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Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS AND ENGINEERING

PIPELINES
DESIGN, APPLICATIONS AND SAFETY
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

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Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS
AND ENGINEERING

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Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS AND ENGINEERING

PIPELINES
DESIGN, APPLICATIONS AND SAFETY

MIGUEL G. RIVERO
AND
LAUTARO M. MANSILLO
EDITORS
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

New York

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 Copyright © 2012 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

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Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Pipelines : design, applications, and safety / editors, Miguel G. Rivero and Lautaro M. Mansillo.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN:  (eBook)
1. Pipelines. 2. Pipelines--Safety measures. 3. Pipelines--Design and construction. I. Rivero,
Miguel G. II. Mansillo, Lautaro M.
TJ930.P5695 2011
621.8'672--dc23
2011032397

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 CONTENTS

Preface vii
Chapter 1 Drinking Water Pipeline Deterioration 1
J. Delgado, J. Castano, J. Calderon, and F. Echeverria
Chapter 2 SCC Behavior in Buried Pipeline Steels: Review Article 43
A. Torres-Islas, S. Serna and B. Campillo
Chapter 3 A Science-Based Model for Crack Growth of Buried Pipelines
undergoing High pH SCC 69
B. T. Lu, F. Song, M. Gao and M. Elboujdaini
Chapter 4 Internal Stresses in Pipeline Coating: Manufacturing Process and
Lifetime 115
E. Aragon, L. Belec and Y. Joliff
Nondestructive Evaluation of Stressed States of Pipelines by
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Chapter 5
Ultrasound 155
Nadezhda Ye. Nikitina
Chapter 6 Aerial Altitude Gas Pipeline 173
Alexander A. Bolonkin
Chapter 7 Outflow of Gas from a Limited Volume through a Pipeline with
Friction 189
V. I. Zvegintsev and A. Yu. Mel’nikov
Chapter 8 One-dimensional Models for Calculating Compressible Gas Flow
with Friction through Pipeline 207
V. I. Zvegintsev and A. Yu. Mel’nikov
Chapter 9 Pipe Joint Strength Design and Service Life of a Pseudo
Homogeneous Allweld Metal under Continuum Flow 225
Joseph I. Achebo
Index 259

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 PREFACE
In this book, the authors gather topical research in the study of the design, applications
and safety of pipelines. Topics discussed in this compilation include drinking water pipeline
deterioration; stress corrosion cracking (SCC) behavior in buried pipeline steel; a predictive
model for crack growth model of buried pipelines; internal stresses in pipeline coating;
evaluation of stressed states of pipelines by ultrasound and aerial altitude gas pipelines.
(Imprint: Nova)
Chapter 1 - Maintenance of pipeline networks is a very critical issue, due to the high cost
associated and the potential hazard if a catastrophic fail occurs. Deterioration of pipelines is
due to a complex group of phenomena, which affects both the condition of the pipeline itself
and the composition of the fluid being transported. Metallic pipelines are exposed to soil or
atmospheric corrosion externally and aqueous or gaseous corrosion at the inside surface.
Inspection and monitoring of pipeline condition is difficult and costly, especially when
infrastructure is underground. Internal corrosion is mostly controlled by treatment of the fluid
whilst external corrosion requires the use of various strategies such as coatings and/or
cathodic protection. On the other hand, statistics analysis of field data and prediction of
failure in underground pipeline network can be an advantageous strategy to be considered, as
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

direct inspection involves high costs. One of the most sensible pipeline infrastructures today
is that related to drinking water distribution, as this liquid is basic to human being welfare and
survival. The most relevant results of several studies related to both main and secondary
distribution drinking water pipeline network in a tropical condition are to be presented here.
Those studies considered lab experimentation by using pilot systems and also information
collected directly from the field. Internal condition of a main network several decades old,
was extensively revised in order to characterize the deposits formed, indicating that an
appropriate water treatment allows reducing tuberculation and biofilm formation; these
phenomena could originate problems such as water quality events, pipeline deterioration or
hydraulic operation restriction. Various studies on secondary distribution networks looking to
obtain basic information for structuring maintenance programs allows to build adequate
methodologies not only for collection of field information but also for analysis of data; review
of the most applied standards related to evaluation of pipeline corrosion was another
important result. Studies on pilot systems generate information of the effect of pipeline
material on water quality changes and biofilm formation; carbon steel, galvanized steel,
copper and PVC were evaluated. Finally a wide literature review of studies related to model
construction, looking to prediction of lifespan in underground water networks is presented.

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 viii Miguel G. Rivero and Lautaro M. Mansillo

Chapter 2 - The failure of pipeline steel is usually catastrophic and causes economic,
environmental and conservation losses. About 20% of the failure of pipeline was caused by
outer corrosion and 5% by inner corrosion. The first incident of stress corrosion cracking
(SCC) on natural gas pipelines occurred in the mid- 1960’s [1]. Since that time, there have
been hundreds of failures reported in Australia [2], Canada [3], Iran, Iraq, Italy, Pakistan,
Saudi Arabia, the former Soviet Union and the United States [4]. In the last 30 years, the
pipeline SCC problem has been investigated by different laboratories [5-15]. Most of the
early failures were intergranular in nature, whereas, many of the recent failures, such as those
that have occurred in Canada are transgranular [16-23].
Chapter 3 - A predictive crack growth model for high pH stress corrosion cracking of
pipelines is postulated based on the fundamental understandings of the film rupture
mechanism. It is known that the cracking process is governed by the factors in three catalogs:
(1) the mechanical properties and microstructure of material that can affect the crack-tip
strain rate; (2) the parameters characterizing the external loads and (3) the environmental
variables that can alter the kinetics of anodic dissolution and repassivation. The theoretical
approaches and/or experimental methods are described for determining the parameters that
dominate the crack growth. The experimental validation indicates that the model gives a
reasonably good prediction to the effects of important factors relating to materials,
environment and loading conditions. Although fatigue damage is negligible in operation of
pipelines for gas transportation, the accelerated dissolution at the crack tip due to the cyclic
deformation is still required to be considered in the crack velocity estimation. Finally, the
procedure for the field application of the new model is outlined.
Chapter 4 - Pipelines are used worldwide for the transportation of oil or gas and must be
protected against corrosion over long periods of time to avoid any production failure. An anti-
corrosion coating system is generally used in addition to cathodic protection. This coating
must fulfil specific conditions such as good mechanical strength and good ageing resistance
in corrosive soils or water for instance. Two types of coatings are currently used, a monolayer
system or a three layer systems, which have both their advantages and drawbacks.
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Spontaneous disbonding of the three layer coating was thus observed at the ends of pipelines
sections during storage, just after coating application. Moreover, for three-layer systems
presenting no apparent defaults, pipelines coating failures have been observed at the
epoxy/steel interface after a service period shorter than the expected lifetime. These
phenomena were never reported for monolayer systems made with the same epoxy primer,
which highlights the influence of internal stresses generated in the thick coating during the
process on interfacial strength. The simulation of the process by finite element analysis with
adequate material behaviour laws give internal stresses levels in good agreement with
experimental measurements and in situ observations. Moreover, most loss of adhesion of the
three-layer systems have been observed when the operating temperature was about 50-60°C
in wet environments, which suggest wet disbonding. Diffusion phenomena through the
different polymer layers must then be taken into account. Depending on primer nature,
Fickian or Langmuir water diffusion kinetics show that water molecules diffuse through the
thick coatings up to the epoxy-steel interface very rapidly compared to pipelines’ service
time. The coating failure can then be attributed to epoxy physical or chemical degradation or
to interfacial bonds hydrolysis. The diffusion parameters and then, the failure mode in humid
environment, strongly depend on temperature, primer nature and fillers proportion and nature.
A good correlation can be found for thin coatings between primer disbonding and its

