?” Mr. Osborne was a cautious man, and his solitary life
among the Zulus perhaps increased this habit, although within 40
miles of us not any one except Captain Bigge and our orderlies could
speak English, he dropped his voice, and in a low tone answered me
in a monosyllable, “Both”; and added, the poison not having taken
effect as quickly as was expected, the ex-Prime Minister was
strangled.
While we were encamped on the Ityatosi, near Seobuza’s kraal, I
had prolonged interviews with 18 Zulus, whom I examined
separately, and from them obtained a detailed account of the
surprise of the reconnoitring party of the 1st June in the previous
year, in which the Prince Imperial fell, the natives later putting
themselves in the exact positions they held that afternoon. There
were between 30 and 36 Zulus who took part in the attack.
The Patrol having rested on a hill to the north of the river,
descended at three o’clock to Seobuza’s kraal, and the Zulu scouts
who were watching it hastily assembled all the men within reach.
These crept up the bed of the river, and were close at hand
concealed in a mealie field, when a friendly Zulu, who was acting as
guide, and was killed a few minutes later, informed the British officer
in command that he had seen Zulus near, and then it was that the
party was ordered to mount. The Zulus purposely waited until this
moment, realising that it would be the most favourable moment to
attack, and fired a volley. The horse of one of the white escort was
shot, and he was immediately assegaied. That of another soldier fell
in an ant-bear hole, and the rider was stabbed before he could rise.
The rest of the party, except the Prince, galloped hard to the ridge,
not drawing rein until they reached some rocks 820 yards from the
kraal, when one of them looked round, and they then rode away, still
fast, but not at the headlong speed at which they had started. The
Zulus in pursuit ran first after the two white soldiers who were on
the flanks, three or four men, headed by Zabanga, following the
Prince. His horse had jumped just as he was mounting, and his
sword fell out of the scabbard. He was very active, and was vaulting
on his horse in motion, when the wallet on the front of the saddle
broke away, and he fell to the ground, being at this time only 60
yards behind the fugitives. There were seven men who actually
fought the Prince. When Langalabalele, pursuing the fugitives, first
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saw Zabanga he was running away from the Prince, who was
rushing at him. Zabanga, crouching in the grass, threw an assegai at
him. The first assegai stuck in the Prince’s thigh, and withdrawing it
from the wound, he kept his foes at bay for some minutes. In the
native’s words, “He fought like a lion; he fired two shots, but without
effect, and I threw an assegai at him, which struck him, as I said at
the time, but I always allowed Zabanga’s claim to have killed him,
for his assegai hit the Prince in the left shoulder, a mortal wound. He
fought with my assegai, and we did not dare to close with him until
he sank down facing us, when we rushed on him.”
On the 1st of July I drove the Empress and Lady Wood from
Maritzburg to the foot of the Inchanga Mountain, where at the
terminus of the railway a train was waiting. The road was
engineered down the side of the mountain, and the Empress liking
to travel fast, I let the horses canter most of the way down. I was
always nervous when driving Her Majesty, and when I handed my
wife into the train, I said, “Now my personal responsibility is over I
shall not mind if the train goes off the line.” We had indeed a narrow
escape; when I had assisted the ladies out of the carriage I handed
the reins to a Sergeant of the Army Service Corps, who was waiting
to take the team back. He had gone only half a mile at a steady trot
when the connecting rod which fastens the forecarriage to the after
part of the “Spider” snapped in two. If this had happened half an
hour earlier, when we were cantering down the mountain road, the
Empress and Lady Wood would have had a severe accident.
After giving a personal report of the journey to Her Majesty, for
which purpose Lady Wood and I received a command to Osborne, I
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resumed my work at Chatham.
This gave much interesting occupation, and an opportunity I had
long desired of reducing the number of useless sentries who wasted
their time in many places in the garrison.
