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Director : Prof. Harsh Gandhar

Department Co-ordinator : Prof. Sheena Pall
Course Leader : Prof. Sheena Pall

B.A. SEMESTER –IV, HISTORY

PAPER; HISTORY OF THE PUNJAB 1469-1966
 Introduction (i)
 Syllabus (ii)
CONTENTS
L. No. Title Writer/Editor Page
No.
1. Life and teachings of Guru Nanak Dev, Prof. Sheena Pall 1
Contribution of Guru Angad Dev and Guru
Amar Das for the development of Sikhism
2. Consolidation of Sikhism: Guru Ram Das Prof. Sheena Pall/ 16
and Guru Arjun Dev; Compilation of Adi Dr. Neha Sharma
Granth; Causes and Significance of
Martyrdom of Guru Arjun Dev
3. Transformation of Sikhism: Guru Prof. Sheena Pall 28
Hargobind‘s new policy; Causes and
Significance of Martyrdom of Guru Teg
Bahadur; Creation of Khalsa by Guru
Gobind and its Significance.
4. Sikh Struggle in The 18th century: Dr. Karamjit Malhotra/ 44
Establishment of Independent Rule by Dr. Neha Sharma
Banda Singh Bahadur; Sikh misls, Dal
Khalsa and Gurmata
5. Punjab under Ranjit Singh: Civil, Military Prof. Sheena Pall 59
and Revenue Administration; Anglo- Sikh
relations up to 1839
6. Modern Punjab: Anglo-Sikh Wars and Prof. Sheena Pall 109
annexation; New Administrative Structure,
1849-1857
7. New British Policies: Education; Irrigation; Prof. Sheena Pall 129
Transport and Communication
8. Socio-Religious Reform Movements: Prof. Reeta Grewal/ 147
Nirankaris; Namdharis; Ad-Dharm; Singh Prof. Sheena Pall &
Sabha and Ahmediyas
Dr. Neha Sharma
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9. Political Awakening: Agitation of 1907; Dr. Priyatosh Sharma 161

Ghadar Movement

10. Growth of Political Consciousness: Dr. Neha Sharma 172

Jallianwala Bagh; Bhagat Singh;
Gurudwara Reform Movement

11. Developments from 1947-1966: Ms. Parampreet Kaur 187

Circumstances Leading to Partition and
Rehabilitation; Demand for Punjab Suba

12. Maps Dr. Neha Sharma 214

Vetted by : Prof. Sheena Pall

E-mail of Department - [email protected]

Contact No. of Department - 0172-2534329
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COURSE INTRODUCTION
Dear Students this paper deals with the history of the Punjab region from the
mid- fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. The need for regional history arises because of
the vastness of the Indian sub-continent, its linguistic and cultural diversity and differing
histories. A regional perspective not only provides us with a rounded history of the
Punjab focusing on its political, economic, administrative, cultural and urban
characteristics, but also helps in forming a better understanding of the history of India.
The objective of this course is to examine the politico-administrative, social as
well as religious context of Guru Nanak in order to understand his response to
contemporary environment. Guru Nanak‘s comment on religion, society and polity, from
his banis provides an understanding of the foundation of the Sikh movement. The
martyrdoms of Guru Arjan Dev and Guru Tegh Bahadur tells us about the tradition of
sacrifice prevalent in the Sikh movement. The transformation of the Sikhs from Saints to
Soldiers under Guru Hargobind has been analysed Confrontation of the Gurus with the
Mughals and hill chiefs have also been examined. Creation of Khalsa and its impact on
polity and society has been closely examined.
The establishment of independent rule under Banda Singh Bahadur has been
traced to analyse the political social changes taking place in the eighteen century in the
Punjab. Establishment of the Kingdom of Lahore by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in the
nineteenth century is also a part of this course. The changing Anglo-Sikh relations and
the annexation of the Punjab in 1849 highlights a dramatic political change in the Punjab
as it becomes a part of the British empire.
This paper is divided into ten lessons. Reference readings for each lesson have
been provided. Model questions too have been appended with each lesson to help
students prepare for examinations. Self-assessment short type questions are given in
each lesson for the students to test themselves. The lessons are interactive in nature
and aid in general understanding.
We wish you success in your studies,

Department of History,
Center for Distance and Online Education,
Panjab University, Chandigarh
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B.A./B.Sc. (GENERAL) SECOND YEAR (SEMESTER SYSTEM) SYLLABUS

HISTORY
SEMESTER-IV
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE PAPER-SETTERS AND CANDIDATES:
1. The syllabus has been divided into four Units.
There shall be 9 questions in all. The first question is compulsory and shall be
short answer type containing 15 short questions spread over the whole syllabus
to be answered in about 25 to 30 words each. The candidates are required to
attempt any 9 short answer type questions carrying 18 marks i.e. 2 marks of
each. Rest of the paper shall contain 4 units. Each Unit shall have two essay
type questions, and the candidate shall be given internal choice of attempting
one question from each Unit and 4 questions in all. Each question will carry 18
marks.
2. For private candidates, who have not been assessed earlier for internal
assessment, the marks secured by them in theory paper will proportionately be
increased to maximum marks of the paper in lieu of internal assessment.
The paper-setter must put note (2) in the question paper.
3. One question from Unit-IV shall be set on the map.

Explanation:
1. Each essay type question would cover about one-third to one half of a topic
detailed in the syllabus.
2. The distribution of marks for the map question would be as under:
Map : 10 marks
Explanatory Note : 08 marks
Note: In case, a paper setter chooses to set a question on important historical places,
the paper setter will be required to ask the students to mark 05 places on map of
02 mark each and write explanatory note on any 04 of 02 marks each.
3. The paper-setter would avoid repetition between different types of questions
within one question paper.
Paper : HISTORY OF THE PUNJAB, 1469-1966 A.D.
Max. Marks : 100
Theory : 90 Marks
Internal Assessment : 10 Marks
Time : 3 Hours
Objectives : To introduce the students to the broad developments in the history of the
Punjab from the mid 15th to the mid 19th century i.e. the medieval period
Pedagogy : Lectures, library work and discussions.
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Unit-I
1. Foundation of Sikhism: Life and teachings of Guru Nanak Dev: Contribution of
Guru Angad Dev and Guru Amar Das for the development of Sikhism
2. Consolidation of Sikhism: Guru Ram Das and Guru Arjun Dev; Compilation of Adi
Granth; Causes and Significance of Martyrdom of Guru Arjun Dev
3. Transformation of Sikhism: Guru Hargobind‘s new policy; Causes and
Significance of Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur; Creation of Khalsa by Guru
Gobind and its Significance.
Unit-II
4. Sikh Struggle in The 18th century: Establishment of Independent Rule by Banda
Singh Bahadur; Sikh misls, Dal Khalsa and Gurmata.
5. Punjab under Ranjit Singh: Civil, Military and Revenue Administration; Anglo-
Sikh relations up to 1839
6. Modern Punjab: Anglo-Sikh Wars and annexation; New Administrative Structure,
1849-1857
Unit-Ill
7. New British Policies: Education; Irrigation; Transport and Communication
8. Socio-Religious Reform Movements: Nirankaris; Namdharis; Ad-dharm; Singh
Sabha and Ahmediyas
9. Political Awakening: Agitation of 1907; Ghadar Movement

Unit-IV
10. Growth of Political Consciousness: Jallianwala Bagh; Bhagat Singh; Gurudwara
Reform Movement
11. Developments from 1947-1966: Circumstances Leading to Partition and
Rehabilitation; Demand for Punjab Suba
12. Map:
Important Historical Places - Anandpur Sahib, Goindwal, Khadur Sahib, Hargobindpur,
Kartarpur, Nankana Sahib, Lahore, Mukhlispur, Qadian, Ropar, Amritsar, Lyallpur,
Montgomery, Sargodha, Machhiwara, Jaito.
Specimen Map for Examination:

Reading List:
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Banerjee, l.B., Evolution of the Khalsa, 2 Vols., Calcutta: A Mukherjee & Co., 1979 (2nd
edn.).
Banga, Indu (ed.), Five Punjabi Centuries : Polity, Economy, Society and Culture c.
1500-1900, New Delhi : Manohar, 1997.
Chopra P.N., B.N. Puri and M.N. Das, A Social, Cultural & Economic History of India.
Vol. III, Macmillan, Delhi, 1974.
Fauja Singh, State and Society under Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Master Publishers, Delhi.
………….., Freedom Struggle in the Punjab, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1974.
Grewal, J.S., The Sikhs of the Punjab: The New Cambridge History of India, New Delhi :
Cambridge University Press, 1999 (2nd edn.).

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Lesson-1

LIFE AND TEACHINGS OF GURU NANAK DEV,

CONTRIBUTION OF GURU ANGAD AND GURU
AMARDAS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SIKHISM

STRUCTURE
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Guru Nanak: Early Life and his Teachings
1.3 Contribution of Guru Angad Dev ji for the Development of Sikhism
1.4 Contribution of Guru Amar Das ji for the Development of Sikhism
1.5 Summary
1.6 References
1.7 Further readings
1.8 Model Questions
1.0 OBJECTIVES
Student, after reading this lesson you will be able to :
 learn about the teachings of Guru Nanak Dev
 learn about the contribution of Guru Angad Dev ji for the development of Sikhism.
 understand the consolidation of Sikh religion under Guru Angad Dev, the
successor of Guru Nanak.
 learn about the contribution of Guru Amar Das ji for the development of Sikhism
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Students, Guru Nanak who was the founder of the Sikh religion has a name of
great importance in the history of religion world over. Belonging to Punjab, he is among
the most important socio-religious reformers, the world has produced. His life and
teachings are a great source of inspiration for millions. His teachings are simple and
easy. He advocated some of the highest religious systems like: Langar (Common
Kitchen), equality of religious Sangat, Unity of God, Karma, condemned ritualism and
blind faith etc. His religious philosophy was neither for particular section nor area, but he
advocated of oneness of God and humanity. He passed on the Guruship or Gurugaddi
to Bhai Lehna who was his ardent follower instead of his son Sri Chand. Guru Angad ji
laid strong foundations for the growth of his philosophy. A study of his life and teachings
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can be instrumental in inculcating supreme thoughts in the mind of the reader. In this
chapter you will also learn about the contributions made by the 2nd and 3rd Guru of
Sikhism for the development of Sikhism, i.e. Guru Angad Dev ji and Guru Amar Das ji
respectively.
1.2 GURU NANAK: EARLY LIFE AND HIS TEACHINGS
He was born in 1469, at Nankana Sahib in Sheikhupura District now in West
Pakistan. Kalu, his father sent him to school at the age of seven. How ever, the secular
education failed to impress Nanak. He remained generally engrossed in his thoughts
and did not bother about his studies or domestic duties. In his childhood, he refused to
observe some Hindu customs, which shows his utter dis-gust with the outward
formalities of religion. He was married to Sulakhani, who gave birth to two sons namely
Sri Chand and Lakmi Dass. Nanak was always busy in chanting the name of God. He
criticised the religious and ceremonies which were a hinderance in the path of realizing
God. He spent the money in feeding sadhus, which his father had given to him for
business. His brother-in-law, Jai Ram got him appointed as store keeper of Government
granary at Sultanpur. At the age of 25, he completed his spiritual journey and got the
highest knowledge. He uttered the famous saying, ―There is no Musalman and no
Hindu‖. By this he established the unity of mankind, which was the greatest need of that
period and it is so even today. He did not keep this spiritual wealth within himself, but
was ready to distribute it among all. It is said that he left his home five times and moved
to different places to preach his doctrines.
Travels or Udasis of Guru Nanak
Aims of Nanak’s Journeys
The following were the aims of his journey:
1. To acquaint himself with the social and religious life of people.
2. To teach his sublime doctrines.
3. To expose the social and religious evils of times.
4. To extricate the people from superstitions and wrong beliefs.
5. To impress upon people the value of simple and dedicated life.
HIS TEACHINGS
Concept of God : God is one. He is the creator, all powerful, self existent with
out form, fearless truth, without hatred and is never born. The Japji the op-optra of Sikh
religion sums up very beautifully the characteristics of God. ―He does every thing and is
the author of the whole creation. He is the highest of the high, the noblest of the noble,
beyond comprehension and full of effulgence. The mind cannot reach him. At his
majestic court many prophets and avtars stand aghast. He is the most wonderful. He is
not born in human form. He has no idol which represents Him. He is the omniscient and
omnipresent. He is merciful and always ready to forgive the sins of his devotees. He is
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pleased with utmost devotion‖. In the words of Pincot, ‖For Nanak there was no such
thing as God for the Hindus, a God for the Muslims and a God or Gods for the other
heathens, for him there was but one God not in the likeness of man, like Rama not a
creature of attributes and passions but one sole indivisible self existent,
incomprehensible timeless all prevading to be named but otherwise indescribable and
altogether lonely. Such as Nanak‘s idea of the creator and the sustainer of phenomenal
world and it was a conception which at once abrogated all petty distinctions of creed and
sect, dogma and ceremony‖.
NAMA : One of the chief means God is remembering the Nama of the Lord. It
should not be repeated like a parrot, but with the totality of beings. It is not uttering with
the tongue but the concentration of mind of His glories and attributes. Nanak says that
none can attain companionship with God unless he remembers Him. The Nama
removes one‘s pains and brings happiness. It erases our sins and makes us worthy to
stand in the court of God. At many places it is stated that the Nama has created this
world, it prevails in the whole world, and is the refuge of all. Some scholars are of the
opinion that Nama is the power of God, the light and the ever present Atma.
Guru and Hukm : The Guru occupies a very important position in the Sikh
theology. Nanak at several places has said much about the enviable position of the
Guru. He is like a ship which takes us across this world. The real Guru is God himself.
The Guru leads the aspirant to the proper goal. He solves his difficulties, removes
doubts and inspires him for further progress. Nanak at many occasions, exhorted his
audience to serve the Guru. It is very difficult to find a Guru. The grace of God falls on
that person who if of pure conduct and then he finds the Guru. That man is fortunate,
who becomes the devotee of a real Guru. He is then in safe hands and can hope to
attain the goal of life. A true Guru is one who has unfolded all his spiritual powers and
discovered the highest reality lying domant in his organism. He is above loss or gain,
heat or cold, praise or blame, without passion and without attachment and has reached
the highest ladder.
Nomination of Successor: Guru Nanak appointed Bhai Lehna or Angad as his
successor and rejected the claim if his eldest son Sri Chand. It was a very significant
step. In fact, Baba Sri Chand, was of different other worldly character. This nomination of
successor established once for all that the sikhs were not going to prove hermits,
renouncing the world and going over to the forests and the mountains to obtain God.
The sikhs were rather going to be a set of householders, accepting the challenge of life
and trying to live pure a midst the impurities of life. By appointing a successor in Guru
Angad, he established the possibility of his preachings bearing a better fruit than those
of the Bhakti Reformers. Now the sikhs were to get the privilege of having a mature
spiritual guidance for quite a few generations to come. And they had better possibilities
of maturing their character as a distinct nation.
Thus, Guru Nanak taught a simple and easy path, which could easily bring under
its umberalla all people Hindus and Muslims, high or low, privileged or unprivileged. He
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laid much emphasis on moral, simple and austere living. The importance of Guru the
majesty Nama, Hukm, the greatness of Bhakti, the doctorine of Grace and some other
ideas find much place in his teachings. He castigated oppression, injustice, enmity,
narrowness and this is based on the love of God. His religion has universal appeal
because he does not tie us with a particular dogma.
Other Concepts
Aim of Life
Bhakti
Grace
Criticism of Rituals & Ceremonies
Against Caste System
Nanak‘s view on Position of Women
Aim of Life: The aim of life according to Guru Nanak is to attain Nirvan pada,
param pada, the State of Sahaj of the perfect bliss. It is the constant companionship with
God, always standing at His court to obey His bidding. Nanak did not believe in heaven,
where the soul goes. The individual must realize God within. God does not live in some
sky high above all of us, but is within our physical frame. Those who search will find it.
God cannot be found in the jungles, on the mountains, at the places near sacred rivers
and such like places. He is to be realized from within, control of mind and passions is a
must for an aspirant. Man should end his coming in and going out by realizing God
within. The pleasures and attachment of the world are quite transitory. One must
disconnect oneself from the tries of the world and see the light within. The world is
illusion in the sense that it does not provide solution to our problems. One must always
sing the praise of God, be one with Him and should one‘s ignorance.
Bhakti : The path of bhakti is the easiest, the simplest for all. God is pleased by
our utmost devotion. He opens the gate of His grace for His devotees. The aspirant
should develop the innocence of child and serve the Lord as the wife serves her
husband or a servant serves his master. Nanak says again and again that true devotee
remembers nothing but His praises, speaks nothing but His Nama and His whole being
is absorbed in Him alone. The devotee must love God, hear about Him and be in tune
with His creation. As the ‗chatrik‘ asks for rain, so the lover of God asks for his bounties.
As the newly wedded beloved feels immensely the pangs of separation from her
husband, so the true devotee is very impatient to meet Him. God listens to the prayers of
His devotees and comes to their aid. He also loves them and showers His blessings on
them.
Grace : The doctrine of grace has been greatly stressed upon by Nanak. The
individual must surrender himself completely before the Lord. All his desires, wants
failures and achievements must be dedicated to Him. His grace removes sin, enlightens
the soul and makes the aspirant fit to receive the blessings of God. Krishna also says to
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Arjuna in the Gita, ―Surrender yourself unto me. I shall redeem you from all the sins‖.
Nanak says that God showers His grace on those whom he chooses. Those who once
become fit to receive His grace are very fortunate because they are considered among
the chosen few.
Criticism of Rituals and Ceremonies : Nanak was not ready to tolerate the
useless rituals and ceremonies practised by the Hindus and the Muslims alike. Wherever
he went, he condemned them and told his audience that religion does not consist in their
performance. No man has ever reached his goal by bating by fasting, by idol, worship
and by performing sacrifices. At Hindu sacred places, he told his audience in clear terms
that the path of religion lay in moral life, in Bhakti and in singing the glories of God. He
also castigated the haughtiness of the Muslims, Mullas and Kazis. His journey to Macca
was to teach them the true religion. The outward for malities have nothing to do with the
growth of spiritual beautitude. These are the hindrances and must be abandoned
forthwith. Nanak found the Brahmans and the Mullas as quacks, who had opened their
dispensaries; to core spiritual ills of the masses. They were themselves blind, who were
leading the blind.
Against Caste System : Nanak did not believe in the hierarchy of the social
order. There was no superior or infenor caste. The Brahmans and the Kshatriyas were
not born to enjoy many privileges and the Sudras were not disenfranchised people. For
him all were equal in the court of God. All castes have full rights to attain the state of
highest bliss. Caste, colour and creed is no bar in the path of spiritual realization. Nanak
hugged to his bossom all types and classes of people, whether high or low and Hindus
or Muslims. All human beings are creation of the Lord and hence enjoy equal rights. He
found fault with the social gradation and tried his best to lay the foundation of an
egalitarian society.
Gurumukhi Sources
- Adi Granth by Bhai Gurdas
- Tikke-Di-Var by Satta and Balwand.
- Janam Sakhi‘s by Sewa Dass, Bhai Mani Singh etc.
- Nanak Parkash by Santokh Singh.
Guru Nanak’s Views on Women
A drastic distinction between the roles of the male and female exists in all of
history‘s modern human societies. People use religious doctrine to define their life styles,
religious scriptures in both the East and the West seem to condone, even encourage,
the unequal treatment of women. In the 15th century Guru Nanak advocated equality of
all people.
Even the time of Nanak, women were degraded and oppressed by the society.
Given no education or freedom to make decisions, their presence in religious, political,
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social, cultural and economic affairs was virtually non existent. Her function was only to
perpetuate the race, do household work, and serve. Female infanticide was common
and the practice of sati, the immolation of the wife on her husband‘s funeral pyre, was
encouraged, sometimes even forced.
Nanak condemned this man-made notion of the inferiority of women, and
protested against their long subjugation. The Ultimate Truth was revealed to Guru Nanak
through a mystic experience, in direct communion with God. Guru Nanak conveys this
Truth through the bani, (Sikh Scripture). It first argues against the sexist sentiments of
the pompous man about the necessity of women:
―In a woman man is conceived,
From a woman he is born
With a woman he is betrothed and married;‖
With a woman he contracts friendship.
Why denounce her, the one from whom even kings are born?
From a woman a woman is born,
None may exist without a woman.‖
The fundamental analogy used in the bani depicts the relationship between God
and man, and proves that the physical body does not matter. The bani parallels all
human beings (men and women) to the woman/wife, and God to the man/husband.
This means that every person is a sohagan-a woman who is the beloved of the
Lord whether they have the body of a man or woman. Because the human body is
transitory, the difference between man and woman is only transitory, and as such
superficial. Thus, according to Sikh Ideology, all men and women possess equal status.
All human beings, regardless of gender, caste, race or birth, are judged only by their
deeds.
With this assertion, the Sikh Gurus invited women to join the sangat
(congregation), work with men in the langar (common kitchen) and participate in all other
religious, social and cultural activities of the gurdwaras (Sikh places of worship). The
Gurus redefined celibacy as marriage to one wife and taught that male and female alike
need to practice conjugal fidelity. They advocated marriage of two equal partners. Guru
Amar Das, the third guru; wrote:
―Only they are truly wedded who have one spirit in two bodies.

Self – Assessment Questions

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1. Name the parents of Guru Nanak Dev Ji.

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2. What do you mean by Udasis of Guru Nanak Dev ji?
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3. Name two sons of Guru Nanak Dev ji.
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4. Where did Guru Nanak Dev ji attained enlightenment?
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1.3 DEVELOPMENT OF SIKHISM UNDER GURU ANGAD DEV

Bhai Lehna, who became, Guru Angad was the son of a petty trader, named
Pheru born on March 31, 1504 A.D. in a village named Harike in (the Ferozepur district,
he grew to be a man of religious disposition under the influence of his mother Daya Bai
and took special pleasure in his devotion to Durga, the goddess of Shakti. The family on
account of poverty, shifted to Harike and then to Khadur, which is near the important
town of Tarn Taran. At the age of 15, he was married to Khivi, a native of the place. By
her, he had two sons, Datu and Dasu, and two daughters, Amro and Anokhi. While still
a pious worshipper of Durga, he at one time went to JawalaMukhi. According to Archer,
he met Guru Nanak there. Much impressed by Guru Nanak's sermons and personality,
he became a convert there and then, he attached himself to Nanak's personal staff at
Kartarpur. There he devoted himself so zealously to the cause that Guru Nanak
nominated him as his successor. This event took place in A.D. 1538. Shortly after the
assumption of the pontificate, Guru Angad left Kartarpur for Khadur. According to G.C.
Narang, the nomination of Angad to the Guruship is a fact of profound significance in the
Sikh history. Guru Nanak had shown the path and- hoped that the work entrusted to
Guru Angad Dev was to translate those principles into action so as to make them an
integral part of the Sikh Faith. According to Trumpp, "The disciples of Nanak would no
doubt have soon dispersed and gradually disappeared as the disciples of many other
Gurus before, Nanak, if he had not taken care to appoint a successor before his death,
fully conversant with the task, which Guru Nanak had embarked upon to accomplish".
According to G.C. Narang, "Had Nanak died without any successor there would have
been no Sikh history today or at least, simpiy another Kabirism".
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Work of Consolidation
The task of Guru Angad Dev was not an easy one. The Sikh community, in its
infancy had to face a number of dangers, First, it was feared that it might not be
absorbed by Hinduism because still the Sikhs, were not clear about their religious
doctrines. Secondly, Guru Nanak had enunciated, more or less, the fundamentals and
had left the details to be sorted out later. Evidently, it was need of the hour to define and
interpret Guru Nanak's ideology in un-ambiguous terms. Thirdly, Sri Chand, the eldest
son of Guru Nanak Dev headed the group of devotees who regarded asceticism as the
right path to reality. Thus, Guru Angad found a division in the ranks of his followers, and
if he had shown indifference the conflict would have assumed a large proportion and in
course of time, this infant faith might have disappeared as one of the many sects, that
have arisen and vanished within the fold of Hinduism. Fourthly, Guru Angad had to
reckon with the opposition of the priestly class of the Hindus, whose vested interest were
at stake as a result of the religious and social renaissance started by Guru Nanak.
Guru Angad, not withstanding the difficulties addressed himself assidousily to the
task of the consolidation of the Sikhs. In order to achieve his purpose, he took the
following steps.
(1) Standardization of The Gurumukhi Script: It is wrong to say that Guru
Angad devised the Gurumukhi Script. This script was in vogue in some parts of the
Punjab even before the time of Guru Nanak. The Guru, however, modified the script*.
Since the Guru adopted the modified alphabets the people began to call it Gurumukhi-
spoken through the mouth of the Guru. The significance of the modification of the script
by Guru Angad lies in the fact that he rejected the foreign Persian script. He realised that
unless the people adopted a script which was their own and which belonged to their
language, their culture could not grow furthermore. Gokal Chand Narang writes that the
name of the script reminded those who employed it of their duty towards their Guru and
constantly kept alive in their minds the consciousness that they were something distinct
from the common mass of Hinduism, moreover the popularisation of the script was a
well calculated move to make its readers to part with Hindu compositions written in
Sanskrit. Apart from the result referred to above, this step gave a severe blow to the
prestige of the Brahmins and their mystic superiority who, through their monopoly of the
knowledge of Sanskrit, had given currency to the belief that their superiority of prestige
was ordained by God above.
(2) Elaboration of Langar Institution (Free Kitchen): The institution of
'Langar (Free Kitchen)' was established by Guru Nanak. Guru Angad Dev strengthened
it and popularised it. The step was of far-reaching consequence. It went a long way
towards erasing social and economic disparity and forgoing a steel frame of union and
love among them. Everyone irrespective of caste, colour, birth and position were obliged
to sit along with others and eat the same food. Besides, since it was to be run with the
help of the contributions made by the Guru's admirers, it had it‘s effects on the mode of
his followers so far as charity was concerned. Furthermore, it taught the Sikhs the first
 15

lessons of contributing money towards common fund for the common cause. Moreover,
it provided powerful aid in the propaganda work. The poor and the helpless simply
appreciated the institution. The Guru began to lay the foundation of an egalitarian
society. The Guru's wife Mata Khivi worded day and night in the kitchen working like an
ordinary worker. The Guru characterized the offering of the langar as poison to himself
and lived by twisting coarse made of munj.
(3) Sangat (Congregation): Guru Angad like his predecessor, Guru Nanak,
laid great stress on common and open meeting of people at large. He realised that one
of the serious handicaps of Indian society was its individualistic character: He wanted
the people to meet regularly on religious platforms so that there might be greyer
understanding and fellow-feeling among the various sections of the people. This
institution gave a sense of unity to the people which encouraged them to work for the
good of the society and their own spiritual uplift.
(4) Strengthening of Discipline among the Sikhs: Guru Nanak has laid
down certain rules for his followers, but they had yet to be brought home to the people.
Guru Angad paid specsal attention towards this. He chalked out a programme for Sikhs
from early in the morning till late at night. The people were told to spend their time in
meditation, piety and worldly affairs at proper time. He also introduced discipline for the
preachers. Whenever there was a breach, of discipline by anyone, however, important
he may be, the Guru took serious note of it. In this manner, a set discipline came to be
introduced in Sikhism, which prevented Sikhism from possible disintegration.
(5) Collection of the Hymns of Guru Nanak: The Guru collected the hymns
of Guru Nanak. Several of these were said to have been handed over to him by Guru
Nanak while the rest of them lay in possession or different persons, he came in contact
with. The aforesaid step contributed a lot towards the process of the consolidation of
Sikhism. It saved the composition of Guru Nanak from interpretation and also laid the
foundation of the Sikh scripture Adi Granth, which the fifth Guru complied and edited.
(6) Compilation of Guru Nanak's Biography (JanamSakhi) : !t has been
made out by some scholars that Guru Angad got prepared JanamSakhi of Guru Nanak,
which is called as Bhai Bala'sJanam-Sakhi. But it is not available. The Janam-Sakhi,
which we have waswrtten in the time of Guru Arjan Dev by Bidhi Chand.
(7) Udasi’s Asceticism: Baba Sri Chand, the eldest son of Guru Nanak held
strong faith in asceticism and renunciation of the word (Udas'). He regarded asceticism
as a path to salvation and declared that his path was one as shown by Guru Nanak.
Whatever the case may be, Sri Chand impacts on masses was great and he was a force
to reckon with. The reasons were not far to seek. First being the son of the first master of
the Sikhs and himself a pious man he commanded the respect of the people. Secondly,
asceticism or Udas was in accordance with the temper of the Indian people who put a
premium on asceticism and even to this day the life of a recluse is regarded as the most
respectable. Guru Angad took prompt steps and made it clear in unequivocal terms to
the disciples that Sikhism was essentially a religion of householders, it was also
 16

declared that Udasis, the followers of Sri Chand, although they heid faith in most of
Nanak's tenets, were not his true Sikhs. Thus, Guru Angad by doing so, barred the door
to asceticism and made the influence of Guru Nanak available not only for religious uplift
but also for social regeneration. Apart from it, the status awarded by the Guru to the life
of householder sounded new to the people who were accustomed listening to Brahmins
eulogising the life of an ascetic or a recluse.

(8) Guruship: Guru Angad continued the work of Guru Nanak in another
aspect also. The system of Guruship by selection started by Guru Nanak continued by
Guru Angad. He did not appoint his son as his successor but his choice felt on a very
pious and capable disciple who latter on became Guru Amar Dass. It was again an
important step towards the development, and consolidation of Sikhism. Had Guru Angad
nominated his own son, it is possible that, Sikhism might have fallen into wrong hands
and thus become weakened in the course of time.

(9) Meeting with Humayun: Suraj Parkash, on the basis of Sikh tradition,
gives the details of the meeting of Humayun with Guru Angad. Emperor Humayun, after
his final defeat came to Khadur to seek the blessings of the Guru. When the Emperor
reached there, the Guru was in trance and consequently the emperor had to keep
standing for sometime. The haughtly Emperor took it as an insult that the Guru had not
shown him due respect. Out of a lit of anger he put his hand on his sword. When the
Guru opened his eyes, he saw the Emperor trying to draw out his sword. The Guru said,
"When thou oughest to have used the sword against Sher Shah thou did not do so. Now
when thou comest among priests, instead of saluting them respectfully thou draw the
sword on them". Humayun tendered apology and entreated for blessing. The Guru
blessed the emperor as usual.

Guru Angad's period was the most crucial one in the history of transformation of
Sikhism. The dangers were serious and manifold, but the Guru not only overcome them
but also gave the movement a distinctive turn at the very outset of its career. He worked
unswervingly in the path chalked out by his master, and consolidated the work started by
him. By populaising Gurumukhi alphabet and turning out Udasis from the told of sikhism,
he saved Sikhism from being merged into Hinduism and the disciples of Nanak from
being absorbed into Hindu masses. Apart from it, the Sikhs began to assume something
of a social character in addition to the religious ties that held them together. Thus, we
can hence forward, trace two parallel developments in Sikhism. On the one hand, the
work began by Guru Nanak was earnestly continued and new religious lies were added
one after the other, on th other, there was a good deal of drifting away from the orthodox
Hindu society and attempts were made through innovations to bring into existence a new
brotherhood, social as well as religious, self-sufficient and independent. However, during
the pontificate of the Guru it is the still doubtful whether Sikhism had become a separate
sect. Although there is no doubt is saying the fact that it had started drifting away from
Hinduism yet only art observer with only a little commonsensecould visualize the shape
of things to come i.e. to see that a new distinctive brotherhood was in the making.
 17

Self-Assessment Questions
Q1. What was the original name of Guru Angad ji?
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Q2. Name the successor of Guru Angad ji.
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Q3. Write any two contributions of Guru Angad ji in the development of Sikhism.
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Q4. Which script did Guru Angad Dev develop ?
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Q5. Where was the main centre of religions activities of Guru Angad ?
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1.4 DEVELOPMENT OF SIKHISM UNDER GURU AMAR DAS 1552-1574 A.D.

Guru Amar Das was born in a village Basarke, in the district of Amritsar on May
5, 1479. He was only ten years younger to Guru Nanak. He was a Vishnavite to begin
withbut one fine morning the sacred hymns of Guru Nanak which were being sung by
Bibi Amro, the daughter of Guru Angad Dev, inspired him so much that he went to Guru
Angad and became his disciple. Under the impact of the teachings of Guru Angad, Amar
Das shed off his Vaishnavile faith and began to devote himself in the service of the
people of the Guru. Inspite of his faith and superior social relation with the Guru he took
upon himself to do any odd job for the Guru and the Sikhs. According to Teja Singh and
Ganda Singh, "He would daily bring water from the Beas, over three miles distant for the
morning bath of Guru. Pleased with his devotion and faith in the injuction of the Guru,
Angad Dev appointed him as his successor". In March 1552, the succession ceremony
was performed and the Guru placed five paise and coconut before Amar Das and
declared that henceforward, Amar Das would Act as the Guru. His investitute as Guru
was challenged by Datu the son of Guru Angad and Sri Chand, the son of the Guru
Nanak, but both these claimants failed in convincing the Sikhs of the legitimacy of their
claim. Orthodox Hindus and Muslims also did not like him and created one difficulty after
another to retard the progress of his work; but he could not be deterred from following
his line. Even a complaint was lodged against him with the Emperor Akbar, who
dismissed it considering it fabricated. Still, the Guru was asked by the Emperor to pay a
 18

visit to the pilgrimage centres of the Hindus. Macauliffe say that the Guru visited the
above-mentioned places to fulfill the desire of Akbar and to please the Hindus but the
view is unfounded. Two reasons can be advanced to prove the hollowness of their view,
first, it was contrary to Guru's teachings to go on pilgrimage and secondly, there is
sufficient internal evidence in the hymns of Guru Ram Dass that Guru Amar Das went
with the sole purpose of acquainting the people with his mission.
Consolidation and Transformation
According to Lalit, the Guru was successful as a teacher and his zeal and activity
in preaching combined with his general habit and affable deposition secured many
converts to the new faith. The process of evolution of Sikhism reached a definite stage
during the Guru ship of Amar Das. Guru Nanak had condemned some of the social
beliefs prevailing amongst the Hindus, the Buddhists and the Jains. But the seeds he
sowed were different from those sowed by the latter two Gurus.
Sikhism had become or was becoming exclusively a religion of householders and
in order to save its votaries from absorption it became necessary to supplement the work
of religious organisation by social reforms. The Guru asked his followers not to lament
beyond limit at the demise of their dear ones as the Hindus did and on the other hand
they should mediate on His 'same'. Besides this he denounced, the custom of spending
a lot on the decoration of pyres and consigning the bones to the Ganga. The
extravagence displayed at marriage and a host of unmeaning ceremonies connected
with it were discontinued. The Sikhs were asked to arrange economical marriages.
Similarly, the customs of pardah and child marriage were disclaimed. Widow marriage
was upheld and 'Sati' was condemned.
In this way the Guru tried to create a separate social structure very much needed
at the stage of evolution of the Khalsa; for new ideals could only be preserved, if there
was special structure to suit them; and moreover, these prevalent, social customs had
been proving to be the bone of society not to speak of extending spiritual help.
In continuation of his policy of saving his followers from the pernicious influence
of the degenerate Hindu priesty class and giving them organisation to knit them, he
proclaimed that the Sikhs gatherings would be held on every first day of the months of
Baisakh and Magh and on the day of Diwali. The step of the Guru afforded an
opportunity to the Sikhs to meet at a large number at least three times a year. This
rendered a lot of service to the sikhs in so far as their unity was concerned.
Visit of Akbar to Goindwal
Another important event of the Guru's ponificate was the respect shown by Akbar
for the Guru. Guru Amar Das had counted many of the hill chieftains among his followers
who contributed thousands to the funds of the church but the greatest triumph of the
church in the eyes of the people was made when the Guru's fame brought Akbar to his
doors. According to Gian Singh, "Akbar sent a trusted official, one Bhagwan Das Khatri
of Sirhind to beseech the Guru to pray for his success. The Guru was then engaged in
 19

the construction of Baoli and started to that say Chittor Fort would fall as soon as the
wheel of the well would settle in position. The siege ended in Akbar's victory and he
made a visit to Goindwal. He took his meals at the langar and met the Guru. The
working and the laudable objective of the institution of free kitchen impressed the king so
much that he made an offer of eighty-four villages. But the Guru declined the offer and
uttered, "I wish not that Langar be run by one man. The institution owes its existence to
the people so let them run it". Some scholars assert that inspite of the refusal of the
Guru Akbar got effected the deed of 84 villages in the name of Bibi Beani where, in the
time of Guru Ram Das, the city of Amritsar was raised. Majority of the scholars,
however, are of the opinion that the gift of those villages was granted in the year A.D.
1577 i.e. to say, in the period of Guru Ram Das.

According to Gokal Chand Narang, "Akbar's friendship with the Guru operated in
two ways for the benefit of the church. In the first place, it increased, the prestige of the
Guru and made his mission more popular with the higher classes of the society". "Yatha
Raja TathaParja" (as is the King so are the subjects) the truth of this proverb is nowhere
better illustrated than in India, the land of its birth. The early Sikhs too were mostly those
who could hardly claim places in the Hindus society. The other was in which Akbar's
friendship was turned to account by the Guru, was taking advantage of it to relieve
oppression or popular suffering. Two examples of it are recorded in the Panth Prakash
and other books. In the first instance, Guru Amar Dass and his followers were exempted
from pilgrimage while they visited Hardwar. Secondly, when the Guru laid the case of
the peasantry before the Emperor and asked him to remit the whole land tax for the
year, in view of the impending drought, Akbar readily consented. The timely intercession
for the sake and peasants immensely increased the popularity of the Guru and made
him an idol with the peasantry of MajhaMalwa regions who in course of time, provided
almost all the fighting strength of Guru Gobind Singh and ultimately transformed Sikhism
into military power.

The pontificate of Guru Amar Das may thus be regarded as a turning point in the
history of Sikhism in more ways than one. Starting in an attempt to reform and restore
Sikhism like other similar movements in all ages and claims, it met with vigorous
oppositions. It was soon found that even the perversion and abuses of the old had
staunch adherent, who far outnumbered the advocates of the new message and thus a
breach arose which at every step became wider and at last almost irreparable. This is a
phenomenon common enough in religious history and it is the innate conservation of
hymns nature in matters religious that makes the dividing line between reform and
revolution so thin and unsteady and so different to comprehend. Sikhism had to forge its
own weapons and hedge itself behind newer forms and customs, in short to develop an
individuality of its own. Under the Guru, the name of the infant church spread far and
wide. Rudiments of a separate organisation were given to Sikhs and new forms and
practices introduced to bind the neophytes more closely together. Guru Angad had, no
doubt, done something to give the Sikhs an individuality of their own but it was, under
Amar Das that the difference between a Hindu and a Sikh became more pronounced
 20

and the Sikhs began gradually to drift away from the orthodox Hindu society and from a
class, a sort of new brotherhood themselves.

Self-Assessment Questions
Q1. What was the Manji system?
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Q2. Write two merits of Manji system.
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Q3. Write any two contributions of Guru Amardas ji in the development of Sikhism.
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Q4. Name the Mughal Emperor who came to Goindwal Sahib to meet Guru Amar
Das ?
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Q5. Define the term Baoli ?
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1.5 SUMMARY
Students in this chapter we learnt about the life and teachings of Guru Nanak ji,
Guru Angad ji and Guru Amardas ji. The most famous teachings attributed to Guru
Nanak are that there is only one God, and that all human beings can have direct access
to God with no need of rituals or priests. His most radical social teachings denounced
the caste system and taught that everyone is equal, regardless of caste or gender. He
also established the two institutions of Gurugaddi and Sangat and Pangat during his last
years at Kartarpur Sahib, which paved the way for strengthening and institutionalizing
his teachings. After the death of Guru Nanak in 1539, Guru Angad led the Sikh tradition.
He popularised the use of a simplified alphabet by modifying the old Punjabi characters
now known as the Gurmukhi script and wrote many verses that were included in the
Guru Granth Sahib. Guru Angad made sure that the institution of Langar, the communal
meal served at the Gurdwara, became an obligation. As a new faith, Sikhism was in
danger of being overshadowed by the long-established religions. Guru
Angad nominated Amar Das as his successor (the third Guru) before his death in 1552.
Appointed at the advanced age of 73, is noted for his division of the Punjab into 22
 21

administrative districts (Manji system) and for encouraging missionary work to spread
the faith.
1.6 REFERENCES
 J.S.Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi: CUP, 1999.
 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs,Vol. I, New Delhi: OUP.
1.7 FURTHER READINGS
 J.S. Grewal, Guru Nanak in History, 1969, Panjab University, Chandigarh.
1.8 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. What do you know about the early life and techings of Guru Nanak Dev.
2. Examine the ideology promoted by Guru Nanak Dev.
3. Write notes on Sihk Institutions: Langar, Masand and Gurdwara.
4. Write a detailed note on the contribution of Guru Angad Dev ji for the
development of Sikhism
5. Write a detailed note on the contribution of Guru Amar Das ji for the
Development of Sikhism

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 22

Lesson-2

CONSOLIDATION OF SIKHISM: GURU RAM DAS AND

GURU ARJUN DEV; COMPILATION OF THE ADI
GRANTH; CAUSES AND SIGNIFICANCE OF
MARTYRDOM OF GURU ARJUN DEV.

STRUCTURE
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Contribution of Guru Ram Das ji in the Development of Sikhism (1574-1581 A.D.)
2.3 Contribution of Guru Arjun Dev ji in the Development of Sikhism
2.4 Compilation of the Adi Granth
2.5 Martyrdom of Guru Arjun Dev
2.6 Summary
2.7 References
2.8 Further Readings
2.9 Model Questions
2.0 OBJECTIVES
Students after readings this lesson you will be able to:
 learn about the contribution of Guru Ram Das ji in the development of Sikhism
 learn about the various aspects of compilation of the Adi Granth.
 understand the significance of the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Students, in this chapter we will study in detail about the contribution of 4th Guru
Ram Das ji and 5th Guru Arjan Dev ji. The most important work of Guru Arjun Dev ji was
the compilation of the ‗Adi Granth‘. In the words of Banerjee, ―The compilation that Guru
Arjun Dev now planned was thus clearly desideratum and its compilation furnished the
capping stone to his strenous work of organisation.‖ Guru felt that the Sikhs should have
a book, which must contain the actual Bani of the Gurus. Some preliminary work had
 23

been already done by Guru Angad Dev and Guru Amar Dass. The material was with
Baba Mohan, and Guru Arjun Dev decided to obtain the manuscripts from him. He sent
Bhai Budha and Bhai Gurdas to Baba Mohan to get it but both failed. When the Guru
himself went to him and persuaded Baba Mohan to hand over the manuscript to him,
Baba Mohan was impressed by the Guru‘s personality and gave it to him, rightly thinking
that such a valuable thing was safe in the hands of the Guru. Thus, Pothis helped him in
combilation of Adi Granth. This chapter will also look into the martyrdom various causes
of 5th Guru of Sikhism, i.e. Guru Arjun Dev ji and its significance.
2.2 CONTRIBUTION OF GURU RAM DAS JI IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF
SIKHISM (1574-1581 A.D.)
Guru Ram Das was born in September, 1543 in Chuna Mandi, Lahore. His father
Hari Dass, who belonged to the Sodhi caste, was a petty trader. His mother Anup Kaur
was named Daya Kaur after her marriage. She was a devoted lady- No wonder Ram
Dass developed a religious bent of mind from his very childhood. When still rather
young, he came across a group of persons who were on their way to Goindwal. He
accompanied the party on his arrival there and prostrated himself before the Guru. This
event happened in 1552 AD. Ram Das threw himself heart and soul into the service of
the Guru and won over his heart. The selfless devotion impressed the Guru so much
that he married his much-loved daughter Bibi Bhani with him. The marriage took place in
A.D. 1553. After his marriage, he stayed with his father-in-law and was closely
associated with his mission. He put on record many incidents connected with his
struggle that his master had with his opponents, and as such his writings are a good
source of information in respect of contemporary affairs. He commanded full confidence
of the Guru and this was the reason why he was asked by the Guru to represent him on
his behalf in the court of Akbar. The Guru was so much impressed by Ram Das that in
A.D. 1574 he got down from his seat, seated Ram Das thereon and placed five paise
and one coconut before him as a mark of handing over Guru gaddi to him. Mohri, the
youngest son of Amar Das reconciled himself with the succession of Guru Ram Das, but
Mohan, the eldest son, resented this act of his father and retired in indignant silence to
the solitude of his own room, where he remained all his life. Ram, the elder son-in-law
also resented the choice made by the Guru.
Transformation and Consolidation
On the assumption of the pontificate Guru Ram Dass addressed himself
zealousy to the task of consolidating Sikhism and took the following step:
1. The Masand System: Another step which contributed a lot towards the
consolidation of Sikhism was the setting up of the Masand Organisation. Two reasons
prompted the Guru to bring this Organisation into existence. There was genuine need for
building a rapport between the Guru and the ever-swelling number of the Sikhs; and
secondly the regular collection of the offerings was to be ensured. Under this system,
the Guru sent his trusted Sikhs to spread Sikh faith and collect offerings to be remitted to
the Guru. The Sikhs commissioned to do the aforesaid job were allotted a definite area,
and were known as Masands. Masand seem to be the corrupt form of Mas, and shorter
 24

from of Masendi-AIi or his excellency, the title which the Mughal Governors often held.
The exact number of Masands and their respective areas are known to history, but this
much is certain that many Sikhs famous for integrity and piety, were asked to act as
Masands. Some scholars, such as the author of "DabistaniMazahib" and some other
modern historians are of the view that Masand system was introduced by Guru Arjan
Dev and not by Guru Ram Das Macauliffe, however states that the system originated
under Guru Ram Das. The system grew up during the pontificate of Guru Ram Das,
although it was elaborated in its details during the time of Guru Arjan Dev. There is a
concrete evidence in Panth Parkash, whose author calls, "Masand" Ramdasias.
Besides, nowhere in the contemporary records or other the word Masand has been
used. Connected with this system, a pertinesit question can be asked as to what was
the need of the system, which was already existing. There were two reasons for setting
up the fresh organisation. In the first instance, the person holding Manjis were so much
engrossed in the work that it was not possible for them to keep in touch either with the
Stkhs or with the Guru and consequently they were not in a position to appreciate the
difficulties of the Guru and also the new challenges he was confronting with. Secondly,
some of the holders of the Manjis had fallen under the influence of Bidhi Chand, the son
of Hardial, who was vehement in his propaganda to degrade the personality of the Guru
and hence ail of the Manji holders then could not be relied upon. Thirdly, with the lapse
of time the Manji holders had grown lax and lazy.
Masand System played a great role in the consolidation of Sikhism. It injected
into the social body of the Sikhs, the requisite cohesion and tried to develop in them the
habit of remaining in discipline. In time to come, this habit of theirs helped them a lot to
save themselves from the onslaughts of the' Mughai imperialism. Furthermore, the
"Masands" used to remit the money offered by the Sikhs to the Guru regularly and this
thing went a long way to alleviate the financial difficulties of the Guru, apart from being
the first step towards organising the 'Guru's Golak' or Guru's Treasury.
The Guru was aware of the fact that any organisation unless its followers had full
faith in its organisers, was sure to meet its doom. To safeguard Masand System against
this, the Guru repeatedly impressed upon the people and "Masand" in so many hymns
that without full faith in the Guru, salvation was not possible. In Var Gouri, the Guru
explained his point of view in full length and with candour. He advised his opponents to
have faith in the Guru and in his words, instead of indulging in blasphemy by introducing
an edge or disunity among the Sikhs. He condemned the people who were scheming to
degrade the exalted personality of Guru Amar Das.
2. New Customs: The Guru asked his followers to avoid singing filthy songs on
occasions such as marriage and child-birth and instead he composed hymns which were
akin to "Gouri" or Sithnian in their form, to be sung on the aforesaid occasions, He
composed four hymns known as 'Iawans* in Suhi Rag and asked the Sikhs to recite
them at the time of marriage. The 'lawan' embody in themselves a lesson for the couple
to develop true love for each other and lead life of equipoise. In this way, a strict social
code of the Sikhs began to emerge, which considerably separated them from common
mass of the Hindus.
 25

3. Reconciliation with Udasis: Baba Sri Chand, the eldest son of Guru Nanak,
was the leader of religious sect of his own. He roamed over the country as a mystic of
great repute, in this travels Baba Sri Chand came to Amritsar to meet Ram Das. On
seeing Ram Pass's long flowing beard, Baba Sri Chand asked him Jocularly why he
grew it. "To wipe the dust from the holy feet", replied Ram Dass, Sri Chand replied, "It is
this magic that has made thee so great and me so smalt". Therefore, in the discussion,
Sri Chand made frank confession of the superiority enjoyed by the Sikh religion and the
promised to extend co-operation to him. Indeed, the Udasis after the reapproachment
spared no pains to serve Sikh religion. After the death of Banda Bahadur, It goes to the
credit of the Udasis that, when Mughal rules decided to destroy the Sikhs root and
branch. Udasis who could not easily be distinguished from the common mass of the
Hindus, kept the "divine spark of the Sikhs faith alight.

4. Free Kitchen: Like his predecessors the Guru, carried on the work of free
kitchen with vigour and zeal characteristic of him. He made the arrangement more
elaborate, more elegant and more methodical. Proper amount of emphasis was laid on
"Pangat" in the free kitchen and anyone, irrespective of caste, creed and colour could
partake of the food without any hesitation. The caste system and pilgrimages were
directed and superstitions of various type were denounced.

5. Friendship with Akbar, The Great: This is an admitted fact that Akbar
disliked the quarrel between different religions. He through his experience had known
that every religion had a grain of truth and true religion lay in the transcendence of the
self. No wonder the Sikh faith, which regarded 'love' as the keynote of its ideology was
much liked by the Emperor. He paid homage to Guru Amar Dass and was much
impressed by the institution of Free Kitchen run by him. Ram Dass was also held in high
veneration by him and in token thereof, he gave 500 bighas of Sand to him. It is said that
at the instance of the Guru, Akbar remitted the Sand revenue for full one year.
Consequently, the Guru grew very popular among the people in general and peasantry
in particular.

Self-Assessment Questions
Q1. Name the fourth Guru of Sikhism.
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Q2. Who was Bibi Bhani?
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Q3. Name the sons of Guru Ramdas ji.
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 26

Q4. Who founded Amritsar city ?

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Q5. Which Mughal emperor had donated land to Guru Ram Das for construction of
tank ?
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2.3 CONTRIBUTION OF GURU ARJUN DEV JI IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF

SIKHISM
Guru Arjan Dev ji was born in Goindwal, a small town in Amritsar district, on 15th
April 1563. He was the youngest son of Guru Ram Das ji and Mata Bhani, the daughter
of Guru Amar Das ji. On 19 June, 1589, Guru Arjan Dev ji was married to Mata Ganga.
A son was born to them who was named Hargobind.In 1588 A.D, Arjan Dev had laid the
foundation of Harmandar Sahib in the middle of Amritsar water tank, which was built by
Guru Ramdas ji and today is known as Golden Temple. Guru Arjan Dev ji invited Mian
Mir, a Muslim Sufi saint from Lahore to lay the cornerstone of the foundation of the
Harmandar Sahib.The Guru ji explained,‖Hari Mandar should be the lowest because
what is humble, shall be exalted. The more a tree is covered with fruit, the more its
branches descend to the earth.‖He also designed the four doors in a Gurdwara,
proclaiming that "My faith is for the people of all castes and all creeds from whichever
direction they come and to whichever direction they bow." He also laid down the
foundation of three towns namely the Hargobindpur (to celebrate the birth of his son
Hargobind ji), Tarantaran and Kartarpur.
The greatest contribution he made to the Sikh faith was to compile all of the past
Gurus' writings into one holy scripturecalled the Adi Granth, with the help of BhaiGurdas.
He also contributed more than 2,218 hymns himself and wrote the Sukhmani Sahib
Bani. He also included the Shabads of Hindu and Muslim saints like Sheikh Farid,
Bhagat Kabir, Bhagat Ravi Das, Dhanna,Namdev, Ramannand, Jai Dev, Trilochan,
Beni, Pipa and Surdas.It was installed it in the Harimandir Sahib in the year 1604 and
Baba Buddhaji became its first head Granthi. Later the tenth Guru of Sikhism, Guru
Gobind Singh ji expanded Adi Granth by adding latter Guru‘s Shabad in Adi Granth and
before departing from this world he told his Sikh followers to consider Adi Granth to be
their next and the final Guru, hence Adi Granthwas named as the Guru Granth Sahib.
Guru Arjan reorganized the Masands system initiated by Guru Ram Das, by
suggesting that the Sikhs donate, if possible, one-tenth of their income, goods or service
to the Sikh organization (Dasvand). The Masand not only collected these funds but also
taught tenets of Sikhism and settled civil disputes in their region. The Dasvand financed
the building of Gurdwarasand Langars (shared communal kitchens).The Sikh Guru had
very cordial relations with the Mughal Emperor Akbar.
 27

In 1606, Guru Arjan Dev ji was arrested under the orders of the Mughal
Emperor Jahangirand was asked to convert to Islamor undergo torture and execution.
As, he has refused to convert, he was subjected to severe torture. In hot boiling water,
he was immersed which scaled his flesh and then was made to sit on a hot burning
plate. Further, more tortured and hot sand was poured over his body. With the God's
name on his lips, the tortured remained for several days. After this, the Guru was
allowed to take bath in the river Ravi. On, 30 May, 1606, Guru Arjan Dev entered the
river and became a martyr. His martyrdom is considered a watershed event in the
history of Sikhism.He was the first of the two Gurus martyred in the Sikh faith.

Before leaving this physical world, Guru ji nominated Guru Hargobind ji, his only
son as the next Guru of the Sikhs. The martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev Ji represents a
watershed moment in Sikh history, as Guru Hargobind Sahib went on to militarize the
Sikhs, towards resisting oppression and tyranny.

Self-Assessment Questions
1. What do you understand by the term ‗Dasvand‘?
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2. When was Adi Granth installed in Har mandir Sahib?
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3. Who was Bhai Gurdas?
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4. Name three towns founded by Guru Arjun Dev ji.
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2.4 COMPILATION OF THE ADI GRANTH

Guru Arjun Dev chalked out plans to compile the Adi Granth. For this, Guruji,
selected Movely place, surrounded by shady trees, and pitched tents there. Bhatts,
musicians and saints to help him in his work. A pool was constructed and the place was
given the name, Ramsar. He brought together the Bani of his predecessors, followed by
his own and that of other Bhaktas. Bhai Gurdas was started writing it. This took a long
time and in the end in 1694 this work was completed and was placed in Hari Mandir.
Baba Budha was appointed the first Granthi. The Guru told his followers to consider the
Bani contained in the Granth, as the only authorative Bani.
 28

The Granth contains 976 Shabads of Guru Nanak, 61 of Guru Angad, 967 of
Guru Amar Dass 679 of Guru Ram Dass and 2216 of Guru Arjun Dev. Guru Arjun Dev‘s
contribution was the largest. Later on Guru Teg Bahadur added 116 Shabads and 2
Shalokas and Guru Gobind Singh also added one Shalok to it.
Besides this, the Bani of 14 Hindu and 2 Muslim Saint poets was also included in
it. These Bhaktas were Kabir, Baba Farid, Trilochan, Beni, Ravi Dass, Dhanna, Nam
Deva, Jai Deva, Bhikkan, Sain, Pipa, Rama Nand, Parmanand, Sadhana and Sur Dass.
The composition of 14 Bhaklas were also included in the Adi Granth. They are
Mallah, Bhika, Bal, Ganga, Har Bans, Jallaa, Kal, Kalas, Kalsar Keerat, Mathiha Nal,
Rad and Sall. According to Cunningham these Bhatas were nine in all.
Besides this, the Vars written by Satta and Balwant in the praise of the first four
Gurus and Sacha Nam Ki Bani composed by the nephew of Guru Amar Dass, were also
included in the Granth.
Sequences of the Adi Granth
The Granth Sahib opens with ‗Japji‘ Sahib. It has 38 Pauris and one Shaloka.
The Sikhs recite every morning. After Japji Sahib, comes ‗Sodar Rahras‘. This is
followed by ‗So Purush‘ and ‗Keertan Sohala‘.
The next portion of the Granth has been divided into 3 parts. The Chapters are
based upon 32 Ragas. At the end of Ragas are the Sway of the Bhatas.
The Adi Granth ends with a small epilouge ‗Mundavani‘. Mundavani is followed
by an appendix, which is known as Raag Mala. It contains the description of 84 Rags
and Raginis.
Importance of the Adi Granth
Thus, The Sikhs were given a book in which the teaching of their Gurus and of
like minded other saint poets could be studied. Besides this, the teaching of many other
saints were incorporated into it. The subject of the Adi Granth is theology. It helps a man
to realize God.
Historical Importance
The composition of the Adi Granth is an important event in the Sikh history. This
book is now found in every Sikh Gurudwara, where it is daily read. It is the most sacred
book of the Sikhs. Since that time, this book has served as beacon light to the Sikhs, the
recitation of the hymns has become a regular feature of the life of the Sikhs. The Granth
has played a very important role in the growth of Sikhism.
Literary Importance
This is the finest composition of Punjabi language, and it has got its own
attraction. Dr. Trump considers it a dictionary of Indian languages. Here we find the
compositions in Sanskrit, Hindi, Punjabi, Marathi; Arabic; and Persian languages.
 29

Besides its literary importance, it also throws some light on the political, social, economic
and religious conditions of Mughal India. It is a very useful source of history of those
times. The Gurus condemned many social evils like sati and pardah. They had also
shown their utter disregard for useless customs and ceremonies of the Hindus and the
Muslims. They particularly criticised the injustice of the ruling class and the caste system
of the Hindus. There is spontaneous outburst of hatred against cruelty and bloodshed.
The Granth touches upon many facts of Indian life of those days.
The compilation of the Adi Granth was the greatest contribution of Guru Arjun
Dev to the development of Sikhism.
Self-Assessment Questions
1. Who compiled the Adi Granth?
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2. What is the historical importance of ‗The Adi Granth‘?
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3. How many Shabads were composed by Guru Arjun Dev Ji in the Adi Granth?
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4. Name some Hindu and Muslim saints whose Shabads were included in Adi
Granth by Guru Arjun Dev ji.
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2.5 MARTYRDOM OF GURU ARJAN DEV

Akbar died in 1605. He was succeeded by Jahangir During Akbar‘s time the
relation between the Sikhs and the Mughals were very cordial. It was due to Akbar‘s
policy of religious toleration. But after the death of Akbar, a sudden change took place
and during Jahangir regime, Guru Arjun Dev was executed.
The following were the causes of the martyrdom of Guru Arjun Dev.
(1) Religious Policy of Jahangir : Jahangir departed from the policy of
toleration pursued by Akbar. As soon as he came on the throne. the Islamic has come
force. He felt quite jealous of the increasing popularity of Guru Arjun Dev. He wrote in his
―Tuzk-i-Jahangiri‖ ―that on the bank of river Beas at Goindwal, there lives a Hindu fakir
called Arjun. So Many of the simple minded Hindus, and many Muslims too, had been
fascinated by his ways and teachings. He posed about as a religious and worldly leader.
They called him Guru and from all directions crowns of fools would come to him and
 30

express great devotion to him. This busy traffic had been carried on for three or four
generations. The false traffic should be stopped or he should be brought into the fold of
Islam‖.
This is clearly tells that Jahangir did not like the increasing popularity of the Guru.
(2) Rivalry of Prithi Chand : Prithi Chand was the eldest son of Guru Ram
Dass, but Gurudom was given to Arjun Dev and for this reason Prithi Chand became a
bitter enemy of Guru Arjun Dev. He harassed Guru Arjun Dev in many ways but could
not succeed. In the end, he conspired with Sulahi Khan and sent complaints to Akbar
against the Guru, but all in vain. After the death of Akbar, Jahangir drifted away from the
policy of reconciliation of his father and the opponent of the Guru continued poisoning
the ears of Jahangir, but Prithi Chand died before the execution of Guru Arjun Dev.
(3) Jealousy of Many Saints : Many saints were feeling jealous of the
increasing-popularity of Guru Arjun Dev. They were very much critical of him and wanted
so harm him. The main cause was that when Guruji was compiling the Granth, many
faqirs came to him and asked him to include their Bani in the Granth. But Guruji
considering their sayings against the principales of the Sikhism, refused to do so. The
result was that they went against Guruji. Kanha, the most jealous of them, while
returning from Amritsar to Lahore died, when he fell down from his horse. The relatives
of Kanha held Guru Arjun-Dev responsible for his death.
(4) Khusro’s Revolt :The Immediate Cause: Khusro was the son of Jahangir.
He was intelligent and possessed a liberal outlook. His grand father Akbar held him in
high esteem, but Jahangir did not look upon him with confidence because when
Jahangir revolted against his father in 1603, Akbar thought of making Khusro as his
successor. When Jahangir begged for pardon, Akbar gave up the idea of declaring
Khusro as his successor.
Moreover, at the time of Akbar‘s death there were two groups in his court, one
led by Raja Man Singh and Mirza Aziz Koka who wanted Khusro as the ruler, the other
led by Ram Dass Kacchwaha and Sayyed of Gurda and they wanted Salim as the ruler.
But four days before his death Akbar placed his turban on the head of Salim, who in
1606 became the Emperor under the title of Jahangir.
Just after 3 months of Jahangir‘s accession, Khusro alongwith 300 horsemen
slipped away from Agra to the Punjab. On the way, he was joined by Hussain Beg
Bakshi, and Abdur-Rahman the Dewan of Lahore. But they were defeated by the
imperial forces and Khusro ran for his life. In this confusion, Khusro met Guru Arjun Dev
at Tarn Taran, and the Guru welcomed him. Jahangir tells us that Guruji applied Tilak on
the forehead of Khusro and prayed of his success. While crossing river Chenab, Khusro
was captured.
At this stage, Chandu Shah and others, who were jealous Guruji, poisoned the
ears of Jahangir by saying that Guruji had given monetary help to Khusro. Jahangir at
 31

once ordered that the entire property of the Guru be confiscated. The Emperor passed
orders that Guruji should be tortured to death for crime.
Guruji was presented in the court of Jahangir, who ordered Guruji to pay rupees
two lakhs and make a few changes in the Adi Granth or he would be executed. Guruji
refused to comply with these orders and chose death. Mian Mir tried to intervene, but
was stopped by Guru Arjun Dev. So the Guru was tortured to death in June 1606.
Was The Martyrdom of Guruji Due To Political Causes?
Sir Jadunath Sarkar is of the opinion that Guruji‘s execution was not strange and
extra ordinary because these punishments were commonly awarded to such defaulters.
In the Tuzki-i-Jahangiri, Jahangir tells us that Guruji applied tilak on the forehead
of Khusro, but has not mentioned the name of that Guru. From Agra to Lahore he had no
information of Guruji‘s complicity in the revolt.
Mohsin Fani, the author of the Dabistan also tell us that Guruji applied tilak on
the forehead of Khusro. As far as the question of Guruji‘s praying for the success of
Khusro goes, it seems to carry not much weight. Guruji might have prayed for the safety
of Khusro, because Khusro was already defeated.
Macauliffe is of the opinion that after his defeat Khusro decided to escape to
Afghanistan. On the way he waited upon Guru Arjun Dev at Tarn Taran and asked for
monetary help. He just wanted money so that he could reach Afghanistan. Guruji took
pity on him and gave him Rs. 500/- Thus he incurred the wrath of Jahangir.
After giving due consideration to various opinions given above, we can conclude
that Guruji did not help Khusro in fighting against Jahangir. As Indu Bhushan Banerjee
writes, ―The actual cause of Guruji‘s martyrdom was the increasing power of the Sikh
organisation because under the leadership of Guru Arjun Dev, the Sikhs had formed a
powerful community.‖ Moreover, Jahangir was not an advocate of religious toleration
and wanted to end the growing power of the Sikhs.
SIGNIFICANCE
The Martyrdom of Guru Arjun Dev is considered to be of profound significance in
the Sikh history.
(i) This made the Sikhs believe that if they wanted to live they would have to arm
themselves, When Guruji was going to Lahore, he gave his last advice to Guru
Hargobind to arm himself and to face the atrocities.
Thus Hargobind raised an army and tied two swords to his buckle signfying the
assumption of Miri and Piri. The Sikhs who were peaceful by then, now armed
themselves and were ready to save themselves and their leader. Trumpt says, ―The
Martyrdom of Guru Arjun Dev is a turning point in the Sikh history.‖
(ii) The Martyrdom made the Sikhs revengeful against the Mughal government.
The hostilities between the Sikhs and the Mughals Started.
 32

(iii) The blood of the martyrs never goes waste. The martyrdom of Guru Arjun
Dev proved that the Mughal government deliberately wanted to put an end to the Sikhs.
As the courage of the Sikhs increased, the atrocities of the Mughal Emperors also
increased.
(iv) This martyrdom of Guruji united the Sikhs. The Sikhs then forgot their petty
rivalaries and united themselves to face the onslaughts of the Mughal government.
Thus, in the end we can say that the pontificate of Guru Arjun Dev is of profound
significance in the Sikh history.
The martyrdom of Guru Arjun, the fifth Guru was a turning point in the history of
Sikhism. The Sixth Guru, Hargobind, was compelled by the changing circumstances to
adopt the new policy of armed resistence. Now we will deal with glorious and
adventurous carrer of Guru Hargobind.
Self Assessment Questions
Q1. Who was Prithia Chand?
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Q2. Name the saint poets whose bains are included in the Adi Granth.
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Q3. What do you know about the revolt of Khusro?
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2.6 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson you have learn about the contribution of Guru Ramdas ji
and compitation of the Adi Granth by the fifth Guru of the Sikhs, Guru Arjan dev. The Adi
Granth is the sacred text of the Sikh Faith. It contains the Bani of the Gurus as well as
the bhagats like Kabir, Paividas, Nandev etc. The Martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev has
been carefully examined to understand the significance of the sacritice made by Guruji.
It had a long lasting impact on the history of Sikhism.
2.7 REFERENCES
 J.S.Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi: CUP, 1999.
 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. I, New Delhi: OUP.
2.8 FURTHER READINGS
 W.H. Mcleod, Sikhs and Sikhism, New Delhi :OUP, 2000.
 33

2.9 MODEL QUESTIONS

1. Write a detailed note on the contribution of Guru Ram Das ji in the development
of Sikhism.
2. Trace the compitation of the Adi Granth.
3. What circumstances led to the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev?
4. Examine the impact of the Martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev.