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 Preface ix

saturation time estimated from diffusion data. For thick coatings, wet disbonding occurs
before the primer saturation time, which is linked to the presence of internal stresses stored
during the process.
Chapter 5 - This chapter contains results of theoretical and experimental investigations of
the principal problems of the acoustoelasticity phenomenon application for the nondestructive
testing of stressed (strained) state (SSS) of steel pipes and pipelines spent by the author and
collaborators for the last 8 years. The foundations of the method of acoustoelasticity for
biaxial stress evaluation with the help of bulk waves propagated normally to the plane of
stress acting are established. Specific features of stress evaluation in engineering materials by
using precise measurements of velocities of elastic waves of a millimeter range of
wavelengths are revealed. The results of experimental evaluation of acoustic-elastic
coefficients which determine the sensitivity of ultrasonic method to actual stresses in pipe
steels used in gas and oil industry are given. The opportunities of precise measurement of
phase velocity of ultrasound (principal informative characteristic of the acoustoelastic effect)
with use of a pulse-echo method, realized in a special portable device IN-5101A produced by
“ENCOTES” Ltd, are discussed. The calculative algorithms are included into the
computational module of device and enable one to evaluate in-plane principal stresses in real
object. So, the experimental arrangement provides evaluation of uni- or biaxial, tensile or
compressive stresses in pipes and constructive details of compressing and pumping stations,
including long-term operated materials at different force and climatic actions. The main
problems of determination of stressed states of real engineering constructions in a case of the
acoustical tensometry, that is monitoring of stresses during manufacturing and exploitation of
pipes; and estimation of stresses «in situ», in pre-stressed industrial objects, are considered.
The reliability of acoustoelastic manner for biaxial stress evaluation in main pipelines of large
diameter was justified experimentally, during the loading of closed pipe by inner pressure of
water. The results of the investigations show that observed data are quite close to analytical
solution of the problem which was given by Gabriel Lame in 19th century. Practical example
of the acoustoelasticity phenomenon application for biaxial stress evaluation is described,
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

namely, measurement of non-design axial stresses in technological pipelines of dust collectors

of compressor station. The opportunity of application of “zero-less” ultrasonic tensometry for
determination of a stressed state of objects in action has been experimentally confirmed.
Chapter 6 - Design of new cheap aerial pipelines, a large flexible tube deployed at high
altitude, for delivery of natural (fuel) gas over a long distance is delineated. The main
component of the natural gas is methane, which has a specific weight less than air. The lift
force of one cubic meter of methane equals approximately 0.5 kg. The lightweight film
flexible pipeline can be located in air at high altitude and, as such, does not damage the
environment. This aerial pipeline dramatically decreases the cost and the time of construction
relative to conventional pipelines of steel, which saves energy and greatly lowers the capital
cost of construction. The article contains a computed project for delivery of 24 billion cubic
meters of gas per year.
Chapter 7 - The paper describes experiments to measure characteristics of a gas flow
issuing from a finite-volume reservoir to atmosphere through a pipeline of variable length. In
view of the continuous variation of flow quantities in time, the process under study could be
classed to unsteady processes. Nonetheless, the experimental data were found to be in
excellent agreement with the results gained in one-dimensional steady-state calculations

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 x Miguel G. Rivero and Lautaro M. Mansillo

performed assuming a constant value of friction coefficient. The latter result points to
applicability of quasi-steady calculations to the analysis of complex gas-dynamic processes.
Chapter 8 - Two theoretical models for calculating compressible gas flow with friction
through pipeline are considered. The first model, most commonly used in practice, is based
on the assumption that the flow is adiabatic, and the total enthalpy of the flow presents a
conserved quantity. This approach, however, leads to a noticeable inconsistency between the
total-pressure value calculated at pipeline outlet and the friction losses in the pipeline. In the
second model, an increase of total flow enthalpy due to the work of friction forces is
admitted. Calculations show that, in the latter case, an increase in flow stagnation temperature
amounting to several ten degrees is possible, especially for high-velocity flows. Both models
were tested for adequacy by comparing the data predicted by these models with available
experimental data on the distribution of static pressure over pipeline length. It was shown that
no definite conclusion in favor of one of the discussed models can be drawn because of
inaccuracies of used experimental data.
Chapter 9 - Effluents emanating from Petroleum reservoirs channeled through steel
pipelines comprise of oil, water, gas, and other projectiles suspended in fluid, incessantly
flowing in a turbulent manner, in a statistically discernable continuum. Therefore, Pipelines
tend to suffer corrosion and wear having endured continuous impact, particularly at various
weld joints within their internal walls. These joints have a subtle, but significant difference in
composition from the parent metal, and are actually a concoction of the parent metal alloys
with other weld elements in varying amounts, hence its pseudo homogenous nature. The
structural integrity and design life of these pipelines invariably depends on these welds
possessing equivalent strength and toughness potentials as the parent metal. In order to reduce
corrosion and wear to the barest, and geared towards meeting increasing demands of
operating pressures and loads, the individual effects of each alloying and weld element must
be identified, and a predictable, maneuverable protocol attained. Statistical methods such as
the Taguchi Method with Grey Rational Analysis could be applied to optimize the welding
process parameters so that elements that increase longevity are incorporated to obtain
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

signature uniquely crafted weld chemical compositions. Tensile, toughness, hardness tests,
and micro structure analysis are used to assess weld quality and the veracity of the applied
statistical methods is thereafter compared with measured values. The methods applied proved
successfully, that the welding process parameters as well as the various types and proportions
of the alloying elements that make up the chemical composition of the weld metal can be
satisfactorily optimized and improved.