The Commissary-General at the War Office corresponded with
me at this period, and later, on the question of my succeeding him,
which he desired. I had been successful in providing food and
transport in 1878–79, and now, being anxious for the efficiency of
his Department, in the absence of any specially qualified officer in it,
he wished that I should succeed him. He proposed this to me on
several occasions, once when writing with reference to the
confidential reports I had furnished on officers who had served
under me during the Zulu War, concerning which he wrote: “I take
this opportunity of stating, with reference to the reports you have
sent me, that no more faithful or honest descriptions of officers’
characters have ever reached me.”
CHAPTER XXXVI
1881—THE LAND OF MISUNDERSTANDINGS
Preliminaries to Rebellion—Modelled on Hampden’s conduct—To
South Africa—Dutchmen from Cape Colony deprecate resistance
to Government—Death of Sir George Colley—An appreciation.
S OUTH Africa, sometimes named “The land of Misfortune,” may be
more aptly termed “The land of Misunderstandings.” The
problem of ensuring good government in a vast country inhabited by a
few dominant white men, in the midst of warlike native races, has
always been difficult.
Many Governors and Generals have been recalled by a dissatisfied
Home Government, mainly because it did not understand the local
conditions of the country, and twenty-five years ago the solution of the
Zulu question, instead of solving the Boer-British difficulties, brought
their opposing interests into sharper antagonism.
In 1880, before the gold industry had been developed, Mr. Kruger
and his friends worked against Confederation, mainly, I believe, from
the wish, after regaining their independence, to be left alone. The
successes of 1881, and the accumulation of vast wealth from gold
mines turning the farmer’s head, encouraged him later to strive for the
mastery in South Africa.
The proclamation annexing the Transvaal, in 1877, promised as
much Self-government as the circumstances of the country permitted.
Sir Bartle Frere confirmed this pledge, and the Boers hoped on for its
fulfilment, though the nominated Assembly of officers, and other
Britons, in November 1879, in nowise satisfied their aspirations.
The answer brought back by the Deputation to the Colonial Minister
in London showed the Boers they had little to hope for by peaceful
measures; but, as Kruger and Joubert told me in May 1881, the step
which eventually determined their resort to arms was the perusal of a
despatch from the Administrator, published in The Times, arguing with
perfect honesty of purpose, the people must be contented, since taxes
had never been so satisfactorily collected. “These English cannot
understand our love of freedom,” they said, and the prearranged
refusal to pay taxes by Bezeidenhout, at Potchefstroom, for which he
was indemnified in advance, was the first overt act of rebellion,
following the precedents of Eliot, Hampden, and Pym in the early
Parliaments of Charles I.
The British Authorities, determined to strengthen Pretoria, called in
two-thirds of the Lydenburg garrison. The Boers waylaying it on the
20th December, demanded it should retrace its steps. The Senior officer
refused to do so, and was extending for action when the Boers opened
fire from cover, destroyed or captured the detachment.
Major-General Sir George Colley had succeeded Sir Garnet Wolseley
as High Commissioner for East South Africa, but had been requested to
regard his authority in the Transvaal as dormant, to be exercised only
in case of necessity.
Unfortunately Sir Bartle Frere, the strongest Governor South Africa
has ever seen, was no longer at Cape Town. First the Conservatives,
later the Liberals, had retained him as the keystone of the much-
desired Confederation. He had left Cape Town in September 1880, and
his successor, Sir Hercules Robinson, only arrived at the end of January
1881. On the 25th December the Acting Governor in Cape Town cabled
a resolution of the Cape Legislature, urging Lord Kimberley to send a
special Commissioner to the Transvaal to avert hostilities. Lord
Kimberley replied on the 30th December that “the moment was not
opportune.”
Throughout January 1881 Mr. Brand strove strenuously for
concessions to the Boers, telegraphing on the 10th and 12th to Lord
Kimberley, and many messages passed between Brand and some of the
British Authorities in South Africa.
On the 23rd January, General and High Commissioner Sir George
Colley wrote to Mr. Joubert calling on him to dismiss his followers, and
undertaking to submit any representations the Boers might wish to put
forward. Although the hostile camps were within 4 miles, Joubert’s
refusal to disperse unless Annexation was cancelled, dated 27th
January, was not received until 15th February. On the 28th January,
Colley attacked Joubert in position on Lang’s Nek, in Natal, and was
repulsed.