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Lesson-3

TRANSFORMATION OF SIKHISM: GURU HARGOBIND’S

NEW POLICY; CAUSES AND SIGNIFICANCE OF
MARTYRDOM OF GURU TEG BAHADUR; CREATION OF
KHALSA BY GURU GOBIND AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE.

STRUCTURE
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Guru Har Gobind: Early Life and His New Policy
3.3 Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur
3.4 Creation of Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh ji
3.5 Summary
3.6 References
3.7 Further Readings
3.8 Model Questions
3.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 analyse the new policy adopted by Guru Hargobind.
 understand and learn about the martyrdom of the ninth guru of the Sikhs, Guru
Tegh Bahadur.
 understand the role played by Guru Gobind Singh in the creation of Khalsa and
its significance.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Students in this lesson we will study about the new policy adopted by Guru
Hargobind, after the martyrdom of his father Guru Arjan Dev ji. Guru Hargobind lifted the
sword for the protection of the weak. The sacrifice made by the ninth Guru, Guru Tegh
Bahadur will also be taken up in this lesson. It will help us to understand the spread and
popularity of the Sikh faith within Punjab as well as the rest of India. The creation of the
Khalsa is a significant event in the history of India. Guru Gobind Singh had thought a
 35

good deal before bringing it into existence. It was a much needed reform without which
he could not have faced the Mughal interference in the Sikh Church.
3.2 GURU HAR GOBIND: EARLY LIFE AND HIS NEW POLICY
Guru Hargobind was the only son of Guru Arjun and Mata Ganga. He was born
of Wadali (present Amritsar district) on 14-6-1595. The Sikh tradition attributed his birth
to the long prayers of his parents for a son and the blessings to Baba Budha, a
vunerable old man, who had successively appointed the four successors of Guru Nanak
to the Sikh pontificate.
The birth of Hargobind, disappointed his uncle Prithia and the later‘s wife Karmo.
That was because they felt that the arrival of the new one was wiping away the chance
of their son, Meharban, to succeed Arjun as the head of the Sikh Church. In the hope
that the death of infant Hargobind might fetch the coverted position to their son, they
made three attempts to bring about the early death of their nephew but failed.
As Hargobind was growing to an attractive handsome boy, his father was
bringing about a marked change in the Sikh organisation. By his numerous steps, like
the construction of Harminder compilation of the Adi Granth and encouragement to his
disciples to take to trade, he was giving to the Sikh-fold under him a cohesion, it did not
possess before.
The persons, who directly or indirectly influenced, Hargobind during his
childhood, were close associated and friends of his father. Apart from Baba Budha, the
chief among those, who belonged to the Sikh Church, was Bhai Gurdas, the collaborator
of Guru Arjun in the compilation of the Adi Granth. Only slightly less prominent was Bhai
Bidhi Chand, a robber turned disciple and Mian Mir, an influential Sufi whose Khangah in
the neighbourhood of Lahore had fascinated Hargobind the most.
Fifteen days before his eleventh birthday, Hargobind suffered a painful
experience that shook him to his very bones. His father, Guru Arjun, under arrest at
Lahore for some time past, was executed on the special order of Jahangir, the Mughal
emperor. It was a triumph for an intriguing Hindu Dewan Chandu Shah, who obtained
through the support of the orthodox Muslim elements in the Lahore Suba of the Mughal
Empire. To end the influence of Sikhs into Guru‘s Darbar, there began an active
interference by the Mughal rules in the affairs of the Sikhs to whom Guru Arjun had lately
given a marked identity of their own. The martyrdom of Guru Arjun posed to them in
problem : how to prevent similar interferences by the Mughal rulers in their affairs in
future. It was a problem serious enough to attract the attention as much of Mata Ganga
and Baba Budha as Bhai Gurdas and Bidhi Chand.
NEW POLICY
ADOPTION OF NEW POLICY OF MIRI-PIRI
The solution that the Sikh Church adopted after a careful consideration is
indicated by the new form that they immediately gave to the Guru Darbar under
 36

Hargobind. The young Guru was now made to sit in his daily Darbar with two swords
round the waist Pin and Miri. One to symbolise spiritual power, and the other temporal. It
was announced that henceforth, the devotees when they come to visit the Guru should
present arms and horses instead of money, as presents. It is obvious that the Sikh
began to pontificate the new Guru with the firm determination to resist the future
interferences of the Mughals in their affairs with arms, necessary.
Guru Hargobind‘s adolescent years were spent presiding over-like congregations
where the visiting Sikhs listened as much of religious discourses as ballads extolling feat
of heroism and participated in prayers of God and His attributes with the same favour as
on the merits and demerits of complicated military moves. The Guru himself soon got
completely soaked in the atmosphere daily created by his Darbar. His hobbies reflected
the extent to which he got absorbed in it. Most of his time was spent in watching martial
exercises and in hunting.
THE AKAL TAKHT
Guru Hargobind matured quickly. By the time he was, fifteen, he started taking
decisions of his own. In 1609, he insisted on building a fortess around Amritsar and got
constructed the Akal Takht. A year or two later gave his Darbar a regal shape. He now
sat on a thrown and held court. He went out with a royal umbrella over his head with
armed retainers around him. He sent envoys to ruling princes and received their agents
in open Darbar. He allowed his Sikhs to call him Sacha Padshah, and started exercising
over his followers not only his spiritual authority but also the temporal one.
To some prominent Sikhs, the Guru had swung the Sikh Church to the other
extreme. But not the personality of the Guru had ripened to its hypnotic and there was
no difficulty in explaining the necessity of going even faster.
Detention By Jahangir
The Guru soon paid the price for his speed. He invited very interference he was
preparing his Church to resist. In the confident hope that the execution of Guru Arjun
had settled the Sikh question, the Mughal administration had refused to take any notice
of the changing complexion of the Sikh Church. But with the Guru‘s work bearing fruits
and his retainers increasing rapidly, the local officials began sending report to the
Emperor. Sometimes in 1612, Jahangir ordered the arrest of Guru Hargobind and the
later found himself locked behind the walls of the Gwalior fort.
The arrest for the Guru and the Sikh Church was blessing in disguise. For one
thing, it put the followers to test. The weak and the timid walked out of the Church.
Others view with one another in expressing devotion to the Guru inspite of the Mughals‘
terrorism. Some of them risked regular visits to the Gwalior fort as much to pay their
silent respects to the Guru as to record their protest against Guru‘s continued detention.
The gladdened the usually unruffied hearts of Baba Budha and Bhai Gurdas and
encouraged Bidhi Chand to train the Guru‘s Sikhs in the use of arms. The detention in
the Gwalior fort, in the second place, brough Guru Hargobind in personal contact with a
 37

larger number of Rajas of the Punjab ‗Hill States‘ and their sons, they were already in
the Gwalior fort when the Guru was taken there, either suffering indefinite imprisonment
for not paying the tribute to Jahangir or acting as hostages for the continued recognition
by their fathers of the Mughal sovereignty. Some of these contracts as with Dharam
Chand of Hindus, ripened into lasting friendship and proved of immense use to the Guru
in subsequent years.
Guru Hargobind remained in confinement for about two years. The devotion of
the disciples combined with Mian Mir‘s repeated advocacy for the release of the Guru
forced Jahangir to enquire into the matter. In 1614, jahangir not only released the Guru
but followed this up with a public show of his regard for the Guru, a courtesy normally
extended to only heads of religious institutions. Jahangir went further and punished all
those who had earlier advised him to arrest the Guru.
Guru Hargobind did not give up his policy militarising his followers on his return
to Amritsar. On the other hand, he successfully used the changed position of the Mughal
Emperor towards him for giving new dimensions to that policy. He nourished his
friendship with Jahangir and on successfully convincing the Mughal Emperor that his
policy of arming his followers did not imply political ambitions but only signified his
preparedness to defend himself, once again took to militarizing his church with great
speed. He swelled his head-quarters at Amritsar with armed followers even recruited a
Pathan contingent under one Painda Khan to serve him. Guru Hargobind was far-
sighted enough to realise that the changed attitudes of Jahangir to the Sikh Church was
no guarantee that the Mughal administration would continue refraining from interfering in
Sikh affairs for ever. The Guru wanted his Church to be prepared even for distant
eventualities.
Guru Hargobind‘s farsight saved his Church from possible destruction at the
hands of the Mughal administration. After the death of Jahangir, and in less than a year
of Shah Jahan‘s accession to the throne there began a series of conflict between the
Mughals and the Sikh which continued for the next four years.
RELATION WITH MUGHAL EMPERORS
(a) The earliest conflict between the Mughals and Hargobind‘s Sikhs occurred
during the emperor‘s first visit to Lahore in 1628. Bitterness had been brewing up for
sometime on account of the arrival of Kaulan, the daughter of Muslim Kazi of Lahore, at
Amritsar. She was given to contemplation and prayers and was an inmate of Mian Mir‘s
Khangh till she attained the age of puberty. She was now obliged to chose between
setting down a married like or shift to some centre presided by a preceptor, who was
married. She chose the later alternative and moved to Guru Hargobind‘s centre at
Amritsar party because she had already known the Guru as a frequent visitor to Mian Mir
and also because Amritsar was not far from Lahore. The Guru had given her a welcome
due to a sincere devotee and that angered the fanatics among the Muslims, at Lahore.
They were boiling with biting rage at a time when Shah jahan came with a larger army
on his first visit to Lahore as the Emperor. For the angry fanatics in the city it was
 38

Godsent opportunity and they did not miss it. They successfully prevailed upon one of
the Lahore commanders to pick a quarrel with the Guru and embroil him with the
Emperor‘s attendants. They succeeded to the extent that a conflict did take place
between the Mughals and the Sikh’s but ended in a complete victory of the Guru’s men.
The Lahore administration felt too ashamed of the defeat to report it to the Emperor and
ignored the incident completely.
(b) The success of the Sikhs in the Battle of 1628 was not followed by any large
scale operation by the Mughals against them but Guru Hargobind had the far sight to
realise that it was bound to come sooner or later. He felt it his duty to prepare for it and
besides strengthening his little ‗army‘, increased the tampo of building more and more
Sikh centres. In the next two years, he repeatedly toured the interiors between Amritsar
and Jullundhur districts and laid the foundation of new centes. The extent of importance
which he attached to this work can be gauged from the fact that while laying the
foundation of one such centre, he did not hesitate to use strength to fight what called his
Second battle against the Mughals. Perhaps, because the foundation of the centre had
occasioned a battle in which Guru had participated in person, the Sikhs named it as
Hargobindpur, which subsequently grew into an important township.
The Guru succeeded so admirably in establishing numerous centres in Majha
and Doaba inspite of the loss of two stalwarts of Sikh Church like Baba Budha and Bhai
Gurdas, speaks volumes of his organising skill.
(a) Battle of Lahira: With the Mughal administration at Lahore some what
hostile: In 1631 after having further established many more centres in Majha and Doaba,
Guru Hargobind diverted his organising skill to the Malwa region in the Punjab. He
visited the areas around the present Nabha, developed fresh contents and established
new centres in the area, which the Sikh Church had neglected so far. Within the short
span of a year the Guru‘s sphere of influence increased tremendously and strengthened
the Sikh Church. By this time the earlier encouragement to the Sikh to take to trading in
a big way and the instance to import horses from Central Asia both for sale and gifts to
him had started yielding fruits in-further strengthening the Sikh Church. It should be
noted that the Guru‘s Third Battle with the Mughals described as the battle of Lahira
after the name of the place where it was fought, was to defend after the name of the
place where it was fought, was to defend these activities of the Sikhs against Mughal
obstruction. The Sikh tradition attributes the cause of this battle to the seizure of two
Kabul horses by the Mughal Emperor and the dare devil strategy employed by Bidhi
Chand to ‗steal them‘ from the ‗Emperor‘s stables‘ for the Guru, it gives a clear indication
of the issue at stake.
It was natural that this battle between Guru Hargobind and the Mughals should
have been a more serious affair that the two fought between the Sikhs and Mughals
earlier. The issue at stake was big and the preparation of both the sides considerable.
The Mughal army which had come to Lahira was led by officers of the imperial army. Lal
Beg, Qasim Beg, and Kabul beg and was composed of warlike tribes of Rohilas, Yusaf
 39

Zais, Daudazais, Gilzais, Balochs and Pathans. The Guru had all his top men with him
and great number of Sikhs and had come on his call to fight for him. It was a close
contest for eighteen hours.
Guru Hargobind ultimately won the Battle of Lahira and won it completely. That
was because his military plans were though out by commanders who loved him and
exceuted by Sikhs who were willing to do and die for him. Indeed so complete was the
Sikh victory that early in 1634 soon after the battle, the Guru moved triumphant in the
fertile Doaba to establish him self at Kartarpur.
The Battle of Kartarpur: While the Guru‘s army was proceeding towards
Kartarpur, there had, however, occurred a mishap which brought the Fourth battle
between him and the Mughals. Soon after his Guru had arrived at Kartarpur, Painda
Khan, a Pathan associate quarrelled with the Guru‘s son Gurditta, and deserted his
master in anger. He went to Lahore and prevailed upon the Mughal Administration there
to fight another battle with the Guru. His pleadings bore fruit and a Mughal army
hurriedly organised under Kale Khan, accompanied him to Kartarpur in the summer of
1634.
Perhaps believing that a surprise attack would fetch immediate results, Kale
Khan and Painda Khan forced a battle on the Guru an hour before midnight. The two
had obviously not calculated the watchfulness of the Guru‘s men instead of Surprising
the Guru, they were taken by surprise themselves, bows and arrows hissked like
snakes, bullets fell like hail but perhaps because they have not expected any opposition,
it was the Mughals who suffered more. Their horses fell or fled without riders and
created confusion. Their wounded died unattended and their deal fell in rows like corn
laid reapers.
It was no surprise then that the next day, when Parinda Khan and his Pathans
made a desperate bid to challenge the Guru and Sikhs, he was killed and his Pathans
hacked to pieces, Kale Khan prolonged the battle but only for a while. He ultimately fell
at the hands of the Guru himself and the battle was over an hour before nightfall.
The Battle of Kartarpur was the last one to be fought between the Mughals and
Guru Hargobind. Inspite of the Victories the Guru decided to put a halt to the fight that
was being forced on him again and again and hoping that his would not be the case if he
were to shift to the hills. He moved to Kartarpur with his family and those of the devout
Sikhs who agreed to accompany him there immediately after the Battle of Kartarpur.
Kiratpur was so situated as to be inaccessible to large armies, and enabled Guru
Hargobind to spend the rest of his life in peace. He, of course, further guaranteed that
security by continuing to retain his small contingent at Kartarpur.
Hargobind’s Missionary Activities : In certain ways, the last ten years of Guru
Hargobind‘s life spent at Kiratpur were the most fruitful. His confident missionaries went
to the farthest corners of the East to renew their contacts with centres established by
Guru Nanak and to establish new ones there. Even Bidhi Chand did his work and spent
 40

some time in Bengal establishing Sikh centres. Perhaps the missionary work evoked
enthusiastic Zeal because of the large number of Udasis, by now fully integrated in the
Sikh, fold, and Bhai Gurdas‘ Vars coming very handy to the missionaries.

Guru’s Last Day: By 1638, Guru Hargobind could say with justification that he
had done his part as the Sikh Guru and would like to die in peace, but suddenly ill luck
struck him in a cruel way. Guruditta who had activity cooperated with him in his work at
Kiratpur and who had been groomed to succeed him suddenly fell ill and died. What was
worse Gurditta death was followed by family tensions when contesting claims began to
be made. Gurditta‘s own son, Dhir Mal made a bid to force his grandfather to name him
as the next Guru by arriving in Kiratpur and threatening to place the entire Kiratpur
resources at the disposal of the Mughals. Guru‘s own choice was perhaps already made
for Har Rai, the second son of late Gurditta. But would not announce it. Har Rai was only
ten years old then.

The Guru had not yet resolved things when fast struck another blow. Bidhi
Chand, a warrior and a missionary combined in one also died. With Baba Budha and
Bhai Gurdas already dead, the estent of the loss of Bidhi Chand to the Guru can be
easily imagined. It was not easy to replace the two who had struck to the Guru for such a
long time with such absolute devotion through thick and thin.

Guru Hargobind had, however, immense capacity to face odds and survive them.
He kept his poise and saved the Panth. Through his missionary work, he continued
serving the Panth for yet another three years. Early in 1644, he felt optimistic enough to
announce Har Rai, still very young, as his successor. He quietly passed away on the 3 rd,
March 1645 A,D.

Self-Assessment Questions
1. Explain the term Miri and Piri.
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2. Give two features of Miri and Piri.
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3. Who constructed Akal Takht?
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4. Explain briefly Guru Hargobindji‘s relations with Mughal Emperor Jahangir.
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 41

3.3 MARTYRDOM OF GURU TEGH BAHADUR 1664-1675 A.D. (9th GURU)

The new Guru was the youngest son of guru Hargobind and at the time of
becoming the Guru he was forty years old. He was of retiring habits and ever since the
death of his father, he had been living the life of quite meditation by the late Guru and
the demands of situation forced him to accept it.
Tegh Bahadur‘s becoming the Guru was attention with imense hostility at Bakala,
where he had lived undisturbed for the last twenty years. An attempt was made to kill
him. He was troubled in other ways. The majority of Masands in Amritsar district who
had successfully by barred his entry in the Harmandir Sahib convinced him that his
continued stay in Bakala was to embroil him in the confusion created by the Mughal
Emperor. In the hope that he would be better able to discharge his duties by shifting to
Kiratpur, the headquarter of the Sixth, Seventh and Eighth Guru for a long time, he made
a move to that place.
He had obviously calculated that he would have no trouble at Kiratpur but was
soon disturbed. He tried to escape the opposition against him at Kiratpur laying the
foundation of a new town, which later became famous as Makhowal. However,
opposition against him was fairly great even on the hills and within a few months he felt
convinced that he would not be able to stay even in the new township and he moved out
of Punjab.
While stepping out of Makhowal, in all probability, he aimed at establishing a new
headquarter temporarily at one or other of the numerous places, that had been sanctified
by the visit of Nanak outside Punjab. He appears to have taken with him enough
followers to lay down a new centre. It must be noted that he had moved out of Punjab
with his aged mother Nanki and his wife Gujri. Kirpal, his devotee and his brother-in-law,
also accompanied him. The Guru might well have expected the sangat outside Punjab to
be free from strife prevalent in the Sikh Panth in the land where it had grown strong and
where is leadership was for that very reason a matter of furious disputes.
After some indecision, Guru Tegh Bahadur set his mind on Dacca where a
nucleus for his headquarters was already in existence. There was a hzuri sangat at the
place and it controlled the numerious Sangats around. He left his family including his
wife, mother and brother-in-law in Patna, because his wife was in an advanced stage of
pregnancy.
Consolidation of his position: From Dacca, Guru Tegh Bahadur went on a tour
to Assam and was still there preaching his mission among the Assamese when Raja
Ram Singh, the son of Raja Jai Singh arrived from Delhi with an expeditionary force
directed against the Ahoms. Faced with a popular rebellion that was too much for the
resources with which Raja Ram Singh had come to Assam, he found himself in a tight
corner. The Guru rendered the Rajput general a valuable service when he brought about
an agreement between troublesome Assamese Chief and Ram Singh and saved the
latter from a precious position. Perhaps believing that this must have increased his
 42

reputation even in Punjab and the Shivaliks, he made a confident dash to Makhowal in
the hope that now he might be recognised as the undisputed Guru in Punjab itself. That
was in 1671.
Guru Tegh Bahadur successfully consolidated his position at Makhowal within a
year of his arrival in Punjab and pursued his mission undisturbed for the next four and a
half year. But in 1675 he came in a headlong clash with a policy that Aurangzeb had
pursued towards the non Muslims in general and the Hindus in particular ever since he
had come to the throne.
The Guru and Aurangzeb: Aurangzeb had come to the throne as the champion
of Sunni orthodoxy in the Empire. He tried to convince the champions of the orthodoxy
that he was true to his image. He ordered, soon after the coronation, though with an
element of understable discretion. ―It has been decided according to our Holy Law that
standing temples should not be demolished, but no new temples be allowed to be built‖.
He became more and more aggressive with the passage of years. The policy started
reaching its climax in early seventies. In April 1669, he had, ―ordered the governors of all
provinces to demolish the schools and temples of infidels and strongly put down their
teachings and religious practices‖. His orders to the Governor of Orissa in 1670 were the
indication of the urgency of the work in his eyes. ―Every idolhouse built during the last 10
or 12 years, whether with brick or clay, should be demolished without delay‖ and the
governor should ―not allow the crused Hindus and the despicable infidels to repair their
old temples‖. The attack on ―the temples mounted up after 1672 all over the country
when in every pargana officers went ―from the thannas with orders for the destruction of
the idols‖.
Aurangzeb‘s fanticism, at the height of its frenzied zeal in the seventies, would
not distinguish between the Hindus temple and the Sikh Gurdwara. In one of his orders,
Aurangzeb directed ―the temples of the Sikhs to be destroyed and the Guru‘s against for
collecting tithes and presents of the faithful to be expelled from the cities‖.
This policy of religious intolerance of Aurangzeb ran contrary to be the teachings
and activities of Guru Tegh Bahadur. In 1673, the Guru moved down from Makhowal
and toured the Malwa region of Punjab. He was actually obliged to do that because the
missionary activities in the apostleship of the two predecessors had resulted in the
conversion of a large number of Jats in the area to Sikhism and they needed guidance
on how to face Aurangzeb‘s onslaught. Guru Tegh Bahadur received tumultous
welcome. Wherever he went in Malwa and South Eastern Punjab, people came in large
numbers, paid homage and made offerings. In the course of his tour the Guru exhorted
the people to give up all fear and to face tyranny with resolute calmness.
The activities of Guru Tegh Bahadur did not go unnoticed. Aurangzeb, when
informed of what Tegh Bahadur was doing, ordered his arrest, but before that could be
done to Sikh Guru was back at Makhowal. Oblivious of Aurangzeb‘s orders of arrest
against him he soon after received a deputation of Kashmiri Pandits at the headquarters.
 43

The Kashmiri Pandits met Tegh Bahadur at Makhowal in June 1675 and sought
his advice on how to meet the attempt at their total conversion of the Hindus going on in
Kashmir for the last few years. As was perhaps to be expected, the Guru told them to
stick to their faith with courage and thus encourage others to follow their example.
The Guru went on a second tour of the Malwa soon after the Kashmiri pandits
met him and this time he proceeded as far as Agra. May be , he went there on the
insistent invitation of the sangat which appears to be then functioning under the
leadership of an influential and this time he proceeded as far as Agra. May be he went
there iron on the insistent invitation of the sangat which appears to be then functioning
under the leadership of an influential and enthusiastic Sikh. It was here that Aurangzeb‘s
orders were executed and Tegh Bahadur was arrested with five companions, Mati Das,
Gurditta, Bhai Uda, Chima and Dayala. The Guru was treated as a dangerous and
influential prisoner and brought to Delhi under a large escort.
In the mistaken belief that the best way of unnerving the Guru would be to show
to Guru Tegh Bahadur how horrible death could be, Mati Dass was tortured to death in a
way that defies description. Bound between two pillars he was cut in two with a saw but
victim bore it with a fortitude which completely defeated with purpose for which it was
done. The imprisoned Guru was tried by the Qazi. The Guru was asked to show a
miracle or accept the Islam. The Guru refused to compromise on fundamentals. He
wrote a piece of paper and tied it around his neck and asked the executioner to attack
him with axe, which will have no affect. The Guru was beheaded by the axe of Jalal-ud-
din of Samana. When the piece of paper was read it was written on it ―Sir dia par, siroer
na dia‖ i.e. I have given my head not the secret. This happened in November, 1675 at
Chandni Chowk in Delhi where later on was raised the Gurudwara known as Sis Ganj.
His body was cremated by Lakhi, a devotee Sikh at his Cottage, now called Gurudwara
Rikab Ganj. His revered head was taken to Anandpur Sahib by Bhari Jaita. His son and
successor Guru Gobind Singh cremated it with all honour at Gurudwara Sis Ganj,
Anandpur Sahib.
The challenge thrown by the Mughal government was accepted by the Sikhs for
the second time. They prepared themselves under the guidance of Guru Gobind Singh.
Guru Tegh Bahadur became doubly defiant and stood the martyrdom with the courage
of conviction which has inspired countless generations of followers and inspired many a
martyrs of Sikh history during the last three centuries or so.
Significance of Martyrdom
1. The relation between the Sikhs and the Muslims became estranged. The old
understanding between these two people which was a marked feature of the reign of
Akbar existed no more. The Sikh took this challenge to their heart and became the
bitterest enemies of the Mughals.
2. The Sikhs were not fully convinced that a regular army was most essential to
safeguard their honour and religion. They knew well that the Mughal Government was
 44

bent upon crushing them and, therefore, there was the paramount need to create an
army. Under these circumstances the Khalsa was created by Guru Gobind Singh to
meet the challenge and safeguard the interests of the Hindus and Sikhs.
3. The Hindus, who were demoralized at the cruel treatment meted out to them
by the Muslims for long, took heart and began to realise there was a saviour, who could
protect him. They began to take courage and enlisted themselves in large numbers in
the Sikh army.
4. The martyrdom of the Guru steeled the hearts of Sikhs. There was a powerful
wave of indignation and resentment, which compelled the people to bury their hatchet
and unite themselves under the banner of Sikh leadership. Military profession came to
be considered as a very honourable profession. The Sikh were now fully convinced that
they must raise an army which could match the royal forces. In this way the Sikh
organisation began to move towards another channel which sowed the seeds for military
glory and Sikh Kingdom.
In short, Guru Tegh Bahadur, a pious Guru, played a notable part in
strengthening the Sikh faith. After over powering his initial difficulties he brought many
Sikhs under his fold and preached the message of Gurus in different parts of India. He
was brave as a lion and his martyrdom changes the course of Sikh history.
Self-Assessment Questions
1. Give two causes responsible for the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur ji.
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2. On the orders of which Mughal Emperor was Guru Tegh Bahadur ji
executed?
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3. Why Guru Tegh Bahadur ji is called ‗Hind Di Chaddar‘?
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4. When and where did Guru TeghBahdur ji become a martyr?
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3.4 CREATION OF KHALSA BY GURU GOBIND SINGH JI

First nominated by Guru Arjun, the masands became the representative of Guru.
Under Guru Arjun‘s successors they became an important link between the Guru and
 45

the-Sikhs. In the organisation of the Sikh Church, much depended on their faithful co-
operation but they appeared to have lost Guru Gobind Singh‘s confidence. The Sikh
tradition is full of anecdotes or incidents through which their general dishonesty, callous
indifference or downright oppression are betrayed. This is evident also from two of Guru
Gobind Singh‘s thirty three Sawaiyas composed just before the creation of Khalsa.
In these Sawaiyas, Guru Gobind Singh made a strong indictment of masands.
He described them as a despicable lot, preferring self interest over their obligations to
the Guru and the Sikhs, Guru Gobind Singh decided to establish a direct connection with
the Sikhs by removing all those Masands whose integrity or loyalty was questionable.
Guru Gobind Singh decided to put this plan in operation in a dramatic and
systematic manner. No other day could be more auspicious than a Baisakhi day on
which many Sikhs as well as the Masands used to visit Anandpur, and this year they
were specifically asked to come. On the Baisakhi of 1699, the gathering at Anandpur
was unusually large. The form of Guru Gobind Singh‘s address to the assembly was
also unusual. He asked the Sikhs to offer their lives for the sake of their dharma. For
several generations they had been taught to do this for their Guru and many of the
devoted Sikhs had risked their lives for Guru Gobind Singh himself. But never had the
Sikhs been put to test so suddenly and apparently without a cause. Offers did come one
by one after a natural suspense and a good deal of hesitation. Guru Gobind Singh
stopped repeating the demand after the number of offers had reached five, a number
which had mystical Sanctity for the Sikhs. These five Sikhs Daya Ram, Dharam Dass,
Mohkam Chand, Sahib Chand and Himat Rai, who came to be Known at the five-
beloved (panja piyara) were given the baptism of the double-edged sword (khande ki
pahul), and they, in turn were asked to administer pahul to all those who would taste the
new baptism on the clear assumption that their lives henceforth were to be concerted to
me cause of the Guru alone. Though this baptism at Anandpur on the Bisakhi of 1699,
the nucleus of Guru Gobind Singh‘s Khalsa had come into existence.
The selected five of Gobind Singh were termed the Khalsa and they were named
as Singhs. Thus Daya Ram became Daya Singh and Dharam Dass, Dharam Singh and
so on. They were then asked to wear five K‘s viz Kes (unshorn Hair) Kachh (shorts,
under wear) Kara (Iron Bangle), Kirpan (small sword) and Kangha (comb).
But this was not all. Guru Gobind Singh himself asked the five beloved ones to
initiate him. Thus the Guru was administered ‗Khande Ka Pahul. He then said ―The
Khalsa is the Guru and the Guru is the Khalsa.‖
They were not to worship idols and images. They were to have faith only in one
immortal God. And above all they were to sacrifice everything for the Guru.
The primary duty of the Khalsa was symbolised by the new baptism, the “Khande
da Pahul‖ which had taken the place of the Charon pahul. The Khanda did not symbolise
power or glory so much, as the determination of the Khalsa to define the claim of their
conscience with physical force. The use of arms in self defence was sanctified through
this baptism.
 46

The courage with which the Khalsa of Guru Gobind Singh was expected to
defend was clear to them and was symbolized also by epithet Singh. All those who
tasted the Pahul were given the suffix ‘Singh’ which means Lion. This was to become an
integral part of the name of Guru Gobind Singh‘s Khalsa for all times to comes..,
Like Guru Gobind Singh himself baptised, Sikhs were to wear the Keshas as well
as the arms. The Keeping of the uncut hair was, no doubt an important injection of Guru
Gobind Singh for his Khalsa. The ceremonies connected with Bhaddan (Mundan) which
involved the cutting of hair, had naturally to be abandoned. A well-formulated rehat was
farmer prescribed and the Khalsa told to conduct their personal and social life in
accordance with that rehat. Thus not only in their inward belief but also in their personal
appearance and social observances, the baptised stood distinguished from the majority
of their contemporaries. The religious identity of the Order of the Khalsa became more
distinctly pronounced than that of the Sikhs of earlier days.
By instituting the Khalsa, Guru Gobind Singh not only reaffirmed the faith
promulgated by Nanak but consolidated the Sikh Panth to withstand any external
interference. He inspired Sikhs to defend claims of their conscience at the risk of their
lives and enabled them to stand on their own as a corporate body. In this process, he
sharpened the distinct religious character of the Sikh Panth. More than ever before, me
activities of Guru Gobind Singh‘s Sikhs now appeared to be fraught with political
implications and the stage was set for a contest with the Mughal power.
The revolution brought about by the Guru however, remained unnoticed by the
Mughal administration the Hill and Rajas for some time. This gave the Guru two years of
non intervention in the affairs of the Sikhs. The newly baptised Sikhs returned from
Anandpur-Makhowal to broadcast the new ideas. They also told them what had
happened on the Baisakhi day at Anandpur. Small parties of the Khalsa went to Sikhs in
the towns and villages of the Punjab to administer to all those who would taste the
baptism of the double sword. The newly baptism visited many places fully armed
obstraction by the Mughal official. Between 1699 and 1701 not only did the following of
Guru Gobind Singh increased many fold but also attracted within its fold the warlike Jats
of Central Punjab in large numbers.
SIGNIFICANCE: SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL
The event revolutionized the course of the Sikh history. It ushered a new era. A
well-Knit social brotherhood of the soldiers saints was created. It was free from all caste
barriers and hence brought a new sense of equality and dignity amongst the followers of
the Guru. The cut of war transformed than into fearless soldiers of the Guru and thus a
strong and huge army was raised to fight against Tyranny. The were not mercenaries
but willing volunteers, who were to live and die for the sake of the Khalsa and at the
commond of the Guru. They were to have no fears. They were also freed from mutual
hatred, social customs, rituals and ceremonies. The entire psychology of the Guru‘s
followers was transformed. Even the weakest became proud warriors, who could snatch
a victory from the enemy. According to Cunningham, the ―Gur roused to dormant
energies of vanquished people and filled them with a lofty, although fitful longing for
 47

social freedom and national ascendancy‖ By the creation of Khalsa he was able to
transform the ‗sparrows‘ into ‗hawks‘
(A) Social Significance: The creation of the Khalsa was the greatest blow to
case distinction in the society. The Guru Gobind Singh reported to have said, ―The four
tribes of the Hindu, the Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra would, like Pann (bottle
leaf), Chuna (lime), Supari (beetle nut) and Katha (terra aponiea), become all of one
colour, when well chewed‖. The Guru with me creation of the Khalsa destroyed this
distinction of caste, creed and colour. The persons, belonging to the lowest class were
among the first to be accepted in his order. It was a magic touch that most despised
caste of the scavengers, who now became Mazhabi Sikhs, proved to be one of the best
fighters after they got this initiation. The bravest of the Guru‘s General‘s is said to have
been Jiwan Singh, a Mazhabi Sikh who fell fighting at Chamkaur, and whose tomb still
perhaps exists at that place.
(B) Political Significance: The Guru, by the creation of the Khalsa, wanted to
make nationalism the religion with the Sikhs. According to Sunder Singh, ―The Guru
wanted to create a mass awakening and to show to the people that they were strong
enough to check the tide of the political tyranny and religious persecution, and the later
events only show that he admirably succeeded in the mission that he had undertaken‖.
Under the new system militarism was adopted, as an article of faith Sword became with
the Sikhs an object of worship. The service of Guru Gobind Singh was that he united
politics with religion and thus purified politics However, while doing so, he did not
develop any political ambition of his own. Despite all his successes, the Guru did not
acquire even an inch of land for himself The Sikhs were simply called upon to fight
tyranny of the Mughals and to protect their own faith. The political power, will be Sikhs
acquired after his death, was the byproduct of the exigencies of the times. According to
Dr. G.C. Narang.
―Gobind himself, infact, as well as his work, was the natural product of the
process of evolution that has been going ever since the foundation of Sikhism. The
harvest which ripened lathe time of Guru Gobind Singh had been sown by Guru Nanak
and watered by his successors. The sword .which carved the Khalsa‘s way to glory was
undoubtedly forged by Gobind, but the steel had been, provided by Nanak‖ Guru‘s
Ideology behind the creation of the Khalsa has been very clearly summed up by Prem
Sumarg. ―The Khalsa should be ever armed. He should be a lion at heart with the week
appearance of a cow. When he finds that evil does-persist mischief and the king does
not dispense justice, and religion is in danger, then seeing his opportunity, he should
take up arms. After all, this is the last resort‖.
(C) Religious Significance: The creation of the Khalsa had die psychological
and religious effect. It changed the very style and attitude of the Sikh community. The
new matter of naming the Sikhs as Singhs put a new life into the damping spirits of the
people. A person belonging to the lowest caste took ‗Amrit‘ and became a Singh. He
was a Lion; for that is the literal meaning of the word Singh. He felt that he was as good
and high as the famous Rajputs whose valiant deeds he had heard very often. The Guru
 48

realized that the people had religious but no national feeling. So he made nationalism
their religion, as it was the only way to make a nation of the Sikhs. The Sikhs now
became Singhs and Khalsa or Pure and they were to be sons of Gobind Singh and their
mother would be Sahib Kaur. They were to follow all the religions instructions strictly.
They were not to show any disrespect towards their hair, nor cut them or shave them;
they would not share bed with any woman except their dully married wife. They would
not use intoxicants and would not eat Halat or an animal killed after the Muslim fashion;
they would chant five Banis as chanted at the time of initiation every morning. Whenever
they fell from any of the rules thus prescribed, they were to admit of it and ask for
forgiveness before the Sangat In short, they were to live a truthful life, to worship one
God and give 1/10 of their income in charity. According to Payne, ―Female infanticide, a
custom prevalent then and for many years after in the Punjab was strictly forbidden, as
was also the practice of Sati; and rules and regulations were enjoined relating to daily
worship, marriage, the tow of inheritance and other matters in which the Sikhs had hither
to conformed to Hindu Law.‖ Payne further says, ―One of the most important results of
Gobind Singh‘s activity was the large increase in the number of his followers. Gordon,
too comments thus,‖All was designed to give the Sikhs a distinct national character in
opposition to the ways of other people, and to keep alive a sense of duty and profession
of their faith. The dry bones of an oppressed peasantry were stirred into-life, and the
institution of the Sikh baptismal rite at the hands of a few disciples anywhere in a place
of worship, in the house, or by the road side brought about the more full and widespread
development of the new faith‖.
Self-Assessment Questions
1. When and where was Khalsa formed?
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2. What are 5 K‘s?
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3. Name 4 principles of Khalsa.
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4. Who were PanjPyaras?
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5. What was the significance of creation of Khalsa?
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 49

3.5 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we have learnt about the policy of Miri and Piri, adopted
by Guru Hargobind, the sixth Guru of the Sikhs. Miri and Piri meant to follow the path of
both martial and spiritual for the protection of the weak. The supreme sacrifice made by
Guru Tegh Bahadur has also been examined in detail in this lesson. The significance of
his martydom has been underlined. In this lesson you also learnt about the institution of
Khalsa. The changes that were brought about by the foundation of Khalsa have also
been examined in detail. The political, religious and social significance of the creation of
Khalsa in 1699 at Anandpur Sahib, by Guru Gobind Singh have been underlined to
enhance your understanding.
3.6 REFERENCES
 Teja Singh and Ganda Singh. A Short History of the Sikhs, 1469 -1765, Patiala :
Punjabi University, 1983.
 J.S. Grewal, The sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi : CUP , 1999.
 W.M. Mc Leod, Sikhs and Sikhism, New Delhi: OUP, 2000.
3.7 FURTHER READINGS
 Khuswant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. I, New Delhi ; OUP.
 Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs, 1469 – 1765, Patiala:
Punjabi University, 1983.
3.8 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Critically examine the new policy adopted by Guru Hargobind?
2. Why did Guru Hargobind adopt the new policy?
3. Examine the causes that led to the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur? What was
its significance?
4. What circumstances led to the creation of Khalsa?
5. What was the significance of the creation of Khalsa in 1699?

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 50

Lesson-4

SIKH STRUGGLE IN THE 18th CENTURY: ESTABLISHMENT

OF INDEPENDENT RULE BY BANDA SINGH BAHADUR;
SIKH MISLS, DAL KHALSA AND GURMATA.

STRUCTURE
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction-
4.2 Banda Singh Bahadur: His Military Achievements and its Significance
4.3 Role of Gurmata, Sikh Misls, and Dal Khalsa in the political processes.
4.4 Summary
4.5 References
4.6 Further Readings
4.7 Model Questions
4.0 OBJECTIVES
Students after reading this chapter you will be able to:
 about the role of Banda Singh Bahadur in establishing independent Sikh state in
Punjab.
 understand the significance of Banda Singh Bahadur‘s activities.
 understand the role of Gurmata, Sikh Misls, and Dal Khalsa in the political
processes.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
Students, Banda Bahadur has a special place in the history of Punjab or the
History of Sikhs. Credit for establishment of the first Sikh independent kingdom goes to
him. He was a very brave and strong military general who was able to strike at the roots
of the Mughal rule. It seemed as if for all times to come the Muslim rule in Punjab has to
come to an end. He was a very religious person who gave credit for all his military
achievements to Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh. It was he who collected the
scattered Sikhs into a powerful force. So, students in this chapter, you will study in detail
about the Banda Singh Bahadur and his military achievements and also the role of Sikh
Institutions like Sikh Misls, Dal Khalsa and Gurmata in strengthening Sikhism.
 51

4.2 BANDA SINGH BAHADUR: BANDA SINGH BAHADUR: HIS MILITARY

ACHIEVEMENTS AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE
Banda Bahadur was born at Rajoauri, in district Poonch of Western Kashmir on
27th October, 1670. His father Dev was an ordinary Rajput farmer. His actual name was
Lachhman Dass. We are not certain about his early schooling. But it is generally
believed that he received his early education at his native village. In his early years he
was fond of hunting. On one such occasion, a minor event changed the entire course of
his life. It is said, that once he shot a pregnant deer which died immediately afterwards
with young ones in her womb. This incident shocked Lachhman Dass who changed his
mind. He reviewed his activities. He decided to renounce the world and live an ascetic
life because he was convinced of the fertility of his way of life. He changed his name
from Lachhman Dass to Madho Dass and became a Bairagi.
Madho Dass joined a group of ‗Sadhus‘, and wandered from place to place. But
in the company of these ‗Sadhu‘s he could not regain the peace of mind. Finally he left
the company of Sadhus, he reached Nasik on the bank of the Godavri and accidentally
met Aughar Nath from whom he learnt the art of Yoga. After the demise of Aughar Nath
he went to Nander in the South, where he established his own monastery and started a
new life. He started practising tricks of magic on the all those who visited him.
Aurangzeb died in 1707. He was succeeded by Bahadur shah who was on
friendly terms with Guru Gobind Singh. In 1708, Bahadur Shah decided to proceed
towards the Deccan to suppress Maratha revolts. Guru Gobind Singh, alongwith some of
his followers, accompanied him. In his campaigns Bahadur Shah stopped at Nander for
sometime, Sikh Traditions bear out that at this place. Guru Gobind Singh heard about
Madho Dass Bairagi and his fame. The same traditions maintain that Madho Dass was
noted for his magical power which he used to practice in his monastery He used to feel
pleasure by torturing innocent people through his saucery. It was here that Madho Dass
came in contact with Guru Gobind Singh. It is said that one day Guru Gobind Singh went
to the monastery of Madho Dass Bairagi. In the beginning Madho Dass employed the
use of saucery on Guru Gobind Singh but to no-effect. Madho Dass was impressed by
the personality of Guru Gobind Singh. There it is said the following conversation took
place between them.
Thus Madho Dass Bairagi became ‗Banda‘ or stave of the Guru and now he is
commonly known by this name. Guru Gobind Singh and Banda soon became intimate
friends, the former, by his persuasive eloquence and religious zeal made such a deep
impression on the mind of Banda that he was initiated into the ‗Pahul‘ and became a
disciple of the Guru. He was even given a Sikh name ‗Gurbakhax Singh‘ but as ‗Banda‘
was a typical name, he continued to be called Banda of Banda Singh Bahadur. Banda
by his dexterity and devotion soon inspired the Guru with confidence and became his
most staunch ally and adherent.
 52

CONQUEST AND ESTABLISHMENT OF RULE

Political Activity Upto the Conquest of Sarhind
One day Guru Gobind Singh called him and said, ―You have to wreak vengeance
on the enemies of the Khalsa.‖ Although the Guru did not acknowledge him as
successor in apostleship yet he declared that, after him the Sikhs would look upon him
as their leader and protector. He was given letters (Hukamnamas) addressed to the
Sikhs of Punjab directing them to fight under the leadership of Banda Bahadur. Guru
Gobind Singh‘s instructions to him were that he should remain a warrior and avenge, the
death of his father and innocent Sons. The Guru told him that he need not fear death,
and taking five arrows from his quiver and delivering them to Banda as emblems of
victory, he added ―Do not approach a woman if you are my true disciple, and keep these
five arrows with you. So long as you follow my instructions no misfortune will happen, if
you forge them or disregard them you shall answer for the non-performance with your
life.‖ Banda got the arrows with profound reverence and solemnly promised to obey the
commands of the Guru. The Guru also gave him drum and banner as emblems of his
authority. Bands was advised to think of himself as the servant of the Khalsa. No
Important task was to be undertaken without ARDASA (Religious Prayer). He was not to
found any sect of his own nor was he to let victories turn his head. For every project he
was to seek the advice of the ‗Five Sikhs‘. The Guru commissioned his 25 disciples
including Raj Singh, Binod Singh and Kahan Singh to accompany Banda to the Punjab
Thus Banda with a few Sikh zealots, set out to Punjab to fight against Mughal tyranny in
general and to punish Wazir Khan, the Governor of Sirhind in particular.
Position of Banda’s Army
Bands moved towards the Punjab, in his way he came to know about the
activities of the Sikhs in the Punjab. He was also informed about the death of Guru
Gobind Singh who was stabbed by a Pathan at Nander. Banda also learnt of the
victories of Guru Gobind Singh against the hill chiefs and also told how Guru Gobind
Singh was deceived after he left Anandpur. He was told about the atrocities committed
upon the Hindus and Sikhs of Punjab, Banda was infused with the spirit of revenge. He
decided to continue the holy war against the tyrants. He sent a hukamnama of Guru
Gobind Singh to the Sikhs in the different parts of the country.
Earlier, the Sikhs had dispersed owing to lack of strong leadership and employed
themselves in agriculture and trade. The Sikhs came out of their retreat and gathered in
large numbers under the banner of Banda. They pledged to fight to the last with the
enemy of the Khalsa. Chaudhary Ram Singh and Tilak Singh did not join personally but
they did send large number of soldiers to help Banda. Bhai Fateh Singh, a descendant
of Bhai Bhagtu joined Banda with a large number of followers. Ali Singh, Mali Singh and
a huge number of Sikhs of Salaudi joined to fight in the name and for the cause of their
Guru. Bhai Rupa Singh was another prominent Sikh Sardar who joined Banda. Thus the
number of soldiers ‗under Banda rose up to many thousands.
 53

Exploits of Banda Bahadur

First of all Banda looted Kaithal. Here he received the news that the royal
treasury was being taken to Delhi. He attacked the imperial army and looted the
treasury. Thereafter, he plundered Samana the native place of the executioner of Guru
Tegh Bahadur, the ninth Guru of the Sikhs and father of Guru Gobind Singh. According
to the Muslim historians, at Samana, 10,000 Muslims were beheaded. He passed
through Ghuram, Thaska, Shahabad and Mustafabad. Banda invaded, plundered and
looted Kapuri whose notorious Faujdar had harassed the Sikhs considerably. After
having plundered Kapuri, it was set on fire. It was here that some Hindus of Sadhaura,
tortured at the hands of the Faujdar of this place, approached Banda for help. The
Hindus told Banda how Pir Budhu Shah, who had helped Guru Gobind Singh in-the
Battle of Bhangani was tortured to death by Faujdar. The Faujdar had stopped the
Hindus from performing religious ceremonies there. On the, other hand, cows were
slaughtered and thrown in the streets of the town. Usman Khan, a great tyrant, and
Faujdar of Sadhaura, was given a crushing below and thousands of Muslim were
murdered in cold blood. The place of this murder is known as Qatlgarhi. From here
Banda marched towards Mukhlispur, which he occupied very easily. The fort of
Mukhlispur was repaired and was renamed as Lohgarh.

Battle of Sarhind (1710)

Banda Bahadur advanced toward Sirhind, where the two younger sons of Guru
Gobind Singh had been bricked alive. It was Wazir Khan who had harassed the Guru at
Chamkaur where two other Sons of the Guru were killed in a battle. Banda was told that
the pathan who had stabbed Guru Gobind Singh at Nander was actually commissioned
by Wazir Khan the Subedar of Sirhind. It was Wazir Khan‘s army, which killed the ‗Forty
Saved Ones‘ in the Battle of Khidrana. The Sikhs were determined to finish both Sirhind
and Wazir Khan, the Governor. Wazir Khan, who was Informed about Banda‘s advance
towards Sirhind; sent a detachment of troops to punish the invaders; but they were
repulsed with heavy losses. After wards Wazir Khan himself led a huge army. A bloody
battle was fought at Chhapar Chiri in the neighbourhood of Sirhind on 12 May, 1710 in
which the Mughal army was totally crushed and Wazir Khan was killed by an arrow
which pierced his breast. Banda entered Sirhind and punished‘ local Muslim army in a
vindictive manner. Latif described it in these words; He commanded it to be fared and all
the inhabitants to be put to death. While the city was in flames the followers of this
fanatic carried on the work of carnage in the most diabolic spirit. They slaughtered the
inhabitants indiscriminately without regard of age or sex. Nor was this all, the corpse of
Wazir Khan was hung on a tree and left to the tender mercies of the crows and vultures.
The mosques were polluted and burnt down and the mullas and moulvis subjected to the
greatest indignities and tortures. A booty worth 2 crores of rupees fell into the hands of
Banda from the residence of Wazir Khan, Sucha Nand, the Diwan of the Governor of
Sirhind, was punished properly. His property worth Iakhs of rupees was also looted,
Muslim writers like Khafi Khan and Mohd Latif, appears to have exaggerated the fact. No
 54

mosques or graveyard was destroyed. Dr. G.C. Narang writes, The Mausoleum of
Ahmed Shah, the most magnificent of rich buildings still stands as it did before the battle
and is, I think, sufficient evidence of the exaggeration in Latif s account. The Sikh
account gives a solitary example of digging the grave of Bibi Anup Kaur who was carried
away by Sher Mohammad Khan and committed suicide and was buried there. Her body
was dug out and cremated. Although the city was plundered and Muslim army killed yet
complete destruction of the city was saved, due to the appeal made by the local Hindus.
Establishment of Independent Rule
Banda Bahadur made good administrative arrangements of the conquered
territory i.e., from Kaithal to Ludhiana, Baj Singh was appointed Governor of Sirhind. Ali
Singh Salaudi was appointed as his Deputy. Baba Binod Singh and Ram Singh were
appointed as administrators of Thanesar. Muslim employees were replaced by Sikhs
and Hindus, as far as possible. Banda made Mukhlispur (near Sadhaura) his
headquarters. He assumed royal title and struck coins in the name of Guru Nanak and
Guru Gobind Singh. The coins contained the following inscription
―By the grace of the True Lord, is struck the coin in the two words; The sword of
Nanak is the grant of all booms and victory is of Guru Gobind Singh the king of kings.
The name of Guru Gobind Singh was inscribed on the State Seal. It continued the
following description. ―Deg, Teg, Fathe, Nusrat be drang, Yaft Az Nanak Guru Gobind
Singh.‖ Banda Bahadur started a new era from the date of the conquest of Sirhind.
Abolition of Zamindari System
Banda Bahadur abolished Zamindari System. There is an interesting story about
It. Some tillers is said, of Sadhaura complained of Zamindar‘s atrocities to Banda. Banda
was perturbed and was angry with the complainants. Banda said, ―It is a pity that, you
are in such a large number and, are such cowards as not to be able and strong enough
to finish a few Zamindars.‖ The tillers followed Banda fully and in a few days time,
Zamindari system was abolished. Banda became a guardian and defender of the
helpless.
Banda Towards Saharnpur And Jallalabad
Banda‘s victory encouraged the Sikhs, who started protesting openly against the
policy of persecution of Hindus by Muslims at many other places. A few Sikhs from a
village Jallalabad came to meet Banda and complained against Jalal Khan, the founder
and Faujdar of Jallalabad. Banda‘s army rushed towards Jallalabad and on it way,
captured Saharnpur. The Sikh army also killed peerzadas of Behat, at a place nearly 15
miles from Saharanpur. Then he reached Jallalabad and sent messengers to the
Faujdar with directions to release the Sikhs from his prison. These messengers were
insulted, which enraged Banda, who ordered the siege of the town. But due to heavy
rains, flood in a river and the possibility of immediate approach of re-enforcements from
Jullundhur Doab, Banda was compelled to order a retreat.
 55

Conquest of Jullundur Doab

After having captured Sirhind, Banda was busy in extending the frontiers. There
were rising of Sikhs in Jullundur Doab also. The Sikhs thought the time of the rule by the
Khalsa had come. They sent an urgent message to Shamas Khan the Faujdar of
Jullundur Doab, to introduce reforms and hand over the treasury to the Khalsa. Shamas
Khan announced a Jehad against the Sikhs. Thousands of Muslims gathered near
Sultanpur, which was the capital of Jullundur Doab. According to Khafi Khan nearly
seventy five thousands Sikhs had already collected there. On receipt of urgent request,
Banda also joined them. After assessing the situation in the light of heavy Muslim force
equipped with arms and ammunitions. The Sikhs retired to Rahon. Muslims pursued and
besieged them. But during the last hours of night, they ran away. Shamas Khan returned
with some Muslims at Rahon and bloddy battle was fought on 12th Oct. 1710 in which
the Muslims were defeated and suffered heavy losses. The Sikhs became rulers of
Jullundur Doab.
Religious War Against The Sikhs
The Sikhs crossed the river Beas and advanced towards the town of Batala in
Gurdaspur district. Two important Muslim leaders, Mohammad fazal Gilani and Sheikh
Ahad lived there. On hearing the news of the Sikh forces, Gilani with some Faqirs left for
Sultanpur. Sheikh-ul-Ahad encouraged the Muslims of Batala to fight the infidels.
Banda‘s army according to Ibratnamah of Mohamed Kasim replaced Muslim
Government officials by the Sikhs and finally captured Batala. The Sikhs also got
complete control of the Pargan of Pathankot. The Sikhs advanced towards the
neighbourhood of Lahore. Sayyed lslam Khan die Faujdar of Lahore was very cowardly
and he did not come out to meet the challenge. However, some Mullahs the decided to
try their strength to fight the Sikhs. They raised a green banner and calling it ‗Haidri
Flag‘, they advised the Muslims together under the banner of a jehad (religious war)
against the infidels. Thousands of Muslims marched against the Sikhs and besieged
them in Bhagwant Rai fort near Lahore but the Sikhs very tactfully escaped to the utter
disappointment of the Muslims. The Muslims pursued and surrounded them at Kotla
Begum. But the Sikhs used the same tactics. While the Muslims were returning towards
Lahore, the Sikhs suddenly attacked them and crushed their power. The Sikhs became
virtually the master of entire Majha and Riarki.
Imperial Campaign Against Banda Bahadur
Numerous victories of the Sikhs had created a fear in the minds of the Muslims
who thought that Banda was in possession of supernatural powers and no weapons
could affect him, Malcolm writes that had not Bahadur Shah returned from his tour of the
South, Banda would have conquered the whole of Northern India. At Ajmer, Bahadur
Shah was informed about the Muslims having been defeated and crushed by the Sikhs
in the Punjab. Bahadur Shah rushed towards the Punjab and was soon joined by armies
flow Oudh, Delhi Allahabad and Moradabad. The King decided to finish the Sikhs. He
issued orders to all Hindu officials to shave of their heads and beards, lest they might be
 56

mistaken for the Infidels. The Sikhs also made full preparations as they know about the
Royal Army advancing towards their headquarters. Imperial forces under Amin Khan
attacked the Sikhs at Sadhaura, But suffered heavy losses. According to Khafl Khan,
―The Sikhs struck terror into the royal forces.‖ Heavy Muslim reinforcements reached the
place. The Sikhs retreated to the Lohgarh fort. The fort was besieged. The siege
continued for a long time. The Sikhs ran short of food and started eating animals. Finally
one Gulab Singh offered to sacrificed his life. He sat in Banda‘s disguise and Banda in
another disguise escaped to the bills. Next day the fort was captured. Bahadur Shah
was disappointed to know of the escape of Banda to hills. He ordered the immediate
pursuit of Banda.
Banda’s Achievements Against The Hills Rajas
Banda did not remain inactive in the hills. He sent urgent messages to the Sikhs
throughout Punjab to reach Kiratpur in large numbers. The Raja of Bilaspur was
defeated in a pitched battle. Many hill chiefs including Sidh Sain of Mandi escaped the
wrath of Banda by declaring themselves as the followers of Guru Nanak‘s faith. Raja of
Mandi gave a girl of his family in marriage to Banda. Banda‘s army advanced towards
Jammu and killed Faujdar on 4th June 1711. Banda captured Behrampur, Rajpur,
Katanour and Batala. Bahadur Shah issued urgent orders for immediate arrest of Banda
and total elimination of Sikh power. He ordered that whatever and wherever a Sikh was
found he should be killed.
Bahadur Shah left for Lahore where he died on 18th Feb. 1712. His death was
followed by confusion and anarchy. Jenandar Shah who succeeded him was
immediately removed by Farrukh Siyar who occupied the throne in 1713. Meanwhile the
Sikhs occupied Sadhaura and Lohgarh once again. Farrukh Siyar ordered his army to
crush the Sikhs completely. Abdul Samad Khan, Governor of Kashmir and Mohamad
Amin with their huge armies, under orders of the Emperor, marched towards Sikh
headquarters. Banda fled to the Jammu hills, where he married his second wife. He
settled for some time at a place known as Dera Baba Banda Singh, where his
descendants still live. Mohammed Amin Khan was recalled to Delhi and Abdul Samad
Khan was appointed the Governor of Lahore.
BANDA’S CAPTURE AND EXECUTION
After a gap of one year, Banda came down to Punjab and occupied Batala and
Kalanour. Nearly thirty five thousand Sikh soldiers joined Banda to make another effort
occupy Punjab. Armies of Abdul Samad Khan and Mir Ahmed Khan, the Faujdar of
Aurangabad and some Hindus joined, and attacked Banda. Banda was about to win but
had to give way to heavy imperial Army, owing to the absence of a strong position.
Banda moved from place to place and finally reached the village ‗Gurdas Nangal‘ near
Gurdaspur. The Sikh army gathered the Haveli of Bhai Duni Chand and built a
temporary fort there. The Mughals besieged the fort and attacked enemy troops. The
Sikhs were in trouble, although from time to time Sikhs in groups would come of the fort,
attack the Muslim troops and again retreat to the fort. They, thus created real terror for
 57

the Muslims. The situation worsened inside the forts as differences arose between Binod
Singh and Banda Bahadur, Binod Singh Wanted the Sikhs to cut through the enemy
lines and escape, but Banda wanted to resist. Binod Singh and his son Khanan Singh
with their army, left the fort and escaped. This considerably weakened the position of
Banda, The Sikhs were reduced to an extremely critical condition. They lived on flesh,
grass leaves and bark of trees. They powdered twinge and bones and ate them instead
of flour, inspite of all this they could muster strength against the Mughals only for eight
months. At last the Sikhs were defeated. Nearly 8000 Sikhs were killed in the battle and
the rest Including Banda were arrested and taken to Lahore where they were paraded.
They were put in chains and were brought to Delhi on 29th Feb. 1716. At Delhi, Banda
Bahadur and his 740 followers were paraded. It was sort of fun (Tamasha) for the people
of Delhi. The author of lbratnama observes, ―Such a crowd in the bazars and lanes had
rarely been seen. The Musalmans could hardly contain themselves with joy. But the
unfortunate Sikh, who had been reduced to that condition were satisfied with their lot.
Not the slightest sigh of dejection a humiliation was visible on their faces.‖
Execution of Banda
Each Sikh, before Execution, was offered an opportunity, either to accept Islam
or death. None of the Sikhs wavered. There goes a story that when the execution was in
progress only one lady prayed to the king to set her son free who not a Sikh but a
prisoner in the hands of Sikhs. But the brave young boy replies, ―My mother is telling a
lie. I am heart and soul of a Sikh. Send me quickly after my comrades.‖ ―All Indian and
foreign contemporary writers. Praise, ―The wonderful patience and resolution, with which
these under went their fate‖. Banda was not executed with his companions. It is said that
probably the Mughal Emperor wanted to know the placed where Banda had kept his
treasures, as Banda had collected a huge wealth during various invasions against the
Mughal Army in the past few years. Banda gave no information about wealth. He was
once again paraded in the Bazar of Delhi and offered the usual choice between death
and Islam. Having refused to embrace Islam. Banda was ordered to be executed.
Banda‘s son Ajai was put in the lap of Banda was cut into pieces. Thereafter, the Mughal
soldiers tore the flesh off Banda with red-hot pincers.
CAUSES OF FAILURE OF BANDA
Banda did a lot to inspire his men to fight against Mughal atrocities and he
succeeded in this mission. His success or failure is not be judged from the fact, whether
or not he succeeded in capturing political power in the Punjab. His role is to be seen and
judged in the circumstances, in which he fought against the Mughal forces. The following
were causes of downfall of Banda Bahadur.
(a) According to a well Known historian, Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur was not
helped by rich Sikhs. Only poor Sikhs flocked under his banner. The Hindus remained
neutral, although certain Hindus Chiefs like Bachan Singh Kachhwala and Rajas of
Shivalik hills openly opposed him to gratify Abdul Samad Khan, Governor of Lahore, and
Farukh Siyar, the Mughal Emperor.
 58

(b) Unlike his many predecessors, Farukh Siyar was a staunch enemy of the
Sikhs. His policy was to ‗Finish every Sikh‘. The murder of a Sikh was rewarded from the
Mughal treasury. The Sikhs were hunted like wild animals.
(c) Banda had neither a well-organized army, nor well-established depots to
supply food and ammunitions of war. This became the major reason for the defeat of
Banda Bahadur in the Haveli of Bhai Duni Chand at Gurdas Nangal. Dr. Ganda Singh
writes ‗A dauntless spirit can do much but I cannot do everything. It must be
supplemented with men and material. But Banda from beginning was greatly
handicapped in this respect.‖ The Haveli of Bhai Duni Chand was not a fort. It was a
kuchha Haveli and easily scaled by the Mughal forces.
(d) Unfortunately, Banda was not a spiritualist like Guru Gobind Singh and that
was why the Sikhs of all shades did not come to him from all directions and so he lacked
full support from the Sikh community which was previously enjoyed by Guru Gobind
Singh.
(e) Banda‘s failure to act upon the advice of the ‗Five Sikhs‘ and his mistake in
substituting the war slogan ‗Fateh Darshan‘ in place of ‗Wahe Guru ji Ka Khalsa, Wahe
Guru ji Ki Fateh‘ (Although he withdrew it later on) estranged the Khalsa against him
(f) Banda founded a new-sect know as ‗Bandias‘, who considered and
worshipped Banda as the eleventh Guru, while the Tat Khalsa considered Guru Gobind
Singh as their last Guru. But Karam Singh observes that the birth of ‗Bandais‘ was
certainly a later development when the ‗Tat Khalsa‘ had developed some difference with
the followers of Banda Bahadur, Banda himself said to have expressed at the time of his
execution, ―What power had any one to kill me? ‗The order of True Guru (Gobind Singh)
was contravened by me, and this the punishment for that.‖
(g) Last but not the least cause of his defeat was the rift among his forces. Banda
Binod Singh and Khan Singh left Banda in very crucial hours.‘
SIGNIFICANCE OF HIS POLITICAL ACTIVITY
Although Banda as defeated, arrested and executed and his followers were
hunted down like wild animals, yet he occupies a very high place in the history of the
Punjab. He succeeded in sowing the seeds of a revolution and infusing the ideals of
democracy and independence. His achievement as general and as an administrator
were realy great. But Muslim historians like Latif are very critical of Banda Bahadur and
his achievements. Latif writes, ―His triumphs are not remembered as heroic acts, but as
malicious and cold blooded atrocities. His ruling and insatiable passion was that of
pouring out Mohammad blood. He is remembered as one of the most sanguinary of
monsters or a ruthless blood sucker.‘ However, judging him from a purely historical
stand point, he does not appear to have been such a monster. The aim of Banda was
nothing short of liberation of the country from the Mughal rule, winch was still foreign in
most of its essentials. Remarking about him, Gokal Chand Narang said, ―Guru Gobind
Singh had diverted the attention of his followers from the plough to the sword.. He had
 59

sown the seeds. Banda reaped the harvest. The Guru had enumerated the principles,
Banda carried them into practice. Gobind Singh had destroyed the awe inspired by
Mughal despotism; Banda completely broke the charm of its invincibility.‖
Dr. Ganda Singh has rightly said that, it was through him that the path of the
conquest and freedom was discovered by the people of the Punjab. He was the first
man-to deal a severe blow at the intolerant rule of the Mughals in the Punjab and to
break the first sod in the conquest of that province by the Sikhs. He taught the Punjabis
how to resist tyranny and to live and idea for a national cause. The idea of a national
state. Long dead, once again became a living aspiration and although suppressed for
the time being by relentless persecution, it went on working underground like
smouldering fire and came out forty years later with fuller effulgence, ―never to be
suppressed again‖.
Self Assessment Questions
Q1. Who was the original name of Banda Singh Bahadur?
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Q2. Name the Capital of Bnada Singh Bahadur.
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Q3. Who was Wazir Khan?
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Q4. Mention two administrative achievement of Banada Singh Bahadur?
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4.3 ROLE OF GURMATA, SIKH MISLS, AND DAL KHALSA IN THE

POLITICAL PROCESSES
GURMATA
In Punjabi, the word mata stands for a decision or a resolve by a group of
persons or even an individual. The term ‗Gurmata‘ involves the Guru somehow in the
decision or the resolution. But there was no personal Guru after the death of Guru
Gobind Singh in 1708. He had passed on Guruship to the Sikh scripture called the Adi
Granth which thus became Guru Granth Sahib. This was the doctrine of Guru Granth
(i.e. Granth as the Guru). Since the tenth Guru had also asked his followers to turn to the
collectively for counsel, the Guru himself was believed to be present in the body of the
Khalsa. Thus, a decision taken at a meeting of the Khalsa came to be called Gurmata.
 60

Such a decision was all the more sanctified if it was taken in the presence of Guru
Granth Sahib.
Gurmatas related to issues of common concern for the whole of the community.
In theory, the concerns of the Khalsa could be religious, social or political. But actually in
the eighteenth century these concerns were generally political, particularly dealing with
the matters of defence and offensive against the opponents of the Khalsa. In other
words, the primary importance of Gurmatas was for the political struggle of the Khalsa
against the Mughals first and then against the Afghans. Therefore, the function of the
Gurmatas to provide unity and a sense of direction to the fighting bands can be better
appreciated with reference to the context of that struggle.
The first important development in this connection was the control of the Khalsa
over Ramdaspur (later called Amritsar) with its sacred tank (sarovar) and the
Harmandar, called Darbar Sahib, and the Akali Takht. No invitation was needed by a
Sikh to come to Ramdaspur at the time of Baisakhi and Diwali. The gathering of the
Khalsa on these occasions (Sarbat Khalsa) would generally be held at the Akal Takhat.
In this way the institutions of the Darbar Sahib (a Gurdwara) and the Akal Takht were not
only revived by the actions of the collectivity but also strengthened. It is not an accident
that most of the important Gurmatas were passed at Amritsar. At the same time, it is
important to note that most of these Gurmatas were passed from 1745 to 1765, the
phase of the life-and-death struggle of the Khalsa which ended in the declaration of Sikh
sovereignty in 1765 when a coin was struck at Lahore with the same inscription that had
appeared on the seal of Banda Singh Bahadur in 1710. This inscription in Persian
attributed the success of the Khalsa to the grace of the Gurus and God. In other words,
the Sikh rulers did not derive their authority from any king or emperor. A Gurmata did not
have any legal or constitutional status but it was morally binding for all Sikhs, and the
Gurmatas passed at Amritsar had a special sanctity.
DAL KHALSA
The term ‗Dal Khalsa‘ refers literally to the united forces of the Sikh leaders. After
the execution of Banda Singh and his companions in 1716, there was no organization for
political action. Gradually, individual leaders emerged with a few followers under each.
There are indications that such groups (jathas) increased in the 1730s and Sardar Kapur
Singh organized them into four or five larger jathas. The number of jathas increased
further in the 1740s. According to the consensus among historians, these groups were
combined in 1748 to form the Dal Khalsa. It is significant, again, that the most important
activities of the Dal Khalsa fall in the phase from 1748 to 1765. Indeed, there was a
close connection between the Dal Khalsa and Gurmata. All important matters were
discussed, appropriate decisions were taken, and the forces of all the Sikh leaders were
placed under a single command. During 1748-65, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia is believed to
have been generally chosen to lead the Dal Khalsa. The Dal Khalsa is sometimes
regarded as the ‗national army‘ of the Sikhs. Indeed, on numerous occasions a large
number of Sikh leaders combined their forces and fought under the command of a single
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leader. But the equation of the Dal Khalsa with ‗national army‘, or even a standing army,
is misleading. It is probable that even in the course of a joint action the individual leader
remained in command of his followers. By and large, the leaders functioned individually
and their units functioned independently of one another. But they were ready to
cooperate for a common campaign and willing to accept the leadership of an elected
commander. The frequency of such joint actions by a combination of Sikh sardars
enabled the Dal Khalsa to play a vital role in the Sikh struggle from1748 to 1765.
However, the Dal Khalsa remained an ad hoc combination of the forces of a number of
sardars for a specific purpose. The Gurmata and the Dal Khalsa were the two sides of
the same political coin.