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 In: Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety ISBN 978-1-62100-178-2
Editors: M. G. Rivero et al. pp. 1-41 © 2012 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

DRINKING WATER PIPELINE DETERIORATION

J. Delgado, J. Castano, J. Calderon, and

F. Echeverria
Corrosion and Protection Group, University of Antioqua,
Medellin, Colombia

ABSTRACT
Maintenance of pipeline networks is a very critical issue, due to the high cost
associated and the potential hazard if a catastrophic fail occurs. Deterioration of pipelines
is due to a complex group of phenomena, which affects both the condition of the pipeline
itself and the composition of the fluid being transported. Metallic pipelines are exposed to
soil or atmospheric corrosion externally and aqueous or gaseous corrosion at the inside
surface. Inspection and monitoring of pipeline condition is difficult and costly, especially
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

when infrastructure is underground. Internal corrosion is mostly controlled by treatment

of the fluid whilst external corrosion requires the use of various strategies such as
coatings and/or cathodic protection. On the other hand, statistics analysis of field data and
prediction of failure in underground pipeline network can be an advantageous strategy to
be considered, as direct inspection involves high costs. One of the most sensible pipeline
infrastructures today is that related to drinking water distribution, as this liquid is basic to
human being welfare and survival. The most relevant results of several studies related to
both main and secondary distribution drinking water pipeline network in a tropical
condition are to be presented here. Those studies considered lab experimentation by using
pilot systems and also information collected directly from the field. Internal condition of
a main network several decades old, was extensively revised in order to characterize the
deposits formed, indicating that an appropriate water treatment allows reducing
tuberculation and biofilm formation; these phenomena could originate problems such as
water quality events, pipeline deterioration or hydraulic operation restriction. Various
studies on secondary distribution networks looking to obtain basic information for
structuring maintenance programs allows to build adequate methodologies not only for
collection of field information but also for analysis of data; review of the most applied
standards related to evaluation of pipeline corrosion was another important result. Studies
on pilot systems generate information of the effect of pipeline material on water quality
changes and biofilm formation; carbon steel, galvanized steel, copper and PVC were

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 2 J. Delgado, J. Castano, J. Calderon et al.

evaluated. Finally a wide literature review of studies related to model construction,

looking to prediction of lifespan in underground water networks is presented.

1. CORROSIVITY OF WATER IN DRINKING WATER

DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM
The water distribution system of Medellin delivers drinking water to about three million
citizens, supplied by three water treatment plants (Ayura, Manatiales and Villa Hermosa).
Each plant process water from a different water source and deliver water to a specific zone of
Medellin city. Ayura plant (AY) treats water by coagulation with alum, flocculation and
sedimentation, filtration with sand and anthracite and disinfection with Cl2. Manantiales plant
(MN) treats water with pre-oxidation, adsorption with active carbon, alum coagulation,
flocculation and sedimentation, manganese oxidation, filtration with sand and anthracite and
disinfection with Cl. Finally, Villa Hermosa plant (VH) treats water by coagulation with
alum, flocculation, sedimentation and filtration with sand and anthracite.
The pipeline network is mostly made of reinforced concrete (about 54%), ductile iron
(about 27%) and steel (10 %). Storage facilities are mainly made of reinforced concrete, and
pipeline accessories of ductile iron and steel.
In Medellin city, an undetermined number of ductile iron and carbon steel pipes are in
place for long periods of time (in some cases more than 40 years), for which corrosion control
is critical to maintain microbial, water quality and pipe integrity.
The corrosion behavior of iron in potable water is undoubtedly important in operating
drinking water systems, where carbon steels are applied as piping and tubing materials.
Corrosion of system pipes contribute to diminish the reliability of the distribution network,
having economic, hydraulic and aesthetic impacts, including water leaks, corrosion product
buildup, increased pumping costs, water quality deterioration and high costs of repair and
replacement. Corrosion of iron is also the primary factor controlling biofilm growth [1-6].
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Interactions between biofilm, humic substances and iron oxide may negatively affect the
microbiological quality of the water [7], promote the release of pathogenic microorganisms
[8, 9], cause a drastic reduction in the efficiency of disinfectants [8] and induce a chemical
decay of the residual chlorine [1, 10, 11].
The corrosion mechanisms of iron in such systems can be electrochemical and/or
microbial [12, 13]. However, they have not been fully understood and there are many
contradictory reports [1, 6]. Corrosion of iron in the pipes is believed to be quite a complex
process which is influenced by many parameters of finished water, including: oxygen
concentration, pH, alkalinity, presence of sulfates, chlorides and nitrates, temperature of
water, level of disinfectant, concentration of natural organic matter (NOM) and water flow
velocity (5, 14-16].
Manipulation of pH, alkalinity and calcium hardness induced the formation of calcium
carbonate compounds in the internal wall of water pipes, allowing the removal of color and
the control of internal corrosion of a water distribution system [17, 18]. However, in some
cases, water quality cannot always explain variations in corrosion behavior; for example, a
recent study found that changes in water quality parameters such as pH and alkalinity could

Pipelines: Design, Applications and Safety : Design, Applications, and Safety, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2012. ProQuest Ebook
 Drinking Waater Pipeline Deterioration
D 3

noot fully accou unt for observved changes inn corrosion off iron pipes unnder stagnant conditions
[11].
Studies connducted betweeen 2002 and 2003 in the drrinking water system of Meedellin City
arre focused mainly
m on the measuremennt of water coorrosivity by means of caarbon steel
coorrosion coupo ons.
Corrosion behavior wass studied in the three diff fferent subsystems of drinkking water
neetwork (AY, MN M and VH) based on the gravimetric data d upon the exposure of carbon steel
sppecimens with h the dimensioons of 152 mm m x 22 mm x 3.2 3 mm. The specimens
s were weighed
beefore, and exp posed in differrent sites of drinking
d waterr network for 3 months. At the end of
exxposure time, the corrosionn products werre removed annd the specim mens were weighed again
too obtain the mass
m loss and thereby
t estimaate the corrosiion rate. The procedure
p for measuring
thhe corrosivity by this methhod are descrribed in AST TM D2688 [19] and ASTM M G1 [20]
sttandards.
The specimmens were insttalled at the enntrance and exxit of the three treatment pllants. Also,
foor each subsystem, a tank located
l as farr as possible was
w selected, in order to evvaluate the
vaariation in thee corrosivity of water versuss distance to thhe plant. In eaach tank speciimens were
innstalled both innside and in thhe exit of the tank.
t
At the exitt of treatmentt plants and taanks, the speccimens were installed
i insidde loops, as
shhown in Figurre 1. The looops are derivaations of the pipe p in whichh removable elbows
e and
fitting are instaalled for inserrting carbon steel
s specimenns that are exxposed to water flow, as
w as measuriing instrumentts.
well
At the entrrance of treatm
ment plants annd inside tankss, the specimeens were fixedd on acrylic
raacks (Figure 2) and placed inn open sites where
w the curreent flow was not
n very high.
Table 1 sho ows the sites chosen for thee installation ofo specimens, as well as thee corrosion
raates found afteer 3 months. Inn each site, fouur specimens were installedd.
The longerr distance betwween a treatmeent plant and itsi respective tank
t occurs beetween MN
pllant and Girarrdota tank (177.4 Km). Thee distance betw ween AY plannt and Belenccito tank is
122.1 km, while between VH plant and Lim moncito tank iss 0.9 Km.
Copyright © 2012. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

The water is considered as highly agggressive when the corrosionn rate is higher than 0.25
m
mm/y (10 mpy)). For moderaately aggressivve water, the corrosion
c rate varies betweeen 0.13 and
0..25 mm/y (5-1 10 mpy), whillst for low agggressive waterr the corrosionn rate is lower than 0.13
m
mm/y (5 mpy)[[21].