On the 28th January, Lord Kimberley telegraphed to Mr. Brand,
through the Free State British Consul, “Inform President, that if armed
opposition ceases forthwith Her Majesty’s Government will thereupon
endeavour to form such scheme as they believe would satisfy all
enlightened friends of the Transvaal community.”
On the 3rd February, in telegrams passing between Mr. Brand and
Sir George Colley, he learnt of Lord Kimberley’s message to Brand of
the 26th January, and, asking Sir Hercules Robinson, received a copy of
it, and next day begged Mr. Brand “to give every publicity to it.”
On the 5th February, Mr. Joubert wrote to Sir George Colley
protesting against the attack of the 28th January, made before he had
had time to reply to Sir George’s letter of the 23rd; but Joubert, at the
same time using the Free State Territory, sent troops round the British
flank, and stopped the post on the 7th February, on the Ingogo River, 7
miles south of Colley’s camp at Mount Prospect. The General tried to
reopen the Newcastle road next day with 5 companies and 2 guns; was
heavily attacked; retained his position until sunset, when the Boers
drew off, and after dark Sir George Colley fell back on Prospect Camp.
Although the Boers held the ground next morning for a short time, the
engagement reopened the communication a few days later.
On the 4th January I received a note from the Military Secretary
asking me in the name of the Commander-in-Chief if I would return to
South Africa to serve under Sir George Colley, to whom I was one
senior in the Army List, and requesting me to go to London to discuss
the question. I agreed to go out on the Adjutant-General’s observing,
“Your Rank, Pay, and Allowances will be the same as at Chatham.”
In a “Letter of Service” received on the 6th, it was stated that I was
going out as a “Colonel on the Staff.” This I declined by telegraph,
recalling the previous day’s conversation, and was again ordered to the
War Office. Though the Adjutant-General predicted I should repent it, I
maintained my decision. In the result a fresh “Letter of Service” was
handed to me, with the rank of Brigadier-General, which I had held at
Chatham, and also when I left the Colony eighteen months earlier, after
having commanded in two campaigns and five fights a strong brigade
of all Arms.
Lord Kimberley sent for me and explained his views of the question
of the Zulu and Swazi States after the Annexation should be annulled,
which he gave me to understand he already accepted in principle. I
took leave of Her Majesty the Queen, who was very gracious to me, on
the 7th January, and sailed on the 14th, reaching Cape Town on the
7th February.
We heard on the 8th, at Cape Town, of the action on the Ingogo;
and the mail steamer being delayed, I transhipped into a transport,
reaching Durban on the afternoon of the 9th. I left immediately,
arriving at Government House early next morning, where I was kindly
received by Lady Colley, with whom I had danced at her first ball. I
found a letter from Sir George Colley, dated the 4th February, couched
in graceful terms, as follows:—“I was right glad to hear you were
coming out, and thought it very generous of you to be ready to serve
under a junior and less experienced officer. I propose to give you half
the troops, to relieve Lydenburg.”
The situation had changed since he wrote, and so I left Maritzburg
in the evening, sleeping a few hours at Estcourt, as the tracks were
heavy and the mules had much difficulty in pulling the cart. I stopped
on the 14th at Ladysmith, after travelling from daylight till 9 p.m. for
two hours, to clear up some work about which the Colonial Secretary
had telegraphed to me, and then drove on through the night, arriving
at the Biggarsberg at daylight, where I received a letter from Sir
George Colley, dated Mount Prospect, 16th February. He had heard I
was coming up, and warned that a Force was on my left, estimated to
be from eight to fifteen hundred men, adding he did not know the
position it was supposed they intended to hold.
I found on the Biggarsberg two infantry Battalions, and two
Squadrons of Cavalry, but the Senior officer had taken no military
precautions. Having ascended the top of the mountain, and assured
myself there was no enemy in the immediate neighbourhood, I left
orders for the troops to march after an early dinner, and went out at
nine o’clock with a small escort of 15th Hussars, to reconnoitre. I could
212
see no signs of the Boers on our side of the Drakensberg Mountain,
and turned eastwards in the afternoon, arriving on the Biggarsberg-
Newcastle track at sunset.