SIKH MISLS
In 1748 by the efforts of Nawab Kapoor Singh all the 65 Sikh Jathas were
brought together under one common umbrella called the Dal Khalsa, which was divided
into 12 Sikh Jathas. The Misl is an Arabic word which means 'like'. The Sikh Misls were
'alike', in the sense that they were considered equal in terms of respect, say and
position. The Misls were twelve companies of Sikhs, some numbering a few hundred
while others could field tens of thousands of men. Each Sikh was free to join any Misl he
chose, and every Misl was free to act in any way it wished in the area under its control.
Only matters affecting the community as a whole were they to take orders from the
Supreme Commander Nawab Kapur Singh. It is estimated that the total force which the
Dhal Khalsa (army of veterans) could put in the field was about seventy thousand Sikhs.
The Misldhar system was ideally suited to the conditions of the time and worked well
under leaders like Nawab Kapur Singh and Jassa Singh Ahluwalia. It combined freedom
of action with the discipline of a unified command; it channeled the energies of the
fiercely independent Khalsa soldier in the service of a cause which he held dear - the
expulsion of hostile foreigners from the Punjab and the fulfilment of the prophecy of Guru
Gobind Singh Ji of the establishment of a Sikh state. The twelve Misls were as following:
Kanhaiya Misl: Misldhar - Jai Singh of the village Khana. Maharaja Ranjit established
matrimonial alliance with this Misl and his mother-in-law Sada Kaur helped him in
climbing the ladder of success. It had fighting strength of more than ten thousand men.

Shaheed Misl: Its Misldhar (Commander) was Baba Deep Singh. The name Shaheed
(martyr) was taken after Baba Ji's death in the defence of the Harminder Sahib (Golden
temple).

Ahluwalia Misl: its Misldharwas Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, who also became the supreme
commander of all the Misls. It covered the areas of Sultanpur, Kapurthala and
Hoshiarpur areas.

Sukerchakia Misl: Misldhar – It was founded by the Charhat Singh Sukerchakia whose
grandson, Ranjit Singh became the first Sikh Maharaja of the Punjab. It comprised the
area of Gujranwala, Eminabad, Wazirabad and village Dadan Khan.
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Faizlpuria Misl: Also known as Singhpuria. Its Misldharwas Nawab Kapur Singh. He
was one time commander of all the Misls. It covered the areas of Jalandhar, Nur Mahal,
Behrampur and Patti.
Nikkai Misl: Its Misldhar - Hira Singh of the village Baharwal, situated in a tract near
Lahore called Nakka.
Phoolikian Misl: It‘s founder was Chaudhary Phool Singh. The Phulkian rulers
descended from the Bhatti Rajputs and it comprised the areas of Patiala, Nabha and
Jind.
Dallewalia Misl: The founder of this Misal was Gulaba a Khatri, resident of the village
Dallewal, near Dera Baba Nanak, in Doaba Dist Jallandhar . He took Amrit/pahul and
became an active member of the Dal Khalsa in AD 1726 (1783 B.C.), and launched
upon a career of chivalry, fighting against the tyrannical government of the Punjab.
Bhangi Misl: The Bhangi Misl is said to have its name from its founder's addiction to
bhang - an intoxicating preparation of hemp. The Bhangi Misl was one of the most
famous Misls of the Sikhs. Members of this Misl ruled Amritsar, Gujarat (the territory in
Punjab not the state Gujrat), Chiniot and a part of the city of Lahore. This Misl outshined
the other Misls in its early stages and the Bhangis were probably the first to establish an
independent government of their own in their conquered territories. Even in the initial
stages of the Misl's history they had nearly twelve thousand horsemen.
Ramhgarhia Misl: It‘s Misldharwas Nand Singh, later controlled by Jassa Singh
Ramgharia. Name Ramghariha was taken after winning a major battle near the village of
Ramghar. The founder of the Ramgarhia Misl was a (Jat) Sikh, named Khushal Singh of
Guga village near Amritsar. Khushal Singh was succeeded by another Jat, Nand Singh,
who belonged to village Sanghani near Amritsar. After his death, was succeeded by a
much more enterprising and valiant man, named Jassa Singh (1723-1803), under whose
stewardship the band assumed the status and the name of the Misl.
Nishanwalia Misl: Its Misldhar was Dasundha Singh, the standard bearer (nishanwala)
of the Dhal Khalsa.
Karori Misl: its Misldar was Karora Singh and it covered the areas of Bhungar,
NawahShehar and Rurka.
RAKHI
The word rakhi in Punjabi simply means ‗watchful protection‘. Some available
orders of the Sikh leaders show that individual leaders had begun to occupy chunks of
territory in the Bari Doab in 1750, if not earlier. In due course, they evolved a system
called Rakhi in which they assured the cultivators that they would be protected against
all other claimants if they paid a part of the revenues to them. A large concession was
given to the cultivators in the Rakhi system. They had to pay only about a fifth of the
produce from the land to their protectors instead of the usual one-half or nearly one-half
which they used to pay to the Mughal or Afghan officials. The system became more and
 63

more popular when the Sikh leaders demonstrated their ability to ‗protect‘. Thus, the
system served as an instrument of expansion of territories under Sikh control as well as
the means of financial resource. Rakhi was not necessarily a phase prior to occupation
of territories even though an area brought under protection by a Sikh leader was
generally occupied permanently by the same leader. In this sense, it could be termed a
transitional arrangement, though a leader could occupy a particular piece of territory and
extend his protection over another at the same time. Strictly speaking, Rakhi was not
comparable with the Chauth system of the Marathas.

Self Assessment Questions

1. What do you understand by the term Gurmata?
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2. What was the function of the Gurmata?
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3. What did the Sarbat Khalsa stand for?
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4. What do you understand by the term Dal Khalsa? When was it formed?
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5. What did the term Rakhi stand for?
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6. What was paid by the cultivators to the Sikh leaders in lieu of Rakhi?
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7. How did Rakhi serve as an instrument of expansion of territories?
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8. What do you understand by word Misl?
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4.4 SUMMARY
Students, in this lesson you have learnt about the rise of Banda Bahadur. His
conquests and battles that he fought have been discussed in detail along with his
causes of failure and success. In the next part of the chapter we can see that Gurmata
gave cohesion to the activities of the Sikhs and derived its strength from the twin
doctrine: Panth as the Guru and the Granth as the Guru. Dal Khalsa or coming together
of forces of several leaders was a result of the Gurmata, whereas Rakhi was a secular
arrangement. All the three devices enabled the Khalsa to make the Mughals ineffective
and oust Ahmad Shah Abdali and his Afghan administrators from the Punjab, and to
occupy territories between the Indus and the Jamuna with the support and sympathy of
not only the Sikhs but also of large sections of the non-Sikh peasantry.
4.5 REFERENCES
 Ganda Singh, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Sirhind: 1976.
 N.K. Sinha, Rise of Sikh Power, Culcutta: 1973.
 Veena Sachdeva, Polity and Economy of the Punjab during the Late Eighteenth
Century, New Delhi: Manohar, 1993.
4.6 FURTHER READING
 J.S Grewal, Sikh Ideology, Polity and Social Order, New Delhi: Manohar, 2007.
 Veena Sachdeva, Polity and Economy of the Punjab during the Late Eighteenth
Century, New Delhi: Manohar, 1993.
 Indu Banga, Agrarian System of the Sikhs: Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth
Century, New Delhi: Manohar, 1978.
 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi: CUP, 1999.
4.7 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Examine the military conquests of Banda Bahadur.
2. How did Banda Bahadur establish an independent rule?
3. What was the significance of Banda‘s military exploits?
4. Examine the role of the Gurmata and the Dal Khalsa in the political process of
the Punjab in the eighteenth century.

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Lesson-5

PUNJAB UNDER RANJIT SINGH: CIVIL, MILITARY AND

REVENUE ADMINISTRATION; ANGLO-SIKH RELATIONS
UP TO 1839

STRUCTURE
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Unification under Ranjit Singh
5.3 Civil Administration
5.4 Military Administration
5.5 Land Revenue System
5.6 Anglo-Sikh Relations up to 1839
5.7 Summary
5.8 References
5.9 Further Readings
5.10 Model Questions
5.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 trace the process of unification of an empire under Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
 learn about the civil,military and revenue administration under Maharaja Ranjit
Singh
 learn about expansion of the Kingdom of Lahore.
 Learn about the Anglo-Sikh relations upto 1839.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
On the sudden death of his father, Mahan Singh in 1792. Ranjlt Singh became
the leader to the Shukarchakia Misl with its territories around Gujranwala. With the
training in the practical school of the troubled times, he showed considerable promise as
the man of destiny. As a born leader, he earned distinction among other Misls and soon
rose the high position with struggle against the Afghans. Under the prevailing
circumstances when the Punjab was divided into a number of petty principalities, without
 66

any cohesion and central control, Ranjit Singh appeared to be the man of the hour who
could we the discordant elements into a powerful monarchy. Ranjit Singh was an able
administration. His civil and military administration was very organized. So, students in
this chapter we will learn about the rise of Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his administration.
This chapter will also look into the relationship between Maharaja Ranjit Singh V British
Empire upto 1839.
5.2 UNIFICATION UNDER RANJIT SINGH
Ranjit Singh Got Lahore form Zaman
Ranjit Singh, with his own troops and those of his mother-in-law, Sada Kaur,
attacked Lahore in July 1799. The city of Lahore at that time was held by three Sikh
Chiefs of Bhangi Misl, named Chet Singh, Sahib Singh and Mohar Singh. When Ranjit
Singh reached the neighborhood of Lahore he learnt that Chet Singh and his supporters,
the Khatns, were not having the co-operation of Muslim Chaudharis head by Badr-ud
din. Ranjit Singh and his mother-in-law took full advantage of those dissensions and
thus, without much fighting, occupied the city of Lahore. According to Muhammad Latif,
the Lahori Gate of the city was opened to Ranjit Singh by the Muslim Chaudharis and,
thus, he easily overpowered all armed resistance. Two out of the three Bhangi Sardars,
Sahib Singh and Mohar Singh, had fled from the city even before they had heard of
Ranjit Singh‘s entry. Chet Singh, however offered resistance, but eventually surrendered
on July 7, 1799.
After the occupation of Lahore, Ranjit Singh was welcomed by the people as a
‗deliverer.‘ He, on his part, issued orders to his soldiers that they should treat all the
citizens of Lahore with the greatest consideration. No one was to be attacked or
plundered. By another ordinance, he granted protection to all his subjects. He also
encouraged merchants, traders and artisans to resume their work. He even struck coins;
but he did not allow his own name to be inscribed on those coins. He named his coins as
‗Nanak Shahi‘. Similarly, on his seals, he did not use his own name but ‗Akal Sahai‘
Thus, with those measures, normal life was restored in Lahore.
Confederacy against Ranjit Singh—Battle of Bhasin : 1800
The occupation of Lahore roused the jealousy, and intensified the hostility of his
rival Sikh Sardars and the neighbouring Muslim Chief of Kasur, Nizam-ud-din.
Consequently, they formed a powerful confederacy against him under the leadership of
the Bhangi Sarclar, Gulab Singh, of Amritsar. Among the notable chiefs who joined that
league were Sahib Singh Bhangi, of Gujrat; Jodh Singh, of Wazirabad; Jassa Singh
Ramgarhia, and Nizam-ud-din, the Pathan ruler of Kasur. On hearing of this, Ranjit
Singh also made large-scale preparations. At a distance of about twelve miles from
Lahore, in the neighbourhood of a small village, Bhasin, Ranjit Singh came face to face
with the enemy. But no action was taken for some time, as both the parties had over-
estimated the strength of each other. For two months both the forces lay encamped
opposite each other. Whereas no regular battle was fought, a few skirmishes took place.
Then all of a sudden, Gulab Singh Bhangi, the leader of confederacy, died. That
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incidence caused confusion in the rank and file of Ranjit Singh‘s enemies. They,
therefore, dispersed without accomplishing anything.
Conquest of Akalgarh and Gujrat
After the battle of Bhasin, the first two victims of Ranjit Singh were Sahib Singh
Bhangi, of Gujrat and Dul Singh, of Akalgarh. Sahib Singh was charged with joining the
confederacy of 1801 and consequently his territory was invaded. Dul Singh of Akalgarh
joined Sahib Singh. A brief battle was fought at Akalgarh. The result was that Dul Singh
was taken prisoner and Akalgarh was annexed. Sahib Singh Bhangi, however, escaped
and retained his estate for several years. It was in 1809 that he was finally defeated by
Fakir Aziz-ud-din and his stronghold, Gujrat, was annexed. Nur-ud-din, the younger
brother of Faqir Aziz-ud-din, was appointed the first Governor of Gujrat.
Capture of Amritsar. Battle of Lohgarh-1805
In 1805, Ranjit Singh decided to conquer Amritsar which was held by Mai
Sukhan, the widow of Gulab Singh, and her minor son, Gurdit Singh. He, therefore, sent
a message it to Mai Sukhan to surrender the Fort of Lohgarh, the Bhangi fort at Amritsar
and also hand over to him the great Bhangi gun, Zamzama. Mai Sukhan refused to meet
those demands and, consequently, Ranjit Singh marched on Amritsar and besieged
Lohgarh. Fateh Singh Ahluwalia also fought on the side of Ranjit Singh in that campaign.
The battle lasted for a few days and in the end, Mai Sukhan and Gurdit Singh fled and
took refuge in the ‗Haveli‘ of Jodh Singh Ramgarhia. Later on, they submitted and Ranjit
Singh annexed Amritsar and other Bhangi dependencies in the neighbourhood. He,
however, allotted a small Jagir, for the maintenance of Mai Sukhan and her minor son.
The occupation of Amritsar is as significant in the career of Ranjit Singh as the
conquest of Lahore. With the possession of Lahore Ranjit Singh had become the master
of the political capital of the Punjab and with the annexation of Amritsar he became the
master of ―the religious capital of the Sikhs‖. With Lahore and Amritsar as parts of his
dominions, Ranjit Singh had attained a status and position far superior to other
Misaldars.
Ranjit Singh did not take arms against the Dallewala Mislas long as its leader,
Tara Singh Gheba, was alive. In 1807, Tara Singh died. Ranjit Singh attacked his
territory and after a feeble resistance which his widow offered at Rahon, the Dallewala
territory (Rahon) were annexed. Similarly, Ranjit Singh attacked the territory of
Karorsinghias or Panjgarhias and defeated their leader Bhagat Singh, and annexed their
possessions in 1810.
Conquest of Faizalpuria Territory: September 1811
There was another Misl, Faizalpuria or Singhpuria, which held possessions on
both sides of the Satluj. Its chief, Budh Singh, was called upon by Ranjit Singh to offer
submission. On his refusal, a big force under Diwan Mohkam Chand was sent against
him. Jodh Singh Ramgarhia and Fateh Singh Ahluwalia accompanied the general. In
September 1811, Ranjit‘s forces easily captured Jullundhar and Phillaur, but Budh Singh
 68

crossed the Satluj and took refuge in his territories lying to the south of the river. Ranjit,
however, annexed all his territories lying to the north of the Satluj, viz. Jullundur Doab,
Fatehpur and Patti.
Conquest of Cis-Satluj (Malwa) Territories
Ranjit Singh‘s conquests, however, were not confined to the north and the west
of the river Satluj. His greatest wish was to unite the whole Sikh nation under his own
banner. His next target was the Malwa tract of the Punjab. The greater part of that area
was held by the chiefs of the Phulkian family. The foremost Phulkian chief was the ruler
of Patiala. But the Patiala State, at the time of Ranjit‘s accession to power, was held by a
weak and incompetent ruler, Sahib Singh. The other Phulkian chiefs of Nabha and Jind,
had begun to make encroachments upon the territory of Sahib Singh.
First Malwa (Cis-Satluj) expedition, 1806
In 1806, a serious quarrel broke out over the possession of a small town,
Daladhi, between the Patiala chief and the Nabha ruler; and the tatter along with Raja
Bhag Singh of Jind, sought the help of Ranjit Singh. Accordingly, in 1806, he entered the
territory with 20,000 men. Ranjit Singh was supported by Fateh Singh Ahiuwalia and
Gurdit Singh of Ladwa. Within a very short time, Ranjit Singh captured Daladhi,
advanced to Patiala and exacted a heavy tribute from Sahib Singh. On his way back,
Ranjit Singh conquered Ludhiana, Dakha, Raikot, Jagraon and Ghungrana. But he did
not annex those territories to his own dominions and distributed them among chiefs who
had accompanied him in that expedition.
Second Malwa (Cis-Satluj) Expedition: 1807
In 1807, Ranjit Singh was again invited to attack Patiala by the wife of the Raja of
Patiala. The Rani, was an artful and ambitious woman and wanted her husband, Sahib
Singh, to grant a large tract of territory to her infant son, Kunwar Karam Singh. Ranjit
Singh was accompanied by two great veterans- Diwan Mohkam Chand and Fateh Singh
Ahluwalia. No resistance was offered to him and when Ranjit Singh entered Patiala, a
warm reception was given to him. He restored cordiality between Sahib Singh and his
wife.
From Patiala he proceeded to Ambala and got a huge nazrana from its ruler. He
captured Naraingarh also and exacted tributes from Bhai Lal Singh of Kaithal, Jodh
Singh of Kalsia and other Sikh Sardar of that reign. It was also during the second Cis-
Satluj expedition that Ranjit Singh conquered Wadni, Zira and Kot-Kapura and received
tributes from the chiefs of Mani-Majra and Ropar. In December 1807, he returned to
Lahore.
Metcalfe at the Court of Ranjit Singh
The second expedition of Ranjit Singh created great alarm among the Sikh chiefs
of Malwa. Consequently, in March 1808, some of them approached Mr. Seton, the
British Resident, for protection. But Seton, at that time, hesitated to make any definite
commitments and, thus, the Sikh Chiefs were greatly disappointed. It was only when
 69

these Sikh Chiefs could not get any assurance of protection from the British Resident at
Delhi that they turned to Ranjit Singh for subordinate alliances. Raja Sahib Singh of
Patiala exchange his turban with Ranjit Singh and both swore to remain friendly to each
other. The other Sikh chiefs of Malwa also agreed to acknowledge the suzerainty of
Ranjit Singh. Thus, when the British Government sent Sir Charles Metcalfe to sign a
treaty with the Lahore Chief, the former saw most of the cis-Satluj Sikh chiefs in
attendance at the latter‘s court. Metcalf insisted that Ranjit Singh should relinquish all his
claims on the territory south of the River Satluj. But that was something contrary to the
most cherished aim of Ranjit Singh‘s life, i.e. to become the ruler of the entire Sikh
nation. Negotiations were, therefore, prolonged and even during the period of
negotiations, Ranjit Singh attacked Faridkot and Malerkotla and conqured them. But the
British were determined not to let Ranjit Singh extend his boundaries beyond the Satluj
and in order to frighten him, they sent a force under Ochterlony to Ludhiana to make a
show of arms and, thus, coerce Ranjit Singh to accept the Satluj his as the boundary of
his kingdom.
Treaty of Amritsar: 1809
Ranjit Singh did not want to yield and he even made preparations for war but in
the end felt that his young kingdom could not fight successfully against the mighty British
power; and consequently, signed the Treaty of Amritsar in 1809. But he agreed to
confine his activities of war and conquest to the territories lying to the north-west of the
river Satluj.
Minor Conquests: Kasur and Kangra
Conquest of Kasur :1807
Besides waging war against his rival Sikh Chiefs, Ranjit Singh also conquered
the possessions of those Muslim chiefs who held territory in the Punjab. In the
neighbourhood of Lahore, there was the Pathancolony Kasurand its chief was Nizam-ud
din. From 1801 to 1806, a number of expeditions were sent against Nizam-ud-din and
tributes were exacted from him. In 1801, the Pathan chief died and was succeeded by
his brother Qutub-ud-din. The new chief tried to gain his independence and negotiated a
secret treaty with Nawab Muzaffar Khan of Multan against Ranjit Singh. But Ranjit Singh
soon came to know of this and consequently, in February 1807, sent an expedition
against him. Kasur was besieged. The siege continued for about a month, but, in the
end, Qutub-ud-din surrendered. All his possessions were annexed; but for his
maintenance, Ranjit Singh granted him the jagir of Mamdot.
Wars against Kharalas and Sials
Beside the Pathans of Kasur, there were a number of Muslim rulers in the
territory to the west of the Ravi, the Chenab and the Jehlum. The most important among
them were the Kharals and the Sials. In 1803, Ranjit Singh attacked the territory of
Kharals and reduced them to submission. in the same year, he sent a message to the
Sial Chief, Ahmad Khan of Jhang and Chiniot, to submit to him. But Ahmad Khan did not
send a favourable reply. Thereupon, Ranjit Singh marched against him and defeated
him. Ahmad Khan purchased his safety by paying a heavy tribute of Rs. 60,000. It was
 70

during that expedition that Ranjit Singh exacted tributes from the Muslim chiefs of
Sahiwal and Garh Maharaja also. In 1805, another expedition was sent against Ahmad
Khan Sial and the amount of the tribute was raised. Two years later Ranjit Singh learnt
that Ahmad Khan had made a secret alliance against him with Nawab Muzaffar Khan
and consequently, he sent another expedition against Ahmad Khan. He was defeated
and his possessions, comprising Jhang and Chiniot, were occupied by the Sikh ruler.
Later on, Jagir was bestowed on Ahmad Khan. In 1808, the tribute was also exacted
from another Muslim chieftain, Alam Khan, the Governor of Akhnur.
Conquest of Kangara : 1809
Another important conquest of Ranjit Singh effected in the first decade of the
nineteenth century was that of Kangra. There was a number of hill states in the Punjab,
but the most powerful of them at that time was Kangra, which was then held by Raja
Sansar Chand Katoch. He was as ambitious as Ranjit Singh and wanted to establish his
ascendancy over the whole of ‗the Kohistanin 1804, he advanced and tried to capture
Hoshiarpur and Bajwara, but the Lahore Chief inflicted a crushing defeat on him.
Thereafter, Sansar Chand tried to extend his dominions at the expense of the small
neighbouring hill states. Thereupon, one of the hill chiefs, Raja of Kahlur sought the
protection of the Gurkhas of Nepal. The Gurkhas, under Amar Singh Thapa were
already entertaining designs to occupy the Hill States of the Punjab and so they readily
responded to the invitation of the Kahlur Chief. Kangra was besieged by them. Sansar
Chand soon realized that it would be difficult for him to defend his possessions single-
handed and, consequently, he sought Ranjit Singh‘s assistance. Ranjit Singh demanded
the Fort of Kangra as the, price for the help to be rendered which the Raja accepted.
Consequently, Ranjit Singh sent a large force under DiwanMohkam Chand. The Gurkha
General, Amar Singh, on learning of the arrival of this Sikh force, retreated. After the
withdrawal of the Gurkhas, Ranjit Singh established his ascendancy over the hill
possessions of Sansar Chand Katoch. In 1829, those possessions were finally annexed.
Conquest of Multan
Multan was an important town both from the commercial and the strategic points
of view. During the period of the decline of the Mughal Empire, it was conquered by the
Afghans. But in 1771, the Bhangi Sardar captured it and held it for about a decade. In
1779, Timur Shah, defeated the Bhangi Sardars and appointed Muzaffar Khan Sadozai
— the Governor of Multan. Thus, when Ranjit Singh came to power, Multan was held by
Nawab Muzaffar Khan of the Sadozai clan, technically a dependent of the Afghan ruler,
but practically independent of all external control.
First Expedition: 1802
In 1802, Ranjit Singh led his first expedition against Multan. When the Sikh
forces entered the Nawab‘s territory, he sent his agents to the Sikh Chief with a
message that he was ready to pay a huge nazrana to him. Accordingly, the Maharaja
met the Nawab at a place, about 30 miles distant from the city, and, after exacting a
large tribute from him, returned to Lahore.
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Second Expedition : 1805

In 1805, the Maharaja led another expedition against Multan and at that time he
was able to advance as far as Mahatma a village about 20 miles to the north. But while
he was, thus, advancing towards Multan, he had to return to his headquarters, because
he learnt that Jaswant Rao Holkar, a Maratha chieftain, being hotly pursued by the
British Army under Lake, was approaching his eastern frontier. He, therefore, hastily
concluded terms with Nawab Muzaffar and returned to Amritsar.
Third Expedition : 1807
In 1807, Ranjit Singh learnt that Nawab Muzaffar Khan was plotting against him
in league with Ahmad Khan Sial of Jhang, and Qutab-ud-din Khan of Kasur. Accordingly,
he led his third expedition against Multan and within a short time occupied a major
portion of the Nawab‘s territories. He even entered the suburbs of Multan, but failed to
capture the city. He, however, exacted a tribute of Rs. 70,000 from the Nawab and
returned.
Fourth Expedition :1810
In 1810, Ranjit Singh sent a large force under his great general Diwan Mohkam
Chand to conquer Multan. The Sikhs easily occupied the town. But the Muslim forces of
the Nawab offered a gallant resistance. Ranjit Singh made terms with the Nawab and
raised the siege. The Nawab, however, agreed to pay a tribute of two and a half lakhs of
rupees and also to furnish a quota of troops.
Fifth expedition : 1816-17
In 1816 and 1817, again attempts were made to conquer Multan and in those
campaigns one of the Sikh Generals, Akali Phula Singh, even gained possession of
some of the outskirts of the citadel; but up to 1818, Multan retained its independence.
Sixth Expedition and the Final Conquest Multan: 1818
In the winter of 1817-18, Ranjit Singh made huge preparations for the final
conquest of Multan. On January 14, 1818, a large force, numbering about 25,000 men
under the nominal leadership of prince Kharak Singh, set out from Lahore to conquer
Multan. After capturing Khangarh and Muzaffarabad, the Lahore forces advanced and
occupied the City of Multan. Nawab Muzaffar Khan shut himself up in the citadel and
gave a determined fight to the Sikhs. It is said that the fighting was so balanced that both
the Sikhs and the Pathans had to invoke the help of God for victory. The Nawab
continued fighting, till he died.
There after, Prince Kharak Singh entered the city and seized all the property and
treasures of Muzaffar Khan. Then, the Sikh army advanced and captured the Fort of
Shujabad. Ranjit Singh celebrated the victory by sending rich offerings to the Darbar
Sahib at Amritsar. ‗The victor of Multan, Misr Dewan Chand, ‗was given rich presents,
and the title of Zaffar Jang was conferred on him.
 72

Conquest of Attock, Kashmir and Derajat

Kashmir under Atta Mohammad
Up to the fifties of the eighteenth century,‘ Kashmir formed a part of the Mughal
Empire. But in 1752, it was captured by Ahmed Shah Abdali and since then was held by
an Afghan governor. In the beginning of the nineteenth century it was held by Atta
Muhammad Khan ‗Khail‘. In 1811, Ranjit Singh took his first step towards the conquest
of Kashmir when he attacked and conquered Bhimbar and Rajouri. In November 1812,
Wazir Fateh Khan of Kabul sent Godar Mal as his envoy to the court of Ranjit Singh. He
was anxious to conquer Kashmir but was not quite sure of the Sikh ruler‘s reaction to
that move. Godar Mal was cordially received at Lahore by Ranjit Singh and he carried
back from the Maharaja an assurance of help for his master. Immediately thereafter, a
meeting took place between the two chiefs at Rohtas where, on the following terms, it
was decided to make a joint attack on Kashmir
I. The Maharaja would be entitled to fifty per cent of the entire booty to be gained
from the Valley.
II. Fateh Khan would pay nine lacs of rupees annually to the Maharaja out of the
revenues of Kashmir. However, it soon became clear that each wanted to
outmaneuver the other. The Afghan force was led personally by the Wazir, while
the Sikh troops were under the command of Dewan Mohkam Chand. When the
two reached Pir Panchal, Fateh Khan played a trick on Mohkam Chand and went
far ahead of him. But the Sikh Commander was not to be outwitted easily. He
took a different routes and managed to enter the Valley simultaneously with the
Afghans. The joint operation was quite successful and Nawab Atta Muhammad,
the ruler of Kashmir, fled.
After the conquest of Kashmir, Fateh Khan refused to share the spoils with Ranjit
Singh. Ranjit Singh felt that he had been outmaneuvered by Fateh Khan in the joint
invasion of the Kashmir Valley. He, therefore, wanted to retrieve his prestige and that
object he achieved by the conquest of Attock. The Fort of Attock was held by Atta
Mohammad‘s brother Jahan Dad Khan. After the defeat of his brother in Kashmir, Jahan
Dad Khan grew apprehensive of his own position. He could see that he would be the
next victim of Fateh Khan Barakzai‘s aggression. Ranjit Singh took advantage of his
apprehensions and, consequently, sent Faqir Aziz-ud-din to persuade Jahan Dad Khan
to hand over the fort in exchange for a rich Jagir. Jahan Dad agreed and, thus, without
any fighting, the Sikhs occupied Attock.
Battle of Hazro (1813) and the Defeat of Fateh Khan
When the news of the occupation of Attock reached Fateh Khan in Kashmir, he
was upset. He left his brother Azim Khan in Kashmir and himself descended to wrest
Attock from the hands of the Sikhs. He also sent messages to the Afghans of Hazara
and Chachh to join him in the holy war or jehad against the Sikhs. To meet Fateh Khan‘s
challenge, Ranjit Singh sent some of his best generals, namely Jodh Singh Ramgarhia,
 73

Han Singh Nalwa and Dewan Mohkam Chand to defend Attock. That campaign led to
the famous battle of Chhachh. The Afghans after some initial successes, suffered a
crushing defeat. About 2,000 Afghans lost their lives. Fateh Khan then retreated to
Kabul.
The victory of Chhachh is an important landmark in Ranjit Singh‘s career of
conquest. It was the first pitched battle fought between the Afghans and the Sikhs: and
the victory in the battle not only placed Attock, a commanding fort on the Indus, in their
hands but also greatly helped the future course of the expansion of Sikh dominion, in the
north-western region of the Punjab.
Second Kashmir Expedition: 1814
Ranjit Singh decided to send an expedition to Kashmir to conquer it in 1814.
Azim Khan, the new Afghan Governor of Kashmir and brother of Fateh Khan, inflicted a
crushing defeat on the Lahore forces. During their retreat, they further suffered heavy
losses. Some of the important Sikh Sardars, viz. Fateh Singh Chhachhi, Dera Singh Man
and Gurbaksh Singh, were killed in that expedition.
Third Expedition (1819) Final Conquest of Kashmir: Battle of Supin
The Maharaja in May 1819 invaded Kashmir. A large force under Prince Kharak
Singh and MisrDiwan Chand, the victors of Multan, set out to conquer Kashmir. Within a
very short time, they occupied the Bahram Galla Pass and thence moved to the
PirPanjal and crossed it. Jabbar Khan, the new Governor of Kashmir who had taken the
place of Azim Khan, advanced to meet the Sikh Army. A severe fighting took place
between the two armies on the plains of Supin or Sopayan.
The Afghans under Jabbar Khan offered a gallant defence, but eventually they
were forced to leave the field owing to the superior tactics of the Lahore General, Misr
Dewan Chand. On the 14th of July, the Sikh forces occupied Srinagar. Ranjit Singh
offered large sums of money in charity to celebrate that victory. Misr Diwan Chand, the
victor, was given an additional title of ‗Fateh-o-Nusrat Nasib‘, i.e. one who is destined to
wins. Regarding the administration of Kashmir, Ranjit Singh appointed Moti Ram its first
Governor.
Conquest of Dera Ghazi Khan : 1820
After the conquest of Kashmir, Maharaja Ranjit Singh conquered the mid-Indus
region, i.e. the Derajat-Dera Ismail Khan and Dera Gazi Khan. In 1820 he sent Jamadar
Khushal Singh to conquer Dera Ghazi Khan. Its Afghan Governor, Zaman Khan, was
expelled and Dera Ghazi Khan was handed over to the Nawab of Bahawalpur in return
for a heavy annual rent.
Mankera, Dera Ismail Khan and Bannu
In 1821, the Maharaja marched against the Nawab of Mankera, Hazi Ahmad
Khan, who also held Dera Ismail Khan, Tank, Bannu, Leiah and Kundian. Mankera was
 74

besieged. The Afghans put up a splendid fight, but after a short struggle gave way
before superior number.
Conquest of Peshawar
The most important conquest of Ranjit Singh was the acquisition of Peshawar.
The town of Peshawar was comparatively easy of access from Kabul and so it could
always count upon timely aid from it in the event of an attack by the Maharaja of Lahore.
Nevertheless Ranjit Singh on account of the strategic value of Peshawar, was
determined to conquer it.
First Invasion of Peshawar: November 1818
Ranjit Singh sent an expedition to Peshawar in 1818. The Afghan Governors of
Peshawar, Sultan Yar Mohammad and Dost Mohammad, evacuated the town as the
Sikh troops entered the territory of Peshawar. Ranjit Singh then occupied the town and
stayed there for four days. During that short stay, he received about Rs. 25,000 as
Nazrana. The shrewd Maharaja, however, felt that he was not yet strong enough to
maintain his authority beyond the Indus and, consequently, gave Peshawar to his old
ally, Jahan Dad Khad, ex-Governor of Attock and returned to Lahore.
When Dost Mohammad Khan and Yar Mohammad Khan learnt that the Sikh
forces had retired, they marched on Peshawar, drove out Jahan Dad and re-established
their authority. Ranjit Singh, thereupon, sent a force against them; but before any action
could be taken, they offered their submission and sent rich presents to the value of Rs.
50,000. Thus, they pacified the Maharaja. In 1822, Mohammad Azim Khan, the Wazir of
Kabul, decided to re-established his authority over Pashawar; and consequently with a
large force, he set out to conquer Peshawar and by the end of January succeeded in
occupying it.
Battle of Nowshera (TibbaTehri): 1823
Mohammad Azim called upon the Afghans of Peshawar and Attock to unite
under his banner and wage a jehad or holy war against the Sikhs and recover all the
Afghan territory. Ranjit Singh, on learning ‗those designs, raised a huge force and even
appealed to the Akalis to join him against this danger from the Afghans. The Maharaja
himself moved to the scene to conduct the campaign personally. First, the Sikh forces
defeated the Afghans at Jahangira. But the most important battle of that campagin was
fought at Nowshera or Tibba Tehri. When Ranjit Singh took the command in his own
hands, he told his Sikh soldiers that ‗Lahore was distant and a retreat would be fatal to
them. Those words and the presence of the Maharaja in their midst revived the drooping
courage of the Sikh soldiers and, consequently, they fought so bravely that the Afghans
fled. The Maharaja then marched to Peshawar and made a triumphant entry into the city
on 16th March, 1823. This victory greatly enhanced the prestige of Ranjit Singh. But still
he did not consider it wise to annex Peshawar and administer it directly. He gave it to
Yar Mohammad Khan in return for an annual tribute of Rs. 1,10,000 and he himself
returned to Lahore.
 75

Battle of Saidu: 1827

Peshawar was next disturbed in 1827 by one Sayid Ahmad Bareily, who claimed
himself to be a Caliph. He aroused the tribesmen to unite and recover their regions from
the Sikh rule and within a short time the Afghans from Pakhli, Swat, Buner and Tirah
joined him. They drove out the Sikh forces and challenged Ranjit Singh‘s supremacy in
those regions. The Maharaja sent Hari Singh Nalwa to restore order in the North-West
Frontier. That renowned Sikh general defeated Sayid Ahmad and his men at the battle of
Saidu. His men continued giving trouble and after some time were able to occupy
Peshawar. They even killed Yar Mohammad Khan, the functionary of the Lahore
Government in Peshawar. Ranjit Singh then sent another expedition under Prince Sher
Singh and Ventura. Peshawar was reconquered and given to Sultan Mohammad, the
brother of Yar Mohammad.

Annexation of Peshawar: 1834

In 1833-34, the Afghan ruler of Kabul and Shah Shuja, an ex-ruler of Kabul, were
involved in a civil war. Ranjit Singh took advantage of it. He sent his general Hari Singh
Nalwa to annex Peshawar. Its Muslim Governor, Sultan Mohammad, was expelled and
Peshawar was annexed to the Sikh dominions. For the first time, Hari Singh Nalwa, a
non-Muslim Governor, was appointed to rule over the Afghans.

Dost Mohammad’s Attempt to Recover Peshawar Failed: 1835

In 1835, Dost Mohammad the Afghan ruler, decided to re-establish his

supremacy over Peshawar. He collected as many as 40,000 Afghans and set out to
recover Peshawar. Ranjit Singh, however, had not yet made any preparations when the
news of Dost Muhammad‘s designs reached him. He, therefore, wanted to gain time.
Accordingly, he sent Faqir Aziz-ud-din and Harlan Farangi to open negotiations with
Dost Mohammad and thus delay his advance. Dost Mohammad fell into Ranjit Singh‘s
trap and thus, wasted time. Meanwhile, Ranjit Singh was able to mobilize all his military
resources and marched to meet the Afghan forces. For some days, Ranjit Singh‘s forces
lay opposite to Dost Mohammad‘s forces, but the latter could not muster up courage to
take action. At last, without giving a battle, the Afghan ruler retreated. That was a great
bloodless victory for Ranjit Singh and it dealt a serious blow to the reputation and
prestige of Dost Mohammad.

Battle of Jamrud: 1837

In 1837, Dost Mohammad tried to retrieve his prestige and sent a large force
under his son Akbar to recover Peshawar. The Sikh forces led by Hari Singh Nalwa
advanced to meet the enemy. A hard-contested battle was fought at Jamrud. Hari Singh
Nalwa, ‗the greatest Khalsa General‘ was killed, but the Afghans failed to dislodge the
Sikhs from, Jamrud, and after some time retired.
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Self Assessment Questions

1. What is the importance of Battle of Lohgarh?
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2. Who was Atta Mohammad?
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3. Who was Dost Mohammad?
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4. Name the Religious and Political capital of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
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5.3 CIVIL ADMINISTRATION

Ranjit Singh was not only a capable military general but a good administrator
also. In the foregoing pages we have seen how he handled the political situation to his
own advantage. His dealing with the misldars with his dual policy is very creditable. He
was a great diplomat which one can see from the policies adopted by him in various
spheres. He appointed people not on the basis of religion but merit. He believed in
equality of all religions. This is aptly proved by his patronage to various religions by
giving gift in various forms not only to Sikh Gurudwaras, but to Hindu temples and
Muslim places of worship. He closely studied the Misl administration and improved
greatly upon it.
There is a great lesson to learn from this one eyed (lost one eye as a child
unlettered had no formals chootoo due to small pox) youngman who had a strong desire
to do some thing in life which he did with great discipline and dedication. The desire was
to set up a Sikh Kingdom in Punjab after Banda Bahadur in which he succeeded by
mere discipline and dedication. Can we make this philosophy part of our life? Ask
yourself truthfully. The answer will be yes.
Ranjit Singh created his state from chaos, conquests and annexations. He was
always engrossed in military exploits and expeditions. So he could not devote much time
to make any innovations or introduce some reforms in the prevailing administrative
organisation. Still he gave sound, just and popular administrative system, which was
basically based on Mughal System of administration.
 77

STRUCTURE AND FUNCTIONING OF CENTRAL GOVERNMENT

The Maharaja : As aforesaid Ranjit Singh was the Fountain-head of an authority.

The whole government machinery revolved around him. His own whim determined his
internal and external policies. He could make or break any laws; direct any policy to be
followed; put any body to fortune or misfortune; pardon or punish; appoint any body to
any post or dismiss any body from his placement and position. There was no
constitutional bridle to hold him, or a whip to detract him; or a touch stone to judge him,
or a machinery to censure or dislocate him. He was anonymous with the State like all
oriental despotisms. However, it goes to the credit of Ranjit Singh that inspite being a
despot, he never liked to be a tyrant autocrat. His was a benign despotism. He was quite
flexible for the interest of the masses under him. Inspite of unlimited powers centered in
his hand, he deemed himself as servant of the Khalsa and ruled in the name of the Sikh
Commonwealth. He shunned self conceit He knew human weakness and limitations and
as such preferred to consult his ministers on all vital matters and welcomed curbs on his
ego and laxity when do warranted.

Council of Ministers: The Maharaja maintained a glaxy of ministers, with

defined portfolios, to assist him in various fields of administration. These ministers were
not like the Cabinet Ministers of today but were, more or less, the Registrars of the
Maharaja‘s will. However, the Maharaja valued their seasoned advice quite often as is
clear from ‗various instances including Faquir Aziz-ud-din‘s advice with respect to Holkar
via-a-vis the English. For departmentalization, we may classify the Maharaja‘s council of
Ministers as below:

1. Prime Minister : The position was held, from time to time, by eminent persons
viz., the Dogra Chief Raja Dhian Singh. He was like the Chief Secretary of the
Maharaja in so far as he exercised a general control on the State administration
(except for foreign and finance affairs); He was very powerful as such since in a
view of the Maharajas preoccupations, he used to hold his own court for
deciding, various matters at his own level and making only essential references
to the Maharaja. He also kept a, liaison between various departments and
officers.

2. Foreign Minister : This post was entrusted to one of the most confidential
advisers since he was required to advise on the most of delicate and intricate
affairs confronting the State in its foreign relations. Though the Maharaja took his
own decisions as a shrewed diplomat, still he was equipped with the minutes
details of each dilemma by the Foreign Minister who was normally the major
instrument in-determining the foreign policy. The various aspects of War and
Peace, Treaties and protocol fell within his purview. Faquir Azizud-din remained
the Maharaja‘s Foreign Minister throughout his regime. This Muslim Vazir has
since created a name for himself in history as a faithful, efficient and
knowledgeable Foreign Minister of a non-Muslim Maharaja.
 78

3. War Minister: He was the Chief Commander of the Maharaja‘s armies. He was
incharge of the recruitments, payments of salaries, promotions, demotion
transfers etc. under the personal guidance or supervision of the Maharaja
himself. Diwan Mohkam Chand, Misr Diwan Chand and Hari Singh Nalwa held
this dynamic post from time to time.
4. Diwan (Finance Minister) : He was responsible for the organization of revenue,
taxation income resources and expenditure. He had to arrange for the
maintenance of proper and upto date accounts and records. Being holder of the
strings of the State pursue he enjoyed Diwan or Finance Minister, the financial
system of the state was organized on a more scientific and systematic basis.
5. Deorhiwala or Diwan-1-deorhi (Lord Chamberiaine); He was the minister
incharge for royal house hold and hence had to be from amongst the most
trusted loyal men of the Maharaja Being an intermediary between the Maharaja
and the visitor from in and outside the State. He wielded great influence and as
such enjoyed pecuniary benefits as wen as personal importance. The
organization of the royal darbars, processions, ceremonies function and meeting
fell under his superintendence, Jamadar Khushal Singh remained Lord Chamber
lainefor sometimes and as such considered a powerful entity of fee Maharaja‘s
Central ad-ministration, in 1816, Dhian Singh took over as the Deorhidar or
Deoriwala.
Various defined and compartmentatised department or dafatars functioned under
the overall supervision of various ministers. Those officers or department maintained full
record of their activities. After 1809 particularly Diwan Bhawani Das took deep interest in
the organization and maintenance of these dafatars and affected noticeable improve-
ments. In all, there were 12 important dafatars or departments looking after the civil and
military business of the whole state. Some of them are given below:
(i) Dafatar-I-Maliyat or Daftar-i-Abwabul-MaI (Revenue Department): It was
meant to maintain complete record details of receipts and expenditure more or
less like our present day Finance Department, Dafatar-i-Abwabul-MaI was futher
sub-divided into four sub-offices as mentioned below (a) Daftar-e-Mal to keep an
account of income from land-revenue of various Parganas and taluka; (b) Daftar-
e-sairat to keep an account of Income from octroi, salt, mines etc. (c) Daftar-e-
Wajuhat to keep an account of income from excise, and miscellaneous fees and
duties; (d) Daftar-e-nazrana to keep an account of nazranas (presents and gift
offered to the Maharaja on various occasions from different visitors and
miscellaneous sources; (e) Daftar-e-tahvii. This department was meant to keep
an account of the general price-index, picture of trade, commerce and industry as
well as the important personnel employed or engaged in significant avocation as
jewellers, cloth merchants etc. -
(ii) Daftar-e-Zakhirajat : This Was a very important office which maintained record
of expenditure on all the main Heads of Budgeting viz. on the forts, elephants,
 79

horses, equipments etc. as well as an account of stores and stocks. The

department was father sub-divided into various sub-offices for different items.
(iii) Daftar-e-mavajub : This department was also an important one since it
maintained an account of salaries and allowances paid to the civil and military
staff in the State.
(iv) Daftar-e-Madad-e-Kharach: This department kept a broad account of the
pensions, grants, awards and allowances paid by the state.
(v) Daftar-e-Roznamcha (Diary Department) : This department kept a broad
account of the daily activities and transaction concerning the state. It also served
as the Directorate of State Archives and Records Department and as such
enjoyed a significant importance.
(vi) Toshakhana (Storex Department): This office was scientifically organized in
1818 AD with two separate wings of Toshakhana Khas and Toshakhana Bela.
The latter was a mobile provision-store mainly meant to meet the requirements of
the soldiers in camp and in transit where as the former was meant to maintain,
with complete record, the treasury, jeweIlery most important documents and
precious acquisitions.
From the brief account given above, it is apparent that Maharaja Ranjit Singh‘s
central administration was more like the imperial government of this Mughals and
not like the crude system of mere misaldar.
TERRITORIAL DIVISION AND FUNCTIONARIES
In view of the extension in his acquisitions constant marches and expeditions, the
Maharaja had further divided his kingdom into provincial units for a smooth functioning of
the administration. Originally there was no provincial units. The state was partitioned into
seven districts. Subsequently, it was re-organised into 4 provinces (Subas) and several
districts (parganas). Each pargana or district was further sub divided in taaluka which
were further divided into sub-units called mauzas, each tatuga comprising of about 50 to
100 mauzas. Apart from these units and sub-units, there were some separate hilly
principalities owing allegiance to the Lahore Darbar as separate entities and paying fixed
tributes as such. The four Subas (provinces) under the Lahore Darbar were of Lahore.
Multan, Kashmir and Peshawar. There were under the supervision of a Subedar or
Nazim each, who enjoyed the Maharaja‘s full confidence and acted as his fully
accredited representative. A Nazim undertook frequent tours of the areas under him for
a first hand information to be regularly and constantly forwarded to the Maharaja. He
supervised the work of the kardars (officials) and looked to teh problems and grievances
of the peasants. He heard appeals against the orders of the Kardars, maintained peace,
enforced law and order, organized punitive small expeditions of local nature and was
responsible for the establishment and execution of the Maharaja‘s authority in the whole
Suba under his control. Some of the subedars (Governors) like Diwan Sawan Mal of
Multan Suba, are still well known for their noteworthy good administration, equitable
 80

justice and agrarian reforms within their subas. In the Lahore province, Amar Singh
Majitha and Lehna Singh Majitha won an all-round appreciation for the sympathetic rule
and benevolent measures like the remission of revenue in difficult times or in the
advancement of handsome loans and advances in deserving cases to encourage
cultivation. In Kashmir and Peshawar, the border and distant province, the administration
had not been up to mark and quite often the Maharaja had to reprimand his Governors
there. The salaries of the Governors varied from province to province as well as from
man to man. However, the same were quite fabulous according to the price index of
those days viz. the Govenor of Peshawar on account of his duties in the peculiarly
troublesome province, was paid Rs. 40,000/- p.a. as against Rs. 10000/- drawn by
Diwan Moti Ram of Kashmir and Rs. 26,000/-. by Diwan Sukh Dayal of Multan. The
Governorship were neither permanent nor hereditaryoreditary. The Maharaja exercised
a good deal of control upon them and could either recall and degrade them or could
Impose other curbs upon their unlicensed exercise of power. During the frequent
personal tours and encampments, he was always keen to gather first hand imformation
about the actual state of affairs and efficiency and sense of responsibility of the
Governors and other local officers.
Pargana
There were several parganas or districts under the Lahore Kingdom. However,
seven major districts have been specifically mentioned by N.K. Sinha. The pargana
incharge was called Kardar. In some parganas, there were even two Kardass with well
defined and ear-marked spheres of activity. The Kardar was like our present day Deputy
Commissioner. He was the District Collector as well as the District Magistrate. He was
the main link-functionary, for an overall supervision for administrating justice at the local
level, for the maintenance of law and order, for collection of revenue and betterment of
cultivation within his pargana, the kardar was wholly and solely responsible. He was also
responsible for the maintenance of accounts, up-keep of treasury, record of events and
stores etc. apart from being responsible for the arranging of necessary provisions to the
state soldiers during an expedition or camp in his area. Keeping in view the multifarious
and taxing duties of the Kardars, it is strange that they were paid only paltry allowances
ranging from Rs. 30/- p.m. to Rs 150/- p.m. However, they enjoyed vast powers and the
Government, perhaps, expected them, in a routine manner, to recompense from other
sources. This naturally led to coercion and corruption, extortions and tortures. The
Kardars while collecting revenue, were quite often particular to pocket their perquisites
first By this practice, both the state and the royals were, more often than not, robbed and
cheated by some greedy Kardars inspite of the Maharaja‘s desire to provide genuinely
good administration. However, all the Kardars were not corrupt and greedy. They were
also under the awe of the Maharaja. Some of the Kardars had rather a high image of
their administrative Knack and efficiency like Misar Rup Lal of Jullundur, Lehna Singh
Majitha of Amritsar region. They were loved by their people and were adored for their
pious intentions and good administration.
 81

Mauza
The parganas comprised of several Maujas or villages. Their administration was
mainly vested in a panchayat of the eldermen of the village/These panchayats were
respected and were cared. The Lahore Darbar or the Subedars generally liked not to
interfere in the working of these panchayats and were, more or less, allowed to function
undisturbed in the interest of locality.
Lahore City
Lahore was the capital of the Maharaja‘s Kingdom called the Lahore Darbar. It
was governed like a Union Territory with an Independent system of administration, a
separate municipality, .a district police organization and various Mohalla Committees.
The Mohalla Committee played a significant role under the general guidance of a
Mohalladar who used to be a capable and an influential person from the Mohalla
concerned. These Committees looked to the problems of the Mohalla as well as
maintained proper law and order and as such, served as an important liaison between
the ruled and the rulers. In Lahore as well as in other main cities the Chief executive was
called the Kotwal or the Daroga. He was like the S.H.O. or the Chief Thanedar as well as
a Summary Magistrate. His duties were to maintain peace, establish law and order,
check crime and misconduct, to punish the evil element, to watch the activites of the
foreigners and to keep a record about them as well as the tenders and merchants from
security view point. Quite often, the Maharaja appointed Kotwals from amongst the
Muhammadans who proved quite loyal and efficient inspite o the religious denomination
of the Khalsa Panth i.e. commonwealth of the Khalsa having been given the Raj. Imam
Bux of Lahore created a name for himself on account of his good administration of the
Lahore city. The Kotwal was quite often assisted by a duly accredited and appointed
Qazi who helped him in the summary trials in which the Muslim subject of the Maharaja
were involved so that the Quramic law may be authoritatively propounded in their cases.
WAS RANJIT SINGH SECULAR RULER?
There were many other officials in the cities and towns who performed the duties
of administering justice. There were the Kardars and the Nazims to administer justice in
their respective spheres. The Nazim was responsible in his province for this purpose.
There were the qazis and the qanungos who also performed the function of justice.
According to S.R. Kohli, ‗The former continued to performed marriage ceremonies, to
register testaments, and at test deeds, the latter to declare recorded facts and expound
local customs.
The Panchayats in the villages played an important role in the administration of
justice. Generally they dealt with land dispute cases. The boundary dispute cases were
also decided by them. The disputes regarding land and boundary led to bloodshed in
several cases and the panchayat had to settle them.
―Disputes about land engagement, property, marriage murder, theft etc. came up
for hearing before the concerned agencies. The Hindus had to take on oath of Ganga Jal
 82

and the Musalman of the Qoran before the cases was opened. Evidence was asked or
before the decision was taken. For theft and a dacoity case the tracking method was
employed by the officer. It was generally the responsibility of the village people to trace
out the culprits.
There was no uniform pattern of punishments during those days. There were
different punishments for different crimes. Capital punishment was quite rare. In certain
cases some limb of the body was cut. Thieves and robbers were put in jails. He who
could pay the price got the decision of cases in his favour, S.R. Kohll writes about the
punishment as: 1. extra duty 2. fine 3. reduction in pay or rank. 4. imprisonment
5. Kathmarna 6. Mutilation of limbs and 7. fancy punishment, such as, blackening of the
face of the culprit and parading him round the town, stamping or branding the forehead
and exile. No doubt, the system of justice was crude and redimentary but it worked well.
It was quick and net delayed. Whatever its shortcomings it worked well under the
Maharaja.
The state under Ranjit Singh was secular in its overall approach although the
Maharaja preferred to be called a servant of the Khalsa Panth (Commonwealth of the
Sikhs). He tried to infuse a common culture in the Punjab, respected all religions and
included men of integrity, from amongst all classes and castes, into his cabinet. He was
magnanimous and not fanatic and this endeared his administration to all communities
and creeds. In practice he was a benevolent despot but not a narrow minded communal
maniac However, being a Sikh by birth and for political reasons viz, the unification of The
Sikh Misls and the lust for new acquisition, he propounded that whatever he did, on
behalf of the Khalsa Panth he did not adopted high sounding titles of himself or for his
government. He designated his Rajas ―Sarkar e-Khalsa‖ and himself as ―Singh Sahib‖ on
his royal seal and coins, he got engraved, ―Akal Sahai‖ and (Under the Grace of God).
He attributed his achievement to the true guru and the Khalsa. Sri Wah Guru Ji Ka
Khalsa, Sri Wah Guru Ji Ki Fateh‖ became the popular greeting as well as the slogan at
his court and outside. However, he never trampled on liberty of conscience of anyone
and followed a policy of liberalism in kingdom. Though the Maharaja followed the Mughal
pattern in his civil administration and was the pivot of the whole system, he was, like the
tudors of England, benign and benevolent. He himself subjected his own person to the
law and invited punishment for any wrong done by him as servant of the Khalsa and thus
put Iimitations upon his otherwise unlimited despotism. He opened up the services to
talent and here lay the secret of success He preferred not to disturb the existing custom
and the village autonomy with an eye upon the welfare of the people and to effect
checks on possible official oppression and corruption. He not only toured extensively but
also inspected accounts the defaulters were not spared. Judging from the circumstances
of those days and what he gave to the people after the prevailing chaos and disorder it
would be not partially to call Ranjit Singh as an administrator of the colossal height and
his government was mild but still effective. He patched various misls into a monarchy but
was able to bring about cohesion and not merely an advesion, in his kingdom by
adopting a coherent and uniform administrative policy and system, and for that matter
alone he can win appreciation inspite of lapses here and there or oppressive taxation out
 83

of necessity. The conspicuous brilliance of some of his courtiers and ministers played no
mean part in the achievement in the administrative field.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
During the time of Ranjit Singh and even prior to that the law administered was
rudimentary and customary. There is no authenticated law, nor any set procedure to
execute it. No distinction was made between criminal, civil and ordinary law. Justice
depended on the caprice of the person concerned. But inspite of many defects in the
theory and practice of law, it was of simple nature and worked so well. The following
were the agenda to administer-in the Lahore Kingdom.
The king was the highest court of appeal. He held his darbar at various places
and heard cases of different nature. We all know that the Maharaja was not educated in
the accepted sense of term, but he possessed abundant common sense and had
experience of men and matters. He decided cases their and then after hearing both the
parties for a while when the decision was arrived at necessary instructions were issued
to the concerned authorities for the implementation of the said decision.
There was a High Court at Lahore called the Adalat-ul-Ala. But we have very little
knowledge about the composition of this court, the qualifications of the judges, the
nature of the cases coming up before the court and its working. V.C. Sarkar writes.
There was a chief court at Lahore which was known as Adalat-ul-Ala. But the records do
not clearly show as to how judges were actually appointed, what their qualifications
were, which law they were to administer and to what extent their jurisdiction was.‖ It is
quite possible to assume the people might have by passed this court due to the fact that
they could directly approached the Maharaja for their cases.
There were many other officials in the cities and towns who performed the duties
of administering justice. There were the Kandars and the Nazims to administer justice in
their respective spheres. The Nazim was responsible in his province for this purpose.
There were the qazis and the qanongos who also performed the function of justice.
According to S.R. Kohli, ―The former continued to performed marriage ceremonies, to
register testaments, and at test deeds, the latter to declare recorded facts and expound
local custom.‖
The Panchayats in the villages played an important role in the administration of
justice. Generally they dealt with land dispute cases. The boundary dispute cases were
also decided by them. The disputes regarding land and boundary led to bloodshed in
several cases and the panchayats had to work hard settle them.
―Disputes about land engagement, property, marriage murder, theft etc. came up
for hearing before the concerned agencies. The Hindus had to take on oath of Ganga Jal
and the Musalman of the Qoran before the case was opened. Evidence was asked for
before the decision was taken. For theft and a decoity case the tracking method was
employed by the officer. It was generally the responsibility of the village people to make
out the culprits.
 84

There was no uniform pattern of punishment during those days. There were
different punishments for different crimes. Capital punishment was quite rare. In certain
cases some limb of the body was cut. Thieves and robbers were put in jails. He who
could pay the price got the decision of cases in his favour, S.R. Kohli writes about the
punishment as: 1. extra duty 2. fine 3. reduction in pay or rank. 4. imprisonment
5. Kathmnarana 6. Mutilation of limbs and 7. fancy punishment, such as, blackening of
the face of the culprit and parading him round the town, stamping or branding the
forehead and exile. No doubt, the system of justice was crude and rudimentary but it
worked well. It was quick and net delayed. Whatever its shortcomings it worked well
under the Maharaja.
The state under Ranjit Singh was secular in its overall approach although the
Maharaja preferred to be called a servant of the Khalsa Panth (Commonwealth of the
Sikhs). He tried to refuse a common culture in the Punjab, respected all religions and
included men of integrity, from amongst all classes and castes, into his cabinet. He was
magnanimous and not fanatic and this endeared his administration to all communities
and creeds. In practice he was a benevolent despot but not a narrow minded communal
maniac However, being a Sikh by birth and for political reason viz, the unification of the
Sikh Misls and the just for new acquisition, he propounded that whatever he did, he did
on behalf of the Khalsa Panth he did not adopt high sounding titles of himself or for his
government. He designated his Rajas ―Sarkar e-Khalsa‖ and himself as ―Singh Sahib‖ on
his royal seal and coins, he got engraved, ―Akal Sahai‖ and (Under the Grace of God).
He attributed his achievement to the true guru and the Khalsa. Sri Wah Guru Ji Ka
Khalsa, Sri Wah Guru Ji Ki Fateh‖ became the popular greeting as well as the slogan at
his court and outside. However, he never trample on liberty of conscience of anyone and
followed a policy of liberalism in his kingdom.
Though the Maharaja followed the Mughal pattern in his civil administration and
was the pivot of the whole system, he was, like the tudors of England, benig and
benevolent. He himself subjected his won person to the law and invited punishment for
any wrong done by him as servant of the Khalsa and thus put Iimitations upon his
otherwise unlimited despotism. He opened up the services to talent and here the secret
of his success He preferred not to disturb the existing custom and village autonomy with
an eye upon the welfare of the people and to effect checks on possible official
oppression and corruption. He not only toured extensively but also inspected accounts
the defaulters were not spared. Judging from the circumstances of those days and what
he gave to the people after the prevailing chaos and disorder it would be not partiality to
call Ranjit Singh as an administrator of the colossal height and his government was mild
but still effective. He parched various misls into a monarchy but was able to bring about
cohesion and not merely an adhesion, in his kingdom by adopting a coherent and
uniform administrative policy and system, and for that matter alone he can win
appreciation inspite of lapses here and there or oppressive taxation out of necessity. The
conspicuous brilliance of some of his courtiers and ministers played no mean part in the
administrative field.
 85