Fiigure 1. (a) Loo

op at the exit of VH treatment plant;
p (b) Loop in Limoncito Tank
T entrance annd location
off corrosion coup
pons.

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said, with certainty, that it increased the speed of the race horse. All
the experiences of the past hundred years with these foreign strains
have gone to show that instead of increasing the speed they have
retarded it.
5. The list of the foundation stock of the English race horse as
given by Mr. Weatherby, in the first volume of the English Stud Book,
and reproduced in the preceding chapter, is worthy of very careful
study, especially by those who seem to think that the English race
horse is descended, without admixture, from the Arabian horse. The
striking feature of that list is the overwhelming preponderance of
other blood than the Arabian, even if we accept all that is called
Arabian as genuine. Mr. Darley’s horse, called an Arabian, and Lord
Godolphin’s horse, called an Arabian, count for more than all the
others put together, in the make-up of the English race horse. Mr.
Darley’s horse came from a region remote from Arabia and where a
thousand good horses are bred for one in Arabia, and should be
called a Turk. Lord Godolphin’s horse—“the great unknown”—will
ever remain unknown. He seems to have been traced to France,
and, after studying his portraiture, it is probable he was a French
horse.
6. Taking this list of foundation stock and viewing it from the
standpoint of the greatest lenity and liberality that a sound and
careful judgment can accord, we find that the inheritance of Arabian
blood in the veins of the English race horse, if there was any such
inheritance at all, was strictly infinitesimal. This historical fact in the
foundation of the race horse, showing the inutility of Arabian blood,
whether genuine or spurious, has been fully confirmed in great
multitudes of trials, in both nations, during the past hundred years.
In no case has it been a benefit, but always a detriment.
7. The race horse has been bred through centuries for the single
purpose of speed. Through all his generations he has been the
product of the brains, judgment and skill of his successive masters.
Parents were selected that could go out and win the prizes from
their fellows. The next generation was not only the product of
running parents, but parents that were from running families. Thus
grew up the pedigree of the race horse under the direction of
thought and judgment. Pedigrees are practical things and full of
winners, and in no sense made more valuable by having some
supposed “Arabian” cross away back ten generations, that never ran
in his life.
 CHAPTER VIII.
COLONIAL HORSE HISTORY—VIRGINIA.

Hardships of the colonists—First importations of horses—Racing

prevalent in the seventeenth century—Exportation and then
importations prohibited—Organized horse racing commenced
1677 and became very general—In 1704 there were many
wild horses in Virginia and they were hunted as game—The
Chincoteague ponies accounted for—Jones on life in Virginia,
1720—Fast early pacers, Galloways and Irish Hobbies—
English race horses imported—Moreton’s Traveler probably
the first—Quarter racing prevailed on the Carolina border—
Average size and habits of action clearly established—The
native pacer thrown in the shade by the imported runner—An
Englishman’s prejudices.
The colony of Virginia, settled at Jamestown, May 13, 1607, was
subjected to a succession of dissensions, privations and disasters
extending through a number of years. The elements of which this
first plantation was composed were heterogeneous, and many of
them wholly unsuited to battle with the hardships and privations of
the wilderness. A very large proportion of the adventurers were
mere idlers at home, descended from good but impecunious
families, and had never done an honest day’s work in their lives. Too
proud to labor even if they had known how, hunger and rags soon
made them the most unhappy and discontented of mortals. The
governmental affairs of the colony fell into confusion, like the people
forming it, and we have no official record of what was done for a
number of years. All that is known today of what transpired in the
early years of the colony has been gleaned from the personal
correspondence of actors in the many strifes that came so near
destroying them all. These letters are, generally, so strongly imbued
with partisan feeling that there seems to be no room left to tell us
anything about the industrial growth of the colony, either in planting
or breeding. The excerpts, therefore, relating to the early horses of
Virginia which I have been able to gather from a great many
sources, will fall far short of being complete, but I think they will
serve as a basis upon which to form an intelligent estimate of the
Virginia horses of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and as
to the nineteenth, the newspapers will furnish everything what is
needed.
It is evident that the fleet of three vessels which took out to
Virginia the first adventurers took also some horses and mares with
them; for the governor and council, who went out the next year, in
reporting the condition of the colonists to the home company, under
date of July 7, 1610, use this language:

“Our people, together with the Indians, had, the last winter,
destroyed and killed up all our hogs, inasmuch as of five or six
hundred, as it is supposed, there was not above one sow that we
can hear of left alive, not a hen or a chick in the fort, and our
horses and mares they had eaten with the first.”

From a letter written by M. Gabriel Archer, who arrived in Virginia

August 31, 1609, we gather the following facts:

“From Woolwich, the fifteenth day of May, 1609, seven sail

weighed anchor and came to Plymouth the twentieth day, where
George Somers, with two small vessels, consorted with us. There
we took into The Blessing, being the ship wherein I went, six
mares and two horses, and the fleet layed in some necessaries
belonging to the action; in which business we spent time till the
2d of June, and then set sail to sea, but crossed by South West
winds, we put into Falmouth, and there stayed until the 8th of
June, then gate out.”