I approached the rise overlooking the Ingagane River, cautiously as
a matter of habit, and it was well I did so, for just below me there was
a party of 200 Boers pillaging a public-house on the north bank. They
had cleared the building, destroying all the liquor, and were leaving. As
they never looked back, I was able to ford the river and follow them
until it was clear where they intended to cross the Drakensberg into the
Free State. None but the leaders knew why Joubert declined to attack
us.
When I returned late to the camp I sent for the Commanding
officers, and told them that I had seen a Boer Patrol; and while I had
no reason to suppose that a large body was close at hand, yet even a
small number of mounted men might hold the Ingagane position and
render our crossing difficult. They had made one march, so I asked if
they would prefer to make a night march to get to the bank, and cross
with the first streak of dawn, or wait and take the chance of the Boers
occupying it. They unanimously preferred to march, as we did at 1 a.m.
We began to cross at daylight, but the water had risen since the
previous evening, and as single men could not resist the current, we
were obliged to form a chain to ensure getting them over in safety. We
moved on to the Horn River, 7 miles, and the difficulties of the track
may be understood from the fact that our last waggon did not get into
213
camp until 10 p.m., the oxen being on the trek-tow twenty hours.
Next morning, preceding the troops, I went early to Newcastle, and
had the pleasure of meeting Sir George Colley, who had ridden through
the previous night from Prospect Camp. I told him Lord Kimberley’s
views on the steps to be taken after the Annexation was annulled, and
Sir George protested in a telegram dated the 19th February, against
any division of the country.
On the 8th February, Lord Kimberley had telegraphed to Sir George
Colley, “If the Boers cease from armed opposition, Her Majesty’s
Government will be ready to give all reasonable guarantees as to their
treatment after submission, and that scheme will be framed with a view
to permanent friendly settlement of difficulties.”
On the 13th February, Sir George telegraphed the purport of a
letter from Mr. Kruger asking for a Royal Commission, which he was
confident would give Boers their rights, adding, if Annexation were
upheld they would fight to the end. On the 16th, Lord Kimberley,
understanding Colley was shut up in Prospect Camp, telegraphed to
me, “Inform Kruger that if Boers will desist from armed opposition, we
shall be quite ready to appoint Commissioners with extensive powers,
and who may develop scheme referred to in my telegram of 8th inst.
And that if this proposal is accepted you are authorised to agree to
suspension of hostilities on our part.”
I had not answered this telegram, hoping to hand it personally to
Sir George, as I did when we met. Sir George replied that day to Lord
Kimberley, “Latter part of your telegram to Wood not understood.
There can be no hostilities if no resistance is made; but am I to leave
Lang’s Nek, in Natal territory, in Boer occupation, and our garrisons
isolated, and short of provisions, or occupy former, and relieve latter?”
Lord Kimberley replied the same day,—“It is essential that garrisons
should be free to provision themselves and peaceful intercourse
allowed, but we do not mean that you should march to the relief of
garrison or occupy Lang’s Nek, if arrangement proceeds. Fix reasonable
time within which answer must be sent by Boers.”
I ascertained, in the course of conversation, that Sir George had no
information of the Left Flank and Rear of the Boer position, and
suggested that I should go as far as was necessary to see if there were
any considerable number of troops in the Wakkerstroom district.
He demurred somewhat to the risk, but eventually, after proposing
to come himself, to which I objected on the principle that two valuable
eggs should not go in one basket, allowed me to proceed; and at 11
p.m. on the 19th, I left Newcastle, and crossing the Buffalo with 100
Hussars, we proceeded to a hill overlooking Wakkerstroom, and
ascertained there was no large Force of the enemy in that direction.