PATRONAGE OF RELIGIONS
Ranjit Singh was a man of secular outlook. He not only respected all the sects
and religions but also patronized all the religion sects. He gave due respect to the
religious belief and religious feelings of all of his subject. Me maintained a splendid court
and accommodated the Europeans, Hindu, Muslims and people of other communities.
Both the Europeans and contemporary Indian writes are of the view that Ranjit Singh
followed the policy secularism. He was a Sikh, but his kingdom was not a theocracy. He
followed and loved his object without any consideration of caste, creed or colour. He
confers high posts on Hindus, Muslims and Christians alike.
His most trusted minister was Faqui-ud-din and his personal physician was his
brother Faqui Nirud-Din. His Finances were managed by Rama Nand, Bhawani Dass,
Ganga Ram and Dina Nath. His Prime Minister was Dhian Singh, a Dogra Hindu Rajput
He had many Christians in service such as Ventura, Allard, Court and Avitable. His best
Generals were Hari Singh Nalwa and Dewan Mohkam Chand.
He treated his Muslim adversaries with magnanimity He gave huge grass to
Muslim shrines. Latif wrote that in 1799, after his occupation of Lahore, Ranjit Singh
restored the Sunheri Masjid from the possession of the Sikhs to the Muslims. Moorcraft
wrote that the buildings of Jahangir and Shah Jahan at Lahore were repaired by Ranjit
Singh at a huge expenditure. In 1818, he sanctioned an annual grant of Rs. 35,000 for
the upkeep of the tomb of Bahawal Haq. in 1818, again, he put up a huge dam at Lahore
to save a Muslim tomb from being submerged in water. He also spent on the repair of
tombs of Data Ganj Baksh and Mauj Darya at Lahore.
In 1813, the Maharaja went on a pilgrimage to Jawalamukhi. He removed his
shoes before entering the premises of Hindu temple. He kept standing, at before the
goddess for full 4 hours. His offerings were a gold staff, a suit of clothes made of gold
threads, huge canopy of gold and Rs. 1880, in cash. He distributed sweets and Rs. 500
amongst Brahmans. In 1826, Ranjit sent a sum of Rs. 25,000, for the golden roof of the
Jawalamukhi temple. He also donated a huge amount for building a temple at Banaras.
In 1839, a little before his death, he ordered a goblet of Ganga water to be placed on his
chest and distributed four goblet of gold and silver full of Ganga water to the Brahmans.
Besides, he married two Muslim dancing girls, Moran and Gul Begam. Persian
not Gurumukhi was the court language. All government departments were given Persian
names.
The Hindus, Sikhs, Muslims and European Christians were treated alike in all
matters except two restrictions of cow slaughter and loud call for prayer in Mosques.
Ranjit‘s orders in war time were never to molest any woman and never to spoil a
religious place of worship, never to show any disrespect to any Holy Book or sacred
relics of any religion.
Inspite of all these liberalities, the Maharaja was a staunch Sikh, but without any
tinge of fanaticism in him. He called himself Singh Sahib. His government was Sakar- e-
Khalsa. He bore the word ‗Akal Sahia‘ (with the grace of God).
 86

Ranjit Singh participated in all the religious festivals of the Hindus, Sikhs,
Muslims and the Europeans, with full gusto and patronized all the religions.
Self-Assessment Questions
1. Name the foreign Minister of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
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2. Was Maharaja Ranjit Singh a secular ruler? Give two reasons.
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3. Daftar-i-Roznamcha looked after which department?
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4. What was the name given by Maharaja Ranjit Singh to his administration?
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5.4 MILITARY ADMINISTRATION

This section broadly divided into 3 parts-defects in the military system of the
misaldari periods reorganisation of the military administration under Ranjit Singh and
their evaluation.
Ranjit Singh was not only a great conqueror and a successful civil administrator
but also a great military genius. The reorganisation of the Sikh military system was one
of the outstanding achievements of the Maharaja. According to Sarkar and Datta. ―Ranjit
Singh‘s genius, was of course, better displayed in his reorganisation of the Sikh Military
system. He converted the Sikh army into an engine of terrible efficiency.
Very early in his career, Ranjit Singh realised that in order to achieve his long
cherished, ambition of establishing a powerful and a united Sikh kingdom in the Punjab
he must reorganise his army. He found the Sikh levies in utter disarray a rabble of
horsemen, brave indeed but ignorant of the art of warfare; The chaos that ensued after
the death of Banda Bahadur had converted them a turbulent and independent
individuals, ―Who had been accustomed to carry their swords from one leader to another
as they saw the best chance of plunder and who changed their master as often as it
suited their inclination or convenience‖. There was practically no infantry, no artiIIery, no
systematic organisation, no drill and no discipline. The military system of the Sikhs
needed a complete and a thorough reorganisation. It was a challenging task. It goes to
the credit of the Maharaja that he faced the situation with remarkable resourcefulness
and foresight. According to Griffin, ―His military genius lies in his firm grasp of the
 87

challenging task. It goes to the credit of the Maharaja that he faced the situation with
remarkable re sourcefulness and foresight. According to Griffin, ―His Military genius lies
in his firm grasp of the challenge of his times and in the - undoubted success of his
practical measures undertaken to meet it.‖ In 1812, he employed ―two European officers,
Allard and Ventura, who had served under Napoleon and were fully feonversan. The
most uptodate methods of Warfare and military organisation. With their assistance and
that of other European officers who joined later, the Maharaja brought about a thorough
reform in the existing military system.
―But while keen on adopting European method‖ writes Fauja Singh, ―Ranjit Singh
never wanted completely to discard his own system, which he inherited from his
forefathers, because of several reasons. Firstly, being well-known for its skrimnishing,
and manoeuvring ability, dash and gallantry, the inherited system could be of great
service to him. Secondly, the Sikhs were reluctant to change for the new arms, proposed
to be raised under European discipline. Thirdly, on grounds of political expediency, he
thought that be retaining It, he could accommodate most of the high class troops of the
Sikhs chieftains, who might otherwise indulge in conspiracies against him. However, he
wished to reform the old practice, so as to be abIe to gain the maximum benefit out of it.‖
To quote the same writer again, ―The military system of Ranjit Singh, as finally evolved,
was thus a happy compromise between the old and the now ideas, it was an earnest
and a successful endeavour to have the best of the system. He was not a blind initiator
of the west, exactly as he was not orthodox follower of the East. His approach was
selective and discriminating and not mechanical‖.
Defects in the Military System of the Misls
The army organisation of the Misls suffered from the following defects.
Infantry- beast popular service in the army : The infantry was not considered an
important branch of army in the pre-Ranjit Singh period. Infact, the Sikhs had a
contemptuous attitude towards the foot soldiers. Griffirt has powerfully summed up the
portion of the Sikh infantry during the Misl period in the following words, ‗The infantry
soldier was considered inferior to the cavalry and was in time of war left behind to
garrison forts, to look after the women or to follow as best he could the fighting force,
until he in his turn cpuld afford to change his status or buy or steal a horse for his own
use‖.
Lack of Artillery : The Sikhs knew very little of heavy artillery before the days of
Ranjit Singh Fauja Singh writes. ‗As far as the Sikhs were concerned, artillery was
almost a negligible branch of their army. They had a few guns which were mostly of
small size known as Zamburks they had no field guns and very few heavy guns. Such
was the shortage that many of their important forts were left without any guns‖.
According to Forster, ―The artillery of the Sikhs was awkwardly managed and its uses ill-
understood.‖
Defects in Cavalry: As compared with the infantry, and artillery, cavalry was far
better, both in qualities of men, weapon and equipment. The cavalry, in fact, constituted
 88

the main strength of the Sikh forces in the pre-Ranjit Singh period. A soldier without a
horse was never considered a soldier. On horse back the Sikhs used to give the
toughest fight. Fauja Singh writes, ―Although cavalry was the best of all the arms, it
suffered from certain serious defects. In the absence of any effective means of
verification, the quality of both men and animals was on the way to deterioration.‖
Eiphistone writes, ―l was not capable of any long exertion and still less of any
continuance of fatigue and hardship.‖
Lack of Proper Discipline and Over Command and Control: There was lack
of proper discipline and overall command In the armies of the Sikh Misls. There were no
gradations in the Sikh armies and no regular training to the soldiers. Fauja Singh writes,
‗The Sikh theocracy which had equality and fraternity for its foundations thus hindered
the growth of discipline among them. The result was that there were frequent transfers of
allegiance or desertions Discipline in such a republican army could be maintained not by
any rod of iron but by promoting friendly and intimate relations with the soldiers and by
holding out better pecuniary prospects. The tie of blood, binding men of various units
and sub units also tended to keep them together, but it was not always a dependable
guarantee, as it sometimes failed to check the family feuds. During war, lack of discipline
was somewhat compensated for by courage and enthusiasm. However, on the whole,
the absence of discipline remained a very weak point of the Sikh Military organisation‖.
There was no agency of overall control. In fact, the Sikhs had failed to develop
such an agency as their armies were republican in character. Gough and innes have
rightly remarked ―Any fighting machine must have a single controlling head, whereas the
Sikh doctrines of brotherhood and equality made every chief kick at the idea of
subordination.‖ Each misldar command his army as an Independent unit and the armies
of the misls lacked unity of command and control.
No Regular Payments of Salaries : The Sikh soldiers in the Misl period did not
receive regular monthly salaries. The most common method of payment was in kind at
the time of harvest. But sometimes payment in money or allotment of land was also
done. The soldiers also received a share of the booty which fell into their hands at the
time of conquest. In fact the Sikhs in the Misl period had made loot and plunder a sort of
joint business, the profits of which were shared out at the end of each expedition. Such a
system encouraged the love of plunder and was hardly conductive to efficiency.
Lack of knowledge of war strategy : The Sikh soldiers in the Misl period were
not taught how to march or how to make plans for offence. The Sikhs generally followed
the guerilla method of fighting. They rarely fought parched battles. Fauja Singh writes,
―In favour of this method of fighting, it may be said that it was based on the principle of
surprise and mobility and as such gave a certain strategically advantage to the troops
practicing it. But after carefully and critically going into the ins and the outs of the matter,
one is led to drew the conclusion that in spite of the few tactical or strategical gains
offered by it, the whole system of fighting by skirmishes, as practiced in our country
suffered from an inherent weakness. It was alright as supplementary technique but as
 89

the pivot or central plank of the whole body of strategical and tactical thought and
practice, which was the case in India, it was inadequate and deficient.‖
The armies of the Sikh Misldars thus suffered from various draw-backs. Ranjit
Singh felt the necessity of an experienced, disciplined and permanent army. By degrees
he converted this confused mass of invincible warriors with rich tradition of sacrifice and
victories to a powerful, disciplined and strong military body, which according to Hunter,
―for steadiness and religious favour had no parallel since the iron sides of Cromwell.‖
Reorganisation Under Ranjit Singh:
There is a difference of opinion among the European writers, about the time
when Ranjit Singh raised his regular units first. Though the Treaty of Amritsar of 1809,
with the British; deeply Impressed upon the Maharaja the necessity of a well-organised
army, it would be too much to say, that Idea stuck his mind only in that year. The
Maharaja introduced the regular units as far back as 1802, when Holkar visited the
Punjab and convinced the Maharaja of necessity of a disciplined army.
The Maharaja achieved his object of reorganisng the military system by
introducing the following reforms :-
(a) Reorganisation of Infantry: In the pre-Ranjit Singh periods, the Sikh army
chiefly consisted of irregular cavalry. The cavalry used to go and fight against the
enemy, while infantry was left behind to garrison the forts and to look after the women
and the property. But Ranjit Singh learnt from General Ventura that infantry could also
become the most formidable body of troops. Accordingly, the Maharaja carried out a
number of important reforms in order to make it the main branch of his army. Initially, the
infantry was not popular with the Sikhs, but in order to encourage them to join this
service, the Maharaja offered them attractive terms-good pay, dress and good
equipment. The Maharaja himself took to attending the parades personally and gave
liberal rewards to those who impressed him. Recruitment to infantry forces was entirely
voluntary, but the service being attractive for the emoluments and the adventures that it
offered, the Punjabis joined‖ it willingly. The regular drilling system, which was
introduced by the Maharaja after the European manner, was not liked by the soldiers in
the beginning. Later on, however, they got used to it. As a result of his efforts, the
infantry, which was a neglected branch of the army in the 18th century, became the main
pillar of the edify during his reign. By 1838, he had 40,000 men in the infantry and it was
the most efficient and second popular branch of the army. Most of these reforms in the
organisation of infantry were carried out under instructions of General Ventura.
(b) Maintaining Heavy Artillery : Just like infantry, the Sikhs knew very little
of heavy artillery before the days of Ranjit Singh. During the period of Sikh Misls, the
Sikhs did not use artillery The Misldars had adopted an indifferent attitude towards this
branch of the army. Having noticed the efficacy of the powerful British artillery, the
Maharaja was determined to organise and develop artillery as the fighting arm of his
army Fauja Singh writes, ―Artillery like infantry, received the maximum attention of the
Maharaja, who indeed, looked upon it as an indispensible plank in his scheme of military
 90

reforms. The Maharaja with the assistance of European Officers, Court and Gardner
organised a regular ordinance Development. From 1827 to 1834 a number of important
reforms were carried out In the artillery section he established foundries at Lahore and
Amritsar, where guns and cannons of all sizes were cast.
During the early years of the organisation, the artillery, like the infantry was not
popular among the Sikhs, so the Maharaja had to employ non Punjabis- mostly the
Punjabis both as officers and gunners. But the Maharaja was anxious to train, his
countrymen In this branch of the army and ultimately succeeded in his object in course
of time, the Sikhs under the guidance of European officers like Court and Gardner
became excellent gunners. Thus heavy artillery also became a highly organised and
efficient branch of Sikh army.
(c) Organisation of Special Brigade : (Fauj-Khas). The Maharaja organised a
Special Brigade of the Fauj-Khas or a Model Brigade, incorporating what was best in the
European system. It was commanded by General Ventura and often employed on the
frontier‘ against the Afghanistan. It was consisted of four battalions of infantry-and three
regiments of a cavalry a grenadier regiments of 730, men a dragoon regiment of 753
men and a troop of life guards of 187 men. The artillery of the .Fauj-i-Khas was the crops
of Illlahi Bakhsh or ―Utah!. Bakhsh ka Topkhana consisting of 24 guns. Various writers
have praised the Special brigade of the Maharaja. The first in rank and discipline and
equipment in reformed army the Fauj-i-Khas occupied the price place and become a
model brigade, on which the remainder of the army was to be patterned in due course of
time. According to Captain Wede, ―it appeared to be patterned in due men. In passing
the camp of the Legion. I noticed several standards which the French officers. I find,
adopted as the distinguished ensign of their corps. The corps was extremely well
equipped and very steady under arms.
Introduction of Regular Drill and Discipline: ―regular drill and discipline is
essential for any military system. Captain Johnstone writes, ―Without the tactics are
bound to be fitful and desultory, no reliance can be placed upon a good method of
fighting, unless the troops are under the control of their officers A badly disciplined force,
however great the capacity of individual may be is apt to go to pieces and become a
mob, the moment it experiences a reverse. Discipline enables the commander to be sure
that his orders will be carried out, even if the troops so ordered are not under his own
eye. It should be clearly understood that a mere theory of tactics, however good,
depends upon discipline for its effective application.‖
Ranjit Singh found that one of the greatest defects of Indian armies, due to which
they had suffered defeats at the hands of British, was that they had never been
subjected to regular drill and discipline. After thoroughly mastering the secret of the
superiority of the British organisation, against which all the military races of India had
tried their strength in vain. Ranjit Singh decided to build an army on similar lines. Hence
with the help of the European officers, he began to give training to his army in the
handling latest weapons of war. He also engaged instructions from the trained troops of
the East India company and Maratha Chiefs. At first, the Sikhs resisted the new mode of
 91

training and discipline and scoffed at it, calling it a dance. But the Maharaja overcame all
opposition and instructed European officers to go ahead and organise all the troops on
Western lines. Consequently the European officers gave a moderate degree of precision
and completeness to the military system.
The soldiers were called at regular hours for drill. French words of command
were used. The number in the units of the army was fixed. The soldiers were given
regular training in handling the latest weapons of war and regular instructions were given
in military strategy. To heighten the interest of his soldiers; he personally inspected their
parades and offered handsome rewards and quick promotions to those with whose work
he was really pleased. He rigidly enforced discipline among his soldiers and gave severe
punishments to those who were guilty of dereliction of duty. Commenting on the
introduction of strict discipline in the army. Fauja Singh writes, ―Ranjit Singh enforced a
very strict system of discipline but in this respect also, as many others, his method was
selective and not mechanical. His genius evolved a compromise between Indian and
European ideas of discipline. Whereas he imposed the European type of discipline on
his regular forces, he did not cut himself completely off from the institutions in the
country and continued to follow the traditional methods in regard to the rest of his army.‖
The measure adopted by Ranjit Singh were responsible for raising the efficiency
of the Sikh army to a high level. The standard of the discipline of the Sikh army has been
admired by eminent English military writers like Lord Gough and Col. Burton.
Introduction of Monthly Pay System. Another important reform, of Ranjit Singh
was that he introduced the system of monthly salaries of his soldiers and generals also.
Before him, the Sikh soldiers depended mainly on loot and plunder and so after a
victory, committed all types of atrocities in order to enrich themselves. The Maharaja
was greatly impressed by the British system of monthly cash payments to the troops and
consequently adopted it. A soldier in the infantry was paid rupees ten a month, while a
horsemen was paid rupees twenty five per month but it was out of this sum of twenty five
rupees that he was to provide his own arms and armaments.
OTHER REFORMS
Establishing a Network of Forts. Ranjit Singh established a net work of strong
forts at strategic places like, Attock, Peshawar and Multan. These forts were
strengthened with guns and adequate soldiers. These forts were also self sufficient with
stores, food grains and war material for long sieges.
Awarding Titles and Honours : Maharaja Ranjit Singh was very liberal in
awarding titles and honours. Mr. Wade writes, ―No prince could surpass him in liberality
with which he was prompt to reward and scatter his bounties on those who attracted his
notice by their gallantry, skill or devotion to service.‖
The rewards were generally given in form of jagirs, weapons like swords, spares,
pistols, etc. clothes like shawls of Kashmir and Benares and ornaments. The titles were
generally worded in Persian or in a mixture of Persian and Indian languages. The
important military titles were Zafar Jang Bahadur, Feteh-o-Nusra Nasib, farzand-a-Khas-
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uj Khas, Sham Sher Jang Bahadur Shuja-ul-Daula and Farzand-i-Dilband. The mixed
titles were Ujal Didar, Nirmal Budh Sardar-i-Bawagar Hazhar Jang, and Shams-ud-
Daula.
Besides, he also awarded medals and certificates to the soldiers, who had
distinguished themselves in warfare. In making promotions, he always kept the merit in
view.
Constitution of the New Army
The new Army of Ranjit Singh consisted of the following four sections:
(i) Fauj-i-Aim or Regular Army
(ii) Fauj-i-Be Qwaid or the Irregular Army.
(iii) Fauj-i-Kilajat.
(iv) Fauj-i-Khas or model Brigade
1. Fauj-i-Aim or Fauj-i-Owaid (The Regular Army).
Fauj-i-Aim consisted of three different sections i.e. infantry, ‗Cavalry‘ and Artillery.
Infantry. In the Pre Ranjit Singh period infantry soldier was considered inferior to
a horseman. But under the influence of the European officers, Ranjit Singh realized that
infantry solider was more important than cavalry. He appointed French and Italian
officers, who were familiar with the latest methods of welfare, to organize battalions.
Recruitment to infantry forces was entirely voluntary, but the service being attractive for
the emoluments and adventures that it offered, Punjabis joined it willingly, though not at
the initial stages. In order to make the service, popular, the Maharaja personally
attended its parades and extended liberal favours to the Infantry men.
In its organisation, the Infantry consisted of battalions as its administrative units.
A battalion consisted of 800 soldiers and commanded by a commandant. The command
was assisted by a Adjutant and a Major. To each battalion was attached a Munshi
(clerk), a Muttsadi (an accountant) and a granthi, who recited me Sikh scriptures. Each
battalion had its Amia (camo followers) such as Khalasi, Saqqa (waters carrier), Sarban
(camel driver dhanda barder (the flag bearer), Mistri (Smith) and a Langri (Cook).
The battalion was divided into 8 companies of 100 each and a company was
further divided into 3 sections, each consisting of 25 men. The battalion was
commanded by a Havaldar, who was assisted by a Naik.
The total strength of Maharaja‘s Infantry was 4061 in 1811 but in the year 1822,
its strength had risen to about 8000 men. In 1845, i.e. six year after the death of the
Maharaja, its strength was 70,721.
Gavalry. The Cavalry formed another important branch of Ranjit Singh‘s new
army. In the beginning, the maharaja tried to introduce European drill among his
irregular men i.e. Ghorcharas but they resisted the new practicles. The Maharaja,
therefore, recruited the Punjab Muslims, the Rajput, the Dogras etc. In his regular
cavalry. Though not as efficient the infantry, yet it consisted of a fine body of men in
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appearance, equipment steadily discipline It was placed under Allored in 1822, the
strength of the Cavalry increaled steadily The strength of the Rasals (Cavalry) in 1811
was 1209, in 1833 it was 4090 In 1845 the strength rose to 6235 The officers of the
Cavalry were similar to those in the Infantry battalions and similar was the arrangement
of the new combatants
The European writers like Osborne and Steinbach have not, given favorable
comments about the Maharaja‘s Cavalry Osborne writes,‖ I took an opportunity of
looking at the two squadrons of General Allard‘s Cavalry- and I am much disappointed in
their appearance. They do not look to advantage by the side of the infantry They are
men of all ages ill-looking, ill-dressed and worse mounted and neither in appearance not
in reality are they to be compared to the Infantry soldier of Punjab. One reason for this is
that Ranjit Singh personally inspects every recruit for his infantry, while the cavalry is
generally recruited from the followers of the Sardars and most of them owe their
appointment of favour and interest, more than to fitness and capability.‖ Steinbach
writes, ―When the horse is in motion, their legs and the arms of the rider wave backward
and forward right and left, by way as if it were of keeping time with the pace of animal
best ridden‖ Griffin comments,‖In the Maharaja‘s army, the infantry was the pick of the
youths of the country, only the strongest were selected, while the cavalry were the
irregular troops, the contingents of different Sardars are not appointed for any
consideration of bravery or strength. The horses were small, weak and ill-bred and the
recruitment were of the toughest and coarsent kind.‖
ARTILLERY Ranjit Singh had come to realize the importance of artillery in
modern warfare. As in the case of infantry, the Maharaja appointed European officers to
organise the Artillery. The Sikhs before Ranjit Singh, however were not given very much
to the use of artillery. It was therefore, difficult for the Maharaja to find leaders for his
artillery from among the Punjabis. Some Europeans, such as General Court and
gardener were, therefore, especially invited to officer it. Later on however, persons like
Lehna Singh rose up and distinguished themselves in the profession. This man,
according to Griffin, was an original inventor, who cast many a beautiful guns. Main
Qadir Bakhsh was another important officer in the artillery. Ranjit Singh‘s took pride in
his artillery and foreign travellers who witnessed its Parades and maneouvre were
frequent in paying their tribute to it. Osborne writing about Ranjit Singh‘s artillery says,
Ranjit Singh is very proud of the efficiency and admirable condition of his artillery and
justly so, for no native power has yet possessed so large and well disciplined a corps.‖
His heavy artillery was divided into the following four sections.
Top Khana-i-Shutri Heavy Guns driven by camels.
Top Khana-i-Fili Heavy Guns driven by the elephants.
Top Khana-i-Aspi Guns driven by horses.
Top Khana-i-Gawi Guns driven by bul- locks.
In its internal organisation, a ten gun battery on the average employed 230 men.
Including the non-combatants and was commanded by a commandant who was assisted
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by and Adjutant and a major. A. battery was divided with sections, each of which
consisted of two guns on the average and employed 8 to 10 gunners, excluding the non-
combatants. Each section was placed under a Jamadar, who was assisted by a
Hawaldar and Naik.
The art of gun casting was revived and workshops were established at Lahore.
Almost all the weapons used by the Sikhs were indigenously manufactured. Each gun
had itg own individual name such as ―Fatah Jang‖ or ―Jang-i-bijli‖. Most of the high
officers of the artillery were held by the foreigners the European and the Turks. S.R.
Kohli says that so far as strength, finish and general appearance of the guns were
concerned, they were as good as those used in the British army of the East India
Company
About 10,000 men were employed by Ranjit Singh in his artillery. Regarding the
number of heavy guns, at the time of Ranjit Singh‘s accession to the throne, the entire
Sikh army did not have more than 40 guns and those too were of poor quality. In 1820,
Ranjit Singh was able to have 22 guns and 190 swivels. But by 1838-39, he had
collected 188 guns and 220 swivels. After his death, the number rose to 230 field guns
and 308 camel swivels. By 1845-46, the strength of the Sikh artillery had risen to 376
field guns and 308 Camel guns.
2. Fauj-i-Be Qwaid of the Irregular Army.
Ranjit Singh also ‗retained the irregular Army which followed the old methods of
warfare. Those Sikhs, who were not willing to change to the new methods were allowed
to form an irregular army. The Irregular Army of the Fauj-i-Be-Qwaid consisted of three
different type-the Ghorcharas, the Jagirdar Cavalry and the Akalis:
Ghorcharas Fauj : The Ghorchara was another class of Ranjit Singh‘s cavalry,
which unlike the regular cavalry, got not regular training. Not was it disciplined in any
military, code. It was organised on the model of the Khalsa army of the MisIs, which
believed in dash and reckless courage than in defence. It was paid directly by the state
and the salaries of the Ghorcharas were higher than those of the horsemen of regular
cavalry. The recruits to Ghoracharas Fauj were not enlisted individually but in small
bands from the same village and were frequently members of the same class under
leadership of the local chief.
The Ghorcharas were further sub-divided into Ghorcharas Khas and Misldar
Sawars. The soldiers in the Ghorchara Khas regiment were recruited from the families of
the Sikh Sardars. The Ghorcharas Khas did not undergo any training or drill, rather they
were organised on the model of the old Khalsa army i.e., the horsemen of the days of
the Sikh confederacies or Misls who believed that the dash of a cavalry charge and
reckless courage were enough to overhelm the foe. These Ghorcharas were paid very
decent jagirs to the value of Rs. 300 to 400 a year. But later on cash payments were
made to them.
The ―Misldar Sawars‖ did most enjoy the same dignified position as the
Ghorcharas Khas did. They were those hdrsemen, who after the overthrow of their
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master, had joined the service of the Maharaja Unlike the Ghorcharas Khas, they were
not the Sons and relatives of the old Sikh sardar, but were the ex-soldiers of the Sikh
Misls. The total strength of Ghorcharas-both Khas and Misldar Sawars was nearly
10,000.
G.L. Chopra writes, Ghorcharas, composed as they were of the upper strata of
society claimed much respect and consideration from the Maharaja. Many of them were
the relatives of the high dignitaries at the court, who by virtue of their official status and
landed interest had considerable influence in the country. They represented the
conservation element in the state and were over eager to uphold its political
independence and territorial integhty. Their past achievements in many a desperate
campaign against the Afghans of Multan, Kashmir and the frontier areas entitled them to
a commanding position in the Sikh army and they enjoyed the full confidence of their.
Though attaching great importance to this regular army, the Maharaja felt equally proud
of this irregular horsemen.
The Jagirdari Cavalry : The Jagirdari who held from Ranjit Singh, furnished a
certain number of well equipped troopers to the Maharaja The number of horsemen to
be retained by a chief, depended on the value of his jagir. Ranjit Singh used to inspect.
their Jagirdari contingents at the time of the Dussehra festival. He did not employ these
contingents in important battles as they were never considered to be as efficient as the
rest of his force. The Maharaja took a number of steps to maintain the jagirdari cavalry in
proper Jagirdar as a safeguard against cheating and corruption. Those chiefs, who did
not maintain the requisite strength were punished by the Maharaja.
AKALIS: In addition to the Ghorcharas and the Jagirdari Fauj, Ranjit Singh
maintained a small force of Akalis. According to Steinbach their number was between
two to three thousand. They followed the old methods of warfare and fought with
religious fanatism. They hated the Foreigners particylarly the Europeans and the
Afghans. They used to fight with desperation and were always employed upon the most
dangerous missions. Their personal courage, religious zeal and recklessness proved
useful to the Maharaja in many a dangerous campaigns in North Western Frontier.
Some of then leaders like Akali Phula Singh and Akali Sadhu Singh showed uncommon
intrepidity and velour. Steinbach writes about their arms ―They (Akalis) move about
constantly armed to the teeth-it is not uncommon thing to see them roaming about with
drawn swords in each hand, two more in their belt a matchlock at their back and three or
four quoits fastened round their turbans. Their quoit (steel ring) is an arm peculiar to this
race of people.‖
FAUJ-A-KFIAJAT: Besides all this the Maharaja had in his, service about
10,800 men, who garrisoned the important forts like those of Multan, Peshawar, Kangra
and Attok. The garrison troops were of lower standard than regular infantry. An average
pay of a garrison infantry soldier was Rs. 6/- per month, the Jamadar receiving Rs. 12/-
or more. Every fort was placed under the charge of an officer called ‗Thanedar‖. The
code of conduct for garrison soldiers was very strict. None of them could be addicted to
wine. In order to curb their immoral and lethargic habits, it was strictly required of these
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soldiers that no one could spend upto himself an amount of money had to be remitted
regularly.
PAY AND PENSIONS: In the beginning Ranjit Singh paid his soldiers either out
of plunder or by grant of land. But when he raised a large standing army on the western
lines he found the old system of. Payment unsuitable. Hence, he introduced the system
of monthly cash payments of salaries to his soldiers. There was no uniformity in the pay
scale of officers and soldiers. The pay of a regular cavalry soldier was higher than the
pay of an infantry men but the artillery men and infantry were paid the same.
There was no regular grant of pension for the retiring, wounded or invalid
soldiers. Steinbach writes, ―No pension was or is assigned to the soldiers for long
service, nor is there any provision for the widows and families of those who die or are
killed in service of the state.‖
PUNISHMENTS : The Maharaja never gave death punishments. Burnes writes,
―The most creditable trait in Ranjit Singh‘s character, is his humanity. He has never been
known to punish a criminal with death since his accession to power.‖ Maharaja himself
once remarked ―We punish but we will not take life.‖ The general forms of punishment
were dismissal, degradation, deduction of pay, confiscation of Jagirs, fines, amputation
of limbs, imprisonment and warnings.
REGIMENTAL DRESS : In the pre-Ranjit Singh period, a common trooper of a
Misal Chief were a turban and a pair of short drawers. The sleeves of his shirt were
generaIIy open and his slippers tight fitting. Under Ranjit Singh, however, certain
changes took place in the regimental dress. Steinbach writes, ―Under the Maharaja, the
costume of the regular infantry is scarlet, bit different coloured facing, to distinguish
regiments, as in the British service. The trousers are of blue line, the head dress is the
turban, with one end loose, and spread so at to entirely cover the head, back of the neck
and shoulders the belts are of black leather, the arms, a musket and a bayonet, the
manufacture of Lahore.‖
The regular cavalry man wore a helmet, round which a shawl was folded. This
shawl or scarf was usually of crimson silk. A dull red jacket, the trousers of dark blue silk
with red strip pair of black belts one supporting a pouch and the other a bayonet, ware
the distinguishing features of his dress. Round his Waist, he fastened a kamrband. The
dress of the officers from top to toe was of silk or they were armed only with a sabre.
Griffin writes, ―The regular troops were much less picturesque than the jagirdari horse.
Their dress was a close imitation of the scariet uniforms worn by the British army
singularly ungraceful on native troops.‖
According to Baron Van Hugel, ‗The uniform of the ghorcharas consisted of a
velvet coat or gabardine over which most of them wore a shirt of mail- a belt round the
waist richly embossed in gold supported the power horn, covered with cloth of gold as
well as the Persian Katar and the pistol, which many of them carried in addition to those
weapons. Some wore a steel halmet, inlaid with gold as well as the Persian katar and
the pistol which many of them carried, in addition to those weapons. Some wore a steel
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helmet inlaid, with gold surmounted with ―Kalghi‖, others wore a cup of steel worked like
a cairass in rings. The left arm is often covered from hand to the elbow, with a steel cuff,
inlaid with gold.‖
―The uniform of irregular cavalry men, consisted besides, spears and shields
dresses of every colour. There was no uniformity. Some wore a shirt of mail, with a
helmet Inlaid with gold and a kalghi, others wore gay with many coloured splendors of
velvet and silk with-pink or yellow muslin turbans and gold embroidered belts, carrying
their swords and powder horn.‖
The artillery men wore red turbans. The body guards of the Maharaja dressed in
a cloth of scarlet or yellow colour.
Critical Estimate:
Historians have expressed divergent views about the military administration of
Maharaja Ranjit Slngh. Some European historians like Mafor Lawrence and Bumes have
criticised Ranjit Singh‘s military system while Cunningham, Osborne Griffin and G.L.
Chopra have praised it.
Arguments against military reforms :
(i) Westernisation of the army weakened it. Prem Singh and Major Lawrence
are of the view that Ranjit Singh committed a blunder in giving up the traditional methods
of fighting. According to them Ranjit Singh made most of the conquests by his
unreformed army and that the reformed army became after his death, a heavy burden
which overwhelmed the civil constitution and brought about not only its ruin but also of
the state. They further argue that the Westernisation of the army weakened it. This being
the reason the army of the Sikhs, with the-help of which Guru Gobind Singh and Banda
Bahadur fought against the imperial Mughal with high credit it the days of Mughal glory
could not inspire the Maharaja with a courage to fight against the British.
(ii) No regular payment : Although Maharaja had introduced the system of
regular payments to his soldier he could not enforce in properly. The soldiers were paid
irregularly and their arrears generally accumulated. Major Lawrence wrote, The army is
seldom less than twelve months in arrears. Once ‗Indeed, I saw the Maharaja obliged to
take refuge in Gobindgarh from the violence of Gorkha battalions roused to desperation
by being kept out or their pay.
(iii) Regular Cavalry was ineffective. The Regular cavalry was not upto the
mark. It remained a weak and ineffective branch of the army According to Burnes. ‗They
are men of all ages, ill-looking, ill-dressed and worse mounted and neither-in
appearance nor in reality they are to be compared to the infantry soldiers of the Punjab‖.
Griffin writes, ‗The horses were small, weak and ill-bred.‖
(iv) Domination of army over civil administration. In the days of Ranjit Singh,
the army had established its domination over the civil authorities As he Was busy in
wars throughout his career gave more and more importance to ‗the military authority. In
fact, the army as a whole had never been taught to be subservient to civil authorities.
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Had Ranjit Singh lived to see the days of comparatively more peace and tranquility,
Supremacy of the civilians over the army men might have been estabilished. But this did
not happen and the result was that after his-death army got sovereign powers. Payre
writes, ―The army of the Khalsa, was now to all intents and purposes a self governing
body: its affairs were conducted by the panchayat or the councils of five representing
each company and elected by the soldiers themselves.‖
(v) Disloyalty of European generals : Some writers are of the opinion that the
appointment of the Europeans in the army was a blunder on the part of Ranjit Singh.
They remained loyal to him during his life time but after his death, some of them placed
the part of a traitor to the Lahore government. Commenting on their role in the post
Ranjit Singh period, Khushwant Singh writes, ―Of the 100 or more Europeans, who had
eaten the salt of the Sikh Darbars, not even one was on the side of the Khalsa.‖ Even in
the life time of Ranjit Singh, most of the Sardar were jealous of them.
ARGUMENTS IN FAVOUR OF MILITARY REFORMS.
(i) The reformed army was a strong army- Almost all the contemporary writers
are of the opinion that Ranjit Singh deserves credit for his army reforms. By adopting the
western modes of warfare, he converted the Sikh levies into Strong and efficient, military
body Lord Auckland, in a letter to Sir Charles HobhSuse wrote, ―In equipment in
steadiness and precision of manouvery, they (Sikh) seem to be in no way Inferior to our
army. The courage and the bravery of the Sikh soldiers has been praised by Sir Charles
Gough, the commander-in-chief of the Company‘s armies who fought the first battle
against the Sikhs. He wrote The Sikh soldiers fought with a discipline and stubbornness
unequatted in our experience of native warfare and then doing so war largeIy due to the
methods introduced by Ranjit Singh.‖ And again he wrote,‖ the Sikhs were better
adopted to learn and to assimilate the European methods of fighting than any other
native population.‖
(ii) There was no racial bias in the army of Ranjit Singh - One of the most
cardinal features of Ranjit Singh‘s army administration was the Maharaja‘s efforts to
secure expert hands for training and the command of his soldiers, without any religious
or national bias. Besides the Indians and the Prubias the Maharaja, a army included the
Italians. Frenchmen, Americans, Englishmen, Anglo-Indians, Spaniards, Greeks and the
Prussians. According to Sinha, Ranjit Singh took particular care to fashion his army in
such away as communalism and localism could not hamper the growth of military spirit.
He recognised merit. All communities were proved equal opportunities in the Army
Service.
(iii) Maharaja paid liberal salaries - Ranjit Singh always paid liberal salaries to
his soldiers. Sinha writes that the scale of the pay from commander to the sepoy in the
Sikhs army compared very favourably with the corresponding rank in the company‘s
service. Although no regular pensions were paid yet the Maharaja was extremely liberal
to those who were wounded in service.
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(iv) The European Generals were not disloyal to the Sikh Kingdom- It was
with the help of the Europeans that Ranjit Singh was able to organise one of the finest
armies in the world. They remained loyal to the Maharaja and the Sikh Kingdom. Sinha
says. -As most of the foreign officers had left the Punjab service before the .outbreak of
the Anglo-Sikh wars, it is not possible to guess how faithful they would have proved from
one or two cases of desertions; we should not generalise.‖ In fact, the defeat of the
Sikhs in the Anglo-Sikh wars due to the treachery of their own leaders like Taj Singh and
Lal Singh and not to disloyalty of the Europeans. Jagmohan Mahajan writes, ―Certain it
is that there would have been a different story to tell, if the body of men had not been
commanded by the traitors.‖
In conclusion, it can be paid that inspite of some short-comings the military
system of Ranjit Singh had its jurisdiction. According to N.K. Sinha. ―The trained,
battalions of Ranjit Singh were certainly the out come of a mistaken policy‖ leaders of
the British army must have been admiring the organising genius, which had transformed
a rapple of horsemen into most efficient fighting machine.
―The military system thus built up by Ranjit Singh, marked a distinct improvement
upon the 18th century systems pursued by the Mughals and the Marathas‖ (Dr. Fauja
Singh)
Legitimacy of the State:
The question before us is whether the Sikh state set up by Ranjit Singh was
legitimate or not. To form an impartial view we need to consider the political situation in
Panjab in particular on the ve of Ranjit Singh coming to power. You have seen how
Panjab was political divided among the 12 Sikh Misldars, the muslim and the Hindu
rulers etc. That means there was no single power to reckon with and each of them were
interested furthering, protecting their own power and influence. In this sense, Ranjit
Singh was also one among them in this race.
In this race Ranjit Singh was successful in laying the foundation of the Sikh state
in Panjab. The others were not successful and lost their territory, power and prestige.
In conclusion and in all fairness to Ranjit Singh we can say that the state
established by him was legitimate as if he had not done, someone else may have, be it
the powerful Rajput ruler Sansar Chand of Kanora or an equally powerful muslim ruler of
Multan or for that matter any one else.
Self-Assessment Questions
1. Write 2 defects in the military system of the Sikhs.
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2. Write two steps taken by Maharaja Ranjit Singh to modernize his army.
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3. Name two Europeans officials appointed by Maharaja Ranjit Singh to

modernize his army.
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4. What was Fauj-i-Khas?
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5.5 LAND REVENUE SYSTEM

Maharaja Ranjit Singh was mainly a conqueror and an expeditionist. For his
constant battles and wars he needed a strong and a well-equipped army. For a big and
efficient army, he needed large revenues and vast resources. His armymen generally
came from the peasantry during his various military expedition. As such, he had to keep
the peasantry well-satisfied too. The Maharajas sole intention, hence, was to take out
the revenues from all sources without annoying the peasantry. Unexpected expeditions
or unexpectedly long entanglements were responsible for poor cultivation and ruin of
standing crops on one side and heavy drain on the exchequer on the other. The
Maharaja hence was keen for maximum income, no matter by which fork it was brought
in. The fluctuating condition and foreign relation did not enable the Maharaja to adopt a
scientific system of pre-budgeting. His financial administration was therefore, a crude
one. Inspite of a royal treasury and provision for maintenance of regular accounts, there
were serious loop holes. There was no specific arrangement for auditing the accounts or
for periodical physical verifications. This encouraged embezzlements. In 1808, Bhiwani
Mal took over as the Maharaja‘s - Finance Minister: He tried to plug the loop-holes to
reorganises the whole financial organization on more scientific and sound footing. The
Maharaja‘s financial organization with its main sources of income and expenditure can
be broadly mentioned as below.
The main source of income was the Land Revenue. The system which prevailed
in greater part of the Mughal India was adopted, more or less, by Ranjit Singh too. The
Land Revenue Department was called Jamah-Kharach Toulqat A flexible system to suit
Indigenous situation was adopted. There was no uniform machinery, system or code far
the exact assessment and fixed collection of land revenue and variations were quite
noticeable in different areas during the year. The most common and prevalent system
was the traditional Bated system specially in the early period of Ranjit Singh rule. By this
method, the assessment and collection was made right on the spot when the harvest
was reaped and thrashed. The state‘s share was generally collected in kind there and
then. The system was quite unsatisfactory since it encouraged corruption amongst a
large number of revenue official at whole mercy the peasantry depended and whose
supposed integrity the state resposed its own trust. In 1824, this system was generally
replaced by Kankut, system which warranted his assessment on the basis of standing
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crops and collection on the eve of harvesting. This proved to be more profitable to the
government and less vexing to the farmers. After sometimes the Kankut system was
also replaced by a system of cash payment in place of payment in kind. However, the
mixed system of payment in kind or cash worked to be more practical and popular. On
the basis of crops concerned, both cash and kind systems were allowed to be in vogue,
a result of experimentation. After 1834, Bid system was also encouraged. By this
system, the Khalsa (crown) land was given on lease, by auction to the highest bidder.
Sometimes the farms were sold out to the villagers for the sake of simplification. In some
parts of the kingdom e.g. in Attock, the revenue was assessed on Bigha basis i.e. the
assessment was made on the produce of a representative Bigha and collection on the
whole was made on- flue basis under the Plough system in vogue in some parts, the
assessment was made on this basis of a plough‘ for each crop instead of a
representative Bigha. The plough area was almost 15 acres i.e. an area conveniently
cultivated by a pair of Bullocks. In case of well- irrigated lands, the Well Basis was
adopted for the purpose of assessment. Sometimes productive capacity of land was
determined by analysis of soil passed through cloth by dipping it with, water. The
Maharaja was particular to receive the settlement reports and detailed accounts of
assessments and collection in case of various areas and various practices in vogue in
his Kingdom. Generally the State Share came Out to be 2/5 to 2/4 of the total production
in addition to various other cases N.K. Sinha feel that the state varied from 1/3 to 2/5.
Whereas Sita Ram Kohli Judges that the state share varied from 1/3 to 1/2. The other
obwabs or cassess generally took away 5 to 15 per cent of the gross produce as the
State share. The collection was made twice a year at the time of annual harvesting. The
District Collector (Malik) made collection with the help of kanugos, Patwaris,
Muqaddams, etc. In the border areas like Suba Peshawar, the Subedar to be
responsible for this collection.
In view of the exigencies of time, the military requirements, needed for more
money etc. an exorbitant rate of land revenue was charged which normally came to
about 1/2 to the total produce apart from additional cases. Griffin states that Ranjit Singh
Squeezed out of the unhappy present, Hindus and Mohammedans, every rupee that
could be made to disgorge. Egerton writes that, The Sikh population was a soldier to a
man and their main object was to wring out from the Hindu and Mohammad an
cultivators the utmost thing that could be exhorted without compelling them to abandon
their fields‖ Major Abbot wrote about Hazara that‖ the system here has been to
overasscss the country and bride the Maliks into submission by petty grants of ploughs,
mills, arable lands etc. Sweeping remarks and uncharitable comments have generally
been passed against the Land Revenue System of Ranjit Singh which has been
variously labelled as callous and corrupt, unsympathetic to the cultivators had favourable
to the landlords. But a closer scrutiny of the System itself and the concern of the
Maharaja for the welfare of the commons would certainly establish that he was
meticulously careful not to kill the goose which lay the golden eggs. He was more
concerned to collect the golden eggs and for its continuation much depended up to an
equitable system. The Maharaja did his best to keep the peasantry content. The Jat
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cultivators paid liberally to the State which observed their kins in the army with attractive
prospects. The Maharaja personally took keen interest in the promotion of cultivation,
the welfare of the farmers and in knowing personally about his administrative functioning
at the lower levels. He built canals at various places, viz. Multan, Muzafiargarh and
Lahore, for irrigational facilities. About one million acres were brought afresh under canal
irrigation. Aids were given for wells to be dug. The marching armies were strictly ordered
not to spoil the standing crops during their hurried marches or camps. The cultivators
were given compensation in cash of any damage by the Maharaja‘s armies. The
exigencies forced the Maharaja to impose a heavy land revenue but he was not a rough
shot and, hence, looked after both practical propositions and welfare factors.
Various kinds of Chaukyat i.e. custom and octroi duties were levied by the
Maharaja to supplement his income. The customs duty was levied on about 48 head.
The articles of luxury was well as of daily use were subjected to one tax or the other.
N.K. Sinha asserts that the Maharaja‘s taxation embraced everything, every locality,
every town, every village, every article, wherever sold, imported, domestic and foreign.
Even the artisans were not spared. The whole country had a network of barriers, some
articles were taxed for more than a dozen times before reaching their destination. The
mode of taxation was generally repressive. The tenders tried to smuggle their goods
through passes or through bribes. Inspite of heavy taxation and evasion-risks,
commerce flourished and the Maharaja earned about 16.50 to 19 lacs of rupees
annually from custom and octroi alone.
The other sources of income were Nazranas, Shukranas, Jurmanas Zabits,
Wajuhat-e-nuqarri, malkhans, Peshawaranns, abkari, etc. Nazranas were in lieu of
tributes and presents to Maharaja. Shukranas were in lieu of certain favourable orders or
judgement by the Maharaja, or his functionaries. Jurmanas were the heavy fines
imposed upon the defaulters or upon those who lost their cases. Forfeiture or property
was ordered against the delinquent and the heirless deceased person. Stamp-duty,
institutional levies and impositions in lieu of some special appointments etc. come under
wajdhat-e-Nuqarri. MaIkhans covered levies on grant of monopolies e.g. the salt tax. In
lieu of monopoly, alone it fetched about 8.9 lacs of rupees per annum. Professional tax
on weavers, lohars, sunars, tanners and almost on all other technical and mechanical
vocations, at the rate of Re.1/- per house or 1 rupee per house in case of Kamms, the
inferior most women and labourer of rupees 2/- per house in case of commercial classes
was changed as Peshawarana. Excise duty on wine opium etc was also levied as
obfcori. On the eve of grant of jagirs for meritorious services the grantees offered thanks
giving gifts. The jagirs also yielded fixed amounts in lieu of land revenue. The total
recovery from Jagir lands was about rupees 1,09,33,000 out of total revenue of-rupees
2,58,09,500 per annum according to Princcp, and rupees 87,00,000 out of total revenue
of rupees 3,02,27,762 according to Shahmat. All however, no exact and concrete
estimate can be made about the total income or head-wise receipt of the Lahore Darbar
under Ranjit Singh in view of its fluctuating and generally over expanding boundaries of
the Kingdom.
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Self Assessment Questions

1. Who was a Diwan?
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2. What is Pargana?
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3. What is a Mauza?
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4. What is Sukrana?
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5.6 THE ANGLO-SIKH RELATIONS UP TO 1839

The first direct contact between the English and the Sikhs was established in
1800. The principle of the British policy towards the Sikhs at this time seems to have
been one of making the growing Sikh power of Ranjit Singh a buffer State between the
English and Russia which was developing her ambitions in the Middle East. Under Lord
Wellesly in 1800 a definite opportunity had offered itself when India was threatened by
an invasion of Zaman Shah, the afghan ruler. As a precautionary measure the British
sent Munshi Yusof Ali with rich presents to the court of Ranjit Singh to request him not to
help Zaman Shah in case of his invasion. Soon, however, we learn the danger of Zaman
Shah‘s invasion receded and Yusof Ali was called back by the British.
Second Contact 1805
In the class between the Marathas and the British, the Maratha Jaswant
RaoHolkar asked Ranjit Singh for help against the British in 1805. General Lake wrote to
Ranjit Singh that if he did so he would be responsible for the consequences. Ranjit
Singh consulted some other important Sikh chiefs. He was advised not to spoil his
relations with the English. On 1st January, 1806 General Lake signed an agreement with
Ranjit Singh and Fateh Singh jointly which provided that Ranjit Singh would not
helpHolkar. It was also laid down that the British would withdraw their forces from
Punjab. The British would never attack any territory of Ranjit Singh if he remained
friendly towards them. According to Latif, Ranjit Singh himself proposed that the British
could have control over the cis-Sutlej regions. importance of this treaty was that it
brought the English in contact with the Sikhs.
Cis-Sutlej Relations
The major portion of the cis-Sutlej area was under the Phulkian family which was
one of the most powerful of the original twelve Sikhs confederacies and comprised of the
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States of Patiala, Jind and Nabha. Its founder was Phul Singh a jat. His seven Sons
became the ancestors of the reigning families of Patiala, Jind and Nabha. Of all these
States, Patiala was the largest and the strongest. It had been under Baba Ala Singh the
grand-son of ChaudhriPhul Singh. After the death of Ala Singh his grand-son Amar
Singh came to power in 1765, and it was under him that this State became the strongest
one in the cis-Sutlej areas. But the present ruler Sahib Singh, who succeeded his father
Amer Singh at the age of seven, was weak. The state was sunk in political intrigues and
the rulers seemed to have little time to think of agricultural or trade or industry. Even
though the British were interested in these state they continued with the policy of non-
intervention for some time, which encouraged Ranjit Singh to proceed to these regions.
In 1806 there was a quarrel between Patiala and Nabha and both the Rajas
appealed to Ranjit Singh to decide the dispute. Ranjit Singh was already in search of
such an opportunity and marched towards the cis-Sutlej areas immediately along with
Fateh Singh Ahluwalia and others like Gurdit Singh Ladwe. He brought with him a force
of 20,000 soldiers, too big of course for the problem he was invited to solve, and instead
of deciding the dispute between the States he invaded and occupied the town of Doladhi
himself. He also realised a heavy nazrana from Patiala. On his return Ranjit Singh
conquered Ludhiana, Dakha, Raikot, Jagraon and Ghungrana; but distributed those
territories among the friends who accompanied him.
In 1807 Ranjit Singh found yet another opportunity march into the cis-Sutlej
regions. This time there was quarrel between Aus Kaur the queen of Patiala and her
husband. She wanted to secure a good jagir for her minor son Karam Singh, which her
husband would not permit. She invited Ranjit Singh to intervene on her behalf with a
promise that if the dispute was decided in her favour she would give him a valuable
necklace and the famous brass-gun called Khuri-Khan. Ranjit Singh accepted the
invitation.
From Patiala this time Ranjit Singh proceeded towards Ambala from whose chief
Rani Daya Kaur he realized a tribute. He occupied Naraingarh which was handed over
to Fateh Singh Ahluwalia. He also realized a tribute from Bhai Lal Singh of Kaithal, from
Jodh Singh of Kalsia and many other Sardars and zamindars. Among these, the chiefs
of Mani Majra and Ropar were important. Ranjit Singh also occupied Wadni, Zira and
KotKapura. Zira was given over to Muhkam Chand and Wadni in Ferozepur to Sada
Kaur, the Maharaja‘s mother-in law.
This naturally produced dismay among the chiefs of the cis-Sutlej States. They
held a conference among themselves and went to Mr. Seton, the British Resident at
Delhi, appealing him for British protection against Ranjit Singh. Their argument was that
the cis-Sutlej regions had always been protected by Delhi government, and now since
Delhi was under the English occupation, the English should extend their protecting hand
on their States. But this was the time when Seton could give them no definite assurance
for British help, however willing he might have been to extend the British influence
towards that side. In the mean while, Ranjit Singh offered protection to cis-Satluj states.
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Ranjit Singh and Sahib Singh of Patiala met each other and exchanged their turbans as
a mark of friendship between them.
Treaty of Tilsit
Around this time there occurred an incidence in Europe which changed the
course of History in the Punjab. In July, 1807, Napoleon who had been fighting against
Russia, signed the Treaty of Tilsit with Czar Alexander. After this Napoleon decided to
march towards the east with the purpose occupying the British Empire in India. The
British Governor-General of India sent Metcalfe to Lahore with a two-fold purpose firstly
to counteract the French designs in the Punjab and secondly to check Ranjit Singh‘s
aggressive policy in the cis-Sutlej States.
Metcalfe met Ranjit Singh at Kasur on the 11th Sept., 1807 and discussed the
affairs with him. Ranjit Singh asked him to submit a written draft of the treaty that he
wanted him to sign. Ranjit Singh did not agree to the terms of the treaty. He forwarded
his own conditions for doing so. Metcalfe refused to sign such an agreement without the
permission of the Governor-General. Finally after some hesitation on the advice of Faqir
Aziz-ud-din, Ranjit Singh agreed to the English proposals. Thus Ranjit Singh on 25th
April 1809 signed with the British what is so popularly known as the Amritsar Treaty of
1809. Important terms of the treaty were:
1. The two governments would maintain friendly relations with each other.
2. British would have no concern on the north-west of the river Sutlej, nor would
they intervene in Ranjit Singh relations with the chiefs in those regions. Likewise,
Ranjit Singh would now never think of the capture of Sutlej States which were
declared under protection of the British.
3. Maharaja Ranjit Singh was recognized as an independent ruler and was to be in
the list of active friends of the British.
4. Neither side would keep a large army on its respective bank of the river Sutlej.
5. Ranjit Singh would not maintain in the 45 parganas in the cis-Sutlej regions
which were yet to remain under his control, an army more than what was
required for the internal peace and external protection.
6. Violation of any of the terms of the Treat by any of the contracting parties would
make the Treaty null and void.
The Cis-Sutlej Territorial Disputes
Ranjit Singh feared that the English had a definite ambition for the Punjab, and
the Treaty of Amritsar would be flouted by them whenever they found an opportunity to
do so. It was this reason that led him to build a small fort at Phillaur, a town on the Sikh
side of the Sutlej only five miles from the nearest British station. Soon, the relations
between the two powers improved. In 1811 some presents were exchanged between
them and in 1812 Ochterlony attended the marriage of Ranjit Singh‘s son Kharak Singh.
These friendly relations lasted from 1812 to 1823. During this time Ranjit Singh captured
Multan, Kashmir, Peshawar, and Kangra. The British subdued Marathas, Nepalese and
 106

Rajputs and thus established their ascendency over whole of Northern India, except the
Punjab. Cordial relation between Ranjit Singh and the British continued, from 1812 to
1823. But by the latter year both the sides having realized their ambitions elsewhere to a
great extent, turned their attentions towards each other and their relations become
strained.
Wadni
The first object of conflict between them was Wadni, situated in the cis-Sutlej
area and held by a Zamindar MianNaudha, it was protected by Rani Sada Kaur again
Ranjit Singh in 1807. When relations between Ranjit Singh and the Rani soured, the
Rani was thrown into prison in by the Maharaja who sent a force to occupy the territory.
The Rani, appealed from her prison to the British for help, who accepting her as chief of
the Kanheya confederacy of the Sikhs in the cis-Sutlej areas under their protection,
ejected from the fort of Wadni, Ranjit Singh‘s forces.
Thus bitterness developed in the relations between the two powers by 1823.
Shortly after, some compromise was reached and in 1826, when Ranjit Singh fell ill the
British Government sent Dr. Murray for his treatment, and in 1827 they also accepted
Ranjit Singh‘s claims on Wadni, Anandpur, Makhowal and Cha recommended by Wade,
the British superintendent at Ludhiana.
The Ahluwalia Possessions
Fateh Singh Ahluwalia, had been on friendly terms with Ranjit Singh and had
also accompanied and helped the latter in many of his expeditions and conquests like
those of the cis-Sutlej area in 1806 and 1807. In 1825, however, relations between the
two were strained and Fateh Singh crossed the Sutlej with his family and took refuge at
Jagraon. He also sent confidential messages to the British agents, Murray at Ambala
and Wade at Ludhiana, for British protection against Ranjit who he wrote wanted to
occupy his cis and trans- Sutlej territories.
The districts of Jagron and Naraingarh which had been granted by the Maharaja
to Fateh Singh, were declared to be under the Maharaja‘s protection, but to the rest of
the Ahluwalia possessions in the cis-Sutlej areas the British protection was extended.
Similar disputes arose over some other territories such as SialbaMachhiwara and Kang
all of which were decided in favour of one or the other power as commanded by facts. In
almost all these disputes Wade supported Ranjit Singh, whereas Murray opposed him.
Ferozepur
Importance of Ferozepur for the British
The first importance of the city Ferozepur for the British, as it is so clear from the
correspondence, was that it fulfilled satisfactorily the growing need of the British to have
places of strategic importance for their expanding empire on this side, and their clear
determination to hem in Sikh territory by constructing a fence of posts all along the Sutlej
frontier. Ferozepur being only 40 miles from Lahore and with only one river to cross was
important, as Ranjit Singh‘s movements could also be watched. And commanding the
 107

passage to the great ferry station of Hari-ke-pattan, its commercial importance too could
not be under-estimated.
Ranjit Singh‘s claims which were argued by Wade in his favour, run as follows.
First, Ranjit Singh claimed that the Ferozepur Sikhs were among the oldest of his
subjects. They, he claimed, were among the dependents of Nihal Singh Attariwala, his
vassal from 1805. But with the death of Lachhmi Kaur of Ferozepur in 1835, the British
occupied the territory in 1838 and it was made a military cantonment.
Fatehgarh
Fatehgarh was a Garhi or a mud fortress situated within, and was a part of the
city of Anandpur under the control of the Singhpuria Misl. Budh Singh of the Singhpuria
Misl was harassed by Ranjit Singh left his trans-Sutlej possessions, and took refuge in
his cis-Sutlej territories. He made a request to the British for protection which was given
to him in 1810. On his death in 1815, and on the petition of his sons Murray divided
these cis-Sutlej territories, including the Garhi.
In 1829 Ranjit Singh‘s forces occupied the Garhi under the command of Chet
Singh. Opposing this occupation Murray maintained that the fortress was distinct from
Anandpur, ruled by a thanedar appointed direct by the Lahore Government. Being a
Singhpuria possession for fifty years, it had been confirmed so by Ochterloney in 1817,
and that in the list of the territories claimed by the Maharaja in 1809 there was no
mention of this fortress. To this Wade replied again that the fortress was a part of the
town of Anandpur. After deliberations, Ranjit Singh continued to hold Fategarh.
Talwandi
Talwandi was another disputed territory, situated within the cis-Sutlej protected
States of the British. Raj Kaur appealed to the English for help who had got the territory
restored to her. But she herself was not an efficient ruler and soon was the Rani‘s own
officers rebelled against her. But this time instead of appealing to the English, she
requested Ranjit Singh for help, and in this way the order was once again restored. This
led Murray to write to the British Resident that Ranjit Singh‘s interference in the case
was uncalled for. He forwarded that the territory had never been a dependency of the
Maharaja.
The Government instituted an enquiry in the matter. Raj Kaur declared that
Talwandi had been taken by the Maharaja‘s forces violently without her knowledge. This,
however, was impossible, as her application for help to Ranjit proved otherwise. While
this discussion was yet in progress, Raj Kaur‘s brothers Didar Singh and Diwan Singh
Sodhis of Anandpur forwarded their own claims on the territory to Wade. This made the
situation yet more difficult. The British Government, agreed with Wade‘s views and
Ranjit Singh‘s supremacy over Talwandi was accepted.
Dispute on Atiana
Situated 15 miles from Ludhiana, the village of Atiana was one of the 47 places
in the cis-Sutlej regions over which the Maharaja had forwarded his claims in 1809. It
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was then in the possession of Baba Ram Singh whom Ranjit Singh claimed as his
vassal. While the case was yet to be decided, in 1828 Wade learnt that the village was
occupied by Sangat Singh on the plea that it was granted to him by Ranjit. Upon Ranjit
Singh denial, Sangat Singh was directed by the British Government to restore the
territory to Ram Singh, and this restoration was later on confirmed by Ranjit Singh. This
dispute was important because in 1828 the British declared a point of policy, that no
protected chief could ever accept a grant from or interfere in the cis-Sutlej territories of
the Maharaja without intimating the British Government.
Relations between the Sikhs and the Amirs of Sind till 1831
The first important event in the relations between Punjab and Sind occurred in
1809 when the Amir offered Ranjit Singh a defensive alliance against the English. But
Ranjit Singh refused the offer as he did not want to offend the British. The next important
event took place in 1818 when Ranjit Singh conquered Multan. The Amirs were alarmed
when they found the Maharaja so near their boundary. The Maharaja in 1824 demanded
from Sind an annual tribute failing which he threatened invasion. The Amirs resisted and
Ranjit Singh attacked Sind in 1825. But fortunately for the Amirs, due to a famine, the
Maharaja returned and abandoned the scheme for the time. Ranjit Singh remained busy
with Syed Ahmed of Peshawar from 1827 to 1831 and after that when he turned his
attention towards Sind he found that the English had already stolen a march on him.
Anglo-Sind Relations till 1831
The first Anglo-Sind contact is said to have been made in 1758 through
merchants, as usual, when some English-men got permission to establish a factory at
Thatta. After the signing of the Treaty of Tilsit between Napoleon and the Czar
Alexander of Russia, the British apprehensions regarding Napoleon‘s designs towards
India increased, and they forced the Amirs to sign with them a treaty in 1809. This treaty
which was renewed in 1820, provided that there would be an eternal friendship between
the English and the Amirs, and that the latter would not permit any European or
American to settle in their country, though each would permit the settlement of other‘s
subjects if they conducted themselves in orderly manners. Beyond this, nothing
important happened till 1831.
After 1831
Ranjit Singh realised that by conquering Sind he would have as outlet to the
Arabian Sea, by which he could have contacts with the oversea countries outside the
British influence. But precisely for these ambitions of Ranjit Singh the British were
careful lest he should develop his hold over Sind. By this time, also, the British had
realized the commercial importance of Sind.
The British had been interested in the navigation of the Indus in order to control
the Central Asian markets. The navigation of lndus could check Russian interests. The
British also wanted to check Ranjit Singh who was interested in Indus and Sind.
After planning and plotting against the Amir of Sind, the British did succeed in
making the Amirs sign the treaty on April 4, 1832. The essential feature of the Treaty
 109

was that the Amirs would permit the British to carry on their trade through the Indus, but
that no permission would be given for the transaction of military stores, nor would they
permit armed vessels through it. Further it was expressly laid down that no British
merchant would be permitted to settle in Sind, and this clearly shows how distrustful of
the British designs the Amirs were. A supplement to this Treaty signed red on April 22,
transferred the final powers of deciding the levy of duties on the foreign goods from
Amirs to the British.
All these developments aroused suspicions of Ranjit Singh. Nor did he, writes
Latif ―affected to conceal from the British officer (at Mithankot) the fact that the
commercial projects of the British Government had compromised his political designs
and operations West of Indus.‖ When Wade visited him the next, he was not received as
cordially as he used to be Ranjit Singh‘s view was that by signing that commercial
agreement with the Amirs the British had violated the Amritsar Treaty of 1809, and had
interfered in the trans- Sutlej affairs. But the British view was that the application of that
treaty ended where the Sutlej met the Indus and below that therefore they were perfectly
within their rights to make friends as they liked. At last, however the sweet-tongued
agent Wade did succeed in appeasing the monarch.
After opening the Indus to navigation, the next was to open the Sutlej for this
purpose. For this Wade brought letters from the Governor-General, both for the
Maharaja and Bhawal Khan the Nawab of Bhawalpur When enquired, Wade argued that
the Punjab was more prosperous when it was carrying on its trade with other countries,
and now again if the Maharaja was a well- wisher of his country that trade could be
revived, more particularly the trade with Kashmir which was said once to have been
quite important. And for all this trade he argued, the best route to Amritsar and other
important centres would be these rivers, because the land routes were dangerous for
their being infested with robbers and thieves.
Wade assured the Maharaja that he would get a proper share of the duties
imposed on such trade, and finally on 26th December, 1832, he did succeed in signing
the agreement with him, and thus in opening the Sutlej to navigation. Nawab of
Bhawalpur whose territory also lay on the Sutlej, was made to sign an agreement
likewise. And the rivers Sutlej and Indus lay open to the British to play their commercial
and political games.
The Sind Again
Wade asserted that Mithankot being a central place, if a British officer was
stationed there he would, be able to control and regulate whole of the trade. The
Governor-General accepted these proposals, but to carry them into practice was not an
easy job. The Amirs of Sind, had their own apprehensions and they would not permit any
English officer to be stationed in their country. Pottinger was sent to discuss the matter
with them. But they could not budge from their position even an inch. When all the
appeasements and threats failed, at last a compromise, was struck and it was agreed
that instead of a European, a native would be appointed as the British officer in Sind.
And thus the line opened for trade.
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The only purpose solved by the opening of these rivers to navigation was that the
Russian and the Sikh designs towards Sind were checked and as Charles Masson
writes, ―The results of the policy concealed under this pretext have been the introduction
of troops into the countries on and beyond the river, and of some half dozen steamers
itself, employed for warlike objects, not those of trade.‖ But then as discussed above,
this was the main objective of the English and in this they were a success.
Shikarpur
Having thus established their commercial relations with Sind, it was not now
difficult for the English to develop their political hold. Shikarpur lying west of the lndus
below Mithankot, was a place known far and wide for its being an important commercial
centre. Besides, it had a military importance, for it lay on way to the Bolan Pass. Ranjit
Singh wanted to occupy the city for obvious reasons, which the English, again, would not
permit. Mazaris, a tribe, inhabiting territory South-West of Mithankot at a few miles‘
distance from it, carried their incursions alike in Sind, Bhawalpur and the Lahore
territories. The incursions of the Mazaris in the Lahore territories increased by 1836 and
Ranjit Singh decided to crush their power once for all. Besides, taking an excuse for the
losses he suffered due to their inroads, the Maharaja demanded Shikarpur from the
Amirs. The Amirs, however appealed to the British and on November 25, 1836 a treaty
was signed between the English and the Amirs. By this treaty the Amirs were obliged to
receive a British agent who would be medium of communications between the Maharaja
and the Amirs. The Amirs would also withdraw their vakils from Lahore. And in return for
this the English agreed to defend their territories. Ranjit Singh though annoyed,
accepted this.
Dr. Ganda Singh forwards some definite arguments as to why the Maharaja gave
way. The British it is said were already in correspondence with Dost Mohammad of
Afghanistan who in the case of a Sikh hostility with the English would pounce upon the
Punjab. Moreover, the military strength of the Maharaja was only 20 percent of the total
strength of the English.
Ranjit Singh’s Relations with Shah Shuja before the Tripartite Treaty
Towards the end of the 18th century the Durani Empire of Afghanistan which had
been founded by Ahmed Shah, began to rot. Timur Shah (1773-1793), Zaman Shah
(1793-1800) and Mahmud Shah (1800-1803), were all inefficient and tactless rulers.
Shah Shuja who acceded to power in 1803 was no better. Just when the Amritsar Treaty
was signed between the English and the Sikhs in 1809, Elphinstone concluded a Treaty
with Shah Shuja as well. But the former had not yet left Peshawar when Shah Shauja‘s
brother Mahmud Shah captured Kandhar, and soon after defeating the former at Neemla
expelled him from Afghanistan.
After this followed a long civil war, at first among the members of the Sadozai
family itself to which Mahmud Shah belonged and then between Sadozais and
Barakzais. At last the Barakzais succeeded in over-throwing the Sadozais. Dost
Mohammad, the ablest of all the members of this family, occupied Ghazni and Kabul,
 111