Now, as The Blessing was probably about the average size of the
rest of the fleet, I think it is reasonable to conclude that each of the
other vessels took some horses also. In a report of a voyage to
Virginia, dated November 13, 1611, we find the following statement:
“They have brought to this colony one hundred cows, two hundred
pigs, one hundred goats, and seventeen horses and mares.” In 1614
the Virginians made a raid on Port Royal, in what was then called
New France, and carried off to Virginia, among other captures, a
number of horses, mares and colts. A second raid in the same
quarter seems to have resulted in carrying off wheat, horses,
clothing, working tools, etc.
Mr. Harmor, writing in 1614, in his “True Discourse on the Present
State of Virginia,” says: “The colony is already furnished with two
hundred neat cattle, infinite hogs in herds all over the woods, some
mares, horses and colts, poultry, great store, etc.”
In 1894, in the Public Records Office in London, I found that the
Virginia Company had sent out four mares, February, 1619, on The
Falcon. And further, I found a kind of summary of what the company
had done in the past toward populating and supplying the colonists
with live stock. It is stated that they had sent twelve ships, taking
out one thousand two hundred and sixty-one persons, making the
total number in Virginia at that date about two thousand four
hundred. The exportations include five hundred cattle, with some
horses and goats, and an infinite number of swine. In 1620 the
company ordered twenty mares to be sent over, at a cost, delivered,
of fifteen pounds each. From the price of horses in England at that
day, I would infer that somebody was making money out of the
colonists.
In a little work published in London, 1646, entitled “A Perfect
Description of Virginia,” the author says that “There are in Virginia,
of an excellent raise (race), about two hundred horses and mares.”
It is evident that this statement is a mere estimate, and I am
disposed to think it a very wild estimate from what follows in a very
few years. It is true that horses do not propagate and increase as
fast as any other variety of domestic animals, but under the
circumstances every effort would be made to increase the stock, and
from what follows, I think my criticism will be sustained.
In the legislation of the colony we find no mention of horses, till
the year 1657, when the exportation of mares was prohibited.
Eleven years after this (1668) this restriction was removed and the
exportation of both mares and horses permitted. The very next year,
1669, the importation of more horses was prohibited by legislative
enactment. From this it would seem that there were already too
many horses in the colony, or possibly some horse breeder had
begun to realize that there were better horses in some of the other
colonies that were finding a market in Virginia, and they thus sought
“protection” for their own stock.
This prohibition could not have been aimed at the mother country,
for the prices obtained would not justify the cost and risk of a sea
voyage. We must, therefore, conclude that it was intended to shut
out the New England colonies, which were already shipping horses
to all the settlements on the seaboard, as well as to some of the
West India Islands. In this we see at what an early date commenced
the interchange of commodities among the colonies. As early as
1647 the Dutch authorities at New Amsterdam authorized Isaac
Allerton to sell twenty or twenty-five horses to Virginia.
The court records of Henrico County, Virginia, for the year 1677
contain three distinct trials growing out of horse races for that year.
In one case the contest was for three hundred pounds of tobacco; in
another the winner was to take both horses; in the third the amount
at issue does not appear. From the readiness at sharp practice and
from the cunning dodges to get clear of paying a bet it is very
evident that the principals and the witnesses were well up in all the
tricks of racing as it was practiced at that early day. How long before
1677 racing was practiced in Virginia I have no means of
determining, but the next year and the next, continuing to the end
of that century, the records of the court speak for themselves. In
these trials I find the names of Thomas Jefferson, Jr., grandfather of
President Jefferson, and also the name of Benjamin Harrison, the
ancestor of two presidents, although they were not principals in any
of the cases.
In Beverley’s History of Virginia, published in London, 1705, at
section ninety-four, we have the following:
 “There is yet another kind of sport, which the young people
take great delight in, and that is the hunting of wild horses; which
they pursue, sometimes with dogs and sometimes without. You
must know they have many horses foaled in the woods of the
uplands, that never were in hand and are as shy as any savage
creature. These having no mark upon them belong to him that
first takes him. However, the captor commonly purchases these
horses very dear, by spoiling better in the pursuit, in which case
he has little to make himself amends, besides the pleasure of the
chase. And very often this is all he has for it, for the wild horses
are so swift that ’tis difficult to catch them; and when they are
taken ’tis odds but their grease is melted, or else being old they
are so sullen that they can’t be tamed.”

In the number of Wallace’s Monthly for September, 1877, p. 684,

will be found a very interesting article from the pen of the late Dr.
Elwood Harvey, on “The Chincoteague Ponies,” that have from time
immemorial occupied, in a wild state, the islands of Chincoteague
and Assoteague off the eastern shore of Virginia and Maryland. The
traditions relating to their origin are very hazy and improbable, and
the most reasonable one, because it is within the range of
possibilities, is that a Spanish ship was wrecked off this part of the
coast and the original ponies were on board and swam ashore. It is
well established that they have occupied the islands for more than a
hundred years. They are about thirteen hands high, uniform in
shape and resemble each other except in color, for all colors prevail.
Some of them pace a little, and they have rather light manes and
tails, and no superabundance of hair on the fetlocks. Now, the
horses of Virginia, at the period of which Mr. Beverley writes, and of
which I will have something further to say as we progress, were but
little if any larger than these semi-wild inhabitants of the islands;
they were of all colors and many of them paced. As it is well known
that the action of the ocean, so unaccountable to all human ken,
one year builds up a dike connecting islands with the mainland, and
the next year, perhaps, washes it out again, we can thus easily
understand how a herd of these semi-wild animals may have been
caught and kept there. In this way, it seems to me, the origin of the
Chincoteague ponies may be easily and rationally accounted for,
without any shadow of violence to the clearest reasoning. Mr. Hugh
Jones, who, in many directions, seems to have been a closer
observer of the life of the colonists than any of the other tourists
whose writings we have examined, wrote a little work entitled “The
Present State of Virginia,” which was published in London, 1724,
expressing himself as follows, on page 48:

“The common planters, leading easy lives, don’t much admire

labor or any manly exercise except horse-racing, nor diversion
except cock-fighting, in which some greatly delight. This easy way
of living, and the heat of the summers, make some very lazy, who
are then said to be climate struck. The saddle horses, although
not very large, are hardy, strong, and fleet; and will pace naturally
and pleasantly at a prodigious rate. They are such lovers of riding
that almost every ordinary person keeps a horse, and I have
known some spend the morning in ranging several miles in the
woods to find and catch their horses only to ride two or three
miles to church, to the courthouse or to a horse race, where they
generally appoint to meet on business, and are more certain of
finding those they want to speak or deal with than at their home.”

Mr. Jones here places us in close contact with the character and
habits of the people of that day, as well as with the character and
qualifications of their horses. It is not to be inferred, I think, that all
their horses were pacers, but that all their saddle horses were
pacers there can be little doubt. This is the first intimation we have
from Virginia that some of their pacers were very fast, and when Mr.
Jones says “they could pace naturally and pleasantly at a prodigious
rate,” he means that the speed was marvelous, wonderful,
astonishing. This “prodigious rate,” in a good measure, balances Dr.
McSparran’s account of the Narragansett, which he had seen go a
mile “in a little over two minutes and a good deal less than three,”
and gives strength to the statement of Mr. Lewis, that when a boy
he had ridden in pacing matches and return matches between the
Rhode Islanders and the Virginians.
In the Virginia Gazette, under date of January 11, 1739, we find
the following advertisement, to which we invite special attention, as
it brings out some facts which, inferentially, throw a great deal of
light upon horse racing, up to that period:

“This is to give notice that there will be run for at Mr. Joseph
Seawall’s, in Gloucester County, on the first Tuesday in April next,
a Purse of Thirty Pistoles, by any horse, mare or gelding; all sized
horses to carry 140 lbs. and Galloways to be allowed weight for
inches, to pay one Pistole entrance, if a subscriber, and two if not,
and the entrance money to go to the second horse, etc. And on
the day following, on the same course, there will be a Saddle,
Bridle and Housing, of five pounds value, to be run for by any
horse, mare or gelding that never won a prize of that value, four
miles, before. Each horse to pay five shillings entrance and that to
go to the horse that comes in second. And on the day following
there is to be run for, by horses not exceeding thirteen hands, a
hunting saddle, bridle and whip. Each horse to pay two shillings
and sixpence at entrance, to be given to the horse that comes in
second. Happy is he that can get the highest rider.”