When I returned next evening, after a ride of 60 miles, Sir George
told me he wished me to go back to Maritzburg and expedite the
transport of provisions, of which there were at Newcastle only thirteen
days’ supply. I received two telegrams in succession from Dutchmen
living near Fort Beaufort, who had served with me in 1878, requesting
me to transmit to the Boer leaders then on the Nek, the opinion of the
Fort Beaufort district Dutchmen that they ought to submit, when no
doubt they would get all they wanted from the British Government. I
sent the telegram to Sir George Colley with a note saying I was anxious
to assist him, and not engage in any correspondence myself with the
Boer leaders. He thanked me warmly, saying he fully appreciated my
loyal desire to help him, and mentioned that he thought it was best to
let Mr. Brand deal with all such communications. I left Newcastle at 3
a.m. on the 22nd, but was detained several hours on the Ingagane, as
the change of mules had strayed and ours were too exhausted to do a
double stage; but later, we were fortunate in the weather, and next
day, by driving from 3 a.m. to 7 p.m., got to Maritzburg.
* * * * *
During the night, 26th to 27th, Sir George Colley occupied the
Majuba Mountain, thinking the Boers intrenching its lower slopes were
about to forestall him on the summit. I heard from him at breakfast-
time; he was on the mountain; but in the afternoon we had an
alarming telegram, followed by a succession of similar messages; one
announcing Sir George’s death, urged that unless the 15th Hussars and
an Infantry Battalion moved up to Prospect at once, the camp there
would be in a critical position. I recalled the troops who had already
started, for the effect of their move would have been to leave the
ammunition, and the twelve days’ supplies at Newcastle, with 250 sick
and wounded, guarded by 100 men, in order to put 700 more men into
Prospect Camp, where there were already 1200 soldiers, and would
also have added a march of 17 miles and one more difficult river,
through which the supplies would have to be dragged.
At 8 p.m. I asked the Chief Justice to come to Government House,
and was sworn in as Acting Governor of Natal and Administrator of the
Transvaal. I could not rest, as telegrams were brought to me every
half-hour, but managed to get away at 5.30 a.m. on the 28th. Though
we started before daylight, the track was so greasy that it was dark
before we reached Estcourt, only 50 miles away. There I received a
fresh bundle of telegrams, which kept me up till midnight, and
Walkinshaw called me again before 4 a.m. That night we slept at the
Biggarsberg, and as an officer there had telegraphed to me that a
Dutchman had been watching for the post cart, asking if I was on it, I
took on an escort of six men. I saw no Boers, however; and as the
team could not pull the cart, I rode the horses of the escort in turn, to
Newcastle, where I arrived on the 3rd March. Next day I visited
Prospect in a deluge of rain, which made the track so greasy that the
horses could with difficulty keep on their feet at a walk; and on the 6th,
when I again rode up, it took us five hours to travel about 20 miles.
I wrote to my wife, “Colley is gone: the best instructed soldier I
ever met.” In 1877 I wished him to take the Staff College, when I
thought it was to be offered to me, solely because I thought he would
214
make a better Commandant. Except by Lord Wolseley, and one or
two others, Sir George’s long and valuable life is unappreciated, and
forgotten in its culminating and dramatic disaster. For him success was
impossible, no smaller mind would have attempted to achieve it with
the totally inadequate means at hand. He did not know what it was to
fear, and rated others by his own undaunted heart. He had suddenly to
face a rebellion carefully prepared in a vast country, which he was to
rule only in case of emergency; and until the end of November, when
the Administrator of the Transvaal telegraphed for troops, all that
officer’s reports had been reassuring.
Colley was justified, in a military sense, in moving on the 26th. The
hill he occupied is in Natal. The forty-eight hours, to which his letter of
the 21st had limited his offer “to suspend hostilities,” had long since
elapsed; and, moreover, as he telegraphed on the 10th to Mr. Brand, he
could not “allow any communication with the Boers to affect his military
operations” while they were trying to starve out the British garrisons.
CHAPTER XXXVII
1881—AFTER MAJUBA
The Military situation compels inaction—Ambiguous
telegrams from the Cabinet—Piet Joubert asks me to
meet him—Lord Kimberley approves of my doing so—
His instructions—I urge Military action—Walkinshaw’s
endurance—The Boers disperse—Boer flag at
Heidelberg—Pretoria—A painful journey.