KohinDil Khan occupied Kandhar and Sultan Mohammad occupied Peshawar. Only
Heart remained under Mahmud Shah. Sultan Mohammad later on submitted to the
Sikhs, when the Sikh forces occupied Peshawar.
Being expelled from Afghanistan Shah Shuja took refuge at Kashmir where later
on he was interned. His wife travelled to Lahore and there she was given refuge by the
Maharaja, who bestowed on her a good monthly pension. Shah Shuja himself was
secured from Kashmir by the Maharaja on the promises of his wife that she would pay
the Lahore monarch with Koh-i-Nur in return. But later on royal family of Afghanistan
seems to have hesitated and began to forward excuses against parting with the
celebrated jewel. However, Ranjit Singh managed to get the Kohinoor. Shah Shuja
escaped to the British territories where the British provided him with a provision of fifty
thousand rupees per annum.
Ranjit Singh’s offer to help Shah Shuja
In 1826 Ranjit Singh offered to help Shah Shuja to recover his throne. Several
reasons are given for it. At this time the conditions on his North-West Frontier were
precarious. With the exception of Dera Ghazi Khan, Ranjit Singh possessed no territory
beyond Attock where his sovereignty was definitely acknowledged. His subjugation of
Peshawar was doubtful, and all the area on the left bank of the Indus, from Attock to the
boundary line Rawalpindi, being occupied by the Yusufzais, was a source of a constant
menace to the Maharaja. Nor was his sovereignty on Dera Ismail Khan yet fully
recognized. Ranjit Singh‘s idea behind his help to Shah Shuja was to put his own man
on the Afghan throne, which would enable him to consolidate his position and secure
stability in the neighbouring districts. But the prince Shah had already lost his confidence
in the Maharaja and he refused to avail himself of his help. Moreover, the sanction of the
British to any such alliance between Shah and the Maharaja was necessary lest the
former should lose their protecting hapd, and the British showed no inclination to
recognize this alliance.
In 1829, however, the conditions in Afghanistan changed as serious trouble was
created on the Maharaja‘s North-West Frontiers when Syed Ahmed organized a jehad
for the recovery of the old Afghan possession in the Punjab. Shah Shuja seems already
to have been repentant over having missed the previous offer of the Maharaja‘s help to
put him on the Afghan throne. This time, therefore, Shah himself approached the
Maharaja for help, to which Ranjit Singh gave a favourable response. But the British
warning agair it let the matter drop once again. A similar attempt by Shah was made in
1830 but nothing came of it.
By 1832 the circumstances changed yet further as Abbas Mirza, ruler of Persia
was keen to extend his power towards Afghanistan with the help of Russia. The Afghan
rulers were too weak to face such a formidable foe; and Shah Shuja was sure that in
such a situation if he could collect enough power to fight against the enemies, of
Afghanistan, the Afghans would welcome him back as their ruler. Under such
circumstances Shah approached Ranjit Singh once again for help. But this time instead
of entertaining negotiations with Shah first, the Maharaja approached the British if they
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along with him would be responsible for the movement of Shah‘s forces. The Maharaja
considered such an approach to the English necessary, because this time Russia and
Persia were involved in the matter. The British, however, refused once again to take any
interest in the matter. But this time the Maharaja did not withdraw himself immediately
after the British refusal to take interest. He offered to give a pecuniary aid to Shah Shuja
on the condition that after his success he would divide Sind with the Sikhs, But Shah
Shuja refused. The negotiations fell through.
Shah Shuja however continued his efforts and at last prevailed and raised an
army and approached Ranjit Singh once again for pecuniary aid. The Maharaja agreed
this time on the condition that Shah Shuja would relinquish his claims on all the Afghan
territories, which the Sikhs had conquered to the North of the Indus. A treaty was signed
on 12th March 1833, which later on formed basis of the Tripartite Treaty Shah Shuja
proceeded with vigour. His exploits in Sind gave him encouragement, but when he faced
the forces of Dost Mohammad, he fled the battle-field.
Tripartite Treaty
By 1836, however, there was a revolutionary change in at the situation. Russia
and Persia were trying vigorously to expand towards Afghanistan. The British authorities
in 1838 brought forth the proposal for a Tripartite Treaty between Ranjit Singh, Shah
Shuja and the English against their common enemy Dost Mohammad. The terms of the
Treaty were that: (1) Shah Shuja and his successors would never claim in future any
territory on either bank of the river Indus and Ranjit Singh‘s claims on Peshawar would
be recognized. (2) None of the three would give shelter to absconders from the others‘
territory. (3) Ranjit Singh would be permitted a supply of water from the Khyber streams
for his fort of Fatehgarh. (4) The Maharaja would have a full control over the Indus as far
as his territories on it stretched. (5) Shah Shuja would recognize all the agreements
arrived at between the English and the Sikhs on Sind. (6) All the three would address
one another on the basis of equality. (7) The Afghan merchants .would trade with Lahore
and Amritsar and Ranjit Singh would extend them a full protection, and also permit the
export of such as shawls and rice from his country. (8) Wherever the soldiers of the two
countries met, they would abstain from kine-slaughter. (9). Both Afghanistan and the
Punjab would have a frequent exchange of missions. (10) Both would give mutual help
to each other in case of internal risings and external threats. (11) Shah Shuja would not
have relation with any country without the permission of the British and the Sikhs.
Self-Assessment Questions
1. Give two terms of Treaty of Amritsar signed in 1809.
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2. Who was Shah Shuja?
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3. Between whom was the Tri-Partite Treaty signed?

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4. What was the Treaty of Tilsit?
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5. What was the importance of Ferozepur for the British?
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5.7 SUMMARY
Students, in this chapter we learnt how Maharaja Ranjit Singh by his conquests
united the whole of Punjab into one kingdom and that was his greatest achievement. In
1799, he captured Lahore from the Bhangi Misl and made it his political capital. This was
the first important step in his rise to power. In 1805, he conquered the Sikh holy city of
Amritsar from the Bhangi Misl and made it as his religious capital. He wanted to bring all
the Sikh states under his control. He had Malwa, on the south side of the Sutlej river, as
his next target. So, he sought to establish his sway over the Cis-Sutlej states which were
informally under the British protection. He crossed the Sutlej, and in 1806 occupied
Ludhiana and some more territory. The Sikh states appealed to the British for protection.
The British also thought Ranjit Singh‘s advances injurious to their interest. So, the East
India Company concluded the Treaty of Amritsar with him on April 25, 1809. By this
treaty the Sutlej was fixed as the boundary between the two governments and the Cis-
Sutlej Sikh states formally came under the protection of English. He was also a born
administrator and a wise diplomat. He was free from religious bigotry and all his subjects
lived in peace and amity. He gave all important positions in his Kingdom to meritorious
people. He considered himself a servant of the Khalsa and he did not permit the coins to
bear his name. Ranjit Singh came out with Land revenue system based on Mughal
period Zabti System in which assessment of land revenue was based on the
measurement of land. The state demand was fixed at around 33-40% depending on the
fertility and richness of the soil. Along with this, trade and commerce also provided
revenue to the state. Ranjit Singh possessed a very strong and well-equipped army
called Fauj-i-Khas, which was trained and disciplined by Italian and French officers on
European lines. His army consisting of cavalry and artillery was doubtlessly the best in
India. However, after his death in 1839, total chaos prevailed in his Lahore Kingdom and
British started preparing for its annexation seeing it as the best opportunity.

5.8 REFERENCES
 Bhagat Singh, Sikh Polity in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, New
Delhi: 1978.
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 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. I & II, New Delhi: OUP.
5.9 FURTHER READINGS
 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi: CUP, 1999.
 Tan Tai Yong, The Garrison State: Military Government and Society in Colonial
Punjab, 1849-1947, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2005.
5.10 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Discuss the rise of Maharaja Ranjit Singh to power.
2. Discuss the Civil and Military administration of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
3. Discuss the Land Revenue system under Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
4. Discuss the Anglo-Sikh relations up to 1839.

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Lesson-6

MODERN PUNJAB: ANGLO-SIKH WARS AND

ANNEXATION; NEW ADMINISTRATIVE
STRUCTURE, 1849-1857.

STRUCTURE
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Political Developments 1839-49
6.3 First Anglo-Sikh War
6.4 Second Anglo-Sikh War
6.5 New Administrative Structure: 1849-1857
6.6 Summary
6.7 References
6.8 Further Readings
6.9 Model Questions
6.0 OBJECTIVES
Students, after reading this lesson you will be able to:
 gain knowledge about the political developments between 1839 and 1849.
 analyse the annexation of Punjab in 1849.
 Understand the organization of administration after the annexation of the region
in 1849.
6.1 INTRODUCTION
Students in the previous lesson you learnt about the relationship between
Maharaja Ranjit Singh and the British till 1839. Ranjit Singh acted as a buffer between
the British and Afghans and was able to prevent an outbreak of war. But after the death
of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the Punjab campaign had become a common topic of
discussion in British circles. By the time Sher Singh became Maharajah, these
discussions had crystallized into plans of conquest. The two Anglo-Sikh wars will be
dealt with in detail to understand how Punjab was finally annexed to the British empire in
1849. After the annexation of Punjab by the British a new administrative structure was
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provided to Punjab which would reflect the early concerns and the nature of the colonial
government.
6.2 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS 1839-49
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, of the Punjab, died on 27th of June, 1839. In the forty
years that he ruled, he welded warring Sikh factions into one. The Punjab had become
not only the strongest Indian power but also one of the most powerful states in Asia.
After many centuries of domination by Pathans and Afghans, the Punjabis had reversed
the roles by extending their kingdom across the Pathan country. When Ranjit Singh died
there was no one of sufficient stature to step into his shoes and guide destinies of the
state.
Ranjit Singh left seven sons. The eldest, Kharak Singh, who had been invested
as the future maharaja, was the least suited to rule the Punjab. Kharak Singh‘s son, Nau
Nihal Singh, was cast in a different mould: ambitious, enterprising, and endowed with a
pleasant personality. Ranjit Singh‘s second son, Sher Singh, was also ambitious and
affable. He based his claim on being born of Ranjit Singh‘s first wedded wife.
The council of ministers and the nobility at the court were as divided as the
princes. Two major factions emerged soon after the death of Ranjit Singh. The more
influential was that of the Dogras, consisting of the three brothers, Gulab Singh, Dhian
Singh, and Suchet Singh, and Dhian Singh‘s son, Hira Singh, who had been a great
favourite of the late maharajah. Although the brothers were not always united in their
purpose, one or the other member of the family managed to be in power at Lahore While
Gulab Singh converted his fief in Jammu into an almost independent Dogra kingdom.
Opposed to the Dogras was the Sikh aristocracy, of which three families - the
Sandhawalias, Attariwalas, and the Majithias-were the most prominent. Since the
Dogras were Hindus and the Sikh aristocrats were Khalsa, difference between them
often assumed a communal aspect of Dogra versus Sikh.
There was among the coterie of self-seekers a small number of men who refused
to align themselves with either faction and continued to serve the Durbar as faithfully and
honestly as circumstances permitted. Outstanding among them were the Fakir Brothers,
notably the eldest, Azizuddin, who continued to be the adviser on foreign affairs and the
Kashmiri Brahmin, Dina Nath, who administered the departments of revenue and
finance.
In the scramble for power, the decisive factor was the support of the army: rival
factions tried to win over the soldiers by offering higher wages and gifts, and appealing
to their sense of patriotism.
With the loosening of central authority, the governors of the outlying provinces
began to toy with the idea of becoming independent rulers. Gulab Singh Dogra started
expanding his domaing at the expense of the Durbar. Muslim tribes, particularly the
Yusufzais around Hazara and the Baluchis between the Jhelum and the Indus, became
restive. As the Durbar‘s authority weakened, the British began to mature their plans of
stepping in. Their involvement in Afghanistan precluded for some time direct intervention
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in the Punjab. But as soon as affairs in Afghanistan were settled, they resumed their
expansionist policy.
Maharajah Kharak Singh and Prince Nau Nihal Singh

Kharak Singh took his father‘s place as the new maharaja of the Punjab, and
Dhian Singh was reinvested chief minister. But his relations with his brother Sher Singh‘
continued to be tense for some time. The unanimity in the Durbar did not last many
days. Nau Nihal Singh quit his post on the frontier and arrived in Lahore resolved to take
over effective control. Dhian Singh restrained the impetuous Nau Nihal from wrecking
the carefully balanced applecart. Instead he accepted the prince‘s right to make major
policy decisions and agreed to play the role of chief counsellor. But Chet Singh Bajwa
(relative of Kharak Singh‘s wife) persuaded Maharajah Kharak Singh not to acquiesce in
the usurpation of the royal prerogative. The maharajah made an effort to put his son and
the Dogra chief minister in their places. It was, however, obvious to all concerned that
the initiative came from Chet Singh Bajwa who, for a short while became the power
behind the throne. Gulab Singh was obliged to return to Jammu. Nau Nihal Singh left the
capital in disgust, and returned to the north-west to prosecute the campaign against the
Afghans.

The discord between the ministers became an open scandal, and disloyal
elements began to take advantage of the situation. Prince Nau Nihal Singh decided to
intervene. He arrived in Lahore in August 1839 and let it be known to the maharajah that
it was the considered opinion of all the advisers that Bajwa should be dismissed. The
maharajah not only ignored the advice but made Bajwa approval a condition precedent
for the grant of new jagirs. The prince sounded out Mr. Clerk, who was in Lahore on a
business-cum-condolence mission, and, being assured that the British would not create
difficulties, quietly assumed the functions of a ruler. On the orders of Prince NauNihal
Singh, Chet Singh Bajwa was put to death.

Maharaja Kharak Singh meekly submitted to Nau Nihal Singh who occupied the
palace in the fort and became the maharaja of the Punjab in all but name. He attended
to administrative matters.
The prince realized that the Dogras had become inconveniently powerful. A
considerable part of their wealth came from the exploitation of the salt mines, over which
they exercised a monopoly. Nau Nihal wanted to terminate the monopoly so that the
people could acquire salt more cheaply. Before he could take any steps in this direction,
however, Gulab Singh Dogra incited his neighbour, the raja of Mandi, to revolt. The
revolt was suppressed. Ventura established a chain of police posts in the hills. Under
instructions from NauNihal Singh he abolished arbitrary taxes levied by the petty rajas
and prohibited the sale of children and women—a practice common among the poorer
sections of the hill people. Ventura‘s campaign subdued the hillmen for a little while. In
November 1840, Kharak Singh died. Soon NauNihal Singh too passed away in an
accident.
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Dhian Singh Dogra, the chief minister invited Prince Sher Singh to come to
Lahore to succeed to the throne. But Dhian Singh Dogra‘s plans were upset by his rivals
in the court, who decided to support Kharak Singh‘s widow, Chand Kaur, and sent word
to her and her Sandhawalia is kinsmen to come to Lahore at once. Dhian Singh Dogra
succeeded in persuading her to accept the honorific of a queen, with Sher Singh as the
afsarkalan (chief adviser).
Maharani Chand Kaur and Maharaja Sher Singh
It did not take Chand Kaur very long to recover from the shock of the deaths of
her husband and son. She exploited the sympathy that the tragedy had generated and
staked her claim to the crown. She sent for Gulab Singh Dogra from Jammu to
counteract Dhian Singh‘s, influence. Dhian Singh suggested many compromises. She
could marry Sher Singh or, being childless, adopt Sher Singh‘s son, Pratap Singh.
Chand Kaur spurned the offer of marriage.
A few days later, two Sandhawalia Sardars, Ajit Singh and Attar Singh, arrived in
Lahore and took over control. On 2 December 1840, Chand Kaur was proclaimed
maharani of the Punjab with the title malikamukaddas-revered empress. The next day
Sher Singh left Lahore for his estate in Batala. A month later Dhian Singh Dogra too was
compelled to quit the capital. Chand Kaur and the Sandhawalias gained complete
control of the administration.
During Chand Kaur‘s rule there was a state of maladministration and uncertainty.
The state of uncertainty encouraged lawless elements in the countryside. The English
started movement of troop towards the SutIej Sher Singh decided to seize power from
the feeble hands of the widow and save the Punjab from disintegration. He sent an
envoy to Mr Clerk at Ludhiana to obtain English reactions to his bid for the throne. The
British saw a potential ally and gave him assurance of support. Sher Singh arrived at
Lahore at the head of an army composed of deserters who had flocked to his colours;
most of the Durbar‘ European officers were with him.
Sher Singh forced his way into the city. The leading courtiers of Chand Kaur
made their submission and forwarded a joint appeal to her and Gulab Singh Dogra to lay
down arms. Chand Kaur, supported by Gulab Singh Dogra, refused to surrender, and
the battle began. On 17 January 1841, Ohian Singh Dogra arrived and arranged a
ceasefire. Chand Kaur was persuaded to accept a jagir and relinquish control of the
throne. At midnight Gulab Singh and his Dogras evacuated the fort—taking with them all
the Durbar‘s hoard of gold and jewels kept at Lahore. Ajit Singh Sandhawalia fled to
seek help from the British agent at Ludhiana. On Mr. Cherk‘s refused to receive him, he
proceeded to Calcutta to see the governor general. Attar Singh Sandhawalia followed
him into British territory. Sher Singh occupied the fort and was invested with the title of
the maharajah of the Punjab. Dhian Singh Dogra was proclaimed chief minister.
Sher Singh‘s rule began badly. His army was in open mutiny. He tried appease
the rebels with money but his success was limited. The attitude of the British
government towards Sher Singh‘s succession was somewhat ambivalent. The governor
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general recognized him as ruler of the Punjab but at the same time gave asylum to Ajit
Singh Sandhawalia and did nothing to prevent him from raising troops to invade the
Punjab.
While the Durbar at Lahore was preoccupied with pacifying its mutinous soldiery
and helping the British out of their predicament in Afghanistan, the Dogras began the
second phase of the conquest of Tibet. In June 1841 the Dogras captured
GaroandTuklakote. The Dogras had pierced the heard of Tibet to its very core. This
victory alarmed the British, and they demanded that the Durbar give up its new
conquests. While the verbal warfare was going on between Ludhiana and Lahore, the
Chinese mustered their armies and push the Dogras out of Tibet. ln 1841 the Chinese
reoccupied their Tibetan possessions and reinstated their satellites at Iskardu and
Ladakh. Only at Leh did the Punjab flag still flutter.
On 17 October 1842, the Durbar agent and Gulab Singh‘s personal
representative signed a treaty with the representatives of the Chinese emperor at Lhasa.
It was agreed that the boundaries of Ladakh and Lhasa would be considered inviolable
by both parties and that the trade, particularly of tea and pasmina wool, would, as in the
past, pass through Ladakh.
In the autumn of 1841, the Afghans rose and destroyed the British army of
occupation. The attempt to reinstate Shah Shuja on the throne of Kabul had been a joint
Punjab-British venture, and consequently the disaster which overwhelmed British arms
at Kabul could not be overlooked by the Durbar. General Avitabile was ordered to go to
the relief of the British. The Punjabis recaptured Au Masjid but were unable to hold it.
The Punjabis relieved Jalalabad and helped to re-establish British power in Afghanistan.
Fortunately for the British, Shah Shuja died (or was killed). They decided to scrap the
Tripartite Treaty and make, terms with Dost Mohammed. The Amir was released from
detention to be sent back to Kabul
The British behavior in the Afghan campaign soured Sher Singh. He saw how
they had used the Punjab as a stepping stone to reach Afghanistan, and, having done
so scrapped the treaty without considering the Durbar‘s interests. And soon after the
debacle in Afghanistan, the British committed unprovoked aggression against Sindh.
Without even waiting for an excuse, Charles Napier occupied the province in March
1843.
Relations between the Durbar and the British cooled visibly. Sher Singh
continued to keep up appearances of friendship but stopped playing second fiddle to the
British. He gave Dost Mohammed, who had crossed swords with the Punjabis in
innumerable battles, a great reception when he passed through Lahore on his way to
Kabul. The Durbar signed a separate treaty recognizing him as the Amir of Afghanistan.
The British sensed that as long as Dhian Singh Dogra remained the chief
minister there was little chance of the Durbar changing its attitude towards them. Sher
Singh on British advice against the wishes of Dhian Singh permitted in 1842, Ajit Singh
Sandhanwalia to enter Lahore. As was perhaps anticipated, the Sandhawalias became
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the pro-British, anti-Dogra party in the Durbar. On 15 September 1843, Ajit Singh
Sandhawalia murdered Sher Singh, his sorb Pratap Singh and Dhian Singh Dogra by
treachery. When Suchet Singh and Hira Singh, who were encamped a couple of miles
outside the city, received news of Dhian Singh‘s murder, they immediately sought refuge
in the cantonment and appealed to the Khalsa army to avenge the murders. The
Sandhawalias occupied the fort the palace in the belief that they would now rule the
Punjab.
The Khalsa army resolved to take the city under their protection and to punish
the murderers and they chose as their leader Hira Singh, the son of Dhian Singh Dogra.
The fort was taken. The assassins and 600 of their troops were put to the sword. But
Attar Singh Sandhawalia remained. He received the news of the capture of Lahore by
the army and fled across the Sutlej, where he was given asylum by the British. Ranjit
Singh‘s youngest son, Dalip Singh, was proclaimed maharajah with Hira Singh Dogra as
his chief minister. Real power, however, had passed from the palace to the cantonment.
The Punjab under the Dogras
Maharaja Dalip Singh had two stepbrothers Peshaura Singh and Kashmira
Singh, both older than he and anxious to press their claims to the throne; both had
private armies of their own. And although Hira Singh Dogra had been named as the
chief vazir, his appointment was not unquestioned. Since the maharaja was only seven
years old his mother, Jindan, assumed the rule of queen mother and introduced her
brother Jawahar Singh into the council as a guardian. Besides these two, Suchet Singh
Dogra felt that he had a stronger claim to be chief vazir than his nephew, Hira Singh.
Gulab Singh Dogra supported Suchet Singh.
A man who came to the fore now was one Bhai Bir Singh, a retired soldier turned
ascetic who had set up his own gurdwara at village Naurangabad on the Sutlej. In times
of national crisis, Sikh soldiers and peasantry began to turn to Bhai Bir Singh for
guidance. Attending the bhai was a volunteer army of 1200 musket men and 3,000
horsemen. Over 1500 pilgrims were fed in his kitchen every day.
Princes Peshaura Singh and Kashmira Singh took advantage of the state of
unrest and proclaimed their right to the throne. They joined Bhai Bir Singh at
Naurangabad. They whipped up anti-Dogra feeling in the army by pointing out that Hira
Singh had virtually usurped the throne.
Hira Singh Dogra was able to get rid of his uncle Suchet Singh but he was not
destined to rule in peace. Attar Singh Sandhawalia, whose hostile activities in British
India had been the subject of many protests, crossed the Sutlej into Durbar territory and
joined Bhai Bir Singh at Naurangabad. Princes Kashmira Singh and Peshaura Singh
also left their estates for Nawrangabad; Bhai Bir Singh‘s camp became the centre of the
Sikh revolt against Dogra dominance over the Punjab.
The Khalsa army agreed to side with Hira Singh Dogra and the Durbar troops
marched out to Naurangabad. Bhai Bir Singh tried to bring about a settlement. Whilst the
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negotiations were going on, Sandhawalia lost patience and killed one of the Durbar‘s
emissaries. Durbar artillery blasted the Bhai‘s camp, killing several hundred men
including Attar Singh, Prince Kashmira Singh and Bhai Bir Singh.
In July 1844, Lord Hardinge, a soldier of great repute replaced Lord Ellenborough
as governor general. This appointment caused nervousness in Durbar circles.
Consequently, when in October the commander-in-chief of the East India Company‘s
forces in India came up to inspect troops at Ludhiana and Ferozepur, the Punjab army
was alerted against a possible invasion.
The final crisis in Hira Singh Dogra‘s short career was precipitated by Jalla. The
Brahmin priest cast scandalous aspersions on Rani Jindan‘s character. The rani and her
brother, Jawahar Singh, appealed to the Khalsa army who swore to drive Hira Singh
Dogra and Jalla out of the Punjab. Hira Singh Dogra turned to his uncle for help. Gulab
Singh hurried down from Jammu with 7000 Dogras. In the clash over 1000 Dogras were
killed. Hira Singh and Jalla were slain and their heads were Impaled on spears and
paraded through the streets of Lahore.
Maharani Jindan and Dalip Singh
Maharani Jindan took the functions of the court in her hands. She was assisted
by her brother Jawahar Singh (who assumed the title of vazir), Raja Lal Singh. Jindan‘s
first task was to win over the army. In this she had to contend with Prince Peshaura
Singh. Jindan completely out bid Peshaura Singh and for some time was assured of
military support for her son, Maharaja Dalip Singh.
Gulab Singh Dogra utilized the dissension at Lahore to set himself up as an
independent ruler in Jammu. In February 1845 Durbar troops which had been posted
along the Sutlej to meet a possible British invasion were directed to Jammu. Gulab
Singh Dogra submitted. A treaty of peace was drawn up by which Gulab Singh
undertook to pay 35 lac rupees, of which five had to be paid immediately, and to
accompany the army to Lahore. As soon as he returned to Jammu, he reopened
negotiations with the British and offered his services in the event of war against the
Sikhs.
While the Durbar troops were engaged in Jammu, Prince Peshaura Singh
returned to the Punjab and set up a rival court at Sialkot. Peshaura Singh‘s attempts to
secure help from the Afghans and rouse the populace in his favour were not successful.
He was murdered as a result of durbar intrigues.
The Khalsa army panchayat took Dalip Singh and killed his uncle Jawahar Singh
in 1845. The army panchayat took over the affairs of state and became the sovereign of
the Punjab. It selected Dewan Dma Nath to act as its mouthpiece and issued
instructions that no letter was to be issued to the English till the panchayat had
deliberated on its contents. The panchayat acted in the name of the Khalsa. Its orders
were issued under the seal Akal Sahai— Lord is our helper.
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Self-Assessment Questions
1. When did Maharaja Ranjit Singh die?
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2. Name four successors of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
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3. Who was Maharani Jindan?
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4. Who was Maharani Chand Kaur?
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6.3 FIRST ANGLO-SIKH WAR

After the death of Ranjit Singh, the Punjab campaign had become a common
topic of discussion in British circles. By the time Sher Singh became maharajah, these
discussions had crystallized into plans of conquest. With the arrival in July 1844 of Lord
Hardinge, an experienced soldier, the plans were translated into blueprints; men and
munitions were moved up to the Punjab frontier. In September 1844, Broad foot, who
had earned notoriety for his anti-Punjabi behaviour and was known to be ‗rather too
prone to war,‘ was chosen to replace Colonel Richmond as the agent at Ludhiana.
The invasion project was postponed, but not abandoned. The movement of
troops towards the frontier was maintained. By the autumn of 1845, the invasion force—
the largest ever assembled by the British in India—was poised on the Punjab frontier, It
had been increased from 17,000 men and 66 guns in the time of Ellenborough to over
40,000 men and 94 guns. In addition to Ludhiana (which had been the only military
outpost till 1809), cantonments had been built at Ambala, Ferozepur, and in the Simla
hills overlooking the Sutlej. In the week of December 1845, Lord Gough personally led
units from Meerut and Ambala towards Ferozepur.
Sikh Unpreparedness
The Khalsa army was hostile to both the Durbar and the British. The army was
able to maintain a certain measure of discipline in the cantonments and to organize the
casting of new guns, construction of carriages, laying in stores of gun-powder, muskets
and swords. They were also able to infuse a sense of patriotism in the rank and file,
resurrect the mystique of the invincibility of the Khalsa, and fire them with the ambition of
driving theferinghee into the sea. The Durbar however, was involved in political intrigues.
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Lord Gough continued to advance. Lord Hardinge joined him of on 26 November

at Kamal, and the two proceeded to march towards Ferozepur. On 3 December the
British severed diplomatic relations with the Durbar by handing the Durbar agent his
passport. There was little doubt now that the British wanted war.
On 11 December 1845, the Punjab arm began to cross the Sutlej near Hari
kiPattan, to its own territory on the other side of the river. On 13 December Lord
Hardinge declared war. He accused the Sikhs of invading British territories ‗without a
shadow of provocation‘. The Durbar‘s possessions on the left bank of the Sutlej were
confiscated and Cis-Sutlej chiefs were called upon to cooperate in punishing a ‗common
enemy‘.
Battle of Mudki, 18 December 1845
The Durbar army was divided into two: TejSirigh proceeded towards Ferozepur.
Lal Singh entrenched the larger part of his force near village PheruShahr (later known as
Ferozeshahr) and himself marched on to intercept Gough and Hardinge. He was
surprised to find that the British had advanced as far as Mudki. Despite the enemy‘s
superiority in men and arms, Lal Singh ordered his troops to commence hostilities while
he himself retired to Ferozeshahr. The battle continued till midnight and after the loss of
half of their force and fifteen guris, the Punjabis withdrew from the battlefield.
Battle of Ferozeshahr, 21 December 1845
On the morning of 21 December Gough and General Littler attacked of the
Punjabi entrenchments at Ferozeshahr. The battle raged with extreme ferocity through
the evening till both armies were enveloped in the dark. The British suffered terrible
casualties; every single member of the governor general‘s staff was killed or wounded.
The next day Tej Singh turned traitor and ordered his troops to withdraw. This led to
disaster at Ferozeshahr. Gulab Singh Dogra sent his agent to Ludhiana to negotiate
terms for his assistance to the British; his example was followed by many other
chieftains.
Budowal 21 January 1846; Aliwal, 28 January 1846
Ranjodh Singh Majithia and Ajit Singh of Ladwa crossed the Sutlej at Phitlaur
with a force of 8000 men and 70 guns. In rapid marches they liberated the forts of
Fatehgarh, Dharamkote, Gangarana, and Buddowal and encamped at Baran Hara,
seveh miles from Ludhiana. The Punjabis stole into Ludhiana cantonment and set many
barracks on fire. Sir Harry Smith marched northwards from Ferozepur, keeping a few
miles away from the Sutlej. Ranjodh Singh Majithia harried Smith‘s column and, when
Smith tried to make a detour at Buddowal, attacked his rear with great vigour and
captured his baggage train and stores. A few days later, Sir Harry Smith received the
reinforcements he was expecting and turned on the Punjabis. At Aliwal, Smith inflicted a
sharp defeat on Ranjodh Singh Majithia and Ajit Singh of Ladwa (both of whom fled the
battlefield).
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Sabraon, 10 February 1846

The loss of armour at Aliwal put the Durbar army on the defensive. Its generals
Were uncertain where the enemy would cross the Sutlej and so they split their forces. To
check the enemy advance on Lahore, the larger portion of the army was entrenched in a
horseshoe curve of the Sutlej near village Sabraon; this was under the command of the
traitor, Tej Singh. The other traitor, LaI Singh, posted himself a little higher up the river
ostensibly to prevent an attack on Amritsar.
Gough and Hardinge decided to make a frontal assault on Sabraon and destroy
the Durbar army at one blow. This was limit undoubtedly planned with confidence that
the Sikh commanders were on their side.
After heavy rainfall on the morning of 10 February the Punjabis found themselves
encircled between two horseshoes: facing them were the British and behind them was
the Sutlej now in spate. Tej Singh fled across the pontoon bridge and had it destroyed.
Sham Singh Attariwala, continued to fight the British. Those who tried to escape were
drowned in the swirling waters of the Sutlej. Nearly 10,000 Punjabis lost their lives in the
action. All their guns were either captured or abandoned in the river. It was a complete
and crushing defeat.
On the termination of the Sutlej campaign, the British government confiscated
Rupar, Ladwa, and Allowala, took a quarter of Nabha territory and distributed it among
the collaborating chiefs. The Malwajagirdars were deprived of judicial powers and left
only with the right to collect revenue.
The Punjab under British Occupation
Two days after their victory at Sabraon, British forces crossed the Sutlej and
occupied Kasur. The Durbar empowered Gulab Singh Dogra, who had earlier come
down to Lahore with regiments of hilimén, to negotiate a treaty of peace.
Treaties of Lahore, 9 and 11 March
By the terms imposed by the victorious British the Durbar was compelled to give
up the Jullundur Doab, pay. a war indemnity of 1½ crores of rupees, reduce its army to
20,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry, hand over all the guns used in the Sutlej campaign
and relinquish control of both banks of the Sutlej to the British. A further condition was
later added: the posting of a British unit in Lahore till the end of the year on payment of
expenses. Although Rani Jindan continued to act as regent and Raja Lal Singh as vazir,
effective power was vested in the British resident, Colonel Henry Lawrence.
The Durbar was unable to pay the full war indemnity and instead ceded the hill
territories between the Beas and the Indus, including Kashmir and Hazara. Hardinge
was reluctant to occupy the whole of this area. In pursuance of the policy to weaken the
Punjabis by strengthening the Dogras, he drew the line at the Chakkeenver and retained
only Kulu, Mandi, Nurpur, and Kangra (which were beyond the Beas); the rest was sold,
to Gulab Singh Dogra for 75 lac rupees. On 16 March 1846, another treaty was signed
at Amritsar recognizing Gulab Singh Dogra as maharajah of Jammu and Kashmir.
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The erstwhile kingdom of the Punjab was divided between a triumvirate of

Lawrence brothers and Gulab Singh Dogra. Henry administered the Majha from Lahore;
John as commissioner ruled the Jullundur Doab; George at Peshawar controlled Hazara
and the Derajat. British officers were posted at strategic points on the pretext of
redrawing the state boundaries and helping Durbar officials in their duties.
Treaty of Bhairowal, 16 December 1846
The Treaties of Lahore of March 1846 were replaced by a new one which was
ratified at Bhairowal. By the terms of this treaty the British government undertook the
maintenance of the ministration and the protection of the maharajah during his minority.
The resident was given full authority over all matters. The governor general was
empowered to occupy with British soldiers such positions as he thought necessary for
the security of the capital, for the protection of the maharajah, and for the preservation of
the peace of the country. In short the British resident was made independent of the
council of regency and elevated to the position of a governor. Rani Jindan was deprived
of all power and pensidnedoffwith 11/2 lac rupees per annum.
Administrative changes were introduced by the conquerors in the annexed
territories, and in those they administered in the name of the Durbar. In the Jullundur
Doab, consisting of the districts of Jullundur, Hoshiarpur, and Kangra, John Lawrence
introduced land reforms which had far-reaching economic and political consequences.
John Lawrence confirmed the hill chiefs in their estates, but both in their cases
and in those of jagirdars he commuted the obligation to furnish troops into cash
payment. He also ordered the demolition of most of the forts in the region. As regard the
other jagirs, he laid down the rule that all grants made after the death of Maharajah Sher
Singh or made by unauthorized persons such as nazims and kardars were to be
resumed.
As important as the disposal of the jagirs was the fixing of land revenue. John
Lawrence made a summary settlement for three years which, though lighter than the
Durbar‘s assessment, caused hardship because payment was demanded in cash
instead of in agricultural produce. He also made revenue settlements directly with
representatives of village communities, thus by passing chaudharis and lambardars, who
were in consequence deprived of the privilege of rent-free lands. The revenue officials
became as disgruntled as the jagirdars.
The Durbar was shorn of all power, and the economic supremacy of landed
aristocracy was seriously jeopardized. Rani Jindan was most perturbed with the way
things were going and began to meddle in affairs of state. The resident was dismayed to
find that such was the magic of the name of Ranjit Singh that the people overlooked the
past misdeeds of his widow and acclaimed her as their queen mother. It became
necessary for the resident to remove, her from the scene.‘ An excuse was provided
when, at a formal ceremony to honour nobles, Dalip Singh refused to put the saffron
mark on the forehead of Raja Tej Singh. The resident saw the hand of Jindan behind the
episode and two days later ordered her removal to Sheikhupura.
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Self-Assessment Questions
1. Mention two causes responsible for the first Anglo-Sikh War.
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2. Name four places where the battles of First Anglo-Sikh War fought.
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3. Give two terms of Treaty of Lahore.
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4. Give two terms of Treaty of Bhairowal signed on 16 December 1846.
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6.4 SECOND ANGLO-SIKH WAR

Lord Hardinge was succeeded by Lord Dalhousie. He followed an expansionist
policy.
Trouble began at Multan. Dewan Mulraj was the leader of the disbanded soldiery
of Multan. They appealed to the Durbar troops to join them in expelling the British. With
the exception of Kahan Singh Man and a dozen or so others, the Durbar troops went
over to the Multanis. The next evening they mobbed the British camp killed Vans Agnew
and Lieutenant Anderson. The Pathan and Baluch swordsmen were willing to make
common cause with the Sikhs to reinstate a Hindu governor and removing the British.
Lord Daihousie and his commander-in-chief agreed with the resident Edward
Currie to let the situation deteriorate and then exploit it to their advantage. The resident
did his best to fan the flames of rebellion. Jindan who was under house arrest in
Shiekhupura was taken to Benares under heavy armed escort; her allowance was
further reduced to Rs 1000 per month. A wave of resentment swept over the Punjab.
The banishment of Jindan shook the confidence that the Durbar notables had placed in
the British. Till this time they had been loyal because the British had saved them from
the Khalsa army, guaranteed their possessions and privileges, and given them sense of
security. But the removal of Jindan and the confiscation of the jagirs of those suspected
of too close an association with her caused them to question their attitude towards their
‗protectors‘. The family most concerned were the Attariwalas because Chattar Singh‘s
daughter was engaged to Maharaja Dalip Singh.
The policy of deliberate inactivity did not percolate down to the junior officers,
among whom the most enterprising was Lieutenant Edwardes. He raised levies from the
neighbouring Muslim tribes. He crossed the lndus and occupied Leiah; then he withdrew
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from Leiah; and captured Mangrota. In mid-May, he captured Dera Ghazi Khan and
approached Multan from the south. Edwardes‘ spirited moves shamed the resident to
action. The nawab of Bahawalpur to join in the assault.
Mulraj fought an engagement with the Bahawalpuris at Kineri (June 1848) and
then withdrew. Edwardes joined forces with the Bahawalpuris, pursued Mulraj, and
inflicted another defeat on him at Saddosam (1 July 1848). Mulraj with compelled to
withdraw to Multan. Bhai Maharaj Singh came to the dewan‘s rescue.
Relation between Attariwalas and British were strained as the Attariwalas
realised that the British did not mean to honour the terms of the Treaty of Bhairowal.
Early in August 1848, Chattar Singh‘s jagirs were taken and he was removed from the
post of nazim. Chattar Singh, old and sick as he was, had no option but to fight against
the wrong done to him. He opened negotiations with Amir Dost Mohammed and his
brother Sultan Mohammed. They agreed to support the Sikhs against the British,
provided Peshawar and the Derajat were restored to them. Chattar Singh also
approached his friend Gulab Singh Dogra for help. The Dogra marched his troops up
and down the Punjab frontier, keeping both the Sikhs and the British guessing about his
real intentions. Sher Singh joined his father Chattar Singh.
At Lahore Raja Tej Singh held durbar in the name of the minor helpless prince.
They were controlled by the British. The situation in November 1848 was somewhat as
follows. The Chej and the Sind Sagar Doabs had declared for freedom; the other doabs
were under the British. There were two centres of resistance—one led by the Attariwalas
in the north-west, the other by Mulraj in the south.
Battle of Chillianwala, 13 January 1849
On the afternoon of 13 January 1849, the British under Lord Gough launched
their attack. The Punjabis under Sher Singh Attariwala saw them advancing. The
Punjabis adopted (hit and run) tactics. The Punjabis captured four British guns and the
colours of three regiments. Chillianwala was the worst defeat suffered by the British
since their occupation of India. The elements came to the rescue of the British. As soon
as the fighting stopped, it began to rain. On the fourth day when the sun shone again on
the sodden plain, the British pulled out of Chillianwala and retreated across the Chaj to
the banks of the Chenab. The Attariwalas sent George Lawrence, who was their captive,
with terms for a truce. They asked for the investment of Dalip Singh as maharajah and
the evacuation of British troops from the Punjab. The offer was rejected.
Battle of Gujarat, 21 February 1849
The Attariwalas advanced towards the Chenab and entrenched their forces in
horseshoe formation between the town of Gujarat and the river. The British attack began
at 7:30 am. British guns silenced the Punjabi artillery. Then their cavalry and infantry
charged Punjabi positions. Afghan cavalry, which had joined the Punjabis, tried to deflect
the enemy but withdrew without achieving its purpose. The Punjabies were defeated and
the British occupied Gujarat.
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The battle of Gujarat ended organized Punjabi resistance to the British. On 11

March 1849, the Attariwalas formally surrendered their swords to Major General Gilbert
at Hurmuck near Rawalpindi. They were followed on the 14th by the whole Sikh army.
Annexation of Punjab
Punjab was annexed by the British in 1849. A Board of Administration was set up
to run the administration of Punjab.
The Board of Administration demilitarized the Punjab, restored the rule of law,
and opened opportunities to employment to the Punjabis. Although all services were
open to them, preference was shown by the British in recruiting men of different
communities for different kinds of work: Hindus, being more educated than the others,
were preferred for clerical jobs; Muslims for the police; and, after reassuring themselves
of their loyalty, the Sikhs for the army.
The greatest of public undertakings of the Board was the digging of canals and
the reclamation of desert lands in the doabs between the Punjab rivers. The Punjab
became the granary of India. Sikhs who were chosen to colonize many of these barren
wastes became the most prosperous peasantry in Asia.
Lord Dalhousie did not believe in half-measures. He had, however, to contend
with the opinions Henry Lawrence who was against annexation. John Lawrence was
with Dalhousie in holding that the case for annexation was ‗both understandable and
pressing‘. Lord Hardinge and later the Court of Directors of the East India Company also
backed Dalhousie. Assured of this support, the governor general instructed Henry
Lawrence to draft the proclamation of annexation. Dalhousie ordered the removal of
Maharaja Dalip Singh from the Punjab. The Sikh flag was lowered, the Union Jack
hoisted on the ramparts of the Lahore fort. Sikh currency, of which there were many
varieties (nanaksahi, harisinghgobindsahi, etc.), was withdrawn, and the Company‘s
rupee introduced,
Demilitarizing the Punjab
The Punjab‘s cities and villages were placarded with notices demanding the
surrender of arms. More than 120,000 stands of arms of matchiocks, swords, and other
weapons were voluntarily handed over. A small number of troops were retained; the rest
of the army was disbanded. Forts and defensive fortifications—practically every Punjabi
village had defensive bastions—were leveled. All military grants were abolished.
Board of Control
Lord Dalhousie gave the Punjab a civil administration manned by both civilian
and army officers. He established a Board of Administration consisting of three
members. Henry Lawrence was appointed president and entrusted with matters
connected with defence and relations with the sardars. John Lawrence was put in
charge of the settlement of land and other fiscal matters. C. G. Mansel was entrusted
with ministration of justice and the police. The Board was made the final court of appeal
with powers of life and death. It was also charged with regulating matters of excise,
revenue, and police.
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Two regions, the Cis-Sutlej and the Trans Sutlej, were reunited. The Punjab
along with the Trans-Indus territories which were placed under the same administration
comprised of an area of about 73,000 square miles. Its population was roughly
estimated at 10 million.
The Punjab was divided into seven divisions or commissioner ships, which were
further divided into districts. A five-tiered administration was set up. Next to the Board
were the commissioners of the seven divisions. Below the commissioners were deputy
and assistant commissioners; and below them, extra assistant commissioners—a cadre
specially constituted to provide jobs for ‗such natives as might have filled offices of trust
under the Durbar‘.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
1. Mention two causes responsible for the Second Anglo-Sikh War.
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2. Who was Diwan Mulraj?
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3. What do you know about the Battle of Gujarat 1849?
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4. When was Punjab annexed and who was the Governor-General of India at that
time?
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6.5 NEW ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE: 1849-1857

The annexation of the Punjab by the British in 1849 ushered in a new period, the
modern, into the region. Colonial rule placed the Punjab in a global context with regard
to economy and polity, and had far reaching implications for the region. A new
administration was also introduced. There were diverse views on the nature of
administration suitable for this newly acquired province. Napier the Commander –in-chief
of the British Indian Empire favoured a military rule as in Sindh; others supported a civil
kind of government, while Henry Lawrence spoke of a ‗paternal‘ approach keeping in
mind the people their preservation and prospects. Dalhousie was keen on a strong
central control. Sikh power had been destroyed, the dynasty subverted and the Sikhs
undermined. He believed that a combination of civil and military features should be
introduced as a measure of ‗truce.‘
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As an experiment, an innovation, a new kind of administration was introduced

in the region which was part civil and part military. This experiment was called the
Punjab School of Administration. The new government took the form of a board, the
Board of Administration which functioned upto 1853. To balance the authority in the
board three members were appointed. A President, Henry Lawrence, Fiscal matters and
settlement of land under John Lawrence and the administration of justice and police
under Mansel. The Board was also the final court of appeal. It regulated the matters of
excise, revenue and justice. It was seen as a paternalistic kind of machine rule. A novel
administrative machinery, with concentration of power, yet without unity, simple yet
antagonistic and self contradictory. The most experienced officers were posted to the
Punjab. Fifty six covenanted officers-29 from the army and 27 from the civil sphere- were
sent to the region. The British wanted to ‗rule by strength rather than precision‘. The aim
was to pacify and consolidate the Punjab. In fact, it is now clear that ‗the seeds of
discontent were sown‘ in the very formation of the new administrative scheme.
As a result of the new administration the Province of Punjab came into being
which was much larger than the former Kingdom of Lahore. The Cist Sutlej area was re-
united with the Punjab proper and the Trans –Indus tracts. The area of this new Province
was 73000 square kms and a population of 10 million. New administrative units were
formed in the province which was divided into 7 divisions under Commissioners, later 10;
these were then divided into 25 districts under a deputy commissioner, later 29, roughly
of 1000 villages each; and further into tehsils under extra assistant commissioners, or
tehsildars; having about 150 villages each; a group of 10-30 villages was called a zail,
under a zaildar who was a mediator between the government and the people; while the
smallest unit was the village. The zail was a unique feature in the administration of the
region. The code of civil and criminal law of British India was extended to the Punjab,
along with a new judicial system.
The priority of the Board of Administration was the internal and external security
of the province. The army of the Kingdom of Lahore was disbanded and new regiments
were organized with the help of local support and village heads reflecting a new flexibility
in the Board. 10 new regiments-5 infantry and 5 cavalry were raised. Some of the Darbar
troops were absorbed in this new force. A police of 8000 constables was set up, mainly
of Punjabi Muslims, to guard the jails, and treasuries. A mounted police was to patrol the
major highways. A khufia police or intelligence service was established along with
trackers or khojis. The Guide Corps set up for frontier security by Henry Lawrence in
1846 was now expanded with both infantry and cavalry and increased in size. The forts
in the North west and Derajat were manned to prevent tribal incursions. The watch and
ward system of villages was revived and the chowkidars reported to the local police. On
the whole, 50,000 men were deployed for the security of the region.
The Board was concerned with the matters of revenue and immediately fixed a 3
year summary settlement collecting revenue in cash. Jagirs were lapsed in many cases
and the land revenue strictly enforced. The land revenue compared to that of the
Kingdom of Lahore was excessively harsh. The regularization of taxes was part of the
agenda of the Board and they took steps to simplify the duties and taxes. The Lahore
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Darbar had collected 48 different taxes and levies, though the incidence of tax was low
the number of taxes was indeed large. The Board abolished internal duties and set up
octroi posts for import taxes only. Tolls on ferries were retained and excise duties on
spirits and drugs, and stamp duties on civil suits were introduced to make up for the
abolished taxes. The Board took over the working of the salt mines directly removing
contractors from its functioning, and banned import from Rajputana. Revenue was
simplified and increased.
The Board of Administration undertook several public works in the Punjab
province. The Hasli canal was cleared for irrigational purposes and new branch canals
were planned. Rest houses were constructed for government officials. The Board set
apart large areas as grasslands and encouraged afforestation projects. In the districts of
Lahore, Gurdaspur and Gujranwala a million trees of 90 varieties of timber were planted.
Trees were also planted along roads and canals. The Board exempted tax on coppier
lands. These steps were taken to improve the resources of the province. For the
improvement of agriculture new varieties of crops were introduced- New Orleans cotton,
sugarcane, flax, tobacco and tea. Sericulture was started on an experimental basis. The
Italian merino rams were brought to the region to improve the quality of wool and meat.
The new experiments showed only partial results.
In the social sphere too, the Board had some impact as both sati and female
infanticide were forbidden by law. Vernacular schools were established in the larger
cities for girls, while the traditional madrassas continued. The introduction of British rule
however, also led to dacoity and crime as the disbanded soldiers of the Darbar were not
absorbed into the new administration. They were not included either in the army or the
police. The royal family of Lahore was expelled from the Punjab, Maharaj Singh was
deported to Singapore creating some resentment among the people of the region. The
policy of the British towards different religious groups also started to create a wedge
between the communities who had resided peacefully with each other for centuries. The
social environment began to change as a consequence of colonial rule.
The problems within the Board of Administration came to the fore by 1853. The
differences of opinion between Henry Lawrence and John Lawrence created strained
relation between members of the Board. One of the major issues related to the treatment
of the regional aristocracies in the province. Lord Dalhousie sided with John Lawrence,
and both the Lawrence brothers resigned, leading to the breakup of the Board of
Administration. Henry Lawrence was posted to Rajputana while John Lawrence was
appointed Chief Commissioner of the Punjab. Later, the position was created a
Lieutenant Governorship. Two principal commissioners were appointed to assist
Lawrence, Montgomery in charge of judicial administration, education, roads, police and
local and municipal administration; and Edmonstone to look after financial affairs. In
actual practice the change was of form not substance. Power was now concentrated in a
single executive with undisputed authority.
A Chief Commissioner looked after the administration of the Punjab upto 1858.
John Lawrence soon realized the wisdom of Henry Lawrence with regard to the Sikhs in
the province and recruited them into the army and won over the Sikh peasantry. The
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problem of the tribals in the frontier areas continued without any concrete solution. A
new river police was established to combat the issue. In the revenue sphere remissions
were allowed and inquiries set up to look into the issues of the agriculturists, including
canals. The Agricultural Horticultural Society was established to find new ways to
improve the resources of the Punjab. A scheme of roads and railway extension in the
region was set up, 2251 miles of roads were constructed by 1854. The telegraph was
introduced in 1856 to increase the control and effectiveness of the government. An Indus
Navigation Flotilla was established in 1857 to ascertain the possibility of trade on the
river Indus. In the field of justice the small causes courts were set up at a distance of 14
miles from every settlement so that they were accessible to all. In 1854 settlement of
cases took 28 days, while by 1855 it was 23 days. The aim was to have quick and
simple justice. In education, 30 schools for western learning were established in the
district headquarters. In all a 100 schools were set up in the province, some of them
under private management. In the social sphere, a conference was held in 1853 to
discuss issues of infanticide and heavy expenditures of marriages. Compulsory birth and
death registration was introduced in this context, while threat of confiscation of lands
was also used. The Chief Commissioner thus, continued in the kind of administration as
visualized by the Punjab School of Administration.

The early administration of the Punjab was ‗sympathetic and paternal‘ towards
the people and therefore, effective. It was able to bring peace and order and laid the
foundation of a solid administration in the region. Its efficiency was in its prompt action.
In fact, at times it was firm to the point of harshness. The early administration provided
security to the Punjab, set up new administrative machinery, organized the collection of
taxes, introduced agricultural measures and improved means of communication, and
was able to win the goodwill of the people. As a result of the new administration, a new
aristocracy came into being. The old pillars of Punjabi society were gradually removed
through revisions in the jagir system -by dissolving some jagirs, commuting them to cash
jagirs and reducing the area and power of others. At times only part succession of jagir
was permitted. The British thus, found new allies and shared the resources with them.
About half the number of former aristocrats survived into the British times and readjusted
to the new realities. These helped the British gain control over the region and maintain
effective government. The early administrative organization in the Punjab province was
in this sense, a success.

Self Assessment Questions:

1. Define Punjab School of Administration.
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2. How did the Board maintain security in the Province?
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3. What kinds of improvements were introduced by the Board?

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4. Why did the Board break up in 1853?
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5. What new administrative arrangements were made in 1853?
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6. What was the contribution of the Chief Commissioner to the development of
the Punjab?
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6.6 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson you have seen after Ranjit Singh‘s death in 1839,
relations between the Sikhs and the British deteriorated and resulted in two Anglo-Sikh
wars, which ultimately resulted in the defeat of the Khalsa army and the annexation of
Punjab in 1849. After its annexation, the British introduced a new kind of administrative
structure to the Punjab in 1849. An experiment called the Punjab School of
Administration was initiated being partly military and partly manned by civil officers. New
administrative units were created under government officials. The new administration
was concerned with the security of the region, consolidation of power and made
arrangements for the collection of taxes. The new government was primarily interested
in the resources of the region and their maximum exploitation. The first Board of
administration functioned upto 1853 and broke up due to internal dissensions and
differences of opinion. From 1853-1858 the Punjab was placed under a Chief
Commissioner for administrative purposes. Some new initiatives were introduced at this
time- roads, telegraph, railways and clearing of canals. A new relationship was
introduced between the individual and the State.
6.7 REFERENCES
 N.M. Khilnani, British Power in the Punjab 1839-1858, New York, 1972.
 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. I & II, New Delhi: OUP.
 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi: CUP, 1999.
6.8 FURTHER READINGS
 S.S. Bal, British Policy in the Punjab 1844-48, Calcutta, 1971.
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 Fauja Singh, State and Society Under Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Delhi.
6.9 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. ‗Annexation of Punjab was a part of a broad north-west frontier policy set in
motion after the exit of Maharaja Ranjit Singh‘. Critically examine the statement.
2. Give the causes of First Anglo-Sikh War.
3. Give the causes of Second Anglo-Sikh War.
4. Discuss the early British administration in the Punjab. Was it effective?
5. Assess the working of Board of Administration. Why did it break up?
6. Describe the functioning of the Chief Commissioner in Punjab.

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Lesson-7

NEW BRITISH POLICIES: EDUCATION; IRRIGATION;

TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATION

STRUCTURE
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Developments in Irrigation
7.3 Transport and Communication
7.4 Growth of Modern Education in Punjab
7.5 Summary
7.6 References
7.7 Further Readings
7.8 Model Questions
7.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 trace the developments in irrigation specially the construction of canals in the
Punjab in the colonial period.
 learn about the introduction of means of transport and communication in the
region.
 understand the growth of modern education in the colonial Punjab.
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Students with the establishment of colonial rule in the Punjab in 1849, large scale
changes were introduced in the administrative, social and economic spheres. In the
second half of nineteenth century, a number of developments were made in irrigation to
increase and improve agricultural growth in the colonial Punjab. Most important was the
construction of canals and colonization of waste lands from the last quarter of the
nineteenth century to 1947. The developments in the fields of transport and
communication will also be taken up in this lesson.
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Students, education in India was nothing new when the British introduced their
educational system, which was more a political necessity than a pious wish to educate
the millions they ruled. To introduce the language of the conquerors seems to be an
obvious means of assimilating a conquered people to them. No sooner did they acquire
the supremacy in India that a sudden need for educated Indians to staff government
offices was generated. It ushered in an era of western education in the country.
Macaulay saved the government from onerous task of learning the language of the
subject people. Rather the ruled were to learn the language of the rulers. On the
grounds of economy, improvement and security of the country, he introduced English
language. It was also believed that the benefits of western education would create
sentiments of friendliness and gratitude towards those who bestowed the gifts of the
modern knowledge upon them. The decision caused a great intellectual ferment bringing
about an ‗Indian Renaissance‘, an era of unprecedented social, moral and political
progress. Through the medium of English education, the country was plunged into
stream of western thought and progress.
7.2 DEVELOPMENT IN IRRIGATION
Let us focus on factors contributing towards the growth of agriculture. They were
means of irrigation (most important); various measures taken for the improvement of soil
like the steps to check the devastation of land by water logging, chos and kallar; use of
larger quantities of manure to increase its productivity; introduction of the new varieties
of seeds; use of sophisticated implements; better techniques of cultivation, efforts to
improve the livestock; co-operative movement, programme for rural uplift; loans for
improvement in agriculture; relief measures adopted by the government; and the
development of transport and trade.
The growth of irrigation was the chief factor in the growth of agriculture. During
the colonial period irrigation by canals went on multiplying. It made the cultivation of the
vast tracts of land possible and also increased the yield per acre and safeguarded the
crops against drought.
The greatest impetus to agricultural growth in the colonial Punjab was the
construction of irrigation canals and colonisation of waste land. Being intersected by
great rivers and countless rivulets and enriched with the generally smooth
southwestward slope of the surface, the British found the Punjab plains to be suited for
canal irrigation. The British proceeded in a systematic manner and applied latest
technological innovations in expanding irrigation in two ways: the construction of new
canals and expansion of old. In the first four decades the canals were constructed
largely in the eastern plains and then the attention was focused on western plains.
The first work in the eastern plains was the construction of the Upper Bari Doab
Canal from a branch of the river Ravi at Madhopur. The alignment of the Hasli Canal
being very defective only a portion of it was incorporated in the new canal. It was
formally opened in April, 1859 and irrigation commenced in the following year. The work
of remodelling the Western Jamna Canal was carried on speedily. The new head-works
were in use by 1878.
 137

Sirhind canal was constructed to irrigate the arid tract lying between the rivers
Satluj and Ghaggar. The work of construction began in 1876 and in November, 1882 the
canal started functioning. Sirhind canal was a joint project of the British Government and
princely states of Patiala, Nabha, Faridkot, Jind, Malerkotla and Kalsia. Punjab had a
large number of the inundation canals which were either newly constructed or were an
improvement of the old canals. These were taken from the Satluj, Ravi, Chenab, Jehlam,
Indus and Ghaggar rivers. The eastern plains had relatively small number of inundation
canals. Of these, the Grey Canals in the Ferozepur district and the Ghaggar Canals
were the most important.
Canal irrigation works on a large scale, such as the Lower Chenab Canal, Lower
Jehlam Canal, Triple Project, Satluj Valley Project and Haveli Project were constructed
in the last six decades of British rule in the Punjab. This magnificent system of irrigation
canals was amongst the greatest achievements of the British in the Punjab. The
canalisation and colonisation between1886 and 1947 marked a new and the important
phase in the economic history of the Punjab under British rule. Three irrigation projects,
the Sidhnai Canal from the Ravi, the Lower Sohag and Para Canal from the Satluj and
Ramnagar Canal, afterwards known as the Chenab Canal, from were drawn up in 1882.
These canals after remodelling and expansion were opened to irrigation in 1886.
Between 1908-09 and 1931-32, the area irrigated by the canal increased from 1,90,000
acres to 329,516 acres. The Lower Chenab Canal was a success beyond expectations.
It practically irrigated the whole of the Lyallpur district and parts of the Gujranwala,
Sheikhupura and Jhang districts.
The construction of the Lower Jehlam Canal began in 1897, and five years later,
the Lower Jehlam Canal Colony came up in the wastes of Shahpur. Irrigation from the
Lower Jehlam Canal was first opened in 1901. It irrigated a large portion of Shahpur
district and a smaller area in Jhang. It was a smaller and less profitable.
The great Triple Project was undertaken to further develop the food resources of
the province in 1905. The primary object of this scheme was to irrigate and colonise the
area of the arid Ganji Bar which stretched between the old bed of the Beas and the river
Ravi in the districts of Multan and Montgomery. This could be irrigated from the Ravi but
the water supply in the river was already exhausted by the Upper Bari Doab Canal. On
the other hand, the river Jehlam had plenty of water available in excess of the
requirements of the Lower Jehlam Canal. The problem was solved with the construction
of three canals—Upper Jehlam, Upper Chenab and Lower Bari Doab—which connected
the Jehlam, Chenab and Ravi rivers and made it possible to colonise the Ganji Bar.
None of the three canals worked to their full capacity until the Upper Jehlam Canal was
completed in 1917. By 1920-21 this canal system irrigated 2,811 square miles of area.
The Upper Jehlam and Upper Chenab Canals irrigated the tracts which were already
colonised and therefore, did not cause much immigration but added to the overall
prosperity of the province.
The three other major irrigation works known as the Satluj Valley Project, Haveli
Project and Thal Project were undertaken after 1919 when irrigation became one of the
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transferred subjects. The Satluj Valley Project was a joint project of the Punjab
Government and the states of Bahawalpur and Bikaner.
The Haveli Project superseded the Sidhnai and other inundation canals in the
lower reaches of the Ravi. It diverted the waters of rivers Jehlam and the Chenab into
the Ravi by constructing a barrage at Trimmu. The first irrigation from the new canals
began in April, 1939. In 1939-40, the Haveli Canal astern irrigated 7.23 lac acres. The
work on the Thal Project began immediately after the completion of the Haveli Project.
The scheme was to construct a canal from the left bank of the Indus near Kalabagh. The
work was postponed due to outbreak of the Second World War and was resumed after
the war.
The next important sources of artificial irrigation were wells. The importance of
wells in the rural economy in the protection of the crops was much more than that of the
canals. In the mid nineteenth century wells commanded more area than the canals and
the position towards the end of the nineteenth century was somewhat similar. It was
reversed by 1947. In the districts like Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur, except the riverain
tracts, the wells were the only means of irrigation.
The British government, right from the beginning encouraged the sinking of the
wells by giving loans. The land irrigated from a newly constructed well or any other work
of irrigation was assessed liberally for the revenue at the coming settlement. Later on, by
successive Acts passed by the government, the process of taking loans for agricultural
improvements was simplified and the amount to be advanced was increased. In some of
the arid districts, the cultivators availed themselves of this concession.
The area irrigated by the wells throughout the colonial period went on increasing
as indicated by constant increase in the number of the wells. The total number of wells
both pakka and kachcha, increased from 143,000 in 1849 to 317,000 in 1900-01. It was
thus an increase of more than 121 per cent. This process continued in the early
twentieth century. In 1903-04, the Punjab had over 276,000 masonry wells, with 38,000
lever wells and waterlifts.
The number of masonry wells in 1945-46 was 341,713. Thus between 1921 and
1946, the increase in the masonry wells was 79 per cent. Well irrigation was very
popular in the districts of Jalandhar, Sialkot, Amritsar, Ludhiana, Jhang, Muzaffargarh,
Montgomery, Lahore and Gujranwala. Lands irrigated from the wells were the most
fertile in the province. It also led to intensive cultivation. Well irrigation also contributed to
the process of consolidation of holdings by means of mutual exchanges among the
cultivators.
The large increase in the number of the masonry wells was the result of private
enterprise. The ratio of new wells constructed with government loans was very low. In
1929-30, for example, 4,531 new wells were constructed in the province, out of which
only 763 were sunk with the aid of takavi loans. In 1932-33, similarly, the number of new
wells constructed at private expense was 2,063 and from takavi advance only 446.
Moreover, the increase in the number of the masonry wells in various districts was not
 139

uniform. Increase in Amritsar district between 1878 and 1932 was 49 per cent. The
number of wells in Gujrat district between 1857 and 1916 increased by 65 per cent.
Similarly, the rate of increase in Ferozepur district between 1878 and 1915 was 35 per
cent.
Irrigation from embankments continued as before, but made a small proportion of
the total irrigated area in the Punjab. In the Salt Range and the hilly tracts of Gurgaon,
torrents were embanked and water spread over the fields as required. In the hills and
submontane tracts, a considerable area chiefly under rice cultivation was irrigated by
small channels (kuhls) taken out of a river or a stream and often carried along the hill
side.