The first point suggested by this advertisement is that there were

no distinctions made except by size, and that, at this date, 1739,
there were no English race horses then in Virginia. The second point
is that there was such a thing as “horse size” but what size this was
I have not been able to discover. The third point is that Galloways
were allowed weight for inches. They were evidently below “horse
size.” But they were expected to enter for the big purse of the
meeting, and they must, therefore, have ranked as good race
horses; but what did they mean by “Galloway?” This is the only
instance in which I have met the term in Virginian history, although
it is well known in general horse lore. “Galloway” is an old name of a
territorial division of Scotland, embracing Wigtonshire, part of
Ayrshire, etc., in the southwestern part of that country, and was at
one time famous for the excellence of its pacers, and it is probable
they were to be found there after the influx of eastern blood had
driven the pacer from all other portions of Great Britain. The Irish
Hobbie, always undersized, was a famous race horse, as well as a
pacer, many generations before the period now under consideration.
The name “Galloway” is only known in history and is not to be found
on any modern map. I have learned by many experiences that the
name is very generally believed to be Irish and is confounded with
“Galway,” an Irish county. It is known that an Irish gentleman
shipped many cattle to the colony, and it is quite possible that he
shipped horses also, and if this reasoning be right, these “Galloways”
may have been Irish “Hobbies.” It will be observed, also, that the
distance to be run is not definitely stated, but it is fairly to be
concluded that the race of the second day was to be four miles, and
none of them less than one mile, and that in heats. Races of four-
mile heats were very common long before the first English race
horse was imported.
We here have a stock of horses that the people of Virginia have
bred and ridden and raced for a hundred years, and we know
comparatively nothing about them. They seem to have been
specially adapted to the saddle, but they could run four miles, or
they could run a quarter of a mile, like an arrow from a bow. They
were not a breed, although selecting and crossing and interbreeding
for a hundred years would make them quite homogeneous. There is
a romantic interest attaching to these little horses, for we have
reached the middle of the eighteenth century, and all the successive
idols of this race-loving people are about to be dethroned by their
own act, and their homage transferred to a stranger—a larger and
finer animal and faster over a distance of ground. Whatever of glory
and honor, to say nothing of money, that was to be achieved from
this time forward was to be ascribed to the newly arrived English
race horse. But the truth should not be concealed that this old stock
furnished half the foundation, in a vast majority of cases, for the
triumphs of future generations of the Virginia race horse, and the
same may be said of the old English stock upon which the eastern
blood was engrafted. About the middle of the eighteenth century the
line was drawn, and there was thereafter developed the engrafting
of the new upon the old. In 1751-52, Moreton’s imported Traveller
was there, and he was the only English race horse advertised that
year. There may have been two or three others, but they had not
made themselves known to the public, and I very much doubt
whether there was any other. A very few years later there were
many others, and some of them of great celebrity.
Mr. J. F. D. Smith made an extended tour of the colonies,
especially of Virginia, before the Revolutionary war, and he suffered
some of the inconveniences growing out of the rising hostility to the
mother country. In speaking of quarter racing, he says:

“In the southern part of the colony and in North Carolina, they
are much attached to Quarter Racing, which is always a match
between two horses to run one quarter of a mile, straight out,
being merely an exertion of speed; and they have a breed that
perform it with astonishing velocity, beating every other for that
distance with great ease, but they have no bottom. However, I am
confident that there is not a horse in England, nor perhaps in the
whole world, that can excel them in rapid speed; and these
likewise make excellent saddle horses for the road.”