T HE following was the Military position of the frontier when I
arrived at Newcastle: at Prospect there were 1200 Infantry and
a few Mounted Infantry. All the troops had been engaged once; about
two-thirds, twice, and all three engagements had ended in a
withdrawal of the British troops. In the camp at Prospect there were six
weeks’ rations for men, and at Newcastle twelve days’, with six days’
forage. Although we were so short of forage, no horses had been
allowed to graze for two days, for fear of a raid by the Boers, still over
25 miles distant. I found of two and a half Squadrons of Cavalry, one
Squadron was kept continuously on outpost duty. These I withdrew,
replacing them by six scouts, only farther out than the Squadron had
gone.
Rain had fallen for ten successive days, and on one occasion for
twenty hours without ceasing, causing the Incandu River at Newcastle
to rise 7 feet in one day.
The Colonial Secretary urged me to bring the troops back to
Newcastle, and asked to have the Natal Police moved back to Colenso.
The Inniskilling Dragoons, a battery and a half Royal Artillery, and the
83rd Regiment were marching up country, but did not arrive till twenty-
three days later, when, although the Dragoons led their horses all the
way, they had only a hundred of them fit for work, in spite of the fact
that they had taken eighteen days to cover 140 miles. The tracks,
called roads, in Natal were indeed almost impassable, but by leaving
their waggons the troops could have arrived a week earlier.
There was no necessity for an immediate advance, except as
regards Potchefstroom. Sir George Colley had been very anxious for
that Garrison. He wrote on the 15th January: “Unless I can in some
way relieve the pressure on Potchefstroom before the middle of next
month, that Garrison and its guns must fall into the Boers’ hands,” and
this anxiety induced his movement on the 28th January. Although he
had not the power to ensure success, he kept the Boer forces occupied,
and it should be remembered to his credit that none of the garrisons
fell.
I received simultaneously the two following telegrams:
“Secretary of State for War to Sir Evelyn Wood,
Brigadier-General.
“1st March 1881.
“Although Sir F. Roberts is going out with large
reinforcements, we place full confidence in you, and do not
desire to fetter your military discretion.”
* * * * *
“Lord Kimberley to Sir Evelyn Wood.
“1st March.
“When did Sir George Colley communicate to Kruger the fact
that the British Government would appoint Commissioners with
extensive powers for the friendly settlement of all difficulties,
and what answer was given?”
And on the 3rd March, Lord Kimberley ordered me to inquire
whether an answer would be sent to me; and again, on the 4th March,
asked for a reply.
Most of the Ministry, possibly, but certainly a majority of the Nation,
would have been better satisfied if I could have consulted my own
wishes, and driven the Boers from the Nek before the Transvaal was
given back. With the troops then at hand, however, success against a
well-posted enemy, four times as strong, was unattainable. Before the
reinforcements arrived the dominant will of the Premier decided the
215
question.
On the 3rd March, Mr. Brand telegraphed to me, stating he had
written to Kruger to urge him to suspend hostilities, and begged me, as
one formerly on friendly terms with some of the Boers, to contribute to
a peaceable settlement. I replied thanking Mr. Brand, and endorsing his
sentiments for our Boer friends, said I would gladly abstain from a
forward movement till the 10th March, if the Boers made a similar
promise.
I telegraphed Brand’s message and my reply to Lord Kimberley, and
he next day replied approving my message. When sending a copy of
my telegram I added, “Referring to the above, please consider with this
my telegram to Brand. I suggest I wait for a day or two, as I shall not
be ready for another week, and then I must act if Potchefstroom is to
be saved. When I move, I am confident, with God’s blessing, of
success.”
I received late, on the 4th March, a communication from Mr. Piet
Joubert, enclosing a telegram from Mr. Brand, and asking would I meet
him? I replied, I would meet him on the 6th; and while informing Lord
Kimberley, added, “My constant endeavour shall be to carry out your
orders; but considering the disasters we have sustained, I think the
happiest result will be that after a successful action, which I hope to
fight in about fourteen days, the Boers should disperse without any
guarantees, and then many now undoubtedly coerced will settle down.”
Later in the day I telegraphed: “Joubert is coming to meet me. Shall
follow strictly the lines of your instructions.”