Self Assessment Questions

1. What factors lead to increase in means of irrigation?
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2. What do you understand by irrigation from embankment?
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3. Name 2 irrigation projects started in India.
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7.3 TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATION

To encourage the growth of trade, the British formulated a comprehensive plan of
intersecting the entire province with roads, bridges and viaducts. In creating the lines of
communication, three objects were kept in view—the direction of external commerce, the
channels of internal traffic and military strategy. Robert Napier was entrusted with the
task of construction of the Grand Trunk Road from Lahore to Peshawar. From this road
branch lines would be constructed in almost every direction. All the important military
stations and cantonments were linked together. To reduce the hardships of merchants
and to facilitate the commerce between the Punjab and Central Asia, Dera Ismail Khan
was connected with Lahore. Now the merchants from Kabul had no need to follow the
difficult route, which entailed hardship and delay. All the roads that were planned were
not completed during the short period of four years. The work of the Board of
Administration creditable was within such a short period 1,349 miles of road were
constructed, 2,487 miles were traced and 5,272 miles surveyed—all exclusive of minor
cross and branch roads.
The plan of connecting the strategic and productive centers of the Punjab by
means of railways, however, did not materialize before the outbreak of the 1857 Revolt.
It was yet in the inquiry stage. Meanwhile the navigation of the river Indus attracted the
 140

attention of The British administration. Already indigenous boats plied on the Indus and
helped to export some of the surplus wheat to Karachi and from there to Bombay. In this
way about 35,000 tons of cereal out of the total surplus of 7,77,481 tons, per annum,
found its way out of the markets of the Punjab. The construction of boats was improved
and the steamers of the Indus Flotilla began to run from Karachi to Multan. The
navigation of the Indus soon proved to be of immense advantage to the British. During
the critical year of 1857, when Punjab was cut off from the North-West Provinces, the
steam vessels of the Indus Flotilla performed useful service. In the words of the Fourth
Punjab Administration Report, "They brought up our reinforcements of troops, our
military stores, our treasure. They conveyed the greater part of three Regiments of
European Infantry and one of Cavalry; some fifty lakhs of treasure and a vast quantity of
baggage and ammunition". These measures helped to preserve the newly reared
structure of British rule in the Punjab during 1857.
Likewise the introduction of electric telegraph in 1856, proved a blessing for the
Administration during 1857. All the important places, from a political and military point of
view, were provided with instantaneous means of communication. Telegraph offices
were located at Ambala, Jullunder, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Peshawar—the nerve centre
of the British rule in the Punjab.
The Board of Administration had initiated a very ambitious plan of building roads
and canals throughout the length and breadth of the province. 1,349 miles of road had
been laid, 2,487 miles traced and 5,272 miles surveyed during the first four years of
British rule in the Punjab. This road-making programme was pushed further. Up to May
1854 some 2,251 miles of road were constructed, bringing the total milage to 3,600.
1854-55 1855-59 Previous Grand Total
Expenditure
Roads 37,00,000 16,00,000 59,24,600 1,12,24,600

Self Assessment Questions:

1. What do you know about the Grand Trunk Road?
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2. What was the Indus Flotilla?
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3. What was the benefit of electric telegraph?
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7.4 GROWTH OF MODERN EDUCATION IN PUNJAB

With the advent of British rule in Punjab (1849), education system entered a new
phase. British have already decided to form a constant, uniform and comprehensive
educational policy. In the Punjab, English education came a little later as; it was the last
state to be annexed by the British government. The principal educational aims and the
fundamental principles of the educational policy of the government had already been
formulated. Education had already made rapid strides in other provinces. The initial
efforts for the spread of the western education here were made by the Missionaries who
were ‗the pioneers of education in the Punjab‘. They started schools with two-fold
purpose – for instructing Anglo-Indian and Christian children and for preaching
Christianity. They were granting western education in the English language to people
from a lower economic stratum and enabled them to enjoy employment opportunities
equal to those of boys with more money. There were four schools of a higher category
entirely maintained by Christian Missionaries. The first Government School in the Punjab
was opened at Shimla in 1848 by Mr. Edwards, which was followed by the establishment
of 13 district schools up to 1849. The Government Schools were established at Amritsar,
Rawalpindi, Shahpur and Jullundur upto1854. Therefore, the old indigenous system of
education gradually disappeared and the new system of education which aimed at the
spread of western knowledge through the medium of English language was firmly
established in its place.
The British seriously took up the cause of education. The old system prevailing
before was amended, altered, supplemented and finally given a modern look in the most
elaborate Woods Despatch of 1854 called the ‗Magna Carta of English Education in
India‘. Following were the recommendations of the Despatch –
i. The construction of a separate department of administration for education.
ii. The establishment of institutions for training teachers for all classes of schools.
iii. The institution of universities at the presidency towns.
iv. The maintenance of the existing government colleges and high schools and to
increase their numbers where and when necessary.
v. To give increased attention to vernacular schools for elementary education.
vi. The introduction of a system of grants in aid.
The attention of the government was specially directed to impart practical
knowledge which should be within the reach of the masses. Woods Despatch ushered a
novel era in the annals of education in Punjab. The Punjab was considered ripe for the
introduction of this educational scheme. So much so that Lord Dalhousie encouraged
the setting up of a college at Lahore. In accordance with the recommendations of the
Despatch, a Department of Public Instruction in the Punjab was instituted in January
1856. Mr. Arnold was appointed as the Director of Public Instruction. It was entrusted
with the duty of inspection and supervision of the institutions directly under the authority
 142

of the government and private. At that time, there were 34 schools maintained from
public funds and 12 mission schools, most of which were in receipt of grant-in-aid.
When Lord Ripon became the Viceroy, he devoted due attention to the
development of education in India. Ripon accepted the comprehensive educational
policy outlined in 1854, as a guide to action. He was appointing a commission under the
presidency of Sir William Hunter with a panel of 20 others to assist him. This was the
first Indian Education Commission – the largest and the most influential commission that
had ever sat in India. In 1883, the commission submitted its report. The commission
recommended that the government should not only curtail the activities of its own
educational institutions but also with draw from direct enterprise. It stressed the need for
organising a proper system of grant in aid, so that private enterprise might get enough
room to expand. In the field of primary education, it suggested that the government
should handover all the state schools to local boards while for the college and secondary
schools, the commission recommended gradual transfer to efficient private bodies on
certain conditions.The commission showed the possibility of organising a system based
on the happy blending of private and public efforts right from the primary to the university
stage. It also recommended improvements in the Department of Public Instruction. It
held that the native gentlemen of approved qualifications be employed as inspectors of
schools, in every province a code be drawn up for the guidance of inspecting staff,
voluntary inspections by officers of government and private persons be encouraged, in
addition to the regular inspection. The commission recommended on the subject of
primary education and secondary education. It also recommended in the favour of
female education. College and University education was not within the purview of the
commission. The commission also looked into the financial aspects of education in the
province and suggested different ways and methods for the smooth running of the
educational institutions.
During the last decade of the 19th century, attempt was made to give effect to the
recommendations of the Education Commission. Clarity was given to the organization of
the primary schools. Primary schools afforded a course of instruction, extending over
five years and terminating with the examination called the Upper Primary Examination.
There were five classes of which the first three formed the Lower Primary School and
the remaining two the Upper Primary Schools. In the Lower Primary School taught
Vernacular Reading and Writing, Arithmetic, Persian, Map work etc. In the Upper
Primary Schools, English was taught with other subjects. In 1901-02, changes were
brought in the course of primary schools like Reading and Conversation, Writing and
Dictation, Arithmetic and Geography etc. Improvement brought in the general education
and training of primary teachers. Adequate arrangements were made for the training of
teachers in the Central Training College, Lahore. A few changes were also brought
about in the methods of teaching. The number of schools and scholars increased every
year. The number of primary schools rose from 1562 to 1672 during the year 1886-87.
The large increase in the number of upper primary department schools showed that the
schools in general had made satisfactory progress during the period. By 1889-90, the
number of Aided schools had arisen to 300 with 10,000 pupils. It was Lord Curzon who
 143

with all the solitude of a distinguished reformer nourished it. He laid stress upon
expansion side by side with improvement. He sanctioned non recurring grants to primary
schools. He emphasised the necessity of providing a number of training institutions for
primary teachers. Number of training centres were developed at Jullunder, Lahore,
Rawalpindi and Multan. He also emphasised on the necessity of liberal education and
practical works. The number of schools rose from 3151 to 3347 in 1907-08. In the
coming years, the number of new schools added annually:

Year Schools

1912-13 273

1913-14 468

1914-15 394

1915-16 206

1916-17 159

It was estimated that there was a school for every ten villages. Later, the scheme
for expansion and improvement was intensified in 1918. The year 1918-19 was marked
by the adoption of a vigorous forward policy in the matter of vernacular education. Some
important alternations were made in the educational system of the province. The school
classes were henceforth to be numbered from I to X. Classes I to IV were to form the
Primary department, V to VIII the Middle department and IX and X the High department.
The revised scheme was adopted by most of the schools which formed a uniform
standard of a primary school. Multan with 72 new schools claims credit of opening the
largest number of primary schools. Punjab compared well with the advanced provinces
of the country in the field of primary education. By 1922, the Municipal Committees of
Lahore and Multan had introduced compulsory primary education. By the end of the year
1925-26, compulsion had been introduced in 42 towns and 451 rural areas. The position
in 1937 was that out of about five lakh villages in India, only about 13,072 villages had
been brought under compulsion, and of these as many as 10,450 were in Punjab alone.
With the establishment of the Education Department, the rate of expansion in the
secondary education was rapid. The reports of the Education Commission shows the
expansion of secondary schools was steady and continuous in the Punjab. At the close
of the year 1882-83, the number of boys attending High schools was 674 against 502.
The Jullundur and Ludhiana schools had been very successful. In the year 1883-84 the
number of scholars studying in secondary schools increased by 19%. The progress of
secondary education was considerable on the whole and extended to every district in the
province. In the year 1884-85, a change was brought about in the classification of
 144

schools in terms of the government of India rules. Previously High, Middle and Primary
departments of a school were treated as separate schools. All these branches made a
single high school. It was a healthy step in the sense that it circumscribed the mushroom
growth of the secondary schools. During the year 1901-02, the number of secondary
schools was 372, out of it 250 were Anglo- Vernacular, 119 Vernacular, 1 Aided and 2
Unaided schools. Later, Curzon stated his new policy towards secondary education in
1904. It had two important aspects ‗control‘ and ‗improvement‘. Firstly, it was compulsory
for the secondary schools to seek recognition by the department. Secondly, in addition
to the recognition granted by the department, secondary schools had to obtain
recognition from the university as the Matriculation Examination was conducted by the
University. Under the Indian Universities Act of 1904, however, regulations were framed
by all universities for the recognition of schools. Thirdly, automatic transfer of pupils from
unrecognised to recognised schools was prohibited in order to control the privately
managed schools. The control of the government was excessive, rigid and mechanical.
In 1904-05, Anglo Vernacular schools fell from 179 to 177 and vernacular schools from
119 to 112. The number of pupils reading in the secondary stage of government and
board schools has risen by 157 in aided schools by 28 and in unaided schools has fallen
by 344. The second object of Curzon‘s policy in secondary education was to improve the
quality of instruction. With this end in view, he adopted the following measures:
i. Large grants were sanctioned to Provincial Governments in order to improve the
efficiency of government schools that they could serve as models to private
enterprise. The additional amount thus made available was utilized in erecting
buildings and hostels, improving the salaries of the staff etc.
ii. Large funds were sanctioned for increasing the grant in aid to private schools so
as to enable them to come up to the standard of government institutions.
iii. The necessity of training secondary teachers was emphasised and an impetus
was given to the starting of new institutions for the purpose.
iv. It was also recommended that the mother–tongue should be invariably used as
the medium of instruction at the secondary stage.
The period from 1905 -1919 witnessed remarkable improvement and expansion
in the secondary education. Secretary to the Punjab Government reported that ‗the
numerical increase in the secondary schools has in recent years been comparatively
rapid and that private enterprise in the more advanced districts is active in promoting
such schools‘. During the year 1914-15, the number of secondary schools increased to
379 and the number of pupils from 97,870 to 1,01584. The Jullundur Division, with 3
High and 8 Middle schools headed the list of the new Anglo- Vernacular institutions. In
1915-16, there were 413 secondary schools, of which 131 were High schools, 131
Anglo- Vernacular Middle schools and 151 Vernacular Middle schools. During the year
1916-17, the number of secondary schools rose to 422 of which 136 were High schools,
135 Anglo Vernacular Middle and 151 Vernacular Middle schools. The quality of
teaching improved hand in hand with quantity. There was marked increase in the
 145

number of trained teachers. Two more important changes in the curriculum of vernacular
middle schools were under consideration:
i. The introduction of practical agriculture.
ii. The introduction of optional English. It was tentatively adopted in the Lyallpur and
Jullundur Districts.
Among the other highlights of the period, a Manual Training Centre was opened
by Mr. Buchaman in Lahore in 1915. New school buildings were erected at Jullundur,
Gujarat, Gurdaspur, Sialkot, Lyallpur, Dera Ghazi khan and Hoshiarpur. In the year
1918-19, the number of recognized schools for boys rose from 426 to 454 and the
number of scholars attending them from 1,10839 to 1,15,526. The number of teachers
employed in secondary schools rose from 6157 to 6538. From 1920-21, secondary
schools of all kinds rose from 828 to 969 an increase of 17 percent over the previous
year. In spite of few lapses here and there, the achievements in secondary education
were both qualitative as well as quantitative. The number of schools and scholars
increased considerably.
It was under the irresistible pressure and persistence as stated earlier that the
Panjab University was founded in 1882. The Panjab University was the fourth among the
universities of India. The first three, had been established at the Presidency towns of
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras in 1857. The Panjab University was largely a product of
the initiative and efforts of the people of the Punjab. It was set up not only as an
examining body, but also as an institution at once for teaching and for higher literacy
pursuits – particularly in the field of oriental learning and for imparting education in the
higher branches of European knowledge and sciences. The senate of the university
enjoyed the privilege of being consulted, a rare position not enjoyed by earlier
universities of India. The Oriental College, Lahore and the Government College, Lahore
were the two institutions which the university inherited at the time of its inception. No
other college was recognised by the university until 1886. By the year 1902, the number
of colleges affiliated to the university rose to 10.
Name of the College Year of Year of Number of
Establishment Recognition Students in Rolls
in March 1902
1. Government College 1864 1888 198
Lahore

2. Foreman Christian 1886 1889 337

College, Lahore

3. Municipal Board
1888 1889 36
College, Amritsar
 146

4. D.A.V College, Lahore 1886 1892 347

5. Scot Mission College, 1889 1892 22

Sialkot

6. Gordon Mission 1893 1895 33

College, Rawalpindi

7. Islamia College,
1892 1896 70
Lahore

1897 1901 34
8. Khalsa College,
Amritsar.

9. Church Mission 1900 1902 12

College, Amritsar

10. Church Mission 1900 1902 17

College, Peshawar

It may be observed that the education on the western pattern, which was provided
by the college associated with the university, during this period, was generally confined
to the subjects in the faculty of Arts. Teaching was also given in science subjects at
Government College. The Panjab University after long and careful deliberations adopted
an Entrance Examination in Sciences different from and running parallel to the ordinary
Entrance Examination in Arts. Thus, Intermediate and Degree Examination in Sciences
were drawn up which received the sanction of the supreme government in 1894. The
first Entrance Examination for the degree course in Science was held in 1897. A final
school examination called the Clerical and Commercial Examination was instituted by
the University. The university acquired the authority to confer degree in Law. The degree
of the Bachelor of Laws was conferred for the first time in 1893. Until 1887, the university
was empowered only to grant the diploma of Licentiate in Medicine to successful
students through the vernacular and partly according to the indigenous system of
medicine. The degree of Bachelor of Medicine was conferred for the first time in 1891.
The university made rapid strides within a few years of its foundation and proved to be a
great source of light for the people of the Punjab. In October 1889, the University of
Oxford recognised the existence of the Panjab University as ‗one of the Indian and
Colonial Universities which accorded special privileges‘. Undoubtedly, much of the
development in the educational field was the direct contribution of the Panjab University.
The system of University education was profoundly affected by the Indian University Act
of Lord Curzon. The first practical step was the holding of an educational conference at
 147

Shimla in 1901 to consider the system of education in India. In Punjab, W.Bell, Director
of Public Instruction was attached to the commission as a local member. Following were
the main recommendations of the commission:
i. The legal powers of the older universities should be enlarged, so that all the
universities may be recognised as teaching bodies.
ii. The Oriental side of the Panjab University should be maintained and the course
for the degree of Bachelor and Master of Oriental learning should be retained
with some modifications.
A series of rules were laid down by the commission. This policy laid stress on
quality education enunciated by Curzon was fully adhered by his successors. In face
between 1905, when Lord Curzon left India, and later when education became a
transferred subject under reforms of 1919, this policy was worked out in a resolute and
zealous manner. The act basically transformed the functions, constitution and
administration of the Panjab University. The act inaugurated a change for the betterment
in the character of the Panjab University. After Lord Curzon, the tendency was to
improve the already existing colleges rather than to open new colleges. The number of
students in the colleges increased considerably. Government College Lahore was one of
the oldest colleges in the province. It was founded in 1864. It prepared students for all
examinations upto the M.A standard. Later Oriental College was founded by the
Anjuman–i- Punjab in 1865 at Lahore with the object of revival of the ancient oriental
learning. The college prepared the students for the Diploma, High Proficiency and
Honours in Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian and Gurmukhi as well as Civil Engineering etc. All
these colleges had started bringing out better results. By the year 1919, out of 11
colleges in the state, 7 were situated in Lahore only. By the time 1921-22, the total
number of Arts colleges in the province was 15, out of which 3 were Government, 7
Aided and 5 Unaided. During the period from 1922 to 1937, over all development was
witnessed in the field of higher education. The number of colleges increased like
colleges atCampbellpur, Gujrat, Lyallpur, Jhang, Dharamsala, Hoshiarpur and Rohtak.
The number of colleges and the students during the five years from 1932-37 was as
follows
Year Govt. Aided Unaided Total No. Of
Colleges Colleges Colleges Students
1932-33 12 11 6 29 13,236

1933-34 12 11 7 30 13,602

1934-35 12 11 7 30 13,475

1935-36 12 12 6 30 13,419

1936-37 12 10 8 30 12,728
 148

With regard to Technical Education, Government School of Engineering was

organised by Department of Public Instruction in 1904-05. The school prepared students
as overseers and draftsmen. A special course in Reinforced Concrete was introduced. In
1935-36, the government started Artisan Bricklaying class of 18 months duration in the
school. It was followed by an Artificer Course for another 6 months for selected boys
who had finished the farmer course. Another institute imparting instruction in electrical
and mechanical engineering was the Victoria Diamond Jubilee Hindu Technical Institute,
Lahore founded in 1897-98. The institute turned out mechanical and electrical engineers
and trained mechanics. In 1922, the Maclagan College of Engineering was started at
Mughalpur near Lahore to impart theoretical and practical training in electrical
engineering. Later Mayo School of Art was founded at Lahore in 1875. Besides this,
there were few industrial schools where minor crafts such as carpentry, smithy, weaving,
pottery, tailoring with some elementary education were taught. Their numbers increased
from 19 with 1731 students in 1921 to 28 with 4336 scholars in 1929-30. Metal Works
Institute Ambala, Wood Work Institute Jullundur, Government Institute of Dyeing and
Colour Printing at Shahdra, Government Central Weaving Institute, Amritsar and
Government Training Institute, Jullundur were developed. In the medical field, The
Medical College, Lahore was established in 1860. A Chair of Clinical Medicine was
instituted in 1926-27. The College of Dentistry, Lahore started four year dental course for
medical graduates. Further proposals were made for the improvement in the field of
technical education.
CRITICAL ANALYSIS
It cannot however be denied that during the British rule the lines on which the
educational set up ought to be formulated got clearly marked. A peep into statistics
between 1882 to 1947 shows the development in numbers in all the fields of education.
There was one Arts College, 25 High Schools, 206 Middle Schools and 1559 Primary
Schools in 1882, which rose to 44; 445; 2971 and 8230 respectively in 1944-45.
Similarly, the increase in the female institutions had been from one High School, 4
Middle Schools, 322 Primary Schools in 1882 to 70 High Schools, 257 Middle Schools
and 2270 Primary Schools in 1944-45. There was no women‘s Arts College existent in
1882 and the number rose to 8 in 1944-45.
Improvements were brought about in the primary education by employing better
qualified teachers, establishing training institutions and normal schools, and promising
improved pay scales and other service benefits to the teachers. A new curriculum
consisting of a combination of literary instruction and practical training in certain subjects
was devised. The variable grants assessed from year to year were converted into fixed
grants. This led to the increase in the number of aided primary schools. There was a
great change in the policy of the government towards secondary schools. The principle
of the ‗state withdrawal‘ was abandoned and the government assumed the duty of
maintaining existing institutions as models to the private enterprise. The number of
schools and scholars increased considerably. The progress may be ascribed to the
pressure of the grant in aid rules which demanded a certain minimum of efficiency as a
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qualification for the aid and to the increased efficiency of the teaching staff. The
contribution of private enterprise cannot be overlooked for without their earnest and
energetic co-operation, education could not have faced the hurdles placed before it.
Tutorial system, assignment system, discussion or criticism lessons were some of the
innovations brought about in the teachings in colleges. Social and cultural awakening
was brought about through different societies like literary, debating, scientific, and
athletic societies and boat clubs, health clubs and photographic clubs etc. Games and
sports too created a sense of discipline among the students.

The expansion of education, however, was not without its fall outs. The neglect of
mother tongue as the medium of instruction and absence of vocational courses were
among its glaring weaknesses. The highest education a child could obtain through the
mother tongue was limited to the middle school stage only. It encouraged the monstrous
and maleficent spirit of cramming. The Anglo – vernacular education was rapidly growing
in the estimation of the people. The policy of preparation for services had been the chief,
if not the sole objective of education. The indigenous schools were replaced by
elementary schools. Problem of mass education was not squarely faced. Sufficient funds
were not devoted to this branch of education. The collegiate and vocational education
was overlooked by the commission. In view of the state withdrawal policy, private
enterprise took the field of higher and technical education.

It may be remembered that the British authorities in India were not seriously
interested in educating the masses. England had been treating India no better than
colonial exploitation. Under diarchy, it was hoped that things will improve with the charge
of popular ministers of the department of education. But unfortunately, the biggest
obstacle in the development of education in the province was financial stringency.
Moreover, the minister could not have a free hand in the working of the education
department. Still more, virus of communalism had penetrated in the field of education
too. The alien bureaucracy gave it every possible encouragement because in it they
found a weapon to curb the growth of nationalist forces in the province.

Thus in a calculated pursuit for the western education, they crushed the
educational system which was prevalent in this country from times immemorial. The best
statesmanship is not one which breaks rudely with the old traditions, but one which
causes the old to run smoothly into the new. Very early men like Munro, Elphinstone and
Adam had suggested that the indigenous system of education had great potentialities
and that it could be expanded and improved to become a great instrument of mass
education. Contrary to this, the British set up a rival system of education and allowed the
indigenous system to decay. The traditional system of education was thus uprooted and
an educational system like a top – heavy inverted pyramid was built upon the
assumption that if higher education was provided to the top classes, it would somehow
or the other filter down to the masses. Downward filtration theory was unsound in
principle and unsatisfactory in results. For one thing, the state could not divest itself of so
fundamental a responsibility as education.
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The technical education was far from satisfactory during the colonial rule. The
nationalists were highly critical of British government policy towards it. Undoubtedly, it
was not their aim to bring advancement in technology but it was their need that the
vocational schools and colleges were established. The training in these institutions had
little contact with the educational system. Not only the system of education produced
nothing but clerks, but also it rendered the recipients of education unfit to follow even
their ancestral occupations. The excessively literary and insufficient vocational education
produced a growing educated proletariat in the country.
Self Assessment Questions
1. When and where was the first Christian Missionary institution established in
Punjab?
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2. When and where was the Panjab University established?
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3. Name four technical institutions which were in existence before 1886 in Punjab?
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4. Mention the recommendations of Hunter Commission?
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5. Mention the main recommendations of Woods Despatch of 1854?
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6. Why and when was the Education Department established in Punjab?
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7.5 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we have talked out the British agrarian policy. The British
undertook construction of new canals as well as repair of old canals in the colonial
Punjab. As a result vast wastelands were brought under cultivation. Experienced farmers
were moved from central Punjab to these regions after giving them incentives. Soon this
area was fertile and was producing numerous crops. Another important source of
artificial irrigation were wells. The British encouraged the sinking of wells by giving loans.
 151

The area cultivated by wells went on increasing as indicated by the constant increase in
the number of wells. The British developed lines of communications in the Punjab by
constructing roads, bridges and viaducts. This benefitted them as it increased internal
trade and provided passage for military movement.
With the annexation of Punjab in 1849, British introduced new educational policy
in Punjab. The initial efforts for the spread of the western education here were made by
the Missionaries. After that the elaborate Woods Despatch of 1854 called the ‗Magna
Carta of English Education in India‘ came to the country. In accordance with the
recommendations of the Despatch, a Department of Public Instruction in the Punjab was
instituted in January 1856.When Lord Ripon became the Viceroy, he devoted due
attention to the development of education in India. He appointed a commission under the
presidency of Sir William Hunter. The commission recommended that the government
should not only curtail the activities of its own educational institutions but also with draw
from direct enterprise.
During the last decade of the 19th century, attempt was made to give effect to the
recommendations of the Education Commission. Primary schools afforded a course of
instruction, extending over five years and terminating with the examination called the
Upper Primary Examination. The reports of the Education Commission shows the
expansion of secondary schools was steady and continuous in the Punjab. In the year
1884-85, a change was brought about in the classification of schools in terms of the
government of India rules. The period from 1905 -1919 witnessed remarkable
improvement and expansion in the secondary education. The number of schools and
scholars increased considerably.
It was under the irresistible pressure and persistence as stated earlier that the
Panjab University was founded in 1882. By the year 1902, the number of colleges
affiliated to the university rose to 10. By the time 1921-22, the total number of Arts
colleges in the province was 15, out of which 3 were Government, 7 Aided and 5
Unaided.
7.6 REFERENCES
 Imran Ali, Punjab Under Imperialism 1890-1947, Delhi: OUP, 1989.
 Sukhwant Singh, Agricultural Growth Under Colonial Constraints in the Punjab
1849-1947, ManmeetPrakashan, Delhi: 1980.
 Bhatia Shyamala, Social Change and Politics in Punjab 1898-1910, New Delhi,
1987.
7.7 FURTHER READINGS
 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi: OUP.
 R.S. Johar and J.S. Khanna, Studies in Punjab Economy, Amritsar: GNDU,
1983.
 Indu Banga (ed.), Five Punjabi Centuries, Polity, Economy, Society and Culture,
 152

1500-1900, New Delhi, 1997.

 Satya M. Rai, Legislative Politics and Freedom Struggle in Punjab 1897-1947,
New Delhi: Peoples Publishing House, 1984.
7.8 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Trace the path of canal colonization in the colonial Punjab.
2. What do you know about the development of transportation and communication
in Punjab under the British rule.
3. Trace the development of modern education in Punjab under the British rule.
4. Critically analyse the history of western education in Punjab till 1947?
5. Examine the growth of western Education in Punjab under British?

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Lesson-8

SOCIO-RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENTS:

NIRANKARIS; NAMDHARIS; AD-DHARM; SINGH SABHA
AND AHMEDIYAS

STRUCTURE
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 The Ahmediyas
8.3 Nirankaris and Namdharis
8.4 Singh Sabha
8.5 Ad-Dharm Movement
8.6 Summary
8.7 References
8.8 Further Readings
8.9 Model Questions
8.0 OBJECTIVES
The present lesson focuses on:
 the response of the Punjabis to the establishment of British rule in the socio-
cultural sphere.
 the interaction of the new social groups and new forces, such as the missionaries
and colonial administrators.
 the tradition of dissent that was well known in the region and in the second half of
the 19th century it took new form through religious innovation and new
organization.
 the response of the Muslims and Sikhs to this new environment – through the
Anjumans and Ahmediya movement in the case of the former; the Nirankaris,
Namdharis and Singh Sabhas in relation to the Sikhs, and Ad Dharm Movement
amongst the untouchables.
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Students the diversity of religious belief and practices in the Punjab region
resulted in a larger number of socio-religious reform movements in this region compared
 154

to others. There were also divisions within the religious groups adding to the varied
responses of the people. The Muslims in the Punjab were impacted by the reform
movements in the Gangeticplainandreactedtothem. They tried to defend their religion
against the criticism of others. The Ahmediyas, an acculturative movement among the
Muslims of the Punjab, defended Islam in their own particular way. The Sikhs too,
introduced changes as they were dealing with an internal crisis. The loss of political
power with the arrival of the British brought out differing reactions among the Sikhs. The
response was both through transitional and acculturative movements. The Sikh reaction
was in the form of transitional movements like the Nirankaris and Namdharis; as well as
the acculturative Singh Sabhas. Similar reaction was seen amongst the educated
untouchables who came together under Mangoo Ram (Ad Dharm Movement) to form
some kind of a political organization to improve their social status in the second decade
of the twentieth century. These movements created new ideas which gradually extended
over the region and adopted the organizational techniques of the west. At times the
movements were aggressive and strengthened communal consciousness.
Students the new environment in the Punjab after the annexation led to a search
for identity among the new educated classes. The socio-religious reform movements
were an attempt to seek identities, define boundaries of the group and clarify religious
belief and practices. They were trying to accommodate to British rule. In this context they
drew from existing customs and also introduced modifications to standardize
religiousbeliefs andpractices of all communities. These movements will be examined in
this lesson.

8.2 THE AHMEDIYAS

The Ahmediya movement was commenced by Mirza Ghulam Ahmed of Qadian
in the 1880‘s. Ghulam Ahmed hadstudiedIslam and Islamic law, and debated keenly with
missionaries, Dev Samajis and Aryas, through the newspapers. Between1880 and 1884,
he published four volumes of Barahin-i-Ahmediya or Proofs of Ahmediya in which he
described his views on the rejuvenation of Islam and stressed on the principles and
duties in the religion.He claimed that received a message from God, made prophesies,
and called himself a messiah or mujaddad, a renewer of the faith. Ghulam Ahmed based
his religious authority on these claims and refuted the ideas of all other religions. In 1889
he started initiating disciples into the fold through a ceremony of bai’at.He published
three works in 1890-91 and publicly claimed that he was the savior of Islam and
Christianity. As a result the Muslims of different sects condemned him and even issued
fatwas against him. Ghulam Ahmed therefore, got into a prolonged debate with his co-
religionists and others. In 1891 he held a large gathering of his followers at Qadian in
which he declared his goals for the movement.

The Ahmediyas aimed to ‗propagate Islam and devise new ways of promoting
the welfare of the new converts; uphold the cause of righteousness, purity, piety and
moral excellence; eradicate evil habits and customs and appreciate the British
government‘. Many of their views were similar to other Muslim movements of the 19 th
 155

century. For example, the Ahmediyas were against worship of tombs, slavery, pardah
and use of divorce as a solution to a situation. They upheld the five daily prayers,
obedience to Allah and His Prophet, and following a righteous and ethical life. The
ideology of the Ahmediyas appealed to middle class, educated Muslims from the towns
of the region. Qadian emerged as the centre of all activity for the followers of Ghulam
Ahmed. To further the activity of proselytization they brought out a paper al-Hakam,
which elaborated on the ideas of Ghulam Ahmed.
Mirza Ghulam Ahmed had a different interpretation of the word ‗jihad‘ and other
theological issues which led to several controversies within the Muslim community,
specially the ulama who did not accept Ghulam Ahmed as a religious leader, and with
other religious groups. In this conflict Ghulam Ahmed often prophesied the death of his
opponents and was censured by the British on this account. By 1900 Mirza Ghulam
Ahmed considered his group as separate from the Sunni Muslims and asked his
followers to return themselves in the Census operations as Ahmediyas.
As a consequence of his ideas the Ahmediyascameintoconflictnot only with the
Muslims but also the Christians andAryas. There was a public debate with the Christian
missionaries over Ghulam Ahmed‘s claim that he was a masihmau’ud or the chosen
messiah of God. Ghulam Ahmed further claimed that Christ was not a son of God, he did
not die on the cross but survived and travelled to Kashmir where he lived for many
years. The missionaries refuted this claim and carried out a polemical debate through
their publications. Pandit Lekh Ram was extremely critical of Mirza Ghulam Ahmed and
wrote extensively against Islam.In retaliation Ghulam Ahmed attacked the ideology of
the Aryas, specially the concept of niyog. He even predicted Lekh Ram‘s death, which
came to pass.
The Ahmediya movement was an attempt to return to the ‗true fundaments ‗of
Islam and defend it. Mirza Ghulam Ahmed was aggressive in his attitude and clearly
demarcated a new sect within Islam. The acculturative movement tried to adjust to
colonial rule and western education by re interpreting the Quran on many aspects,
preaching the ideals of the group and carrying out a polemical debate with those who
opposed them. The Ahmediyas attracted a number of converts, especially from beyond
the Indian sub-continent. In later years however, it split into two organizations like many
other socio-religious reform movements in the Punjab.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
1. Who was Mirza Ghulam Ahmed?
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2. What were the main teachings of the Ahmediyas?
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3. What was the Ahmediya relationship with the Christians and Aryas?
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4. Why did the Ahmediyas come into conflict with the Muslim Community?
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8.3 NIRANKARIS AND NAMDHARIS

The Nirankari and Namdhari movements were both transitional in nature. They
advocated a purification and return to the ‗true‘ form of Sikhism.They were disenchanted
with contemporary religion and believed it had deteriorated and become corrupted. It
was essential therefore to take thereligion back to its earlier pristine state. There was no
concern with adjustment to the new colonial situation but a concern with religion and the
demarcation of religious boundaries.The Nirankaris and Namdharisclearly separatedthe
Hindus and Sikhs of the Punjab region.
The Nirankari movement was founded by Baba Dayalin the 1840‘s. He was
concerned with the decadence in Sikhism, the superstitions, falsehood and errors that
had crept into Sikhism and wanted to purge the religion from their influence. Baba Dayal
emphasized that only the one formless God, nirankar, should be worshippedin
accordance with original Sikh tenet. He thus, made it clear that idols and ritual
associated with idol worship, along with the Brahman who performed them, was not part
of the Sikh practices. Established religion and even the Sikhs who followed such beliefs,
became opposed to him. The Nirankaris focused on removing the deficiencies in the
religion rather than introduce new ideology and criticize other religions. Baba Dayal Das
set up a centre or dharmsal at Rawalpindi for his followers, called Nirankari Darbar. On
his death, his body was immersed in the Lei River in 1855 that came to be known as
Dayalsar. He had already appointed his son Darbara Singh as his successor. Darbara
Singh was concerned with demarcating the boundaries with Hindus and issued
hukamnamas on doctrine and approved rituals for Nirankaris. He toured the
regionextensively and opened 40 new branches by 1870. Darbara Singh was succeeded
by his brother, Rattan Chand. The new leader of the Nirankaris established new centres
and appointed biredars to look after the followers in these places. He thus, put into place
a central organization which controlled the network of branches of the Nirankaris. He
also developed Dayalsar into a prominent religious centre for the Nirankaris.He
extended the activities of the movement to all areas of the Punjab. In 1909 he was
succeeded by his son, Baba Gurdit Singh who remained the leader upto 1947.
In the religious spheretheNirankarisgave importance toGuru Nanak and the Adi
Granth as the source of all knowledge and authority. For them meditation, and
obedience to the word of the Guru was necessary in the path to God.They also laid
 157

stress on community service as acts of humility. The followers were asked to have deep
regard for parents, stay away from bad habits, earn their livelihood and follow the daily
routine of prayers at the gurdwara. Baba Dayal Das supported the view that one could
follow the path of truth as a householder and need not renounce hisfamilyand social life.
His ideas were in keeping with Sikh tradition.
In the social sphere the Nirankaris were against dowry, superstitions, astrology,
elaborate ceremonies and several existing customs. For instance, they were opposed to
feeding of Brahmans, placing lighted diyas and prasad in rivers,anddisplay of dowry.
They advocated a strict moral codewhichinsisted on honesty and truth and forbade
eating of meat, consuming alcohol, cheating, lying and using false weights. The
Nirankarisintroducednew,shortened ceremonies for the cycle of life - naming ceremony,
marriage with circumambulation of Adi Granth not vedi, and on death immersion in river
or cremation, all without the rituals performed by the Brahmans.
The activities of the Nirankaris can be seen in three broad phases-the first upto
1870, in which Baba Dayalfounded the group with the idea of conforming to Sikh
tradition and introducing innovations in ritual; the second phase from 1870-1909 under
Baba Darbara Singh in which it moved to become a cult and the idea of a Guru evolved;
and in the third the group developed into a sect under a ‗Guru‘. The Nirankaris found
support among the urban on-Jats of the Punjabi society. In 1891, according to the
Census of the Punjab the number of Nirankaris was about 60000. However, there is
debate on this issue and these numbers are believed to be highly exaggerated. The
estimate for 1921 is around 5000 followers. The Nirankaris were supportive of the form
of Sikhism before Guru Gobind Singh, i.e. that of Guru Nanak, and proper religious
practices for the Sikhsfor which they issued hukamnamasto clarify their position. They
defended the early ‗pure‘ Sikhism and clearly separated themselves from the Hindus but
did not come into conflict with other groups. They rejected Hindu deities and asserted
that the path of salvation was through meditation. They did not clash with the British
government either but in fact, grew with British rule in the region. The Nirankaris were
not radical in doctrine but substituted ritual. It therefore appealed to all the Sikhs,
sehajdhari and keshdhari. They formed a permanent sub group within the Sikh
community.
The other transitional movement within the Sikh community, which also formed a
sub-group, were the Namdharis, founded by Baba Balak Singh at Hazro in the north-
west corner of the Punjab region. He was believed to be inspired by Jawahar Mal who
drew on the simple tenets of Sikhism and preached a message of repetition of God‘s
name, naam, hence, namdhari. Ram Singh had served in the army of Ranjit Singh
where he met Balak Singh. The latter preached the idea of a simple life and a rejection
of all ritual. Many of his followers saw him as the reincarnation of Guru Gobind Singh.
Ram Singh was deeply influenced by Balak Singh and became his successor. In 1855
Ram Singh returned to Bhaini and preached a ‗pure‘ Sikhism. Two yearslaterhe started
the movement with a new set of rituals modelled on the khalsawhich included gurbani,
baptism, 5 K‘s and ardasthe kirpan in the 5 K‘swas replaced by a lathi as the British had
 158

forbidden kirpans). He also gave a specific dress to his followers, white clothes and
turban with a rosary around the wrist to help recite the name of God constantly and
introduced a new form ofgreeting -‗sat akalpurakh‘. The Namdharis took to shouting in
joy during worship, kuks, giving them the name of kukas. They believed they were the
true representatives of Sikhism.
The Namdhari ideology rejected idol worship and rituals performed by the
Brahman, as well as the authority of the hereditary custodians of the gurdwaras. They
were not in favour of any special status to the descendants of the Gurus, the Bedis and
Sodhis. In everyday life the followers were to be upright and honest and not cheat, steal,
slander, use alcohol or eat beef. They were to work hard, maintain cleanliness and live a
moral life. Ram Singh condemned begging and attempted to introduce appropriate
punishments through the panchayats.
In the social sphere the Namdharis granted some equality by baptizing women
along with men. They advocated widow remarriage andrejecteddowry and child
marriage. Bhaini Sahib became a place of pilgrimage for them. Namdhari support came
mainly from cultivating groups and lower castes. Men were to learn the martial qualities
of the ‗Singhs‘ of Guru Gobind Singh.The Namdharis therefore, emergedasa discipline
dcommunity. Each village had a sangat, granthi and free kitchen organized by the
Namdharis; a group of villages was administered by asuba or governor, assistants and
jathedars. They collected funds, administered the places of worship, and encouraged
teaching of gurmukhi. The Namdharis had their own postal system and recruited a
number of preachers to spread the word of Ram Singh. By 1863 the numbers of
followers was 40000- 60000, and by 1871 about 1 lakh.
The Namdharis believed that Ram Singh was the reincarnation of Guru Gobind
Singh and prophesized the re-establishment of Sikh rule.In view of the growing numbers
and militant ideas of the Namdharis, the British interned Ram Singh to Bhaini under
close surveillance from 1863-66, as they were apprehensive of the views he was
propagating. In 1867 Ram Singh visited Amritsar with 3500 followers, converted another
2000 and held his own court. He was acting like an independent ruler, even exchanging
gifts with local chiefs. He also protested against the slaughter of cows and existence of
slaughter houses and meat shops. In 1871 two incidents took place in which slaughter
houses at Amritsar, and later Raikot, were attacked. In the following year a similar attack
took place at Malerkotla. The British reacted strongly and arrested the Namdharis, and
executed 65 of them. Ram Singh was arrested and exiled to Burma where he died in
1885.Baba Budh Singh, brother of Ram Singh took over the functioning of the
movement.Due to the hostility and curtailment of the colonial authorities the numbers of
the Namdharis became depleted to 10500 in 1891 and 13700 in 1901. Today they claim
to be 5-10 lakhs in numbers.
Baba Ram Singh believed that Sikhism had deteriorated, and preached a purified
Sikhism, in the context of the teachings of Guru Gobind Singh. He re-structured the
community, with the support of the Jat peasant and low caste groups, to a militant,
 159

political minded and devotional religious group. They organized themselves into a
network of sangatsand because of their political programme were completely
suppressed by the British.

The two transitional movements among the Sikhs in the late 19th century both
responded to the crises within the community as a result of the British annexation on the
Punjab and the end of Sikh rule. They reflected the long standing differences within
Sikhism and were not concerned with issues of adjustment to the new cultural
environment created by British rule in the Punjab.They both presented new purified
forms of Sikhism, but while the Nirankaris turned to the ideas of Guru Nanak, the
Namdharis took the ideology of Guru Gobind Singh. Both drew adherents from
theregionin some proportion and continue as sub sects within Sikhism even today.

SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS:
1. How did the Nirankaris contribute to social change?
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2. Who were the Biredars?
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3. How did the Nirankaris contribute to social change?
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4. What were the main ideas of the Nirankaris?
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5. What changes did the Namdharis advocate in society?
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6. How did the Namdharis find support in the region?
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7. What was the political programme of the Namdharis?
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8.4 SINGH SABHA

In the latter half of the 19th century, the Sikh community was shaken by the
suppression of the earlier movements in Sikhism, specially the suppression of the
Namdharis, the decline in numbers, and concerned with the increasing conflict with
Hindus and the growing conversion to Christianity. They were also apprehensive of the
influx of Bengali intelligentsia and Brahmo Samaj which opened a branch at Lahore in
1864. The Theosophists were active in the region and Anne Beseant had lectured
extensively in the Punjab. The British were active in the field of education and scholar
administrators showing a renewed interest in the Sikh scriptures, as for example, Trump.
In this context the intention of several Sikh boys to convert to Christianity in 1873
awakened a small group of prominent Sikhs, among them Sir Khem Singh Bedi, Thakur
Singh Sandhanwalia, Kanwar Bikram Singh of Kapurthala and Giani Gian Singh, to
found a new associationcalled the Singh Sabha, at Amritsar. The aim of the Sabha was
to restore Sikhism to its earlier ‗pure‘ form andrevive the teachings of the Gurus. This
was to be achieved through publication of historical and religious books and propagation
of the Punjabi language. They also intended to initiate an educational programme to
further this cause. The British officials supported the educational programme, and the
Viceroy became the Patron of the Lahore Singh Sabha.The Singh Sabha utilized the
western ideas of organization and set up a committee with an elected president,
secretary, and a few members ; later adding new officials like vice president, assistant
secretary, giani,updeshak or preacher, treasurer and librarian as the work increased.
They met regularly to discuss all issues related to the Sikhs. Members were to be Sikhs
with a strong belief in the teachings of the Gurus. They all paid a monthly subscription
and took a pledge to be loyal to the faith. The early Singh Sabhaiteswere all baptized
Sikhs and soon came to be recognized as the leaders of the community.

The Singh Sabha found support in the Sikh aristocracy, landed gentry, mahants,
descendants of the Gurus and the gianis. In 1879 a Lahore Singh Sabha was founded
under the leadership of Gurmukh Singh and Bhai DittSingh.Its aims were similar to that
of the Amritsar Sabha.However, where the Lahore Sabha was radical in thinking and
outlook while the Amritsar Sabha more conventional. The Lahore Sabha was more
democratic in its functioning and permitted members from all castes, creating a friction
between both groups.The Lahore Sabha opened branches in many towns of the region
but came into clash with the Amritsar Sabha, and even the Sikh community. The
Amritsar Sabha saw a gradual growth and in 1883 an attempt was made to resolve the
differences between them by providing a central organization for all the 36Singh Sabhas,
the Khalsa Diwan.Raja Bikram Singh of Faridkot was the Patron, Baba Khem Singh
president and the officers of the Golden Temple served at other posts. The Lahore
Sabha also created its own Khalsa Diwan and most Sabhas turned to it for leadership.
The Singh Sabhas continued to expand and despite the differences they joined hands
for education, issues of identity, redefined true Sikhismto demarcate the lines between
Sikhs and others.In 1892 the Khalsa College was established at Amritsar with the help of
the Sikh community. Ahukamnama was issued calling upon the Sikhs to give dasaund or
 161

1/10 of their income to the Singh Sabhas. In 1904 another attempt to unite all the Sikh
organizations was made with the setting up of the Chief Khalsa Diwan.

In its significant activities the Singh Sabha prepared a correct Sikh calendar, with
the dates of the Gurus birth and death anniversaries; a definitive text of the
DasamGranth by the GurmatGranthPracharak Sabha; and a variety of religious and
social publications under the Khalsa Tract Society. Some of the publications were
Khalsa Akhbar, Khalsa Samachar, and books on Sikhism. Some of the Sabhas
established their own gurdwaras. The Singh Sabhas set up schools, specifically for girls,
as by Bhai Takht Singh at Ferozepore. Orphanages and hostels were established for all
categories of people, in which gurmukhi and study of the Sikh scriptures was
compulsory.The Punjabi Pracharan Sabha was established to promote the Punjabi
language.Over a dozen papers in Urdu and Punjabi were brought out by the Sabha. In
1899 a Sikh College was also commenced. From 1908 an annual Sikh educational
conference was part of the programme of the Singh Sabhas. The Sabhas took up the
task of translating important texts and scriptures. They were also concerned with
proselytizationand worked to check the relapse in the north and west Punjab. The Sikh
population in 1881 was 1.7 lakh and in 1921 rose to 3.1 lakhs as a result of these efforts.
They came into conflict with the Arya Samaj over the criticism of Sikhism and the issue
of the Rahtias who had at first asked the Singh Sabhas to end all differences based on
caste and religious variation, but hadbeen re-converted to Hinduism with the Aryas
through the programme of shuddhi. In 1905 the Sikhs retaliated by starting a programme
of removing the Hindu idols from the gurdwaras. The Aryas claimed that the Sikhs were
Hindus, not a separate community. The Singh Sabhas were of the defensiveview that
‗hum hindunahin’.

The Singh Sabhas sought to adjust to British rule through the establishment of
the Sabhas and are marked by an absence of political activity. The differences between
the various Singh Sabhas however, created competition for members andideologies.
The Lahore Sabha was radical in attitude and represented the emerging educated
middle classes and the Amritsar Sabha, with its pre colonial elites stood for changes in
religion and rejection of any restructuring within the community. Both groups demarcated
the Sikhs from Hindus, defined ‗true‘ Sikhism, supported education, and set up a central
organization to control the network of Singh Sabhas in the region.

SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS:

1. What was the aim of establishing Singh Sabhas?
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2. What was the activity of the Singh Sabhas?
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3. What were the differences between the Lahore and Amritsar Sabhas?
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4. Why was the Chief Khalsa Diwan formed?
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8.5 AD DHARM MOVEMENT

In the second decade of the twentieth century a handful of educated young
untouchable activists began meeting together in Jalandhar to discuss the possibilities of
political organization. They were Vasant Rai, Thakar Chand and Swami Shudranand
(also known Vasant Singh, Thakar Das and Shiv Charan). These three came from
central Punjab‘s newly affluent leather working caste, the Chamars, whose tanning and
boot-making businesses had boomed with government army contracts. With their wealth
came new educational opportunities as schooling was provided by the Arya Samaj.
The Arya Samaj had provided young untouchables with ideas of social equality
not only by allowing them to attend its schools but also by creating service organizations
such as the Dayanand Dalit Uddhar at Hoshiarpur and the AchhutUddhar at Lahore.
These movements for the uplift of untouchables gave birth to even more radical
movements. The Jat Pat Torak Mandal (Society for the Abolition of Caste), for example,
was organized within the Arya Samaj in 1922 by Sant Ram, B.A., but split form it in
1924.
In 1925 Swami Shudranand, influenced by radical Arya Samajists gave a speech
in the Chamar neighborhood in Jalandhar. He proposed mobilization of the downtrodden
communities. Following this many meetings were held by activists.The most important
new member to be recruited was a young Chamar who had recently returned from
travels abroad and had become something of a local hero: Mangoo Ram. On returning
he had created a small school near his home in village Mugowal, Hoshiarpur district,
and it was there that the ad Dharm movement had its first official meeting on 11 and 12
June 1926. Mangoo Ram was elected president of the organization, a title he continued
to hold. The ad Dharm movement reflected his values and aspirations to a large extent.
Mangoo Ram (an activist Chamar) was bright, young, educated and had a
flourishing trade in raw hides for the leather market. However Mangoo Ram was still
regarded by upper caste society as an untouchable. When he attended elementary
school he was not allowed inside the building. He had to sit in the doorway to listen to
the teacher‘s lessons. Even so, he graduated with the second highest marks. He
decided to look elsewhere for opportunities, and went abroad.
When Mangoo Ram was 23 years old his father arranged through a labour
contractor to have him work in America and send money home. In 1909 he reached
California where he became associated with a newly created movement for India‘s
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independence, the Ghadar Party. He accompanied a boatload of weapons sent by the

party from San Diego to India, where it was to be used in what was hoped to be a
revolutionary uprising. The rebellion failed due to action of British agents, and Mangoo
Ram's boat was captured in the Philippines. He escaped, and by 1925 he had managed
to work his way back to India where he received the Arya Samaj support to open a
school for Scheduled Caste children in his home village. It was this school, and Mangoo
Ram's revolutionary leadership, that became the base for the radical new political
religion of untouchables, Ad Dharm.
Mangoo Ram and his colleagues identified three resources: `qaumiat (communal
pride), mazhab (religion), and majlis (organization)'. A lot of work had to be done to
create an organization, communal pride had to be brought to consciousness, and the
religious ideas had to be articulated in such a way as to reveal their social strength.
The Ad Dharmis needed an ideological theme. The social politics of the Punjab
suggested that the untouchables should think of themselves as a community. The rise of
adi (original) movements around India at the time suggested a historical feature of this
community: that it was a modern manifestation of the original people of India. This idea,
which would later be treated at length by Dr B.R. Ambedkar, was particularly appealing
to the Punjabi activists after news of archaeological discoveries in the western Punjab in
1921 and the historical speculation regarding the role of Punjab as the portal for ancient
Aryan conquests over the original people of the region.
The Ad Dharmis regarded themselves to be the original people of this country.
They believed that the Hindu qaum came from outside and enslaved them. This mythic
account of history denounced Mann, the legendary codifier of Hindu law. It was also said
how the Aryans - upper caste Hindus in general and members of the Arya Samaj in
particular - continued to subjugate those adi people who had descended from the
original inhabitants of India. The Arya Samaj's efforts to reconvert untouchables to
Hinduism and provide social service organizations for them were singled out as
examples of ways that the Aryans were continuing to 'seduce' the untouchables.
Mangoo Ram had made it clear, that Ad Dharm as religion was not exclusive to
untouchables. It was a religious community to Hindus. It was not the expression of a
particular caste but the die manifestation of what it regarded as the original egalitarian
society of India. For that reason the movement's first report proudly listed twenty
Brahmans and two Jain among its membership.
The theology of Ad Dharm was straightforward. There was a creator a god, Ad
Purkh (Original Being), whose wisdom was communicated through the great saints of
medieval India, including Kabir, member of the weaver caste, and Ravi Das, a Chamar,
who became the patron saint of Ad Dharm. Since Ravi Das had already been highly
revered within Scheduled Caste communities this amounted to an appropriation of
traditional lower caste religiosity. Nonetheless, the Ad Dharm leaders urged their
followers to practice their reverence for Ravi Das in as disciplined and faithful manner as
Hindus worshipped their gods and Sikhs revered their Gurus: they were to meditate
regularly, pay obeisance to the guru, and keep a chaste and disciplined life.
 164

Other aspects of religious identity were invented as Ad Dharmis' salutation to one

another was jai Guru Dev (victory to the divine guru), to which the appropriate response
was dhan 'Guru Dev (blessed be the divine guru). The followers were to adopt the
Upanishadic phrase soham (I am that) as a mantra, because it implied the basic unity
and equality of the world. They were also urged to wear the colour red, either as turbans
or as arm bands, in part because upper caste Rajputs in the area near Rajasthan
refused to allow lower caste members to wear such a regal colour. With these distinctive
theological ideas and an array of external symbols of religious identity, Ad Dharm was
presented as a movement representing a great and significant qaum.
Three events marked stages in the early history of the movement. The first was a
series of internal schisms and leadership disputes, followed by the grand mobilization to
have Ad Dharm registered in large numbers for the government's Census of 1931, and
finally a counterfast in opposition to Gandhi. Although vastly different, each of these
demonstrated how Ad Dharm was trying to carve out a distinctive identity within Punjab
society.
The early leadership disagreements were over strategy - whether to compromise
with the Arya Samaj and other moderate elements or to take a harder, more separatist
line. Mangoo Ram, the old Ghadar revolutionary, maintained a firm stance. Others were
not so sure. With the rise of nationalism throughout India, the Ad Dharmis' refusal to
support the moderate service organizations set up by the Congress movement appeared
as supporting the colonial government. In 1929 several leaders of Ad Dharm rejoined the
Arya Samaj. They were Thakar Chand, Vasant Rai, and Swami Shudranand. In 1930
another group left the Ad Dharm to establish a rival 'All-India Ad Dharm Mandal‘, with
headquarters in Lyallpur, in western Punjab. The Lyallpur group survived for only three
years, disbanding in 1933 to merge with DrAmbedkar's national movement. Though
buffeted, the Jalandhar office of Ad Dharm under Mangoo Ram‘s leadership survived,
resisting the temptation to compromise with the wider society's politics.
The hard line taken by Mangoo Ram turned out to be an important stand in the
second critical event in the movement's early years: the Census of 1931. The census
was important not only as a demonstration of the movement's strength and legitimacy
but also as a basis for, mobilization. In central Punjab, where the Ad Dharm was based,
the numbers of Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs were almost equal, and untouchables were
relatively evenly distributed among three communities. But untouchables were marginal
to the religious life of upper castes, and if they could be persuaded that their true
religious identity was something else - Ad Dharm, for example - this new religion would
hold considerable electoral power. In 1930 the government's census Commissioner
accepted Ad Dharm's petition to have its name listed as an option on the list of religions.
This received the upper caste fears.
The final tally of Ad Dharmis reported in the 1931 Punjab census was 418,789. In
areas of the Punjab, Mangoo Ram and his colleagues had reason to feel victorious: over
80 per cent of lower castes in Jalandhar district declared themselves members of Ad
Dharm, as did about a tenth of the number of lower caste people elsewhere throughout
 165

the province. There were two epicenters of Ad Dharm support: the doab area, including
Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur districts and the state of Kapurthala, and the area in the
western Punjab around Lyallpur, including districts Sheikhupura, Multan, and
Montgomery - many of these canal colonies to which lower caste people from the doab
area had migrated. In these districts Chaniars were the largest group among the
Scheduled Castes: In Amritsar and Lahore districts the largest Schedule Caste group
were Chuhras - sweepers - who apparently saw the Ad Dharm as a largely Chamar
affair. Non-Chamar lower castes in the mountain areas of Kangra and the north-western
areas of Shahpur and Gujrat, supported the Ad Dharm (80 per cent in the case of
Kangra).
Self Assessment Questions
1. Who was Mangoo Ram?
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2. What was the theology of Ad Dhram?
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3. What were the core areas where Ad Dharmwas popular in the Punjab?
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4. Name three Ad Dharmi leaders.
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8.6 SUMMARY
Students the Muslims, Sikhs and untouchables in the Punjab region responded
to the political, economic and social transformation in the region as a consequence of
British rule. They were apprehensive of the new educational system, the aggressive
proselytization of the Christian missionaries and the ‗deterioration‘ within their own
religions. The response is seen in the emergence of socio-religious reform movements-
Anjumans and Ahmediya movement among the Muslims and the Nirankaris, Namdharis
and Singh Sabhas among the Sikhs and Ad-Dharm movement amongst the
untouchables. Each community reacted to the new situation in a different way and even
in the same group there were varying responses.All the socio religious
reformmovements emerged in the urban centres of the region and later expanded to
small towns and beyond. They saw their ideas as absolute and ‗true‘ and
aggressivelypromoting their views. They expressed themselves through symbols of
language, script and religion and thus, contributed to the increasing communal
consciousness in the colonial Punjab.They favoured polemical debate, street preaching
and publications to further their cause. The socio-religious reform movements added a
 166

new dimension of religious awareness to the politics of the region.The strategies,

organization and attitudes of these groups brought out aggressive religious competition
and conflict in the region. This contributed to a change in the dynamics of the Punjab
region and this has been underlined in this lesson.
8.7 REFERENCES
 N. Gerald Barrier,The Sikhs and their Literature, Delhi, 1970.
 Fauja Singh, The Kuka Movement, Delhi, 1965.
 John C B. Webster,The Nirankari Sikhs, Delhi, 1979.
 -----------------------, The Christian Community and Change in 19th century India,
Delhi, 1976.
 Spencer Lavan, The Ahmediya Movement, Delhi, 1974.
 Malik, Ikram Ali, ―Muslim Anjumans in the Punjab‖, Journal of Regional History,
Vol V.
 Mark Juergensmeyer, Religious Rebels in the Punjab: The Ad Dharm Challenge
to Caste, Navyana, 2010.
8.8 FURTHER READINGS
 Kenneth W. Jones, Socio Religious Reform Movements in British India, New
Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
 Articles by Ganda Singh, Teja Singh, Harbans Singh and Gurdarshan Singh in
Punjab Past and Present, April 1973, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1973.
 Reeta Grewal and Sheena Pall, Pre-Colonial and Colonial Punjab: Society,
Economy, Politics and Culture, New Delhi: Manohar, 2005.
8.9 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Write an essay on the Ahmediya Movement in the Punjab region.
2. Trace the growth of the Nirankari movement in the region. What kind of change
did they advocate?
3. Who were the Namdharis? What was their main programme?
4. Identify the transitional movements among the 19th century Sikhs. How did they
bring about socio religious change?
5. Evaluate the contribution of the Singh Sabhas in introducing change in the socio
religious life of the 19th century Punjab.
6. What were the goals of the Singh Sabhaites? How did they achieve them?
7. What do you know about the Ad Dharm Movement?
8. What were the main principles of the Ad Dharm Movement?