It will be observed that Mr. Smith speaks of these heavily muscled

horses as a breed, which expression, I suppose, is intended to be
used in a restricted sense. In the many generations of horses that
would necessarily succeed each other in a century, in the hands of a
people so devotedly fond of racing, it is merely an exercise of
common sense, among barbarous as well as civilized people all over
the world, to “breed to the winner.” In this way, and without any
infusion of outside blood, there would be improvement in the
strength and fleetness of all animals bred for the quarter path. He
remarks further that “these likewise make excellent saddle horses for
the road.” In that day nothing was accepted as a “saddle horse” that
could not take the pacing gait and its various modifications. This was
true of Virginians of that day, and it is still true of their descendants
who have built up new States further west.
In the early days, as already intimated, it was the habit of
Virginians to brand their horses and then turn out all not in daily use
to “hustle” for their own living. As a matter of course these animals
would often stray long distances away, and not a few never were
found. In due time, legislation provided for the recovery of estrays,
embracing all kinds of domestic animals as well as negro slaves.
Fortunately this enables me to reach what may be considered
“original data,” in determining the size and habits of action of the
early Virginian horses. As the field of my examination, I have taken
the Virginia Gazette, for the years 1751 and 1752, published at
Williamsburgh, and in these volumes I find a great many
advertisements of “Strayed or Stolen” animals scattered through the
pages; and in the second especially a great many “Taken Up”
advertisements appear. In a very large proportion of these notices,
perhaps a majority of them, all the description that is given is the
color, sex and brand, with occasionally some natural mark. As a
matter of course these are of no value for the object in view. In
some cases the size is given without the gait, and in others the gait
is given without the size, in a few both size and gait are given. The
range of size is from one of fifteen hands down to one of twelve
hands, with more of thirteen hands than any other size, either above
or below. The true average of the whole number is a little over
thirteen hands and one inch, and none of them are called ponies. As
further evidence of the small size of the colonial Virginia horses we
find that in 1686 the legislature of Virginia passed an act providing
for the forfeiture of all stallions under thirteen and a half hands high
found running at large. It provided that any person might take up
such stallion and carry him before a justice of the peace, and if he
measured less than thirteen and a half hands, the justice was
required to certify to the measurement and the facts, and the horse
passed legally to his new owner.
As to the gaits I find just twice as many pacers as trotters.
Double-gaited animals, of which there were a few, I have here
classed with the pacers. That many of these little fellows were very
stout and tough is fully demonstrated by the fact that they could run
heats of four miles with a hundred and forty pounds on their backs.
This closes the first epoch in the history of the Virginia horse. The
fleet and compact little horse of thirteen to fourteen hands had had
his day, and he was now about to be overshadowed by a greater in
speed and a greater in stature. Much of the blood of the little fellow
that could run four miles and pace “at a prodigious rate,” was
commingled with the blood of the English race horse, but whatever
its triumphs, the lately arrived “foreigner” took the credit. A man
would have been pronounced “clean daft” if at that time he had
dreamed that one hundred and forty years later the blood of this
little pacer would stand at the head of the great trotting interest of
the world. The tough little fellow has retained his qualities through
all the generations in which he has been neglected, despised and
forgotten, until he was taken up twenty odd years ago, and now the
names and achievements of the great pacers are as familiar to the
whole American people as ever were the name of the greatest
running horses. It is not known how long he continued to be a factor
in the racing affairs of Virginia, but probably not later than about
1760.
From about 1750 to 1770 seems to have been a period of great
prosperity in Virginia and, notwithstanding the general improvidence
of the times, many of the large landholders and planters were
getting rich from their fine crops of tobacco and their negroes. This
prosperity manifested itself strongly in the direction of the popular
sport of horse racing and improving the size, quality, and fleetness of
the running horse. England had then been selecting, importing
Eastern blood, and “breeding to the winner” for a hundred years,
with more or less intelligence and success, while the colonists had
rested content with the descendants of the first importations from
the mother country. Doubtless progress had been made here too,
but it was as the progress of a poor man against another with great
wealth and backed by the encouragements of royalty. The English
horse could then run clear away from the Saracenic horse, his so-
called progenitor, and he was very much larger than that
“progenitor.” We can understand how the speed might be increased
by its development in a series of generations and by always breeding
to the fastest, but the increase of size can hardly be accounted for
as the result of climatic causes—but we are getting away from the
thought before us. When the Virginia planter found he had a
handsome balance in London, subject to his draft, he at once
ordered his factor to send him over the best racing stallion he could
find. The action of one planter stirred up half a dozen others who
felt they could not afford to be behind in the matter of improvement,
but more especially that they could not afford to be behind in the
finish at the fall and spring race meetings of the future. These
importations went on continuously for about twelve years, and until
they were interrupted by the excited relations and feelings between
the colonies and the mother country and the preparations for the
War of the Revolution, which was then imminent. After the close of
the Revolution a perfect avalanche of race horses was poured upon
us, some of which were good, but a great majority of them were
never heard of after their arrival, on the race course or elsewhere.
But up to the close of the century they had not succeeded in
exterminating the pacer—the saddle horse of a hundred generations.
As a specimen of how absurdly a man can talk and even write on
subjects of which he knows nothing, I cannot refrain from giving the
following from what an Englishman had to say in 1796 about the
horses and horsemanship of Virginia:

“The horses in common use in Virginia are all of a light

description, chiefly adapted for the saddle; some of them are
handsome, but are for the most part spoiled by the false gaits
which they are taught. The Virginians are wretched horsemen, as
indeed are all the Americans I have met with, excepting some few
in the neighborhood of New York. They ride with their toes just
under the horse’s nose, and their stirrup straps left extremely
long, and the saddle being put three or four inches on the mane.
As for the management of the reins, it is what they have no
conception of. A trot is odious to them, and they express the
utmost astonishment at a person who can like that uneasy gait,
as they call it. The favorite gaits which all their horses are taught
are a pace and a wrack. In the first the animal moves his two feet
on one side at the same time and gets on with a sort of a
shuffling motion, being unable to spring from the ground on these
two feet, as in a trot. We should call this an unnatural gait, as
none of our horses would ever move in that manner without a
rider; but the Americans insist upon it that it is otherwise,
because many of their colts pace as soon as born. These kind of
 horses are called “natural pacers” and it is a matter of the utmost
difficulty to make them move in any other manner. But it is not
one horse in five hundred that would pace without being taught.”

There can hardly be a doubt that our English friend in his “Travels
Through the States” noted and wrote down just what he thought he
saw, and when he saw anything that he never had seen in England,
he was ready to either deny its existence altogether or to insist that
there was some mistake about it. Poor man, he could not
understand how there could be anything outside of England that
could not be found in England. His vision, mental and physical,
seems to have been restricted to the shores of his own island home,
and he was probably a descendant of a very good man we once
heard of. As you sail up the Firth of Clyde you pass an island of three
or four miles in extent, called Cumbrae. At the head of ecclesiastical
affairs in the island was a very pious man, some generations back,
and every Sunday morning he prayed that the Lord would bless the
“kingdom of Cumbrae and the adjacent islands of Great Britain and
Ireland.” The author of “Travels Through the States” was evidently
one of the very numerous descendants of this good man, as they
are scattered all over England, and as I am a strong believer in the
laws of heredity, I can hardly avoid this conclusion. Indeed, some of
the numerous tribe, tracing their genealogy through many
generations back to “The kingdom of Cumbrae,” have found their
way across the water, and at another place I will pay my respects to
them. But to return to our traveler: there can be no doubt about his
never having seen a pacer in England, for the last one had
disappeared before his day, unless an occasional one might have
been found in the old province of Galloway, in the southern part of
Scotland. If he had known the history of the horses of his own
country he would have known that from the time of King John down
to that of James I., the pacer was the most popular and fashionable
horse in England, and that the nobility and gentry used no other
kind for the saddle. He was always of “a mean stature,” but he was
compact, hardy and strong, and could carry his burden a long
journey in a day with great ease and comfort to his rider. In the
reign of Elizabeth, he was kept separate from others, and bred as a
breed on account of his easy, gliding motion, which he transmitted
to his progeny. At the time of the plantation of the English colonies
in this country the pacers were very numerous, and as they were
just the type of horse suited to wilderness life, a very large
proportion of those selected were pacers. The pacers our traveler
saw in Virginia were the lineal descendants of the original English
stock brought over by the adventurers, and the awkward riding
charged upon the Virginians, with some evident exaggerations, was
wisely and sensibly adapted to the action of the horses they were
riding. The criticism of the long stirrups is wholly unjust, as they are
just the right length for the “military” seat, and nobody in this
country when mounted on a real saddle horse would ever think of
taking any other. The Englishman, when mounted on his
“bonesetter,” is compelled to have his stirrups short so that he can
rise and fall with every revolution the horse makes on the trot to
save himself from being shaken to death. This up and down, up and
down, tilt-hammer seat, if it can be called “a seat” at all, is one of
the most ungraceful things, especially for a lady, that can be
conceived of in all the displays of good and bad equestrianism. The
English have been compelled to adopt it because they have no
trained saddle horses, and a lot of brainless imitators about our
American cities have followed them because “it is English, you
know.” If the English had pacers and horses trained to the “saddle
gaits,” they never would have anything else, and the tilt-hammer
“seat” would disappear from Rotten Row and everywhere else.
 CHAPTER IX.
COLONIAL HORSE HISTORY—NEW YORK.