I rode out about 17 miles to O’Neill’s, an empty farm at Prospect,
on the afternoon of the 5th, and was deciphering telegrams till 9 p.m.,
when I asked Walkinshaw for my eye-douche, the rose of which could
not be found; and I desired him somewhat impatiently to call me at 4
a.m., at which hour he held a jug over my head. “What’s the use; you
left the rose behind?” “It’s here.” “Where was it?” “On the mantelpiece.”
It was only months later I learned he had ridden to Newcastle and
back, 34 miles, swimming twice the Ingogo River, in fording which an
officer and some men had been lost on the 8th February.
I met Mr. Joubert and three Boer leaders on the 6th March, and at
their request, in order to allow time for Mr. Kruger, who was then near
Rustenberg, to reply to Sir George Colley’s communication, agreed to
an armistice for eight days, i.e. to midnight on the 18th March. The
Boers undertook to pass eight days’ supplies to the invested garrisons,
and inform them of the Truce, which was to count only from the arrival
of the supplies. I telegraphed this arrangement to Mr. Brand, and
begged him to ensure the faithful transmission of the news to
Potchefstroom, which he undertook the same day to do.
I telegraphed to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and for
War: “Want of food prevents advance for about ten days. Ingagane and
Incandu are impassable. I have therefore lost nothing in suspending
hostilities, and gained eight days’ food for the garrisons most in want.”
Next day the Cabinet approved my action, not only in the Political, but
also in the Military point of view.
On receipt of this message I replied to Lord Kimberley, 8th March:
“Do not imagine I wish to fight, I know the attending misery too well;
but now you have so many troops coming, I recommend decided
though lenient action, and I can, humanly speaking, promise victory.
Colley never engaged more than six companies; I shall use twenty, and
two Cavalry regiments, in directions known only to myself, and I
undertake to enforce dispersion.”
That same day Lord Kimberley, telegraphing with reference to my
telegram of the 5th March, in which, while suggesting an amnesty for
leaders, I urged, “The happiest results will be after a successful action,
which I hope to fight in about fourteen days,” replied, “There will be
complete amnesty.... We will now appoint Commissioners for friendly
communications to Boers.” Later in the day he telegraphed, “Prolong
Armistice as needful.”
On the 11th March, in referring to my telegram of the 9th, showing
the food supplies in the garrisons, I asked if the Armistice was to be
prolonged, stating, “The situation on military grounds scarcely justifies
prolongation, certainly not beyond the 18th March.” And in reply I
received orders “To prolong the Armistice, and inform the Boers, if they
desisted from armed opposition, a Royal Commission, consisting of Sir
Hercules Robinson, Sir Henry de Villiers, and yourself, will be appointed
to consider the giving back of the Transvaal, subject to British
Suzerainty, a Resident at Capital, and provisions for guarding native
interests, Mr. Brand being present as representing the Friendly State.”
On the 12th March, Lord Kimberley telegraphed: “In order to
enable me to answer questions in Parliament, inform me whether
suggestions for Armistice proceeded from you or Joubert, or from
whom?” I might have replied briefly, “From you. See your telegram of
216
16th February.” Although Mr. Kruger on the 16th March, in the
conference under Lang’s Nek, claimed the credit of the Armistice, as
being the result of his letter of the 12th February to Sir George Colley.
However, appreciating Lord Kimberley’s difficulties in the Houses of
Parliament, I replied: “Mount Prospect, 14th March. Whole history of
Armistice. 3rd March, Brand appealed to me, as former friend of Boers,
to stop bloodshed, by arranging temporary cessation of hostilities. 4th
March, Sent my answer to you. 5th March, You approved. 3rd March,
Brand appealed to Joubert to meet me to arrange armistice. 4th March,
Joubert sending me Brand’s message; asks how far I will co-operate so
(sic) he wishes to stop his patrols. 5th March, I offered to meet him on
the 6th.”
During the next few days I had much discussion with some of the
Boer leaders, who were, however, unable to give definite opinions on
217
many points, as Mr. Kruger, whom they all regarded as their chief,
was still absent. I wrote to Lady Wood on the 15th March: “Buller, who
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