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Lesson-9

POLITICAL AWAKENING: AGITATION OF 1907;

GHADAR MOVEMENT

STRUCTURE
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Agitation of 1907
9.3 Ghadar Movement
9.4 Summary
9.5 References
9.6 Further Readings
9.7 Model Questions
9.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 trace the evolution of the agrarian agitation of 1907
 analyse the Ghadar movement in the context of national struggle for freedom.
 Evaluate the impact of these movements on the people of Punjab
9.1 INTRODUCTION
Students in this lesson we will focus on the agrarian agitation of 1907 in the
Punjab. The government of Punjab introduced the Punjab Land Colonization Bill of 1906
that increase the canal water rates in the province. This added burden on the
agriculturists was strongly resisted by the peasantry and it emerged as the first agrarian
agitation against the colonial government in 1907. This agitation had a bearing on the
political evolution in the Punjab. Soon major political revolutionary movement emerged
within and outside Punjab, this was the Ghadar Movement. Its origin was in Canada and
the USA. It composition was majorly Punjabi Sikhs.
9.2 AGITATION OF 1907
In the beginning of 20th century national consciousness spread through various
region of India rapidly. Punjab was also an important part of this political consciousness
and slowly the policies of colonial rulers were creating discontent and stir in the masses.
 168

The agrarian policies and the revenue settlement measures in Punjab has torn the
traditional set up of rural society and now its various elements were either at the mercy
of government or were dependent on the elites. Though the commercialization of
agriculture and establishment of canal colonies had increased the economic growth in
the province but it also created a situation of rural indebtedness in rural section of the
province. The policies of government to deal with the agrarian problems dealt havoc on
the peasantry. The increased demand of land revenue alongwith natural disasters
coupled with government inability to introduce remedial measure worsened the situation.
A number of reasons were responsible for the social unrest in Punjab. The
agriculture depended on natural rain fall so a slight shift in monsoon used to bring
severe consequences for the peasantry. Beside the extensive canal irrigation had
produced some undesirable results in the areas where canals were not aligned correctly.
At several places such as Montgomery, Jhang and Gujranwala adversely affected on the
account of down streams or sailab, water logging etc. over irrigation at several places
forced even the fertile land to go out of cultivation. On the other side the changing crop
pattern and emphasis on cash crops hit the small peasantry who could not trapped in
indebtedness could not deal with shortage of food crops. The scarcity of fodder caused
the death of animals in 1869 in the district of Hissar near 3, 00,000 cattle died, and the
situation created more indebtedness for the peasant. Government could not introduced
remedial measures to deal the famines and created wide spread anger among the
masses. To make the matter worse in 1900-07 Punjab faced bubonic plague and
draught. The increased cost of labour made things worse for the agriculturists. The
Punjab Administrative Report 1907-08 records (Amritsar district), the average wage in
1883 of agricultural labour was Rs. 6 per month and that of a common mason, carpenter
or blacksmith Rs. 12.62; in 1893 these figures had risen to Rs. 7 and Rs. 14.5
respectively; in 1903 they rose to Rs. 8 and Rs. 15 and in 1907 they were at Rs. 8 and
Rs. 25. Troubles being faced by the people had become more accentuated due to the
unprecedented virulence of plague; which caused the death rate in 1907 to rise to 62.1
per thousand. A total 2.2% reduction in population occurred in Punjab during 1900-1911.
he Akhbar-i-am commented: ―The Russian-Japanese war cost between1.5 lakh lives,
and the figures sent a thrill of horror through the civilized world, here the plague is
carrying off 100,000 human beings fortnightly, but on one gives a thought to this.‖ Such
a situation also generated hostility towards the government and the same was noted
down by Lord Minto in his one of private letters to his wife, ―… the horrible ravages of the
plague are raising all sorts of wild suspicion against us; that we are poisoning the wells
and are determined to kill off a percentage of the people.‖ But in this crisis situation
government did not stop the export of food grain from Punjab and government‘s
indifference agitated the people further. The constant increase in land revenue demand
was the central cause of economic issues of peasants, the government employed all
kind of harsh measures for its collection and the revenue demand remained inelastic
even during famine or epidemic.
On the other hand the political activities in Punjab had sped up with time; a
number of political bodies were organized to voice the interest of various classes. The
emergence of middle class in urban areas and the spread of education created
awareness among people regarding their constrained situation in the colonial rule. The
 169

agitation of 1907 in Punjab was important because it also displayed resentment against
colonial and imperial policies. The Congress Party was expanding its support base in
Punjab. With the session of congress in Lahore in 1893, the Nationalist leaders were
pointing towards the economic exploitative design of the British government. Swadeshi
movement was encouraged under the leadership of Tahal Ram, Ganga Ram, G. C.
Narang, Bhagat Ishwar Dass and Lala Lajpat Rai. The vernacular papers like the
Imperial, Punjab Punch, Paisa Akhbar, Akhbar-i-Am were important preachers of
Swadeshi movement in Punjab. Plague and diseases were attributed to the consumption
of foreign sugar. The Tribuneeven appealed to the people. Indian students were
encouraged to boycott foreign products. Students even protested against the principal of
Government college in Lahore when he forced the students to wear English cloth blazer
only. On 17th October 1905, a Punjabi Swadeshi Association was formed to improve
the manufacturing and consumption of indigenous products. The boycott protests
initiating from Bengal filtered down to various regions of Punjab by the end of 1905.
Such political activities enhanced the scope of agitation of 1907 which soon spread
beyond mere protest against the Canal colony acts and had displayed potentialities to
evolve into anti government protests making the British administration nervous. One can
sense this anti imperialist angers in various speeches of Lala Lajpat Rai. In March 1907
while delivering his lectures at Allahabad he remarks, ――No party will deny that our
present political situation is very bad. We fell fit to sink under theearth, to be submerged
under the earth when we are asked what are our own numbers, and what is the strength
of our rulers.‖ He also added, ―We produce a very large quantity of grain, the land
belongs to us and yet we are hungering and if freedom is the summum bonum (in Latin it
stands for the expression ‗highest good) you should sacrifice your time, your lives and
your energy to secure it. If you are prepared for these sacrifices, you will get political
freedom.‖ Hitting at the inequalities of the British administrative system, he thundered,
―British Government is popular owing to its love for justice. It is true that justice is not
done between Englishman and natives, but attempt is made to administer justice
equitably when the parties are Indians. You should boycott British Courts. You should
start Panchayats for the adjudication of your disputes. Differences arise when you come
to compete for appointments under Government‖.

The spread of education created both a professional middle class but it also
enhanced the unemployment. Education became monopoly of the middle and upper
classes; it was a portal to government service for these classes. Punjab University was
established in Lahore in 1882, a number of professional institutes for engineering and
medicine were also opened. Government encouragement to western education affected
the indigenous education and thus excluding the rural sector from the higher education.
Since trade and agricultural profession were fixed by government the service sector was
the solo bread winner for the educated masses who joined it as teachers, bureaucrats,
doctors etc. But the rising population of educated masses could not be completely
absorbed in the public service and thus it created not just the unrest but gave birth to
intellectuals who would lead the agitation in coming years.

There were a number of other reasons as well which created an unfavorable

opinion for the colonial government. The superiority of western civilization was
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challenged by Japanese victory over Russia and a general opinion regarding the
invincibility of European power broke down. Socio-religious reform movements created
strong awareness among the masses, organization such as Arya Samaj which were
highly active in Punjab managed to channelize the agitated people. The government
policy of communal divide created a very tense atmosphere in Punjab as different
religious body wanted their respective religions to be protected. In 1877 AD Anjuma-i-
Islamia of Lahore demanded reservation for Muslim in jobs, while Arya Samaj began
cow-protection societies. During 1883 AD to 1893 AD more than fifteen major riots took
place in Punjab.

The intellectuals and nationalists hold British government responsible for the
communal divide and attracted masses‘ attention towards it. The final and the utmost
important reason behind the upsurge of 1907 AD lied in the formulation of colonization
act 1906 AD. The bill was introduced in Punjab council on 25th October 1906 AD; the bill
drastically changed the conditions on which the land was granted in the canal colonies.
The introduction of canal colonies in Punjab had brought extensive area of waste land
under cultivation, and government on various occasions had made law regarding the
tenancy procedure in these colonies. But it was for the first time that a proper colonizing
act was passed which changed the earlier laws and restricted the tenancy to great
degree. Under this act a deputy commissioner was appointed in the colonies to
supervise the conditions of colonization. The government always held the right to grant
tenancy on their whim and could suspend it anytime. They kept a tight hold on the
colonist through fines and confiscation in case of criminal offence or felony. The other
conditions concerned to the obligation of planting trees, maintaining sanitary conditions,
building of houses in designated areas, residence requirements were resented by the
colonists and when the system of fines was sought to be applied with great strictness,
many of the better-off colonists had taken the matter to the civil courts and even secured
favorable judgments. But the act of 1906 AD legalized the government‘s right to levy fine
and confiscation of land, the act declared the colonies outside the purview of law. The
disputes of the colonies were subjected to revenue courts and not Civil courts. The act
introduced new law regarding inheritance and totally disregarding the traditional
inheritance. In the new set up government was entitled to subjugate the colonist‘s land in
case of absence of any male heir. The act also prevented the colonist from attaining
property rights on the land which was possible before the act, the colonist after
completing a probation period as crown tenant. The act brought an extremely agitated
response from the colonist who was already fad up with the corruption in the lower order
of bureaucracy and constant interference of the government in their everyday life. The
agricultural and natural calamity and sudden fall in the cotton crop made the colonist
insecure and they reacted on their fear for their financial safety and thus surprised the
British government which was convinced by the loyalty of Punjabis.

The Passage of Canal Colonization Bill in already politically charged situation

coincided with the enhancement of land revenues in Rawalpindi and occupation rates in
Doab. The regions of Lyallpur and Rawalpindi immediately witnessed rise of anguish
among the rural classes. The initial leadership of the agitation was taken by the Bar
zamindar association which passed the resolution to refrain from paying fines. They hold
 171

meetings which rapidly grew in size and were attended by Hindu, Muslim and Sikh alike
without any communal void. The meeting of zamidars on 3rd Feb 1907 AD was attended
by ten thousand people in Lyallpur. The trust in the government was shaken. And the
Panjabee recorded the doubts and dejection of the masses when it recorded, ―It is a
most pernicious attempt legislating for classes and thereby creating bad blood between
them and others whom it affects injuriously. It is a most uncalled for piece of meddling
with rights legitimately acquired. Further it is a dishonest attempt to injure a class which
has done the most in popularizing British rule in India, and which probably contributes
the largest amount of revenue which goes to maintain the vast number of Anglo-India
bureaucrats that receive royal salaries and pensions from the Indian Exchequer.‖ The
Colonization Bill provided an opportunity to the nationalist leaders to highlight the
inefficiency of British policies through their protests against the bill. Political activities
were recorded in the rural areas specially in the canal colonies. District associations
were formed to protest against the bill. Leaders like Duni Chand, Ajit Singh, Sufi Amba
Prasad and Agha Haider took the lead and a journal Bharat Mata, was published. The
poem Pagri Sambhal O Jatta started to cut across religious lines and unify the peasants
sparking even violent protests. Riots were witnessed at Lahore and other areas in
Punjab. The government decided to arrest the editors of news papers and cases of
excitement were initiated and K.K. Athvala (The Punjabee), Pindi Das (Weakly India)
were sentenced to imprisonment, the youth attacked the police parties escorting the
editors. In Rawalpindi, Deputy Collector when summoned Lala Gurdas ram Swahney,
Lala Amalok Ram, Lala Hans Ran Vakil and Pandit Janki for violating the prohibitory
orders, more than 20,000 people assembled in the office of the Deputy Collector forcing
the government to postpone the proceedings. The subsequent rioting by the people
forced the government to call for reinforcement.

The British Government‘s attempt to break into the leadership of the protests
forced them to order the deportation of Ajit Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai who emerged as
two popular faces of the agitation against the government. On the whole around 433
incident of people protest were recorded. The call of Ajit Singh and other leaders to
confront the government officials were reported to have caught the fancy of the people.
The official reports pointed towards growing basis of the protests and Lord Minto signed
the order of deportation of the leaders. However the growing agitation and hostility
among the people forced authorities to finally release the leaders which were hailed as
the further success by the protestors. Referring to the situation, Denzil Ibbetson, the
Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, attempted to assess the ground realities and sent
communication to the government regarding seriousness of the nature of agitation. He
had collected reports from Deputy Collectors who pointed out that certain feelings
against the legitimacy of British rule was emerging in people‘s conscience which was
not conducive to the British administration. It was to counter this changing tide as
reported by Ibbetson in its report, Lord Minto vetoed the Punjab Colonization Bill
terming, ―it was a very faulty piece of Legislation.‖ He had be this time also signed the
release order of protest leaders thinking that things would be mellowed down.
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Self Assessment Questions:

1. What is the relevance of the poem Pagri Sambhal O Jatta ?
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2. What role did Sardar Ajit Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai play in this agitation?
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3. Name two important vernacular newspapers of the Punjab that promoted the
idea of Swadeshi.
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9.3 THE GHADAR MOVEMENT

Ghadar movement was launched by the immigrant Punjabis who went to
countries like America and Canada in search of employment and job opportunities. The
economic condition of India under the colonial yoke had restrained scope of livelihood in
India and Punjabis in large numbers migrated to different countries. They, however,
faced humiliated and inhuman treatment in the hand of foreign governments. The British
government paid no heed to their plight. It created disillusionment among Punjabis
regarding the British government to whom they had remained loyal. Ghadar was a
response against the exploitation of the Indians and it sought to channelize armed attack
to uproot the British rule from Indian soil.
The Ghadar movement originated around a weekly newspaper by the same
name. It was organized by Punjabi immigrant of North America. With the beginning of
20th century, Punjab saw a massive economic and political unrest as the colonial policies
created unemployment and landlessness among the peasantry. Commercialization,
hiked revenue demand, famine, epidemics in Punjab forced the Punjabis to immigrate.
The British recruitment of Punjabis in the army also made them mobile. The government
sent them to various countries under the British Empire to fight. The Punjabis were also
hired as personal workers to look after the properties and home in foreign countries.
Trade opportunity and education in America and Canada was another reason for
immigration. Hordes of people from Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur, Ferozpur and Amritsar
migrated to foreign countries to try their luck.
The Punjabis in large number migrated to Canada where they were offered
employment in both industrial and agriculture sector. The Canadian employer hired them
eagerly as the Punjabis were ready to work even on the lower wages. It also encouraged
competition among the native workers and sometimes the later resented the Punjabi
immigration. The native work force disliked Punjabi immigration. A general feeling of
hatred was already there against the blacks and Asians but now it was alleviated to
 173

serious racial contempt. As a result the Canada government tightens the immigration
laws and diverted the immigration towards USA. In 1913 AD, total of 5000 Indians were
recorded as immigrant in America. The racial slur humiliated the Indian in America as
well and increased awareness among them regarding their own slavery. As Lala Lajpat
Rai once commented that Indians were perceived with three prejudices in America which
were: color, race and religious prejudice. Soon Indians found that their slave status was
the biggest prejudice in the mind of Americans. The verbal abuses they went through in
the hand of Americans on the account of India‘s slavery inspired them to work towards
freeing India from the clutches of colonial rule. The American ideology of democracy and
self sufficiency also influenced the educated Indians and they began to organize
themselves in various associations and organizations.
Before the formation of Ghadar party, several educated people were publishing
revolutionary literature and organizing like minded Indians into various organizations and
associations. In 1906-07 AD, a pamphlet called Circular-i-Azadi was being published by
Taraknath and Ram Nath Puri to inspire Indians to stop using British goods and boycott
government jobs in favor Indian sawdeshi movement. Pamphlet like ‗maro farngi ko
maro’, and ‗bhai band’helped in creating awareness about the racial discrimination faced
by the Indians in America and Canada. In California Indian activists‘ Bhai Jawala Singh,
Santokh Singh, Hazara Singh took land on lease and offered work and help to jobless
Indian immigrants and soon it became a well known place among the Indians. Since 90
percent of immigrants were Sikhs, they were first to organized themselves in different
associations. In 1907 AD, Khalsa Diwan society was formed in Vancouver. Jawala singh
and his subordinates established Pacific Coast Khalsa Diwan society and established
gurudawaras in Stockton; these gurudawaras became places for gathering of Sikhs,
Muslims and Hindus.
The youth among the immigrants who were students and related to revolutionary
activities sped up the momentum of agitation among the Indians abroad. Tarak Math
was a Bengali youth who published Free Hindustan from Vancouver and Seattle. By
1911 AD, the rising discrimination and racial abuse forced the Indians to take steps to
make the British government aware of the treatment meted upon them. In 1911 AD, an
earlier association called Hindustan Association was renamed into United Indian League
with Hussain Rahim as its president. The League published a paper called Hindustan
and Sansar from England. The League joined hands with Vancouver Khalsa Diwan
society and their political activities. From 1911 AD onwards, the Indian immigrants got
involved in a struggle against the Canadian authority when the later refused to grant
permission to immigrants to bring their families to Canada. The Indians protested on the
behalf of the fact that they were loyal citizens of British Empire and immigration laws
should be same for everyone. The indifference of British government to the whole issue
agitated Indians further and all associations in foreign countries joined hands to protest
against this discrimination.
In the year 1912 AD, Lala Hardayal reached San Fransico and joined the
university as the professor of Indian philosophy. He soon resigned from his job and
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joined the revolutionaries. He gave lectures on atheism and gained popularity within few
months. Various associations working in different part of America met in Portland and
formed Pacific Coast Hindi Association and Sohan Singh Bhakna was elected its
president. Sohan Singh Bhakna then sent for Lala Hardayal who agreed to join the party
and purposed to publish a weekly paper called Ghadar in Urdu and in Punjabi. The
paper became popular and its writing became revolutionary and radical. As a result the
party was also known by the name Ghadar. The party organized meetings and called for
the Indians to fight against the British imperialism. Its headquarters was established at
San Fransisco and named YuganterAsharam. On 21 April 1913, all branches of Pacific
Coast Hindi Association were clubbed in one central organization Hindi Association of
Pacific Coast. Sohan Singh Bhakna was its president and Lala Hardayal was chosen as
its secretary. They continued the publication of paper Ghadar and soon were known as
Hindustan Ghadar party.
In various other countries like Panama, Argentina, Afghanistan, Japan, Brazil,
Manila, Shanghai, Italy, France, Canada, Germany, South Africa, Ethiopia, Hong Kong
and Singapore, they opened their office to coordinate all the Indians settled abroad. The
party rose to success on the account of its paper Ghadar as it was published from all the
foreign branches. The paper inspired the mushrooming of various revolutionary
organizations. Its radical and agitated ideology created stir among the Indians. It inspired
the Indians and the soldiers in British army to rise to an armed protest against the British
rule. The copies of Ghadar were sent to Punjab and its members became heroes.
People sung song written by Kartar Singh Sarabha and others. Government banned the
entry of the paper but with little success. In the short span of a year, Ghadar became a
household name. More and more joined the Ghadar movement and added to its
activities as well as the finance, making base among students and soldiers.
a) Kamagatamaru Incident:
Though the famous incident was not in any direct relation with the Ghadar
movement but it helped the Ghadarites to speed up their activities and launch a full
fledge campaign against the imperialism. A Japanese ship was hired by Baba Gurdit
Singh. It was carrying 376 Punjabis (mostly Sikhs) to Vancouver in Canada. The ship
was hired to help Punjabi immigrants reach Canada. The Canadian government had
refused to let the Indian enter their territory. For two months the ship stayed in Canada
but its passengers were not allowed to disembark. The Canadian Indians were not
allowed to help the passengers. The Ghadar activists tried to help the Kamagatamaru
passengers but Canada government was rigid in its stance and forced the ship to leave
its territory and sail back to India. As soon as, the ship reached Calcutta on 29
September 1914, the British government sent a gun boat and placed its passengers
under guard. They believed that these passengers were law breakers and were involved
with the banned revolutionary activities. In a verbal brawl at Budgebudge with the British
police, the passengers reacted and were fired at and several people got injured and
some died. 211 people were arrested though their leader Gurdit Singh managed to give
police a slip.
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b) Action Plan of Ghadar Party:

The incident is considered landmark in revolutionary history as it exposed the

racial discrimination meted upon Indians by the foreign governments. People of India
were shocked to know how the British government dealt with it and added to the plight of
already suffering passengers. The incident was also used by the Ghadar party to recruit
more people against the colonial rule. The party also devised plans to make an
organized armed rebellion against the British government.
The Ghadar party began its movement to stir revolution in India and called its
members to reach India and create support base among the native people. Its important
leaders including Sohan Singh Bhakna, Harnam, Kartar Singh Sarabha, Barakatulla and
other reached India. Government sources reports that at least six to eight thousand
Ghadarites returned to India but were restrained in their movements. The response of
the native people was extremely disheartening for the Ghadar leaders as they were
termed crazy by the local people of Punjab. Even the political situation was not favorable
as Congress and other political parties were helping the British rule in First World War.
But the Ghadarites did not lose hope and worked on their agenda to kill government
official and express their thoughts through the publication of revolutionary literature.
Leading revolutionaries of Bengal and other part helped the Ghadarites. Raas Bihari
Bose and Sachin Sanyal came in Punjab to help the movement. It was decided that on
21 Feb 1915, an organized revolt would be launched from various part of the country to
topple the British government. The government took severest action to stop them with
the help of informers within the party. All important party members were captured and
arrested. With all the leaders arrested, the armed rebellion of Ghadar party failed. Most
of its leaders were persecuted and sentenced to imprisonment.
The Ghadarites were always accepted as true revolutionaries by subsequent
movements. However they failed to incite the similar kind of response within
contemporary society. Infact the native support to the Ghadarites was disheartening in
Punjab. They were perhaps respected but not followed. The Ghadar movement was.
However, a modern revolutionary movement as it was structured on social, economic
and psychological ideas instead of abstract ideas. Lala Hardayal in the Ghadar paper
raised many questions which were relevant to the lives of the people. Their ideas were
related to thousands of immigrants. The racial slur and discrimination was their everyday
life and it created disillusionment and awareness among them. They could see the
difference between the advance progress of countries like America and Canada and
backwardness of India. Scholars believed that Ghadar movement became popular
among the immigrant Sikhs as they could convince them that their loyalty to the British
were misplaced and it was not the American or the Canadian who are exploiting them
but the British government which had refused to own its own citizens.
The Ghadar was not only a revolutionary movement but it was an intellectually
motivated movement as well. Though its members were mostly Sikhs yet the movement
was totally secular in its outlook and working. Nevertheless, they extensively employed
 176

Sikhs symbols to stir the bravery in the people. They took recourse to the sayings of the
Gurus but interpreted the same into modern idea of bravery and nationalism completely
avoiding the religious overtone.
Self Assessment Questions:
1. Who were Ghadarites?
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2. Mention important centres of the Ghadarites abroad.
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3. What was Kamagatamaru incident?
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9.4 SUMMARY
It is significant to point out that the agitation of 1907 was perhaps one of the first
movement in which the people had forced the government to withdraw a bill which was
against the interests of the inhabitants. The agitation of 1907 forced the British to
reformulate their policies towards Punjab. Before the agitation, they had adopted
complacent attitude towards the Punjab as one of main pillar of their rule in India
because Punjab played important role in replenishing their treasuries as revenue and
armies as recruits. They were, however, concerned about growing political dissension
among the people of Punjab. The situation was alarming the British army was swelling
with recruits from Punjab and doubts on their loyalties could create serious political and
military crisis because they were reports certain sections of troops displaying sympathy
towards the protestors. As a result, urgent attention was required to address the rural
section which consisted of more than eighty percent of population. Rural problems like
indebtness, medical care, markets for crops and other basic amenities started to attract
official attentions and emerged on a centre stage in the politics of Punjab.
The early decade of the 20th century witnessed the rise of Ghadar party that
compared the political empowerment of foreign countries with the subjugation of India.
They propagated inhuman and exploitative nature of the colonial regime which could be
over thrown by force. However, they failed to entice mass support in Punjab. Inspite of
their failure, they continued to encourage the future revolutionaries of Punjab.
9.5 REFERENCES
 Gerald Barrier, ‗The Punjab Disturbances of 1907: The Response of the British
Government in India to Agrarian Unrest’.Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 1, No. 4
1967.
 177

 Mridula Mukherjee, Peasants in India’s Non-violent Revolution: Practice and

Theory (Modern Indian History Series), New Delhi: Sage India, 2004.
 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947, Delhi: Manohar, 1988.
9.6 FURTHER READINGS
 Grewal, J.S., The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Cambridge History of India, New
Delhi: Orient Longman, 1990.
 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol II.
9.7 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Critically examine the rise and ideology of the Ghadar Party.
2. Trace the course of agrarian agitation of 1907 in colonial Punjab.
3. What were the problems faced by the Indian immigrants in USA and Canada in
the late 19th and early 20th centuries?

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Lesson-10

GROWTH OF POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS:

JALLIANWALA BAGH; BHAGAT SINGH; GURUDWARA
REFORM MOVEMENT

STRUCTURE
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Jallianwala Bagh
10.3 Bhagat Singh
10.4 Gurudwara Reform Movement
10.5 Summary
10.6 References
10.7 Further Readings
10.8 Model Questions
10.0 OBJECTIVES
Students after reading this chapter you will be able to:
 understand the circumstances leading to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre.
 analyze the impact of the Jallianwala Bagh.
 learn about Bhagat Singh and his contribution to the Indian freedom struggle.
 learn about the Gurudwara Reform Movement.
10.1 INTRODUCTION
Students in this lesson we will focus on the Gurdwara Reform Movement. The
beginning of twentieth century saw the emergence of national consciousness throughout
colonial India. Punjab too was the part of this process. The policies of colonial ruler was
creating discontentment among the masses. In Punjab the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy had
left the people angry and ready to revolt. Along with these political and economic
grievances like tax hikes and Khilafat had created a situation of unrest. It is in this
context that the Gurdwara reform movement started as a part of the Non-Cooperation
Movement.
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10.2 JALLIANWALA BAGH

The atrocities com-mitted on the Ghadar revolutionaries had left deep impact on
the people of the Punjab. During the war years (1914 to 1919) Punjab provided men and
money and fought like heroes and won glowing tributes form the British. The
Government conferred upon them titles of honour like Raja, Nawab, Rai Sahib, Khan
Sahib and the like. Grants like revenue-free land, remission of taxes, complementary
sanads and cash rewards were given to many of the combatants of the war in
recognition of their services. But the British administration was not willing to grant the
legitimate rights of the people or concede their genuine demands. The year 1918-1919
was one of the severe distress in the country. There was a steep rise in taxation which
went on increasing every year during the war causing great hardship to the people. The
outbreak of natural calamities like famine, plague and influenza during the year
aggravated the distress caused by economic factors. Between July 1917 and June 1918
over 800,000 people died in the country from plague which had taken a virulent form.
The position was made much worse by speculation, black-marketing and hoarding.

The people in the Punjab had suffered from the unsettling effects of the war,
unemployment and rising prices. The acute discontent was aggravated manifold by the
political causes. The publication of the Islington Commission report on Public Services
and Montford Report on Constitutional Reforms further increased the unrest. During the
war, the Government of India had armed itself with the Defence of India Act which was
used to suppress revolutionary activity in the country. Action was taken against a large
number of young revolutionaries in the Punjab and Bengal under this Act. The detenues
were subjected to inhuman treatment and suffered under insanitary conditions and
solitary confinements in Jails, which evoked strong protests in the country. A Committee
under the chairmanship of a British judge, Sir SidenyRowlatt, popularly known as the
Sedition Committee was appointed in 1917, to enquire into the extent and nature of
subversive activity in India and suggest legislation to enable the Government to deal with
it effectively.

The committee submitted its report on 30 April, 1918, which was accepted by the
British Government without question. It recommended trial of the political offenders by
judges without juries, internment of persons suspected of subversive aims and
suspension of many of the safeguards of the law in respect of the defendants; and
control of the press. The Government-General was vested with extraordinary powers to
suppress any movement believed to be revolutionary. The Committee feared that return
of a large number of soldiers after the war was likely to create a difficult situation.
Therefore, it recommended special repressive legislation to meet any such eventuality.
This was not what the Indian soldiers expected on their return.

The Indian public opinion considered the Bill an outrage. The Indian members of
the Legislative Council fought against the passage of the Bill but it went through and
became law on 21 March, 1919, under the title of the ―Anarchical and Revolutionary
 180

Crimes Act, 1919‖. It was condemned by the Indians as a ―Black Act‖ designed to
suppress popular liberties and political life in India.
Muslim feelings in India were also agitated over the fate of Turkey and its effects
upon the institution of the Khilafat. The Muslim soldiers had participated in the war and
had been partly instrumental in the defeat of the central powers including Turkey, on the
basis of assurance given by the British that Turkish territorial interest would be
safeguarded at the end of the war. But it became obvious that the Allies did not mean to
abide by their assurance, a violation of which involved dismemberment of Turkey and
bringing the territories under the hegemony of non-Muslim power. The whole issue of
Khilafate was, thus, revived.
The economic situation, political discontent, Khilafat, and the Rowlatt Act created
an explosive situation in the country. Mahatma Gandhi considered it proper now to give
a call for Satyagraha on 25 February, 1919, which received all India support. In the
Punjab, people evinced great enthusiasm for the movement. Dr. Satyapal and Dr.
Kitchlew took a Satyagraha oath and formed a local committee at Amritsar in support of
the movement. They addressed a number of meetings.
The authorities were unnerved. Irving, the Deputy Co-missioner of Amritsar,
warned Dr. Kitchlew against participation in the movement. Mass meetings were held
and on 6 April, reports of hartal(complete or partial) were received for forty-five towns
and in other towns, meetings were held and protest committees were formed. On 8 April,
a Hindu-Muslim Unity Conference was held. Also, Mahatma Gandhi was not allowed to
enter Punjab and was arrested. Drs. Satyapal and Kitchlew were deported. People of
Punjab were resentful. Immediately after, all the shops in the city were closed. The
whole city was in ferment. The mob entered upon a course of destruction. The
resentment of the people at the deportation of their leaders, thus took a grim turn
because the authorities not only declined to listen to their ―prayer‖ but also used brute
force killing and wounding several of them.
While the attack on the innocent Europeans, looting and destruction of banks and
other buildings in Punjab was deplorable and was condemned by all responsible people,
the inhuman behavior of the authorities, their lack of understanding and sympathy for the
people and wanton firing of the military which provoked the former were totally
unjustifiable.
It was the Baisakhi day (13 April, 1919) when thousands of people had come
from long distances to participate in the annual fair. Many of these pilgrims went to
JallianwalaBagh in a spirit of a Mela. The place was also used by young boys as a play
ground. It was reported the thousands of people had gathered in JallianwalaBagh, an
open space, surrounded on all sides by houses and high walls with only four very narrow
entrances. General Dyer entered the JallianwalaBagh with troops who took their
positions, loaded their machine guns and within 30 seconds, started firing which
continued for 10 to 15 minutes. Altogether 1650 rounds of ammunition were fired. The
General stopped shooting only when ammunition had run out. No arrangements were
 181

made for the dead and for taking care of the wounded. No relief came to them for two
days, except whatever could be done by the SevaSamitis. Curfew had been imposed in
Amritsar and even relatives and SevaSamitis could not help the wounded after 8 p.m.
Martial law remained in force upto the 9th June. During this period a number of orders
were issued which made the life for the people of Amritsar difficult. The Congress
Enquiry committee gives them as:
1. The street, in which Miss Sherwood was assaulted, was set apart for flogging
people and for making those who passed through it to crawl on their bellies.
2. All were made to Salam every Englishman, on pain of being arrested and
suffering indignities.
3. Flogging was administered publically and otherwise, even for trivialities.
4. All the lawyers of the town were made special constables and some of them
mere made to work like coolies.
5. Indiscriminate arrests were effected of persons irrespective of status and during
detention they were subjected to humiliations, discomforts and indiscriminate
tortures for the purpose of extorting confession or evidence, or for the purposes
of merely humiliating them.
6. Special Tribunals were formed for trying offences, which resulted in gross
injustice in the name of law, leaving the aggrieved parties without a right to
appeal.
The travails of the people were not limited only to Amritsar but extended to the
whole of the Punjab. Martial Law was declared in five districts of the Punjab between 15
and 24 April and was withdrawn generally by 11 June. Public flogging was administered
at Lahore. Summary courts were constituted where Col. Johnston who was in command
of Lahore Martial Law Area from, 5 April to 29 May, 1919, himself tried cases. In all 277
persons were tried of who 201 were convicted. Five hundred students and some
professors were arrested and marched to the Fort. Popular leaders like Pandit Ram Bhai
Dutt, Harkishan Lal and Duni Chand were deported. At Kasur, where hartal was
observed on 11 April, the mob became violent. In order to strike terror in the heart of the
people, the Government took harsh measures. Six boys were picked up from a school
and flogged because they happened to be the biggest. As the news of the harrowing
events at Amritsar and other places in the Punjab reached other parts of India after the
withdrawal of the martial law and censorship, there was an out-cry against the
oppressive administration. Protest meetings were held all over the country to condemn
the reign of terror in the Punjab. In the Punjab, resolutions were passed in various
meetings condemning all acts of tyranny which were perpetrated before and during the
martial law and authorities were asked to punish the officers, responsible for these
heinous deeds.
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Self Assessment Questions

1. When and why was the Sedition Committee appointed?
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2. Who was General Dyer?
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3. Who were the Khilafats?
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4. What was the Rowlatt Act?
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5. What hardships did the people suffer when the martial law was imposed in the
Punjab?
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10.3 BHAGAT SINGH

Bhagat Singh was born in Punjab, India (now Pakistan), on September 27, 1907,
to a Sikh family deeply involved in political activities. He quit school at thirteen to devote
his life to Indian independence. He became involved in several violent demonstrations of
political defiance and was arrested several times. His grandfather Arjun Singh was
among the few people who were given the sacred thread by Swami Dayanand himself.
As a result, Bhagat Singh, unlike other Sikh children who went to a Khalsa school, went
to the Dayanand Anglo Vedic (DAV) high school in Lahore. He went on to study at the
National College in Lahore. At the age of 16, Bhagat Singh won an essay competition
organised by the Punjab Hindi Sahitya Sammelan. His essay ‗The Problem of Punjab‘s
Language and Script‘ won the award. Later, in jail (1930), he wrote his famous essay
‗Why I am an atheist‘.His revolutionary thoughts put him at odds with his father, and
when the latter started pressurising him into marriage, Bhagat Singh ran away to
Cawnpore (now Kanpur) at the age of 17. He got horrified after seeing the Jallianwala
Bagh incident and decided to struggle for India‘s independence. He lost faith in
Gandhiji‘s peaceful methods as a way of getting India freedom.
The revolutionary terrorist cult of the Ghadar Party and the Babbar Akalis held a
special appeal for the youth in the Punjab which manifested itself strongly during the
1920s. A section of the educated young men had lost faith in the policy of non-violent
 183

methods of struggle. Chandar Shekher Azad, Bhagvati Charan, Bhagat Singh, Jiten Das
and a number of other revolutionaries were active during this time with their plans to
terrorize the administration and oust the foreign rulers. Sardar Bhagat Singh organized
the Nau Jawan Sabha in March, 1926 to instill revolutionary ideas among the Punjabi
youth and to prepare them for the coming struggle.
The political aims of the Nau Jawan Sabha were given as under:
a) to establish a completely independent republic of the labourers and
peasants in the whole of India;
b) to infuse a spirit of patriotism into the hearts of the youth of the country in
order to establish a united Indian nation;
c) to express sympathy with and to assist the economic, industrial and social
movements which, while being free from communal sentiment, are a
completely independent republic of labourers and peasants.
d) To organize laboures and peasants.
The programme of the Sabha consisted of debates on moral, literary and social
subjects, the popularization of Swadeshi goods, the inculcation of a sense of
brotherhood, plain living and physical fitness and the stimulation of interest in Indian
languages and culture. Before enrolment, each member was made to sign a pledge that
he would place the interest of his country above those of his community. It soon became
clear, however, that the social objects of the Sabha were only a cloak for the
dissemination of revolutionary ideas. It received the support of such prominent agitators
as Kidar Nath Sehgal, Sardul Singh "Kavisher", Mehta Anand Kishore, Sodhi Pindi Das
and Comrade Ram Chandra. Several public meetings were held during the summer of
1926, which attracted large numbers of students. In September, 1926, Kidar Nath
Sehgal and others issued a pamphlet on behalf of the Nau Jawan Sabha entitled "An
Appeal to the Young Punjab" in which he attacked Lajpat Rai as a traitor. The meetings
of the Nau Jawan Sabha were addressed by well-known revolutionaries like Dr.
Bhupendra Nath Dutt, S.A. Dange and Phillips Spratt of the British Communist Party.
Speaking in one of these meetings, Jawahar Lal Nehru stressed the need to subordinate
religion to politics in the interest of nationalism. A young men's conference was
organized in Amritsar in April, 1928 where a decision to organize branches of Nau
Jawan Bharat Sabha in every district with its headquarters at Amritsar was adopted, it
was also decided to associate the Kirti-Kisan group with the activities of the Sabha. This
conference infused new life in the Nau Jawan Bharat Sabha and encouraged its
members to take part in the subsequent phases of anti-government agitations. In
collaboration with the Congress and Kirti-Kisan party, the Sabha tried to stir up agrarian
agitation over the demand of remission of land revenue, due to failure of the wheat
harvest in 1928.
The Nau Jawan Sabha made efforts to influence people by telling them about
various revolutionaries, hanged or imprisoned to disseminate revolutionary propaganda.
They also started a "Tract Society" to circulate political literature. This society published
pamphlets with radical doctrines such as The Wealth of Nations by Hardayal; India and
 184

the Next War by Agnis Smedley; Bharat Mata Ka Darshan and Nau Jawanonse do
doBaten by Chabil Das. These tracts were distributed among the youth during the
student's week, organized by the Lahore Students Union.
The Sabha urged the young men of India to follow the example set by the youth
of Ireland, Turkey, Japan and China in their struggle for independence and exhorted
them to study such movements as Communism and Bolshivism in addition to the lives of
political martyrs, the doctrines of freedom and equality, democracy and self-
determination which alone could help in a correct approach towards self-government
and economic freedom. Kidar Nath Sehgal, president of the provincial Nau Jawan
Sabha, issued a long statement to the press about the future programme of the Sabha
and its decision to have branches in all villages, towns and districts of the province. He
appealed to the youth of the Punjab to strengthen the organization so that it could
effectively oppose the Simon Commission when it visited the Punjab. Branches of the
Sabha were established in Ludhiana, Jullundur, Montgomery, Jaranewala and
Gujaranwala.
The bond between the Nau Jawan Sabha and the Kirti Kisan Party was further
strengthened by the election of Sohan Singh Josh, the leader of the latter party, as
president of the Amritsar branch of the Sabha in July, 1928. The two organizations jointly
celebrated in co-operation with the Congress extremists a "Friends of Russia Week"
early in August 1928. They passed resolutions expressing full sympathy with the anti-
Imperialist policy of Soviet Russia and declared opposition to any assistance to the
British in any future war. They affirmed their belief in "the destruction of capitalism" and
the establishment of government by "Workers and peasants".
The members of the Sabha engaged themselves in the boycott of the Simon
Commission. The Commission reached Lahore on 20 October, 1928 where a huge
procession greeted it with a black-flag demonstration shouting "Go back, Simon." As a
result of the concerted efforts of the Sabha, there was a remarkable response from the
public. In fact so large was the mass of the processionists that the police failed to
disperse the crowd for a long time.
The lathi charge by the police fatally injured Lala Lajpat Rai, resulting in his death
on 17 November, 1928. At a meeting held the same evening, under the auspices of Nau
Jawan Sabha, the members openly alleged that the Sher-a-Punjab, as Lajpat Rai was
popularly known, was killed by the police. The revolutionaries—Bhagat Singh, Chandra
Shekhar Azad, Kailash Pati, Rajguru, Yashpal and some others, in a secret meeting
decided to avenge the murder of their great leaders by killing Mr. Scott the
superintendant of police. This was done and the revolutionaries fled away and the police
could arrest none of them.
The Nau Jawan Sabha continued its activities. They celebrated "Kakori Day" on
16 December at Lahore and Amritsar in which they eulogized the great sacrifices of the
Kakori case heroes. Their press organ, NailJawan advocated the cause of workers and
peasants and wrote articles on martyrs like Madan Lal Dhingra, Kartar Singh Sarabha"
and others and reported incidents such as the Komagata Maru, Nankana, Jallianwalla
 185

Bagh massacre, and Guru-Ka Bagh atrocities. It called upon the Youth to "Rise! Quench
the thirst of their swords with blood of the tyrants."
The Nau Jawan Bharat Sabha was a broad organization which aimed at
mobilising public opinion for a radical change in the society and application of militant
methods in the political struggle against British rule in India. Also, it was limited only to a
few districts of the Punjab. The Punjab revolutionaries knew that for the success of their
objective, it was necessary to co-ordinate with the terrorist movements in other parts of
the country as well. They contacted revolutionaries in Bengal, UT., Rajasthan and Bihar.
The main party in North India was revived by Sachindra Nath Sanyal, a Bengali
domiciled in Benaras, in 1920. His book, BandiJiwan, which inspired young minds to
participate in terrorist activities, was translated into Hindi and Punjabi and was widely
circulated. S.N. Sanyal along with Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee and others organized the
terrorist movement in the U.P.
The Hindustan Republican Association was formed in 1924 by Sanyal, Chandra
Shekhar Azad and others. Sukhdev of Lyalipur (Punjab) was put incharge of the Punjab
to enlist recruits for the Association. He was helped by Yashpal, Jai Gopal and later,
Hans Raj Vohra. Bhagat Singh was also in touch with Sukhdev at this time. Hans Raj
began to organize a Students' Union in 1928 in order to recruit cadre or their
organization.
The Hindustan Socialist Republican Association drew the attention of the people
towards the failure of the satyagraha movement and called upon every Indian to take a
vow to change the existing social order. To pursue the idea of armed revolution, the
HSRA decided to organize the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army towards the end of
August 1928. At a meeting at KotiaFerozeshah where Chandra Shekhar Azad, Bhagat
Singh and others were present, they decided to centralize the work of all revolutionary
parties and declared a Socialist state as their objective. The immediate programme
included the rescue from jail of Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee and S.N. Sanyal, from jail
and action against the Simon Commission. Furthermore, it was decided to invite bomb-
workers from Bengal to give training to the members of the party. It was decided that
funds would be raised by organizing raids on banks, post offices and Government
treasuries in order to affect armed revolution in the country.
The slogan of the revolutionaries was "We ask not for mercy and we give no
quarter. Ours is a war to the end—to Victory or Death." In the meantime the Government
of India introduced "Public Safety Bill" and "The Trades Disputes Act." which though
rejected by the Central Legislature had been promulgated by the Governor General
under his special power; The Nau Jawan Bharat Sabha had vigorously opposed the bills
in its meetings but the Government ignored the public sentiment against these
measures. It was as a protest again these bill that Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwara Dutt
threw bombs made at the Agra factory in the Central Assembly Hall with a view to
wrecking the British administration. They did not try to escape after this act, but shouted
at the top of their voices "Long Live Revolution; Down with Imperialism; Workers of the
World Unite" The bombs did little damage and according to Jawahar Lal Nehru "seems
to have been meant merely to create a big noise and attract the country's attention.'
 186

Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt admitted their responsibility and said that their action was
not directed against any individual; but they only wanted to demonstrate to the world
India's humiliations and helplessness. Their act symbolized the overriding domination of
an irresponsible and autocratic rule. They wanted to register protest on behalf of those
who had no other means left to give expression to their heart-rending agony.
Bhagat Singh and B. K. Dutt were sentenced to transportation for life. The
accidental discovery of the bomb factory in Lahore soon after, subsequent arrests of
Sukhdev, Kishori Lal and others and confessions made by Jai Gopal and Hans Raj
Vohra, however, led to more roundups and more confessions which resulted in the
arrests of most of the active workers and leadership of the Hindustan Socialist
Republican Association. Some workers went underground. The exposure of the
conspiracy led to the trial of the revolutionaries which came to be known as the Lahore
Conspiracy Case of 1929. Bhagat Singh and B. K. Dutt were implicated in the new
case1. The revolutionaries inside the prison decided to make use of the case for "definite
political purpose" while every effort was to be made to save those who could be saved,
their main objective was to expos "the sham justice of the British Government".
These young heroes, thus, carried the struggle into the jail. Bhagat Singh and
Dutt went on fast unto death against the maltreatment of the political prisoners in jail.
Their main demands were the placing, of political prisoners in a single class, better diet,
newspapers and reading material and writing facilities. Almost all the revolutionaries
joined the hunger strike. Even Baba Sohan Singh Bhakhna who had already served 14
years in the Andamans and Indian prisons and was about to be released, went on
hunger strike despite his ill-health, advanced age and threats to the effect that he would
lose his remissions and would have to remain in prison for much longer time.
The Lahore Conspiracy Case attracted India-wide attention. Meetings and
processions were held in all parts of the country. The judgment was announced in
October, 1930. Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev were sentenced to death, seven to
transportation for life and others to long terms of imprisonment. Appeal Committees
were set up in several districts. Since there could be no appeal against the verdict of the-
special court, appeal for mercy was made to His Majesty the King, against the express
wishes of Bhagat Singh. The Appeal Committee collected as many as 60,000 signatures
to a memorial to the Viceroy asking for the commutation of the death sentence of the
Lahore Conspiracy case prisoners to transportation for life. The members of Nau Jawan
Sabha like Sodhi Pindi Das, Gurdit Singh and Ahmad Din were very active in collecting
signatures and organising defences. 'Bhagat Singh day' was observed throughout the
province on 17 February. Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, in a telegram to the Viceroy
appealed to him to use his prerogative to grant mercy. The case for the petitioners was
taken up in the Privy Council by Messrs. D. N. Pritt, Horace Douglas and Sidney. The
appeal was heard by the Privy Council on 11 February 1931, but was rejected. There
was unusual spurt of violent speeches. Speaker after speaker advised the youth to give
up the creed of non-violence and to destroy the cruel government. Dr. Satya Pal praised
Bhagat Singh's bravery, Subash Chandra Bose re-marked, "Long live Bhagat Singh" and
"Long live revolution" meant one and the same thing. Bhagat Singh's heroism had
caught the imagination of the Punjab.
 187

The executions of these brave fighters took place on 23 March, 1931 at 7.15 p.
m. in the jail. The British rulers secretly removed their bodies from the Lahore Central
Jail by breaking the back wall of the jail at 9.30 p. m. The bodies of these national
heroes were taken to Sutlej at about 11.30 p.m. and were burnt. The news about the
execution of Bhagat Singh and his comrades spread like wild fire in the country.
Mourning and protest meetings were held all over India. Jawahar Lal Nehru expressed
the pent up feelings of the people in these words: "Not all of us could save him who was
so dear to us and whose magnificent courage and sacrifice have been an inspiration to
the youth of India…." In the Punjab an alt India Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev
Memorial Commitee was formed, which included among its members Dr. M. A. Ansari,
Subhash Chandra Bose, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew, Dr.
Satyapal, K. Santanam, K. M. Munshi and many others.

The Nau Jawan Sabha which had suffered a setback after the second session of
its Conference in 1929 revived its activities soon after the arrest of Sohan Singh Josh,
Kidar Nath Sehgal and Abdul Majid in connection with the Meerut Conspiracy Case. Nau
Jawan Sabha joined hands with all the other political parties in the Punjab, including the
Punjab Congress in the defense of Bhagat Singh and his companions. It helped, in fact,
to take the Congress to the rural areas in the Punjab which caused concern to the
authorities. The Sabha which aimed at "mass militant revolution" made a deep impact
not only on the youth in the urban Punjab but also on the peasantry, in collaboration with
the Kiriti Kisan Party. The Government got unnerved by the unity between the believers
in non-violence and the revolutionary forces and declared the Nau Jawan Sabha an
unlawful association under a notification of the Home Department, dated 23 June, 1930,
along with some other organizations. The ban was later removed on the eve of Bhagat
Singh and his companion's executions. But the Sabha could not resume its old fervor on
account of wide-spread arrests and severe repression.

Self-Assessment Questions
1. Who was Bhagat Singh ?
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2. What were the political aims of the Nau Jawan Bharat Sabha ?
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3. What was Lahore Conspiracy Case?
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4. Who wrote the book BandiJiwan?
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10.4 GURDWARA REFORM MOVEMENT

In 1919 a new political party known as central Sikh league was formed in a
general meeting of Sikh leaders at Lahore. The objective of the new party were to
rebuild the demolished wall of the Rakabganj Gurdwara, to bring Khalsa College at
Amritsar under the control of the representatives of the Sikh community, to liberate
Gurdwaras from the control of the Mahants and to inspire the Sikhs to participate in the
struggle for the country freedom.

In October, 1920, the student of the Khalsa College went on strike, in response
to Mahatma Gandhi‘s Call. Several professors submitted their resignations and
demanded control of the management of the College. A committee was set up to look
after the affairs of the Golden Temple. Sensing danger, the Government tried to placate
the Sikhs. After a long struggle, the Government accepted the demands of the college
community. The demolished wall of the Rakabganj Gurdwara was rebuilt and the
acquired land was restored. Some other concessions like right of the Sikhs to keep the
Kirpan and retention of religious emblems in jail were granted. The Sikh prisoners were
allowed to wear turbans instead of caps. These concessions, however, did not satisfy
the Sikhs, since the crucial question of Gurdwara control still remained unsolved.
Gurdwara reform became the dominant issue which demanded immediate attention of
the SGPC. At a meeting held on March. 1921, the SGPC gave an `ultimatum' to the
government to the effect that if it did not pass suitable legislation to secure redemption of
all Gurdwaras the Sikh community would be compelled to take recourse to Non-
cooperation.

On the 28th August, the SGPC passed a resolution with an overwhelming

majority, calling upon the Sikh members of the legislative council to resign their seats. It
also exhorted the Sikh Panth to furnish an army of at least 50,000 potential martyrs
ready to sacrifice their all. It appealed to the Sikhs to use khaddar and boycott foreign
goods.

Some of the Mahants started yielding under the pressure from the Akali Dal, but
the question of some more important Gurdwaras was still to be decided. The success
gained at Rakab Ganj, Delhi and the Gurdwara at Sialkot, in addition to the conciliatory
attitude of some of the Mahants, encouraged the Akalis to take up the reform agitation in
earnest. The authorities, however, connected the movement with the current political
agitation being waged in the country under the leadership of the Congress and decided
to deal with it accordingly. The Britishers encouraged the Mahants to put up resistance
against the reformers. The Shiromani Akali Dal formed in December 1920, assisted the
SGPC to coordinate local bands known as Akali Jathas.

Nankana Sahib Massacre: Nankana Sahib is one of the most sacred shrines of the
Sikhs. Mahant Narain Das was the manager of the Gurdwara. A Jatha led by Lachhman
Singh Dharovalia entered the Gurdwara on the 20th February, 1921. The Mahan‘s hired
assassins closed the gates and attacked the Jatha with firearms and swords. The dead
 189

and wounded Akalis were dragged by the hair to the pyre which had been erected earlier
and thrown in it. More than 100 Sikhs were killed.
The news of this atrocious act of violence and cold-blooded murder enraged the
people. Jathas of Sikhs began to reach Nankana Sahib from distant places. On 3rd
March, 1921, the Gurdwara was handed down to the SGPC and Harbans Singh
Ataruwala was elected its President. The Nankana Sahib outrage shocked the people in
the country and evoked storm of protests from the nationalist press and the political
parties. Mahatma Gandhi described it as "a second edition of Dyerism, more barbarous
and more fiendish than the barbarism at Jallianwala Bagh." The Punjab Government,
considering the Akali agitation as a projection of the nationalist movement, took all
conceivable measures to suppress it. Several leaders were arrested and districts of
Lahore, Amritsar and Sheikhupura were declared "proclaimed areas" under the
Seditious Meetings Act. The repression, however, stiffened the attitude of the Sikh
masses still further. At an appeal from the SGPC, the Sikhs wore black turbans in
memory of the martyrs of Nankana Sahib, collected funds to erect a memorial, a school
and a hospital at Nankana Sahib and to help the families of the deceased.
Key's Affair: The authorities were so unnerved that they, instead of handling the
situation tactfully, took certain steps which further provoked the people. On the 29th
October, 1921, the Executive Committee of the SGPC passed a resolution requiring S.
Sunder Singh Ramgarhia, the manager of the Golden Temple to hand over the keys of
the treasury of Baba Kharak Singh, the newly elected President of the Prabandhak
Committee. The Punjab Government, being suspicious of Kharak Singh, instructed the
Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar to ask Sardar Sunder Singh to surrender the keys of
the treasury to him. The bunches of 53 keys was accordingly surrendered to the
authorities and were deposited in Government treasury for safe custody. The
Government's action was severely criticised by the SGPC. The SGPC demanded
surrender of the keys to Kharak Singh and immediate release of all Sikh political
prisoners.
It now became abundantly clear that the SGPC was the sole representative of
the Sikh community. The Government had, therefore, no other alternative but to agree
and hand over the keys of the Gurdwara treasury to the SGPC, and released the
prisoners unconditionally on the 17th January, 1922. The victory of the Akalis made the
Sikhs jubilant and filled them with a sense of confidence. In about a month (from the
23rd February to the 27th March, 1922) the Akali Jathas captured 15 Gurdwaras in
various parts of the Punjab'.
Guru-Ka-Bagh: the Mahant of the Guru ka-Bagh Temple had initially agreed to accept
the authority of the Shiromani Committee in early 1921. But in August, 1921, the Mahant
lodged a complaint with authorities that the Akalis were cutting wood from the Gurdwara
land. The police arrested them on a charge of criminal trespass. The Akalis took up the
challenge and started `Satyagraha' against the arbitrary action of the Mahant and the
Government. The SGPC decided to send a Jatha of 1000 Sikhs daily to Guru-ka-Bagh.
 190

Before proceeding, they took a solemn vow at the Akal Takht to offer Satyagraha and to
remain non-violent under all circumstances. Several Akali Jathas went to Guru-ka-Bagh.
When one Jatha was arrested, the other took its place. The police used force to disperse
the Jathas". The Satyagrahis were mercilessly beaten up and thrown in muddy ditches
when they refused to obey the police order. The police set up pickets on all roads
leading to Guru-ka-Bagh, forcing back the parties of Akalis and intercepted supplies
meant for the volunteers, from Amritsar and surrounding villages. The number of Jathas
went on increasing. Each day a Jatha left Amritsar for Guru-ka-Bagh to court arrest. By
19 October, 1922, 2450 Akalis were arrested. Jails were full and provision for extra-jail
accommodation had to be made. The Mahant sold the entire establishment to Sir Ganga
Ram who in turn handed it over to the Akalis on 17th November 1922.

Jaito Morcha: The struggle at Jaito was started to express the resentment of the Akalis
against the forced abdication of Maharaja Ripudaman Singh of Nabha in favour of his
minor son. The SGPC observed the 9th September, 1923, as Nabha Day. The local
Sikhs organised a continuous recitation of the Granth in the Gurdwara at Jaito in support
of the deposed Maharaja. The state police interrupted one such ceremonial Path at
Gangasar Gurdwara in the village Jaito. The SGPC sent Akali Jathas to restart the
interrupted reading of the Granth. They were arrested by the police. The SGPC and
Akali Dal were declared illegal in the state and 59 of their leaders were arrested. They
were charged with conspiracy to wage war against the king and were taken to Lahore
fort for trial. The confinement of the leaders did not slow down the stream of Jathas
which went on increasing. A large number of the Akalis were arrested in the process.
When the Shahidi Jatha of 500 reached Jaito on the 21st February, 1924, the authorities
felt piqued. The state police fired upon the Jatha resulting in 300 casualties—one
hundred dead and two hundred wounded. This evoked a surging passion among the
members of the Jatha who seeing their comrades fall dead or wounded, rushed forward
to seek martyrdom. Many more Jathas followed. The Jaito Morcha attracted India wide
attention. The Indian National Congress expressed its full sympathy for the movement.
Jawaharlal Nehru who went to Jaito at the invitation of SGPC, was arrested along with
A.T. Gidwani and K. Santhanam.

The unending stream of non-violent Satyagrahis exasperated the Government

but won praise from the national political quarters. The Akali Jathas were beaten most
brutally but as Jawaharlal Nehru said, they showed "amazing exhibition of courage and
endurance... (and) never retreated a step, nor did they raise their hands against the
police." The Government used various repressive devices against the Akalis. The Akal
Takhat, Amritsar was raided by the police and SGPC documents were seized. The
Nabha jail authorities also increased their atrocities against the Akali prisoners in Nabha
jails. The inhuman treatment meted out to the Akalis in the state prison surpassed all the
records of ill-treatment of political prisoners in the British jails. A large number of
prisoners died in the various jails of the state on account of insanitary conditions, lack of
medical attention and barbaric treatment. The number of the prisoner‘s upto November
1924 in Nabha jails reached 5,183 and according to official re-ports the death rate was
 191

over 1.5 per cent. Mahatma Gandhi's suggestions that Dr. Kitchlew should be appointed
chairman of the Akali Enquiry Committee was turned down. The Governor's suggestion
that the Inspector General of Prisoners Punjab should be deputed for the purpose was
accepted by the Nabha authorities. The State authorities also allowed a Jatha consisting
of Sikh Sudhar Committee to enter the Gurdwara at Jaito and perform the akhand path
without interruption.
In the meantime, negotiations started between the Punjab government and the
SGPC. They were afraid that the situation would get out of control if the settlement was
not reached immediately. The SGPC appointed a five member committee of councilors
consisting of Jodh Singh, Tara Singh, Narain Singh, Gurbaksh Singh and Mahtab Singh.
The committee visited Jaito on the 19th July to discuss the terms with the Administrator.
They submitted a draft of a new Gurdwara bill to the Governor. The SGPC had
announced by this time that the Jaito Morcha was not for the restoration of Ripudaman
Singh to the throne but for resumption of the rights of the Sikh people. The Gurdwara Bill
was passed into law in 1925. This Act recognized the SGPC as the legal authority to
manage and control Sikh Gurdwaras.
Significance
The Akali agitation which continued for nearly four years is notable for its
supreme sacrifices which amounted to 30,000 arrests, 4000 killed and 2,000 wounded.
A fine of 15 lakh was imposed on the participants. Property was confiscated, many lost
jobs. This also resulted, according Dr. Ambedkar, in reduction of the Sikhs share in the
Indian Army jobs from 20% in 1914 to 13% in 1930.
The general impression carried by the contemporaries that the Akali movement
found support from nearly all sections of the Sikh community was not wrong. The
movement was of the masses, of humble folk recruited from among peasants, artisans
and labourers. Doctors, pleaders, editors, merchants and the professors were all in the
movement but their number was very small.
Self assessment Questions:
1. Who was Narain Dass?
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2. What do you know about the key‘s affair?
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3. What was the composition of the people who participated in this movement?
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10.5 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we have looked at the second decade of the twentieth
century s it was an important period in the political history of the Punjab. The indifference
of the imperial masters was clear to the Indian freedom struggle leaders, who had
planned to protest their resentment in the form of a peaceful meeting at the Jallianwala
Bagh on 13 of April in 1919. Ignoring the sentiments of the Indians, General Dyer fired
on this peaceful gathering killing women, children and men and tried to suppress the
Punjabi spirit by imposing martial law in the Punjab.
At the age of 12, Bhagat Singh was greatly moved by the Jallianwala Bagh
massacre in 1919, when thousands of people who had gathered at a peaceful public
meeting were shot dead by the British. This tragic event sowed revolutionary sentiments
in the mind of Bhagat Singh. Bhagat Singh was convicted by the British for carrying out
the murder of John Saunders and was hanged on 23rd March, 1931, along with Sukdev
Thapar and Shivaram Rajguru. In this chapter we also learnt about the Gurdwara
Reform Movement which was the part of the Non-Cooperation Movement for the
freedom of India. The establishment of Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and
Shiromani Akali Dal in December 1920 heralded a new era in the history of Punjab
politics. The Gurdwara Reform Movement was started by Sikhs to free their Gurdwaras
from the control of corrupt Mahants (Priests) through peaceful agitation and passive
sufferings. It also strengthened the forces of nationalism in the Punjab by ejecting the
Mahants, the government appointed managers.
10.6 REFERENCES
 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab: The New Cambridge History of India, New
Delhi: Orient Longman, 1990.
 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Movement, New Delhi: Macmillan, 1985.
 Raja ram, The Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, Chandigarh: Panjab University, 1978.
10.7 FURTHER READINGS
 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947, Delhi: Manohar, 1988.
10.8 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Trace the course of the Gurdwara Reform Movement.
2. What was the impact of the Gurdwara Reform Movement on the Sikhs?
3. Write a detailed note on the life and revolutionary activities of Bhagat Singh.
4. What do you know about the Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy?
5. What was the significance of the Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy?

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 193

Lesson-11

DEVELOPMENTS FROM 1947-1966: CIRCUMSTANCES

LEADING TO PARTITION AND REHABILITATION;
DEMAND FOR PUNJAB SUBA

STRUCTURE
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Circumstances Leading to the Partition of Punjab
11.3 Rehabilitation
11.4 Towards Permanent Resettlement: Standard Acres and Graded Cuts
11.5 Punjabi Suba Movement (1947-1966)
11.6 Summary
11.7 References
11.8 Further Readings
11.9 Model Questions
11.0 OBJECTIVES
Students after reading this chapter you will be able to:
 understand the circumstances leading to the partition of Punjab.
 trace the process of rehabilitation.
 examine the different stages of the Punjabi Suba Movement from 1947 to 1966.
11.1 INTRODUCTION
Students the 1947 partition of the subcontinent divided Punjab into two parts –
the West Punjab, belonging to Pakistan and the East Punjab, which became part of
India. It was associated with massive violence within the six month time frame, large
exchanges of population (approximately ten million), and significant involvement of the
government in evacuating and protecting the refugees. In this chapter we will trace the
circumstances leading to the partition of the country and problems faced in rehabilitating
the refugees who had come in large numbers to India. This chapter will also examine
 194

how the changes in demographic pattern of partitioned Punjab will lead to the demand of
Punjabi Suba.

11.2 CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO THE PARTITION OF PUNJAB

The British conquered the Punjab in 1849 after the disintegration of the Sikh rule
at the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. By this time, British rule was firmly established in
the country.The rulers decided to provide a new administration and form new policies in
the colonial Punjab which goes towards the partition. They want to keep the
peasantrycontented so that they accept the change in the government without much
resistance. For this purpose, they planned a network of canals with a view to develop
Crown wasteland to keep the peasantry satisfied. People from erstwhile congested
areas of the central Punjab and some north-western districts were made to settle in
these areas in order to develop the canal colonies. This had an important bearing on the
political life of the province as a whole and on the communal situation in particular in the
years to come. Steps were taken by the government to improve agricultural production
by introducing better methods of cultivation, improved seeds and irrigation facilities etc.
Whatever might have been the academic merits of the new system, it had a number of
inherent weaknesses. The introduction of proprietary rights and cash capital among the
agriculturalists and non-agriculturalist classes brought in the rural and urban classes into
conflict which in turn gave rise to communalism and sectarianism.

With the introduction of new changes brought in agricultural sector led to conflicts
between the debtors and the moneylenders in the western areas. Officers and judges
continued to send reports about increasing debt and rural unrest. It resulted in the
introduction of bill which was forwarded to the Punjab Government on 27 September,
1899, it was strongly criticised by the non – agriculturist sections: the agriculturalist
welcomed it. Lord Curzon was going ahead with the passing of the bill. The bill was
passed in the Imperial Legislative Council on 19 October 1900. The act came into force
in June 1901 in the entire province, with the exception of land within the municipal
cantonment limits of Simla district and the areas incorporated in the NWFP. The
Alienation of Land act was one of the most important and controversial acts passed by
the Imperial Legislative Council for the Punjab.The act divided the population on the
basis of agricultural and non-agricultural sections. The communal implications of the
measure were not perceptible initially, but gradually the interested sections gave it a
communal twist which helped furthering sectarian politics in the province. The act
benefitted the agriculturalist but the advantages were apportioned mainly between the
landlords and the rich peasants. The non agriculturalists adopted an inconsistent and
ambivalent attitude towards the act. The act strengthened the ties between Hindu
landlords and the British as it helped the landlords to consolidate their position in the
countryside. The Muslim landlords kept the fire of communalism burning in the
countryside with a view to divert the attention of the tenancy and poor peasantry from
their economic struggles. The money lenders were hit hard by the new act.
 195

The Morley Minto Reforms encouraged separatist tendencies among the

agriculturalists. The communal proportion of the agriculturists was estimated to be 25
percent of the total Hindu population; while 60 percent of the Muslim population and
about 70 percent of the Sikhs belonged to this group. The agriculturalist began to
demand separate agriculturalist schools and services in various government
departments proportionate to their population strength. The non agriculturalist section of
the community was deprived of its traditional lead over the agriculturalist classes as the
British government substantially accepted the latter‘sdemands which were greatly
resented by the former. TheMuslims and Hindus were divided not only on religious
basis, but also on agriculturalist and non agriculturalist or rural and urban basis.