Settlement of New Amsterdam—Horses from Curaçoa—Prices of

Dutch and English horses—Van der Donck’s description and
size of horses—Horses to be branded—Stallions under
fourteen hands not to run at large—Esopus horse—Surrender
to the English, 1664—First organized racing—Dutch horses
capable of improvement in speed—First advertised
Subscription Plate—First restriction, contestants must “be
bred in America”—Great racing and heavy betting—First
importations of English running horses—Half-breds to the
front—True foundation of American pedigrees—Half bushel of
dollars on a side—Resolutions of the Continental Congress
against racing—Withdrawal of Mr. James De Lancey—Pacing
and trotting contests everywhere—Rip Van Dam’s horse and
his cost.
For several years after Henry Hudson, an Englishman in the
employ of the Dutch, discovered the harbor of New York and the
great river which took his name, in the year 1609, there is
uncertainty and doubt as to the nature of the settlement. For a time
it seems to have been merely a trading post, occupied only by those
in the employment of the company that owned it, and without many
of the elements requisite to make up a permanent colony. At Fort
Orange (Albany) and at Esopus (Kingston), the conditions were the
same as at New Amsterdam, as New York was then named. The first
party of immigrants that seemed to have the elements of permanent
colonization about it arrived in 1625, and consisted of six families
and several single men, making in all forty-five persons, with
furniture, utensils, etc., and one hundred and three head of cattle.
Doubtless some of these “cattle” were horses, and the general
instead of the specific term was used in enumerating them. Very
little is known of the early horse history of the New Netherlands, as
the whole region was then named; there can be no doubt, however,
that they increased and multiplied. Sometime, probably about 1643,
a cargo or two of horses were brought up from Curaçoa and Azuba,
in the Dutch West Indies, but the climatic change was too great for
them, and they did not do well, being specially subject to diseases
from which the Dutch horses seemed to have complete immunity. In
1647, Isaac Allerton, as agent, was authorized to sell twenty or
twenty-five of these horses to Virginia, and whether the authorities
were able thus to get clear of a bad investment does not appear
from the existing records. In a report to the home company, made in
1650, I find the following prices were given at that time: A young
mare with second foal, one hundred and fifty florins; stallion, four or
five years old, one hundred and thirty florins; milch cow, one
hundred florins. The same report makes a comparison by giving the
prices of New England horses, as follows: A good mare one hundred
to one hundred and twenty florins; stallion, one hundred florins;
milch cow, sixty to seventy florins. Neither horses nor cows were
then allowed to be shipped out of the province without permission of
the council.
Adrien Van der Donck wrote a description of New Netherlands
which was published 1656, in which he speaks of the horse stock as
follows:

“The horses are of the proper breed for husbandry, having been
brought from Utrecht for that purpose; and this stock has not
diminished in size or quality. There are also horses of the English
breed which are lighter, not so good for agricultural use, but fit for
the saddle. These do not cost as much as the Netherlands breed
and are easily obtained.”

From a large number of facts collected for the years 1777 and
1778 the horses then averaged about fourteen hands and one inch,
and when compared with earlier data it is evident they had
increased in height. In the gaits of those advertised, fifteen both
paced and trotted, nine trotted only, and seven paced only. As this
was in the period of the Revolution, and right in the center of
hostilities, some allowance should be made for horses from other
colonies.
The people of this colony, like those of all the others, branded
their horses and turned them out to seek their own living in the
summer season, and this resulted in many losses, and oftentimes in
much bad feeling. The Dutch were not accustomed, in the “old
country,” to building fences around their crops high enough and
strong enough to keep out all the droves and herds of animals
running at large. In the line of improvement and increase of size in
their horses, they provided that all stallions running at large, of two
years and nine months old, must be fourteen hands high or be
castrated. This law was in force in 1734, and no doubt was effective.
Among the many laws for the suppression of vice of different kinds,
I find one prohibiting horse racing on Sunday, and from this we
might infer that it was not forbidden on other days of the week.
In old newspapers, advertisements, etc., we sometimes come
across “Esopus Horses, Esopus Mares,” and, for years, I was not able
to tell what this term meant. The locality of Kingston was originally
called Esopus, and in that neighborhood there were several farmers
who bred horses largely, at an early day in the history of the colony,
and the locality became famous for the character and quality of the
horses produced there. They were of the best and purest Dutch
blood, and for what we would call “all-purpose horses” their fame
was very wide in that day. Hence I infer that the term “Esopus” was
used to indicate what was considered the best type of Dutch horses.
There is danger of going astray in the meaning of the term “Dutch
horses,” as in later times it was applied to the great, massive draft
horses of Pennsylvania. They were better “for agricultural purposes,”
as Van der Donck puts it, than the Connecticut horses, because they
were larger and stronger, but they were sprightly and active and
some of them could run very well. They had a fine reputation in the
adjoining colonies.
New Amsterdam, and consequently all the plantations in New
Netherlands, surrendered to Colonel Nicolls, commanding the British
forces, August 27, 1664. Colonel Nicolls remained as governor of the
colony three or four years and until he was succeeded by Governor
Lovelace. Among his early official acts, Governor Nicolls laid out a
race course on Hempstead Plains, and named it Newmarket, after
the famous course in England. No engineering or grading was
necessary, as nature had already made a perfect course without
stick or stone or other obstruction. The first race was run 1665, and
although it was a long distance from the city, the presence of the
governor gave the occasion prestige and there was a great gathering
of the gentry from town, and the farmers of Long Island. These
meetings were kept up annually by the appointment of succeeding
governors, and after a time they were held twice a year, spring and
fall. There are some very important facts about these races that are
not known and probably never will be known, namely, who were the
nominators and what breed of horses were entered in these
contests. With these two essential facts left out the value of the
information is greatly impaired. As it is known, however, that there
were but two breeds or types of horses that could have been
engaged in these contests, it becomes a matter of interest to reach
a conclusion as to which were the victors. Mr. John Austin Stevens
has done some very excellent work on this part of the horse history
of New York, but I cannot agree with him in his characterization of
the Dutch horses as being Flemish. They did not come from
Flanders, but from Utrecht. They were not great unwieldy brutes,
such as we would associate with Flanders, but hardy, compact
animals that could make their way in the wilderness. Although larger,
it does not follow that they could not run as fast or even faster than
the New England ponies. All breeds of horses were very much
smaller two hundred years ago than they are now. These races were
instituted, evidently, for the improvement of the breed of horses in
the colony, and the great majority of these horses were the
descendants of the original stock brought from Utrecht. We must,
therefore, conclude that they were not slow, heavy, unwieldy
animals with no action, as the language of Mr. Stevens would seem
to imply, but capable of improvement in the direction of speed. No
doubt there were very many New England horses in the colony,
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