The proselytizing activity was intensified by the entry of Christian missionaries on

the scene and Muslims, Christians and Sikhs competed in finding converts from the
backward classes of the Hindus. The Arya Samaj movement grew as a reaction to this
challenge. The Arya Samaj was bitterly opposed to Christianity and its intense anti-
Christian character made it anti- British. It was anti – Muslim and anti-Sikh which
intensified the antagonism between the three communities. The religious leaders among
the Hindus started the campaign of rejuvenationof Hinduism with double force which
obviously widened the gulf between the Hindus and Muslims as well as between Hindus
and Sikhs. The venom spread around issues like cow slaughter which became the root
cause of communal riots. But the government displayed no active interest in the matter.
The anti British feelings had developed all over India, attracted them to Indian National
Congress. The Congress had become quite popular among the Hindus in the Punjab.
Arya Samaj tried to give its protection to the Sikhs by calling them a sect within Hindu
fold but Sikhs reacted sharply by saying Ham Hindu Nahin Hain. By the end of 19th
century, communal feelings had grown sufficiently deep to create dissensions.
Communalism and rural- urban discord were developed as tools by the upper and
middle classes of all the three religious communities to gain positions of advantage in
the administrative and political structure of the province. The acceptance of the principle
of communal representation by Lord Minto in 1906, and its inclusion in the Morley Minto
Reforms in 1909, gave new and wider dimensions to the problem. The reform scheme
and acceptance of the principle of separate electorates for the Muslims aroused a sharp
controversy in the Punjab. Whilethe Congress members were quiet, the Arya Samaj and
other organisations condemned it. The measure was also keenly discussed by the Sikh
communal leaders in the press. They, therefore, demanded the right to a separate
representation. They sent a deputation to London to wait on Lord Morley, but nothing
came out of it.

By this time, the revolutionary activities started in the country and continued
despite the severely repressive measures taken by the authorities. The attempt to
assassinate Lord Harding by a bomb during the ceremonial parade in Chandni Chowk
on 23 December, 1912 and the discovery of a bomb at Lawrence Gardens, Lahore in
May,1913 unnerved the authorities. Michael O‘ Dwyer was appointed as Lieutenant –
Governor of the Punjab. Further to strike terror in the hearts of the people of the Punjab
 196

and make them desist from violent activities, four persons were sent to the gallows in the
Delhi Conspiracy Case. The revolutionary movement found expression in political
disturbances in the province during 1911-15. The Ghadar movement, one of the first
overseas freedom movements was organized by Lala Hardayal, Baba Sohan Singh
Bhakhna, Kartar Singh Sarabha and others. It had a great appeal among the Sikh Jats.
In the beginning, the Muslim masses remained aloof from the Ghadar movement. Later,
the party found strong supporters among the reputed Muslim leaders like Maulana Abul
Kalam Azad, Maulana Mohammed Ali and his brother Shaukat Ali. The party joined with
the Berlin Revolutionaries and asked help from the foreign powers to overthrow British
rule. The conspiracy popularly known as the ―Silk Letters Conspiracy‖ was, however,
unearthed by the Punjab government and was suppressed with a heavy hand. The
militant upsurge in the Punjab met with a severe setback when the Defence of India Act
was passed in 1915. While the government dealt with the revolutionaries severely, it
announced the Montagu- Chelmsford Reforms to appease the moderate sections and
thus divide the national forces. After the suppression of the revolutionary movement, the
communal ideas again got the upper hand, resulting in communal riots at Patna, Gaya
and Arrah in October, 1917. The publication of the Montagu-Chelmsford Report, again
strangely enough was followed by a terrible riot at Kartarpur in UP in 1918. The riots at
Arrah and Kartarpur led to the spread of bitter feelings between the two communities
and encouraged sectional hostility.
The end of First World War (1918-19) witnessed unity of the national forces in
the country. The war was followed by a steep rise in the prices, increased taxation and
natural calamities like famine, plague and influenza. Further, the Rowlett legislation led
to unprecedented agitation resulting in the unity between almost all the communal
groups. The All India Congress Committee decided to hold its annual session at Amritsar
to unite the Hindus and the Muslims. The news that the inhabitants of the surrounding
villages had formed a ―Danda Fauj‖ with a view to end ―British Raj‖ made British almost
panicky. The situation was explosive, particularly, against the background of the
revolutionary movements that had characterized the period. The Jallianwala Bagh
massacre at Amritsar was culmination of the official reaction to this revolutionary
upsurge. Nearly 400 to 500 people were killed in cold blood and more than 2000 were
wounded. The year 1919 was of incalculable importance in the history of Punjab which
changed the character of the national movement.
The Congress had submitted to the communal device of ―Separate Electorates‖
when it arrived at an agreement with the Muslim League at the Lucknow Congress in
1916, popularly known as the Lucknow Pact. It had agreed to the demand of the
Muslims for further concessions and weightage under the pressure tactics of the Muslim
League, but the Sikhs were completely ignored. Feeling sore at the Congress
indifference, the Chief Khalsa Diwan submitted a memorandum to the Montague
Chelmsford Mission and also organised a deputation which waited on the Secretary of
the State and the Viceroy. Punjab government supported the claim of the Sikhs for
considerable weightage. Therefore, Montague and Chelmsford, extended the separate
franchise right to the Sikhs. The Sikhs communal leaders demand for a weightage, equal
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to that of Muslims in the Hindu – majority provinces, was not acceptable by the British as
it would have converted the Muslim majority in the province into a minority. When the
franchise rules were framed, the Sikhs found that they were given only eight out of 54
seats. Later with the efforts of the Chief Khalsa Diwan and the Sikh League, two more
seats were given to them.

The Montagu- Chelmsford Reforms brought in its wake not only countrywide
agitation and intensified struggle for freedom by all the sections, communities and
classes, but they also introduced a permanent gap between the different communities.
The unity between the Congress and the Muslim League was destroyed in no time. The
authorities had, thus succeeded in outwitting and outbidding the national leadership. In
the Punjab, too, this gave a temporary setback to Fazl-i-Hussain‘s group which had
supported the Lucknow Pact. Therefore, when the Montagu- Chelmsford Scheme
conferred partial responsible government on the provinces and declared responsible
government as the goal of constitutional development in India, the struggle for power
between the leadership of various communities was sharpened and they vied with one
another to have maximum share in the administration of the country after the withdrawal
of the British.

By this time, the Punjab remained anti- British which found expressions in the
movements of Khilafat, Gurdwara Reform and Civil Disobedience. The establishment of
the Akali Party in 1920 and the Unionist Party in 1923, however marked a new turn in
Punjab Politics. The Unionist Party was a party of landholders. The Muslim leadership of
the Unionist Party in the Punjab realized that the successful working of the Reforms was
not possible without non-Muslim help. It included among its members Hindu and Sikh
landlords and agriculturalists. They united to form a party to defend their privileges
initially as rural party. In this attempt, they were supported by the British, who wanted to
suppress the struggle for political independence led by the Indian National Congress and
other national revolutionary parties. The Unionist leaders gave an agricultural and rural
bias to the legislative and administrative policy of the government and interpreted their
existing differences as between ‗have gots‘ and ‗have nots‘. With a view to remove
disparity, they demanded more opportunities in educational institutions and government
services. This policy created a permanent cleavage between the two communities in the
western and central parts of the Punjab. The agriculturalists were mainly Muslims, major
section of the non-Muslims followed non-agriculturalist professions. The Muslim leaders
of the Unionist Party were of the opinion that the Hindu-Muslim controversy was bitter in
the Punjab because the majority community although numerically so, was a minority in
every other sense, for instance, in voting registers, in public services, in local- self
government, educational institutions and in economic fields. Consequently, they
wholeheartedly supported the separate electorates, for otherwise they could not get
seats proportionate to their numerical strength. With the growth of the national demand
for self government, the Unionist Party, led by its Muslim exponents became more and
more vocal in their demands to get as many concessions for their community as
possible. To achieve this, they supported separate electorates, weightage, official blocs
in the legislature and special powers to the government. The pro-British, anti–Congress
Party alienated the sympathies of the nationalists in Punjab. The Unionist Party did not
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have much following among the masses. Despite the Unionist Party‘s support to the
British, a sizable section of all the three communities – Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs- were
pitted against the British during the period in the movements of Civil Disobedience,
Khilafat and Gurudwara Sudhar Agitation.
The militant mass struggle was marred by the scramble for jobs and more shares
in the administration at the Round Table Conference, culminating in the demand for
territorial redistribution of the provinces. The Sikh community was greatly perturbed at
the claim of Dr. Iqbal to a consolidated North-Western State consisting of the Punjab,
North-West Frontier, Baluchistan and Sind, for acceptance of this demand would lead to
the division of the Sikh population. In a memorandum submitted to the Round Table
Conference, the Sikh delegate, Ujjal Singh, stated that in case the Muslims refused to
accept anything but a reserved majority on the basis of separate electorates, they (the
Sikhs) would, then press for a ‗territorial rearrangement‘ of the province which would
consolidate the Sikh population. They demanded, therefore, that the divisions (excluding
Lyallpur and Montgomery Districts) which were over-whelming Muslim and were
radically akin to the North-West Frontier Province should be taken away from the
Punjab. Thisarrangement, if accepted, would leave a Punjab of about 16 millions in
which no single community would have an absolute majority and each community would
be obliged to conciliate the others. Such a proposal was not acceptable to the Muslims.
A counter proposal for the reorganization of the Punjab boundaries was made by Sir
Geoffrey Corbett. The scheme aimed at the separation of Ambala Division from the
Punjab to make it more Muslim in character by taking away the Hindu majority districts.
This proposal was totally unacceptable to the Sikhs and the Hindus of the province as it
relegated the non-Muslims to an in effective minority in the Punjab. Muslims enjoyed
heavy weightage as compare to Sikhs as minority in the Hindu majority provinces.
Master Tara Singh demanded that if the British government could not accede to the
demand of territorial rearrangement as suggested by them, it must take effective steps to
safeguard the Sikh interests. The situation, thus, had become quite complex. While the
Hindu middle classes resented the loss of the predominant position they had hitherto
enjoyed, the Muslim and the Sikh middle and upper strata did not want to lose the gains
that accrued to them from communal representation which remained a major factor of
this nefarious system. Even the language was not kept out of the web of communalism
in the province.
The demand for a separate Sikh state was revived in 1942 when the Pakistan
Scheme was discussed at All India level. Following the demand for a separate sovereign
state for the Muslims in the north-west of India, a delegation of the Akali leaders,
consisting of Baldev Singh, Ujjal Singh, Joginder Singh and Master Tara Singh met
Stafford Cripps in 1942 and complained that their (Sikh) cause had been lamentably
betrayed. Cripps advised them to bargain with both the Congress and the Muslim
League for a Soviet District type autonomous area and join the state that offers them
better terms. In an article in 1943 entitled ‗Azad Punjab Scheme‘, Master Tara Singh
emphasized that ‗this scheme was conceived to protect the Sikhs from the communal
domination of the Muslims.‘ Explaining the reason for his demand, Master Tara Singh
stated that the Hindu and Muslim minorities could always look upon the provinces where
 199

their co-religionists were in a majority for security and protection of their rights, but the
Sikhs did not enjoy similar position for they did not have majority anywhere. He held a
huge meeting at Amritsar on 20 August 1944 in which he condemned the British, Gandhi
and Jinnah for neglecting them. Later in a memorandum submitted to the Sapru
Committee in 1945, the Akali Party demanded the creation of a separate Sikh state
which should include substantial majority of the Sikh population and their important
sacred shrines even if it meant transfer and exchange of population and property. The
Akali Party, whose demand for ‗Azad Punjab‘ was a counter proposal to the demand for
Pakistan, however, made it clear that they were in favour of a strong centre and did not
favour dismemberment of the country. It was meant to act as an effective check on the
demand for Pakistan and had the support of the Hindu organizations like Hindu
Mahasabha. Master Tara Singh was quite ambiguous about the nature of Azad Punjab
and consequently was not taken seriously by the British.
The Hindu position in the province was different from that in the other Hindu
majority provinces. They suffered from the fear of being dominated by the Muslim
majority and thought that they needed safeguards to protect their culture and rights. The
minority consciousness had become so predominant among the non – Muslims in
Punjab, particularly Sikhs that when agreement was reached among Jogendra Singh,
Gokul Chand Narang, Sikandar Hayat Khan and Ahmad Yar Daultana on the joint
electorate basis, it was not accepted by the Sikhs. They were enjoying 6 percent
weightage in the province which they were not prepared to forego. The opposition by the
non-Muslims was interpreted to prove that ―separate electorates were not the creed of
the Muslims only, but of minorities irrespective of religion. It appeared that Punjab
Hindus had been pressing for joint electorates.....because the Muslim voting strength
was weak and they could dominate the province.....‖ The prevailing communal
atmosphere and pressing demands of the Muslims to have a share in administrative,
educational and economic fields in proportion to their population, threw a large section of
the Punjab Hindus in the fold of the Arya Samaj and the Hindu Mahasabha. The
Congress as well as Hindu Organizations, however, had little influence in the western
Punjab and their activities were mainly limited to the central region. Eastern Punjab, now
known as Haryana, nevertheless, remained neglected for quite some time before it came
under the influence of Chottu Ram.
The Punjab Hindus though influenced by the Arya Samaj and the Hindu
Mahasabha, were politically inspired by the Indian National Congress. The Punjab
Congress membership was mainly drawn from the urban Hindus. The Akali party by and
large followed a policy of co-operation with the Congress almost until the eve of the
partition. A large section of Sikh peasantry under the influence of the Ghadar Party and
Kirti Kisan Party formed the bulk of the rural membership of the Congress. A major
section of Punjab Congress leadership with the exception of Pratap Singh Kairon and a
few others hailed from urban areas and as such opposed many of the land reform bills
moved by the Unionist Party. This often led to a clash of opinion between the Congress
High Command and the Punjab Congress. The urban and the Arya Samaj bias of the
provincial Congress kept the Muslim masses outside its fold.The Congress penetration
 200

in the central Punjab was mainly on account of the left wing group‘s activity and the
influx of non-communal revolutionary ideas through the Ghadar Party, Kirti Kisan
Movements, the Non Cooperation, the Gurudwara Sudhar Agitation. These movements
had no base in the eastern and western parts of the province. The Unionist party could
not build its strength in central Punjab. The Unionist party was against the Muslim
League‘s intervention in the Punjab politics and succeeded in checking the Leagues
influence in the province till 1945 when it came in open clash at the Shimla Conference.
By this time, Jinnah had realized that the demand for Pakistan could not
materialize unless an independent Muslim League organization was established in the
Punjab and the Muslim members of the Legislative Assembly owed their exclusive
allegiance to the Muslim League. Jinnah‘s insistence to merge the Unionist party with
the Muslim League was considered as an attempt to disintegrate the Unionist party and
a violation of the Sikandar- Jinnah Pact. At the Shimla Conference, Khizr Hayat Khan
took a firm stand on the inclusion of a non- League Punjabi Muslim in the Viceroy‘s
Executive Council and clashed with Jinnah on this issue.
The events that took place in 1947 were, thus an outcome of the developments
that had made their head way in the last hundred years (1849-1947). The importance of
the Punjab as nucleus of the demand of the Muslim League for Pakistan made it the hot
bed of all types of political intrigues. The final position of the political parties in Punjab,
after the 1946 general elections, showed a changeover in party affiliations. The Muslim
League captured 79 out of 86 Muslim seats, the Congress 51, the Akali Sikhs 22, and
the Unionist and the Independents 10 each. The Muslim League came out as not only
the largest Muslim party but also the largest single party in Punjab Assembly. It could
not, however, form a ministry unless it joined with some other party. The Congress and
Akali Sikhs formed a working alliance and in their negotiations with the Muslim League,
put up certain conditions which were unacceptable to the latter. The League could not
reach a separate agreement with the Sikhs as they insisted on their claim for a Sikh
State in the event of the establishment of Pakistan. Eventually, a coalition ministry
consisting of Congress, Akali and Unionist parties, under the leadership of Khizr Hayat
Khan was formed. The Muslim League directed all its energies towards overthrowing the
coalition ministry. It came out with bitter offensive remarks against the government and
the Hindus in the Punjab. On 24 January 1947, ban was imposed on the Muslim
National Guard and the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh as a measure to maintain
peaceful conditions in the province. This was taken as an attack on the civil liberties of
the people and the Muslim League as a party. The movement was supported by the
Communist Party as a ‗struggle for democratic rights‘. The Punjab government had to
withdraw the ban on 28 January 1947. By February, the Muslim League campaign of
hatred against the coalition ministry, particularly, against the Unionist members was at
its peak. His majesty‘s Government declaration on 20 February, expressing their
intention to transfer power into responsible Indian hands, gave an impetus to the Muslim
League to intensify their struggle in the last bid for getting their demand conceded. The
situation deteriorated rapidly. Khizr Hayat Khan submitted his resignation on 3 March,
1947. Demonstrations were taken out by the non Muslim to mark their protest against
the proposed League ministry which culminated in a riot in Lahore. The Muslim League
could not succeed in forming ministry and in the absence of any other alternative; the
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Governor took over the administration of the province in his own hands till alternative
arrangements could be made. The Muslim League in the Punjab led by Nawab of
Mamdot continued to put pressure on the Governor to call them to form ministry.
The provocative statements of the Muslim League leaders on account of denial
of what they considered their ‗justifiable‘ right to form the government and the civil
liberties movements started by them had a reaction on the non – Muslims particularly the
Sikhs. Consequently, the Sikhs insisted on partition of Punjab and declared that they
were determined to fight to the end to achieve their goal. Serious riots broke out in the
first week of March in almost all the important cities of Punjab – Lahore, Multan,
Rawalpindi, Amritsar, Jhelum and others. Jawaharlal Nehru made a three day tour of the
riot affected areas. These events also affected the Congress approach to the problem.
The acceptance of the Partition Plan for the Punjab was followed by a demand by the
Bengal Provincial Congress Committee for the division of Bengal, as it was considered
the only peaceful solution to the communal problem. The demand for the partition of the
Punjab and Bengal upset Jinnah‘s plan. Jinnah tried to disrupt the Hindu- Sikh unity by
making an offer of an autonomous Sikh province with in the State of Pakistan. The Akali
leader, Master Tara Singh agreed to enter into negotiations with the Muslim League on
the basis of the division of the Punjab. By this time, Sikhs had become the target of
communal fury of the Muslims particularly in Rawalpindi district. The Sikhs were now
more insistent on partition of Punjab as it would save at least half of their population from
Muslim domination and oppression. Mountbatten mooted the idea of referendum in the
Punjab on the issue of partition of the province which was acceptable to Khizar Hayat
Khan but was not approved by others. Jenkins warned that if the Punjab was partitioned,
there would be a civil war and fighting would start in the province at once. The statement
of the British government on 3 June 1947, providing for the independence and partition
of the country, accepted the plan for the partition of the two provinces – Punjab and
Bengal. The plan was accepted by all the major parties - Congress, Muslim League and
Akalis. The partition of the Punjab though a natural corollary to the partition of India,
could become a fact because of the sharp conflict of interests on religious, economic
and political grounds.

Self – Assessment Questions

1. What do you know about ‗Silk Letter Conspiracy‘?
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2. What was the proposal of Sardar Ujjal Singh?
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3. What was Azad Punjab Scheme?
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4. Who was Dr. Mohammad Iqbal?

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5. Which cities faced the riots in Punjab in March 1947?
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11.3 REHABILITATION
After partition refugees were pouring into East Punjab in the latter part of 1947. It
had become clear that the two-way migrations would be permanent. The contingency
plans that were drawn up by administrators addressed problems of decongesting relief
camps where most refugees were sheltered and dispersing them not only within East
Punjab but also in the surrounding provinces and princely states. It was decided on 15
September 1947 that rural refugees should be temporarily settled on, evacuee land and
that each family be given a plough unit, regardless of its holdings in Pakistan. It was also
decided that refugees from particular districts of Pakistan should be settled together, as
far possible, in district wise clusters. These steps, it was hoped, would avoid over-
population in the border districts and would lead to a somewhat even distribution within
the province. Refugees were told which particular district of East Punjab they should go
to for temporary settlement. It thus became possible, at least temporarily, for displaced
persons to be surrounded by their kinsmen and village folk and this contributed in some
measure to their 'psychological rehabilitation'.
It was also decided that the temporary allotment of evacuee land should be made
on the basis of groups of families, rather than single households or individuals. During
the migrations there had been a tendency among friends, relatives and kinsmen to
collect together in small groups to cope with the prevailing insecurity and uncertainty.
Relief administrators found it beneficial to deal with groups rather than individuals.
Working in groups also created a sense of biradiri and provided a semblance of security
to the uprooted, in their new and insecure surroundings. It also enabled individuals and
families to pool together family labour, bullocks, ploughs and other agricultural
implements. This temporary allotment of evacuee land came as a measure of relief for
the rural refugees. Its unique feature was that no discrimination was made between
landholders and tenants who were entitled to equal treatment. A large number of
landless labourers and village artisans also got possession of land under this scheme,
and this led to a certain leveling of hierarchies in rural society.
Mere allotment of land was, however, not enough either for restoring the
shattered agricultural economy of the Punjab or for rehabilitating the refugees. The
cultivators who had been put on land still needed help, and their first need was to buy
food which was no longer easily available in rural areas. Since it took almost six months
 203

for the raising of their first crops, they needed cash help to buy food. They were
therefore provided with food loans, which were disbursed at the rate of Rs. 3½ per adult
and Rs. 2 per child per month. However, due to the dislocation of trade, conditions of
scarcity widely existed in the countryside. Relief administrators, therefore, had to open
retail shops in the larger villages for the supply of wheat. This help was provided until
1949 by which time Rs 8.2 million had been disbursed in the form of food subsidies.
Finance was also provided for the purchase of bullocks for cultivation, and camels in the
dry districts of Hissar and Gurgaon. In all, over Rs 11 million were disbursed from 1947
to 1951 to enable the farmers to acquire livestock. Assistance was given too for the
purchase of fodder for animals and for seeds which were made available through
government seed depots. Likewise, credit was provided for the purchase of agricultural
implements, Persian wheels and well gears. Artisans such as cobblers, carpenters,
ironsmiths, weavers and leather workers received loans for re-establishing their old
trades and restoring the supply of goods, produced by them.

The refugees also needed help in the area, of housing. The partition
disturbances had caused such extensive damage to houses, public buildings and wells
that the authorities were forced to 'regard housing as a national problem of utmost
urgency. It was estimated that 34 per cent of evacuee homes in East Punjab villages
had been damaged beyond repair while only 47 per cent were intact. In the case of
wells, only 62 per cent were found to be in working order. Loans and grants were given
to villagers to undertake repair of wells and to reconstruct houses. In overall terms, all
these measures went a long way towards rebuilding the rural economy of the Punjab.

A field survey undertaken in early 1948 in a village near Ludhiana provides us

with a snapshot of the conditions that prevailed in the East Punjab countryside following
the temporary allotment of land. This survey conducted at Jarnalpur village on the
outskirts of Ludhiana city highlighted the enormous difficulties which the refugee settlers
experienced in the new lands allotted to them. According to the survey this village had
2,536 acres of evacuee land, which was distributed under the group allotment scheme
among 189 families resulting in an average holding of 12.67 acres. However, as only
1,600 acres were of cultivable quality, in actual terms the average size of holding per
family came to only 8.4 acres. As each holding was typically made up of four types of
land — bet chachi, bet darani, budhi and dhatur — it was of uneven quality and was
scattered in several place.

It was further reported that group allotment created problems of cohesion and
conflict of interest among the members. It also led, to difficulties in the equitable
distribution of workload and the sharing of responsibility. Additionally, the survey found a
severe shortage of livestock, which greatly hampered the cultivation effort. Overall, it
reported conditions of extreme hardship and urged the Government to provide a fuller
supply of livestock and agricultural implements and to evolve some effective machinery
of self-administration within each group' to ensure the success of temporary allotment.
 204

From the findings of this survey and from the thousands of petitions which it had
received from the refugees, the Government of East Punjab knew that temporary
allotment of land could only be a crisis response and that longer-term measures for
rehabilitation were urgently needed. The Government wanted to decongest the refugee
camps which had sprung up in practically every town. Moreover, there existed the threat
of a serious food crisis especially at a time when the Government was faced with the
direct additional responsibility of providing food for the several lakhs of refugees who
were sheltered in its relief camps. Government officials were naturally anxious that the
fields abandoned by the Muslims in East Punjab should not lie uncultivated during the
autumn and they, therefore, implemented the scheme of temporary allotment on a war
footing.
11.4 TOWARDS PERMANENT RESETTLEMENT: STANDARD ACRES AND
GRADED CUTS
When the initial allotment of land was made to refugees, no consideration was
given to their previous land-holdings, and it soon became clear that a revised scheme
had to be formulated for the long-term settlement of the refugees. In February 1948 the
East Punjab Government announced its intention of formulating new scheme which
aimed at a semi-permanent allotment of land. However, different approaches existed to
the problem of resettlement, and at least two divergent viewpoints were presented
before the Government. There was one school of thought which argued that given the
grave crisis which Punjab faced after partition, the only real solution to the problem of
rehabilitation lay in redistributing evacuee land to the refugees based on the principle of
co-operative farming. According to this viewpoint, the Government should disregard, in
view of the shortfall which existed in the supply of land and the prevailing circumstances
in the province, the refugees' claims of compensation based on their previous ownership
of land.
As opposed to this, most landholders were of the view that the principle of
compensation should be the basis of resettlement, and in future schemes of land
allotment, the extent of their earlier holdings must determine the size of the land to be
allotted to them. While a large number of refugees were in possession of evidence
regarding their lands, the Government had either no revenue records or only incomplete
records for most of the villages which had been evacuated during the partition
massacres. In such a situation the only source of information on land ownership and
claims to land were the refugees themselves, who were, therefore, invited to submit
claims upon which a permanent scheme of resettlement could he drawn.
The filing of these claims took place during March—April 1949 and in all 517,401
households or families submitted claims. Inevitably, in the absence of revenue records,
these claims contained a measure of exaggeration. To get the true picture, it was
decided to convene panchayats of particular villages. By a due process of enquiry, the
revenue staff was finally able to obtain, fairly accurate picture of the, precise extent of
land ownership. Randhawa, who was closely involved with the process of rural
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rehabilitation, recalls that ‗in this work-of verification of land claims, the panchayats
played an extremely useful role.
STANDARD ACRE
The relief administrators in East Punjab by mid 1949 had done the necessary
groundwork to formulate the blueprint of a scheme of permanent rehabilitation. Central
to this scheme was the concept of the `standard acre'. This concept was devised to
evolve a common measure that could facilitate the allotment of the land in East Punjab
where there was great diversity in terms of soil, irrigation, rainfall and productivity. In
view of this diversity there existed a compelling need to evolve a common measure-to
facilitate the allocation of land. It was with this in view that the concept was evolved by
SardarTarlok Singh of the Indian Civil Service, who was Punjab's first Director-General
of Rehabilitation.
The `standard acre' represented a unit of value based on the productivity of land.
An acre which could yield ten to eleven mounds of wheat was given the value of sixteen
annas and termed one `standard acre'. The physical area of the 'standard acre' thus
varied, and every piece of cultivable land in rural Punjab was given valuation annas, so
that it could be measured easily in `standard acre' terms. In the dry districts of Hissar
and Gurgaon where the valuation of one acre was only four annas, four physical acres
went to make a `standard acre', while to the canal-irrigated parts of the province where
the value of an acre was full sixteen annas, an ordinary physical acre was the equivalent
of a 'standard acre'.
Another feature of the scheme was the attempt, as far as possible, to collectively
resettle persons from particular areas in Pakistan in specific districts. Many canal
colonists who had originally migrated from East to West Punjab were thus able to return
to their ancestral districts. Landholders from Lahore and Montgomery were settled in
Ferozepur, while those from Rawalpindi, Sheikhupura and Gujranwala were settled in
Karnal. The refugees from Shahpur and Gujrat were allotted land in Ambala, while those
from Multan, in the south-eastern districts of present day Haryana. Those from Jhang
were settled in Rohtak, while refugees from DeraGazi Khan and Mianwali were given
land in the dry district of Gurgaon. Similarly, provision of land for people from Sialkot was
made in Hoshiarpur, Gurdaspur and Amritsar districts.
The refugees wanted to re-create their old village conditions and to revive the
social ties which had bound them together. Although this demand for villagewise
allotment was incorporated in the new scheme of permanent settlement, practical
considerations nevertheless dictated that, as far as possible, those already settled on
temporary allotments should not be disturbed. Administrative expediency dictated this
freezing of temporary allotments which became a sort-of guiding principle in the new
scheme. While the refugees were broadly settled in districts, and within these districts,
as far as possible, in village, village communities, as they had existed before the
partition, could never really be fully re-created and their disruption was a serious social
and cultural loss to Punjab.
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GRADED CUTS
Another key feature of the new scheme was the application of a concept called
`graded cuts'. Underlying this concept was the desire of resettlement administrators, not
to provide direct compensation to the refugees, but to enable them to rehabilitate
themselves economically and socially. They were inspired by the ideal of creating
peasant proprietorship and encouraging the agriculturists to work hard to stand on their
own feet. They therefore formulated a scheme of 'graded cuts' incorporating the concept
of the 'standard acre'. According to this scheme, refugees were classified on the basis of
their holdings in Pakistan expressed in `standard acre' terms. Each category was then
subjected to a scale of 'graded 'cuts', based on which the net entitlement of the refugee
was arrived at. The scale of `graded cuts' was worked out as shown in Table 11.1.
Table 11.1 Basis of permanent allotment of land to refugees
Grade Rate of cut (%) Net allotment
(Standard acres) (Standard acres)
Up to 10 25 7.5
10 to 30 30 21.5
30 to 40 40 27.5
40 to 60 55 36.5
60 to 100 70 48.5
100 to 150 75 61
150 to 200 80 71
200 to 250 85 78.5
250 to 500 90 103.5
500 to 1000 95 128.5
Source: Randhawa, Out of the Ashes: 99
By late 1949 the scheme of permanent allotment was ready for implementation
and soon 250,900 allotment orders were issued. A very large number of applications
were received containing appeals and requests for redressal of grievances. Efforts were
made to consider these sympathetically. Subsequently, allotment orders were revised,
whenever possible, and the actual delivery of land was completed in early 1951.
Long-term effects
The vast scale upon which these land transfers took place had long-term
repercussions, for the rural society of the Punjab and Haryana region. According to
Randhawa the innovation of `graded cuts' merely represented a compromise between
the extreme socialist views, which totally ignored the ownership of land and emphasized
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only the rehabilitation aspect, and the views of the displaced landholders themselves
who desired full compensation for the land which they had been forced to abandon.
None the less, the changes which took place as a result of the massive land
redistribution were very significant. Among other things, they led to a leveling of large
holdings and the eradication of absentee landlordism. Very large land-holdings in the
East Punjab countryside were almost eliminated. A few examples of this may be
considered. The largest landowner among the displaced persons was MrsVidyawanti
who lost a total area of 11,582 acres in thirty-five villages, in lieu of which she got an
allotment of only 835 acres in Karnal district, while Trilok Chand, another big landlord,
left behind 5,328 acres in Lyallpur district for which he was given only 313 acres. Big
landlords were thus substantially dispossessed of their large holdings.
The middle farmers also suffered, particularly with respect to the quality of land
upon which they were settled. The planners of the scheme knew from their past
experience that it was the middle farmer, with an average holding of ten to thirty
`standard acres', who represented the best skills of the Punjabi peasantry and that he,
therefore, needed to, be protected. The cuts worked very harshly on the resources of the
small farmers. In overall term the new scheme acted, as a sort of ‗shock therapy‘ to the
agriculturists. It forced the large big farmers to take to cultivation themselves rather than
live as absentee landlords, and made the middle and small farmers more industrious. At
the same time, it provided an opportunity for mobility at the lower end of the spectrum,
as efforts were made to give small plots to even the poorest rural households.
Technically, the rural refugees in East Punjab had been settled upon land on a
permanent basis by late-1951.
Consolidation of Holdings
The immense scale of property transfers from 1947 to 1951 gave an irreversible
impetus to another development which again had a far-reaching result, that of
consolidation of agricultural, holding chakbandi. Before partition, agricultural holdings in
the Punjab, as in other parts of the country, were scattered and fragmented. A farmer
owning a few acres of land may have his holdings scattered in ten or twelve tiny pieces.
In some cases the plots were so narrow that, because of insufficient space, even
bullocks could not be harnessed to plough them. Much land was also wasted in
embankments and boundaries'. Canal irrigation was impossible on scattered plots and
wells could not be sunk because of their small size. The laws of succession were such
that, after each generation, further sub-division of holdings occurred.
This process had continued for several generations and had produced severe
fragmentation of agricultural holdings. Although the British had tried to promote
consolidation for several decades, and in 1936 had even enacted the Panjab
Consolidation Act, progress in this area had been extremely slow. By 1948, only about
700,000 acres of land had been consolidated. However, the disruption caused by the
partition and the pressing need to rebuild the rural economy of the Punjab necessitated
that the work of consolidation of holdings be speeded up, and undertaken on a war-
footing. As a result, the East Punjab Holding: Consolidation and Fragmentation Act was
 208

enacted in 1948 which introduced an element of compulsion. Thereafter, progress in

consolidation work as rapid. In 1951-2 alone over 1.7 lakh acres of land was
consolidated.
The advantages of consolidation were obvious: it enabled villages to reclaim
waste land and install tube-wells. It was reckoned that the increase in agricultural
production from consolidation alone, without involving any change in technology, was in
the region of 25 per cent. In particular consolidation enabled a large area of waste land
to be brought under cultivation and be given to landless groups, Harijans and village
artisans.
The most beneficial effect of consolidation was, however, that it enabled farmers
to sink tube-wells on their holdings. In 1950 Punjab had practically no tube-wells, but by
1978 their number had risen to over 570,000. Consolidation of holdings therefore led to
significant changes in the pattern of irrigation, as farmers were able to use sub-soil water
for cultivation and were also able to enjoy the benefits of canal irrigation. In addition, the
total cultivated area, which had previously been lost in embankments and field-bunds,
increased substantially. All these changes provided a sound basis for the introduction of
intensive agriculture in the Punjab. By1969 both Punjab and Haryana had already
achieved 100 per cent targets in the consolidation of holdings of their cultivable land.
Self Assessment Questions
1. Define standard acres.
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2. What do you understand by graded cuts?
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3. What were the advantages of consolidation?
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4. What do you understand by psychological rehabilitation?
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11.5 PUNJABI SUBA MOVEMENT (1947-1966)

The politics of the Sikhs in the early decades of independence were linked up
with major issues like problem of resettlement, rehabilitation of the masses, integration
of princely states with the Indian union, territorial reorganization and economic growth
etc. Rehabilitation resulted in significant changes in demographic pattern of Punjab. In
 209

1951, Sikhs formed 35 percent of total population. In the Sikh princely states and the
districts of Gurdaspur, Amritsar, Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur etc, the Sikhs came to represent
more than half of the total population.
In October 1948, the Shiromani Akali Dal passed a resolution in favor of
continuing separate representation for the Sikhs. Three weeks later the minority
committee formed by the Punjab Chief Minister elaborated the terms of weightage and
reservation for the Sikhs. They add significantly that if it were not possible to give
weightage and reservation to the Sikhs a new province may be created with the districts
of Gurdaspur, Amritsar, Hoshiarpur, Ludhiana, Ferozpur and Ambala as its core. In May
1949, the Advisory Committee of the Constituent Assembly said that there was no room
for weightage to religious minorities in a federal republic. The unsympathetic attitude of
the Constituent Assembly was more clearly visible. The last minute efforts of the Sikh
members of the Constituent Assembly to get reservation with the right to contest
additional seats proved futile. They refused to sign the draft Constitution to be adopted
by the people of India on 26 January 1950. This was hardly an auspicious beginning.
On 15 July 1948, Sardar Patel referred to the Patiala and East Punjab States
Union (Pepsu) as a ‗Sikh homeland‘. He inaugurated the new state comprising Patiala,
Nabha, Jind, Faridkot, Kapurthala and Kalsia together with the states of Malerkotla and
Nalagarh. The total area was over 10,000 square miles and population of nearly
3,500,000. The Former Chief of Patiala, Maharaja Yadvindra Singh was made the
Governor and the Former Chief of Kapurthala was made the Deputy Governor. A
caretaker government was installed in August 1948 under Sardar Gian Singh Rarewala.
The Akalis had taken interest in the affairs of the Sikh states and had
considerable influence in their politics. In 1928, their leaders founded the Punjab States
Praja Mandal, an organization that advocated constitutional and agrarian reform. The
changing political situation of the Punjab in the 1940‘s found its reflection in the Sikh
states. When the Akalis decided to support the British in their war effort, they came close
to the Maharaja of Patiala. After that the emphasis was laid on Sikh interests and Sikh
rights in the princely states. The Akalis began to leave the Praja Mandal while the
number of Hindus began to increase.
After independence, the leaders of the Akalis and the Praja Mandal revealed
their differences first on the question of merger. The Akali leaders favored a union of
Sikh states or even the creation of two new states by keeping Patiala as a single unit.
The Praja Mandal leaders advocated merger of the princely states with the East Punjab.
The formation of government in Pepsu was the second issue among them. Gian Singh
Rarewala a mediator was sworn in at the beginning of 1949. He chose his colleagues
from the Praja Mandal and Lok Sewa Sabha. But they joined hands together to oust
Rarewala. Raghubir Singh became the Chief Minister and Brish Bhan agreed to be
Deputy Chief Minister.
Praja Mandal and Lok Sewa Sabha merged together and formed the Pepsu
Pradesh Congress. In the first general elections in 1952, they captured 26 out of a total
of 60 seats. The Akalis secured 19 seats and the remaining seats were won by the
 210

Communists and other parties. Without a clear majority, the Congress was invited to
form a ministry but only to be replaced by a united front ministry under Gian Singh
Rarewala on 21 April 1952. He was supported by the Akalis. This first non-Congress
ministry in the country fell in March 1953, when Gian Singh was unseated through an
election petition. The assembly was dissolved and president‘s rule was promulgated in
Pepsu. It was the first instance of such a rule in the country. In the midterm polls in early
1954, the Akalis won only 12 seats. A Congress ministry was formed under Raghubir
Singh. After his death, Brish Bhan became the Chief Minister of Pepsu in 1956. By now,
the Akalis were asking for the merger of Pepsu with the Punjabi speaking areas of the
Punjab to form a new state on the basis of language.
In June 1948, the Punjab government made Hindi and Punjabi the new medium
of instruction in schools in place of Urdu. In February 1949, the municipal committee of
Jalandhar, an old stronghold of the Arya Samaj resolved to introduce Hindi in Devnagri
in all its schools. In June 1949, the senate of the Panjab University refused to have
Punjabi in Gurumukhi or even Devnagri script as the medium of instructions in schools.
The Sikhs began to express their fears that Punjabi was likely to remain a secondary
language.
In October 1949, a Formula was evolved by Giani Kartar Singh and the Chief
Minister Bhim Sen Sachar to accommodate the Sikh concern for Punjabi. It created a
zone in which Punjabi in Gurumukhi script was to be the medium of instruction up to
matriculation. But Hindi in Devanagri script was to be taught from the last year of the
primary school. The districts of Gurdaspur, Amritsar, Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur, Ludhiana
and Ferozepore including Ropar, Kharar, Ambala constituted the Punjabi zone and rest
of the Punjab formed the Hindi zone. The Akalis welcomed the Sachar Formula but Arya
Samajists, Jan Sangh, the Hindu Mahasabha opposed it. The language issue had come
to stay.
The denial of constitutional safeguards to the Sikhs in terms of reservation made
the Akali leaders more eager about the creation of a Punjabi speaking state. The
Working Committee of the Akali Dal passed a formal resolution in favor of a state on the
basis of Punjabi language and culture. In the elections of 1952, the Congress won with a
more convincing majority in the Punjab than in Pepsu.
In December 1953, the government of India announced the formation of States
Reorganization Commission which kindled the hopes and fears in the Punjab. Its
formation by itself was a sign of hope for the Akalis who had been articulate on the issue
throughout 1953. Jawaharlal Nehru repeated his declaration against the Punjabi
speaking state during the Pepsu midterm poll in early 1954. The Akalis argued that an
area of over 35000 square miles with a population of nearly 12 million was really Punjabi
speaking, though the Sikh population in this area was much less than half. The
Communists and the Praja Socialists also supported the demand for the merger of the
Punjab and Pepsu and the formation of a Punjabi speaking state. The leaders of the
Himachal and Haryana too wanted separate states in their respective regions,
complementing thus the demand for a Punjabi speaking state.
 211

There were many others who criticized this demand for Punjabi speaking state.
Very soon, anti-Sikh and anti-Hindu slogans were raised. The government decided to
impose a ban on slogans. The Akalis regarded this ban as essentially a ban on slogans
in favor of the Punjabi province. They decided to defy the ban. Master Tara Singh was
arrested in May 1955. Within two months, thousands of volunteers arrested and the
movement reached its peak in early July. The government began stopping the
volunteers on their way to the Golden Temple. The arms licenses of the SGPC were
canceled. When they refused to surrender arms, the police entered the Golden Temple
complex. They stopped the langar, entered Guru Ram Das Sarai, arrested the head
priests, raided the Akali Dal office and used tear gas shells on the volunteers gathered in
the temple complex. But all this failed. On July 12, the government withdrew the ban on
slogans. The Chief Minister Sachar visited the Akal Takht to offer a personal apology.
The States Reorganization Commission submitted its report on 30 September
1955. It said that the majority of the Punjabis were opposed to the demand for a Punjabi
speaking state. The Commission recommended the merger of Himachal Pradesh, Pepsu
and the Punjab to form a new state. The criterion of language was totally set aside. The
report was rejected by the Akalis on the day following its release on 9 October 1955.
They called a Convention of all the parties and organizations of the Sikhs on October16
and underlined the secular and democratic character of the demand. The convention
authorized Master Tara Singh to approach the government of India on behalf of the Sikh
community.
Master Tara Singh met Jawaharlal Nehru on October 24 in the presence of Abul
Kalam Azad and G B Pant. He was accompanied by Giani Kartar Singh, Hukam Singh,
Gian Singh Rarewala and Bhai Jodh Singh. Later Hukam Singh had formulated a
scheme which essentially met some of the Akali demands without creating a Punjabi
speaking state. This became the basis of discussion in January 1956. The scheme came
to be known as the Regional Formula. Not Himachal Pradesh but only Pepsu was to be
merged with the Punjab. The new state was to be bi-lingual, but Punjabi in Gurumukhi
script was to the regional and official language in the Punjabi zone. The Punjab
government was to set up a separate department for the development of Punjabi as well
as Hindi; the union government was to encourage Punjabi like any other regional
language in the country.
As a part of the understanding between the Akali and the Congress leaders, the
Working Committee of the Akali Dal resolved on 30 September 1956, that the Dal would
not have a separate political programme of its own. It would concentrate on the
promotion of the religious, educational, cultural, social and economic interests of the
Sikh panth. Dal would guard against any violation of fundamental rights which might
adversely affect Sikh interests. It would actively participate in the working out of the
Regional Formula, and in the implementation of various plans for the development of the
country. The new state was inaugurated on 1 November 1956.
At the time of the inauguration of the new Punjab State on 1 November 1956,
Partap Singh Kairon was the Chief Minister. The Akali legislators joined the Congress
 212

Party under his leadership. The Congress won 120 seats in a house of 164. There were
58 Sikh legislators in the Congress Party, and nearly 50 of them represented the Punjabi
‗region‘ which had 71 seats in all. However, the proportion of former Akalis among them
was smaller than that of the Congressite Sikhs. In fact, Master Tara Singh had been
rather unhappy about the number of tickets given to the ‗Akalis‖. He was not even
consulted, and consequently he had encouraged independent candidates to contest the
elections to demonstrate his resentment.
One of the provisions of the Regional Formula was to give no option to parents
for Hindi in the Punjabi region. The Arya Samajists, who had earlier refused to
implement the Sachar Formula in their schools, now opposed the Regional Formula as
something much worse. Under the Hindi Raksha Samiti, they started a ‗Save Hindi‘
movement in their opposition to Punjabi. This movement was supported by men like
Suraj Bhan, Principal of D.A.V. College, Jalandhar, who later became Vice-Chancellor of
the Punjab University, and the Arya Samajist politicians like Virendra, editor of the
Pratap. The language aspect of the Regional Formula was compromised by concessions
to Hindi soon after the agitation started, though the agitation lasted for seven months.
Jawaharlal Nehru felt sorry in 1957 about the ‗Save Hindi‘ movement and feared
that it could disintegrate the Punjab. Till March, 1958 the foremost objective of the Akali
Dal had been to get it implemented. In June, however, Master Tara Singh indicated that
he would be compelled to reopen the demand for a Punjabi-Province. Master Tara Singh
was still prepared to accept an impartial arbitration on whether or not the Formula was
being implemented.
Partap Singh Kairon made a successful move to dislodge Master Tara Singh
from the Presidentship of the SGPC with the help of Giani Kartar Singh who was now a
minister in his cabinet. On 16 November 1958, the Master lost the Presidentship by the
three votes. Kairon pressed the advantage by reviving an amendment bill apparently to
accommodate the representatives of Pepsu on the SGPC but actually to change its
constitution to dilute its democratic character. In the Act passed in January, 1959
however, his intention stood defeated because of a clearly articulated opposition from
the Sikhs outside the Congress. Master Tara Singh decided to recover his lost position
in the SGPC by fighting elections on the issue of the Punjabi Province. The Shiromani
Akali Dal won 132 out of total 139 seats, and all the Akali Dal members of the SGPC
took a pledge at the Akal Takht on 24 January 1960 to work for the achievement of a
Punjabi Province with single minded devotion.
During 1960, the movement for a Punjabi-Province gained some momentum.
Master Tara Singh, having failed to induce the majority of the erstwhile Akalis to resign
as Congress Legislators, called a Punjabi-Province Conference. It was attended by
some leaders of the Swatantra and Praja Socialist parties, and announced a
demonstration march in Delhi. He was arrested along with many other Akali leaders,
including some legislators. The Akali papers Prabhat and Akali were also suppressed.
Nearly 1800 Akalis arrested at Amritsar before the end of July. Jawaharlal Nehru took
notice of the demand in his Independence Day speech: ‗Every Punjabi should himself
 213

consider learning both Hindi and Punjabi‘, but there could be no bifurcation of the
Punjab. Partap Singh Kairon started releasing Akali volunteers from jails to create the
impression that they were recanting. The detenus at Bhatinda agitated over their release
and four of them were killed in firing by the police. Sant Fateh Singh, who was the
dictator of the morcha in the absence of Master Tara Singh, declared on the 1 November
that it had become necessary to lay down his life to save the country from ‗dictatorial rule
in the garb of democracy‘. On December 18, he went fast unto death to move the Prime
Minister to concede the legitimate demand for a Punjabi Province purely on a linguistic
basis.
Jawaharlal Nehru was now prepared to concede the claims for the Punjabi
language. On December 23, he requested Sant Fateh Singh to give up the fast and
come for talks. He was thinking in terms of making the entire Punjab unilingual. Partap
Singh Kairon released Master Tara Singh from detention in Dharamshala on 4 January
1961. To enable Sant Fateh Singh to consult him but actually in the hope that he would
diminish the possibility of an understanding between the Prime Minister and the Sant.
Those who were advising Sant Fateh Singh that the proposal of the Punjab as a
unilingual state should be accepted now felt weak. Then Sant Fateh Singh declined to
have talks with Jawaharlal Nehru.
Master Tara Singh met Jawaharlal Nehru at Bhavnagar on January 7 but failed to
convince him about the formation of a Punjabi-speaking state. On the 8th, however,
Nehru declared that no discrimination was deliberately made against the Punjabi
language and the Sikh community. He underlined that Punjabi was the dominant
language of the entire Punjab and deserved encouragement in every way. Master Tara
Singh too insisted with Sant Fateh Singh that the demand had been essentially met and
persuaded him to give up his fast. The Sant Fateh Singh did so on 9 January 1961. All
the Akali volunteers, officially stated to be 30,000, were released.
However, Sant Fateh Singh‘s talks with Jawaharlal Nehru in February and May
1961 failed to produce any result. Apart from his own view of the situation, there was
pressure on Nehru from the other communities against bifurcation of the Punjab. It was
insinuated that the Akalis were in League with Pakistan. The Akali Dal expressed its
resentment over the mendacious propaganda of their opponents and asserted that the
Sikhs were a dynamic limb of the Indian nation. Against the unrelenting attitude of the
ruling party, the General body of the Dal allowed Master Tara Singh to start his fast on
16 August 1961. Sant Fateh Singh met the Prime Minister ten days later but only to find
that he was prepared to look into the grievances of the Sikhs but not to create a Punjabi-
speaking state.
Master Tara Singh gave up his fast on 1 October when Hardit Singh Malik came
to Amritsar professedly as an emissary of the Prime Minister. This was treated as a sign
of impending settlement with the Akalis. There was a strong reaction from the anti-
Punjabi lobbies. Jagat Narain, for example, who had resigned as a minister on the issue
of the Regional Formula, warned the government on October 6 against any settlement
with the Akalis: ‗The Hindus of Punjab would not accept the settlement.‘ Master Tara
 214

Singh met the Prime Minister on October 30. A Commission was formed a day later, with
S.R. Das as its Chairman. Both the personnel of the Commission and its scope
disappointed the Akali leaders and they decided to boycott the Das Commission. Its first
meeting was held in December, 1961 and its report was submitted in February, 1962.
Only a few representations were made to the Commission, including one by Virendra
who argued that Punjabi was a dialect of Hindi and Gurmukhi merely a religious script.
Balraj Madhok, a protagonist of the Jan Sangh, told the Commission that the real source
of trouble was the Regional Formula and that the ‗Regional Committees‘ should be
scrapped. The Commission concluded that the implementation of the Regional Formula
was only delayed but not stopped and therefore it involved no injustice. The government
accepted the report promptly. The general elections were round the corner.
The prestige of Master Tara Singh, like the morale of the Akali Dal, in early 1962
was rather low. Towards the end of November 1961, Master Tara Singh and Sant Fateh
Singh had been summoned by the Cherished-Five as the representatives of the Sikh
Panth to explain why they had gone back on their decisions to fast unto death after a
solemn prayer (ardas) in the presence of the Guru-Granth. They were found guilty,
particularly Master Tara Singh who had not only broken his own fast but also persuaded
Sant Fateh Singh earlier to break his fast without achieving its purpose. Master Tara
Singh was ‗punished‘ to perform an akhand-path, to read bani in excess of the daily
norm, to offer karah parshad worth 125 rupees, to clean utensils of the Guru‘s langar
and to clean the shoes of the sangat visiting the Gurudwara. He did all this in
atonement, and he was forgiven by the Cherished-Five. But his lapse was not forgotten
by the Panth. For the first time in his life, he had the sad experience of knowing that the
Sikhs were no longer keen to listen to him; as places in fact they did not allow him to
speak.
In the elections of 1962, the Congress won 90 seats out of 154, and Kairon
entered the second term of his Chief Ministership. However, he himself won by margin of
34 votes, and that too was regarded by many as a result of rigging. There was a clear
shift of Sikh votes in favor of the Akalis. They could win only 19 seats but they got 20.7
percent of the total votes. In the Punjabi-speaking region, they got over 1,500,000 of the
Sikh votes while the Congress got less than 600,000. A little over 72 percent of the Sikh
voters, thus, supported the Akali candidates.
The defeat of the Akalis in the elections was followed by a division among them.
Master Tara Singh was re-elected President of the SGPC but only 74 members
participated in the election. Most of the remaining 86 members had stayed away in
protest. In a convention held in the Ludhiana district in July, 1962 Master Tara Singh‘s
failure to keep his solemn pledge was openly denounced as the cause of the failure of
the Punjabi Province movement. It was resolved to take up the cause entirely on a
linguistic basis under the leadership of Sant Fateh Singh. On August 1, Sant Fateh
Singh clarified to the press at Delhi that his concept of the Punjabi Province had been
fundamentally different from that of the Master from very beginning. Early in October,
Master Tara Singh was dislodged from the Presidentship of the SGPC with a no-
 215

confidence vote of 76 against 72. The Akali leaders of Delhi demonstrated their support
for Master Tara Singh by severing all connections of the Delhi Gurudwara Prabandhak
Committee with the SGPC at Amritsar. The Akali Dal was virtually divided into two.

During the Chinese incursion into Indian Territory in October 1962, both the Akali
leaders demonstrated their patriotism by giving whole-hearted support to the
government. All the Sikhs responded well, and the Punjab contributed more than 20
million rupees to the National Defense Fund, beside gold weighing double the weight of
Jawaharlal Nehru. Sant Fateh Singh presented 50,000 rupees to him on behalf of the
SGPC. In February, 1963 Sant Fateh Singh was still calling for a war effort to drive out
Chinese. In June, 1963 Master Tara Singh‘s effort to dislodge the Sant Fateh Singh from
the SGPC proved to be unsuccessful when a no-confidence motion was defeated by
eighty-one votes to sixty –two. The support of Sant Fateh Singh had increased much in
one year at the expense of Master Tara Singh‘s popularity.

Meanwhile, Kairon‘s leadership came to be openly criticized by a number of

legislators. They submitted a charge-sheet against him to the Congress President. A
deputation of some opposition leaders had already met the President of India with
charges of corruption, nepotism and favoritism against Kairon. Such charges in fact had
been brought against him for the first time in 1958 but he was then strongly supported by
Jawaharlal Nehru to ensure that the Punjab legislators did not pass a vote of no-
confidence against him. On 22 October 1963, Nehru recommended to the President that
an enquiry may be made into the charges against Kairon. He added, however, that any
charge in the leadership of the Punjab might result in producing confusion and putting a
step to the progress of the state was making under him. The Enquiry Commission
started its work on 5 December 1963. Nehru‘s refusal to suspend Kairon led to the
resignation of a few Congress legislators. The Commission‘s findings went against
Kairon. He resigned on 14 June 1964, a week before the publication of the
Commission‘s Report, with the verdict that he had connived at the exploitation of his
influence by his sons and relatives, colleagues and government officials. Jawaharlal
Nehru had died in May, 1964. Kairon was to be assassinated in February, 1965.

At the time of Kairon‘s death, the Punjab was on the threshold of ‗the green
revolution‘. His policies and measures for over eight years had contributed much
towards that development. Jawaharlal Nehru was justified in saying that the Punjab had
make great progress under his guiding care. His commitment to communal harmony and
economic progress was in consonance with Nehru‘s thinking. Because of his support,
Kairon was able to withstand the popular movement of the Akalis. At the same time, he
tried to cater to the Punjab peasantry in general and the Sikh peasantry in particular, to
create the impression that he could do more for the Jats than the Akalis could:
acquisition of land for seed farms outside the plan, consolidation of landholding, loans
for tube-wells, introduction of poultry farming and grape cultivation and establishment of
the Punjab Agricultural University. He could do even more for the Punjabi language, he
claimed, by establishing the Punjabi University at Patiala.
 216

On 18 January 1965, Sant Fateh Singh‘s group won 90 seats and Master Tara
Singh‘s group got only 45 seats in the SGPC elections. Master Tara Singh retired into
the hills for six months. His supporters, however, remained active in the plains. In May,
1965 a Conference was held at Ludhiana in which an important resolution was moved by
Justice Gurnam Singh, leader of the opposition in the Punjab Assembly, and seconded
by the President of the Master Akali Dal, Giani Bhupinder Singh. It was stated in this
resolution that the Sikh people were makers of history and conscious of their political
destiny in a free India; the law, the judicial process and the executive action of the Indian
Union was heavily weighted against the Sikhs; they had no other alternative left than the
demand from a self –determined status within the Union. By the Urdu and Hindi press of
the Punjabis, it was interpreted as a demand for a sovereign Sikh state.
Master Tara Singh returned to the plains in July and put forth his final thesis in
August. He referred to the solemn promises of the Congress which, after the attainment
of freedom, were forgotten. He referred to the new threat to all the minorities of India in
the form of a resurgence of militant Hinduism, particularly to the Sikhs who shared much
with the Hindus. Master Tara Singh was in favor of an autonomous state for the Sikhs
within the Indian Union. Seriously put forward for the first time in free India, this idea of ‗a
Sikh homeland‘ was largely the result of Master Tara Singh‘s failure not only to get the
Punjabi Province but also to retain his leadership of the Sikh Panth.
The Working Committee of the Sant Akali Dal Passed a resolution that not to
form a linguistic state in the Punjab was a clear discrimination against the people of the
Punjab. Sant Fateh Singh was authorized to meet the new Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur
Shastri, to press upon him the necessity of forming a Punjabi-speaking state. But his
meeting with Shastri proved to be an unmitigated disappointment. He carried the
impression that the leaders in Delhi did not trust the Sikhs. On August 16, he declared
that he would go on fast on September 10 in the cause of the Punjabi Province and if he
survived the fast for fifteen days, he would immolate himself on the sixteenth day.
However in view of the armed conflict with Pakistan, he decided on September 9 to
postpone his fast. It was much appreciated by the President of India, Dr Sarvapalli
Radhakrishnan. All sections of the Punjabis, once again, displayed great patriotic fervor
during the three weeks of war till the cease-fire was declared on 26 September 1965.
Soon afterwards, the Union Home Minister declared that the question of the Punjabi-
Province would be examined all afresh and a Parliamentary Committee under the
Chairmanship of Hukam Singh, the Speaker, would be set up. A Cabinet Subcommittee
was also formed to advise the Parliamentary Committee from time to time. It consisted of
Indira Gandhi, Y.B. Chavan and Mahavir Tyagi.
Lal Bahadur Shastri died at Tashkent on 11 January 1966 and Indira Gandhi
became the Prime Minister on January 20. She thought of discussing the matter with a
small committee appointed by Sant Fateh Singh. But the Sant Fateh Singh suspected
further delay. He wrote back that he would wait for the decision of the government till the
end of March. The delay resulted in the adoption of extreme postures. The Akali Dal
reiterated its demand for a Sikh homeland and the Jan Sangh opposed the formation of
 217

even a Punjabi Province. On March 9, the Congress Working Committee recommended

to the Union Government that a state with Punjabi as state language may be created out
of the existing Punjab. In reaction, there were strikes, arson and murder, generally
believed to have been orchestrated by the Jan Sangh. Three Congressmen were burnt
alive in Panipat, including an old associate of Bhagat Singh. The Parliamentary
Committee nevertheless decided in favor of Reorganization of the Punjab on a linguistic
basis.
The Union Home Minister, Guzari Lal Nanda, announced the appointment of a
Commission on 17 April 1966. The Census of 1961 was to serve as the basis for
bifurcation. The Commission, consisting of Justice Shah was selected as its Chairman
and two retired officials as its members. The Akalis sought all Punjabi-speaking areas to
be added to the existing Punjabi-speaking region. The tendency of the Commission was
to reduce it further. Its report was considered by the Congress Parliamentary Party on
June 8, and accepted with some modifications. The Punjab Reorganization Bill providing
for the creation of Haryana and the Punjab, was introduced in the Lok Sabha on 3
September 1966, and passed on September 7. It received the President‘s assent on
September 18. The Punjabi-speaking state was inaugurated on 1 November 1966.
Self Assessment Questions
1. What does Pepsu mean?
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2. Who was Partap Singh Kairon?
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3. Who was Sant Fateh Singh?
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4. What was Regional Formula?
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5. Who was Master Tara Singh?
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6. What was Sachar Formula?
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11.6 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we learnt that from the very beginning British introduced
policies which sowed the seeds of partition in Punjab. The decade of the 1940s starting
with the Lahore Resolution of M.A. Jinnah, Cripps Mission, Shimla Conference, and the
Cabinet Mission was racing towards the partition of Punjab. By the end of 1946 it
became quite evident that the partition of India was inevitable, which was largely the
result of the overwhelming support for the Muslim demand for the creation of Pakistan,
an independent and sovereign Muslim State, had gathered in India. The British
government in June 1947 decided to provide independence at the cost of partition of
India. The partition was followed by unprecedented genocidal violence and migration.
Several hundred thousand people were killed and innumerable women raped and
abducted. Millions were uprooted, transformed into refugees in alien lands. The cross
migration of population created a number of problems for the administrators of India and
Pakistan. For long term settlement of refugees the system of standard acres and graded
cuts was adopted. When East Punjab was constituted, Sikhs found that they were in a
minority, and were keen to establish a place where they could exercise their unbridled
political authority. Towards this end, a delegation of Sikh leaders, Harcharan Singh
Bajwa, Bhupender Singh Mann and GianiKartar Singh — met Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in
January 1948 who advised them to ask for a linguistic, rather than a Sikh state. In the
aftermath of Partition, the Sikhs were in a majority in the contiguous districts of Amritsar,
Gurdaspur, Ferozepur, Kapurthala, Jallandhar, Ludhiana, Bhatinda and Patiala. They
were also in majority in substantial parts of Ambala and Sangrur, the rest of the province
was dominated by the Hindus, whose numbers had swelled up on account of the
incoming refugee population. The Akali Dal made a strong plea for the Punjabi Suba to
the States Reorganisation Commission by seeking the merger of PEPSU with
contiguous Punjabi speaking districts, and by detaching the Pahadi speaking areas to
Himachal and Hindi speaking areas to Delhi/Haryana. While Pepsu was merged with
Punjab, the Hindi speaking areas were not detached, and it continued to be a bilingual
state for another decade. The acceptance of the Punjabi Suba demand in 1966 led to
the formation of the states of Punjab and Haryana on 1 November 1966.
11.7 REFERENCES
 Kirpal Singh, The Partition of Punjab, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1972.
 Tai Yong Tan and GyaneshKudaisya, The Aftermath of Partition in South Asia,
London: Routledge Studies, 2000.
 S.S. Bal, A Brief History of Modern Punjab, Ludhiana, 1974.
11.8 FURTHER READINGS
 J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab: the New Cambridge History of India, New
Delhi: Orient Longman, 1990.
 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947, Delhi: Manohar, 1988.
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11.9 MODEL QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the factors that led to the partition of the Punjab?
2. Critically examine the statement ―Partition of Punjab was inevitable‖?
3. Discuss the schemes involved in the Partition of Punjab.
4. What do you know about the process of rehabilitation post partition?
5. What system was adopted for settling refugees permanently after partition?
6. Discuss the issue of language divide in Punjab and its implications?
7. Discuss the circumstances leading to the formation of Punjabi province.
8. Critically examine the Punjab politics from 1947-1966.

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Lesson-12

MAPS
HISTORY OF PUNJAB (1469-1966 AD)

IMPORTANT HISTORICAL PLACES

 AMRITSAR
Armitsar occupies an important place in the history of Punjab. The foundation of
this holy city was laid by the fourth Sikh Guru, Guru Ram Das Ji. Its original
name is Chak-Guru-Ram Das. Amritsar is very important religious place of the
Sikhs. The famous Golden Temple or Harimandir- Sahib is situated here. it was
the 5 Sikh Guru, Guru Arjan Day Ji who- got 2 tanks made in Hari Mandir and
named them Amritsar and Santokhsar. Industrially also Amritsar has a name in
the industrial map of Punjab. Amritsar literally means the tank of nectar. (Amrita
& Sara). Slowly it came to be known as Amritsar after the sacred tank.
The city faced a tragic holocaust on the eve of India‘s independence, but the
Punjabi‘s with their determination and hard work have rebuilt and rejuvenated the
town. In the recent two Indo-Pak wars this frontier town had again to face the
enemy bombardments, but it still moved further step by step.
Among the other tourist and pilgrim attractions in the city are Ram Bagh,
Durgiana Mandir and Jallianwala Bagh.

 ANANDPUR
This place was founded by the ninth Guru, Guru Tegh Bahadur. Here Guru
Gobind Singh spent nearly two-thirds of his life. It is the birth place of the Khalsa
in whom the Guru infused martial fervours, and initiated a heroic struggle against
intolerance, injustice and cruelty. The procession started from Fort Anandgarh
and marched to Gurdwara Keshgarh, where Panj Piaras were baptised by Guru
Gobind Singh, nearly half a Kilometres distant. In the procession there were
3,000 cars and 100 trucks. The motorcade was 20 kilometres long. A large
number of Hindus and nearly 300 Muslims shouting Allah ho Akabar participated
in the procession. The following verse of Guru Gobind Singh is engraved on the
first pillar here
Some are Hindus, some are Muslims, some are Shias, some are Sunnies, yet
mea are all one. So must thou recognize them.
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Situated In the foreground of picturesque Naina Devi Hills, Anandpur literally

means the abode of peace. In the hail of Keshgarh Gurdwara a small museum
has been setup displaying the arms used by the Great Guru Gobind Singh.
The following historic places related with the last two Sikh Gurus are located in
the lap of the town:
Sisganj Akal Bunga,
Anandgarh Fort,
Sisganj Shrine,
Kesgarh Shrine
Damdama Sahib,
Manji Sahib and
Port of Fetehgarh and Lohgarh, which are in ruins now.

 GOINDWAL
It is about 25 km south-east of Tarn Taran. The town was settled by a Sikh
named Goinda with the help of Guru Amar Das. A Gurdwara was built in the
memory of Guru Amar Das. Akbar visited the Gurdwara twice to pay homage
once to Guru Amar Das and once to Guru Arjan Dev. As no space was available
at this place for the excavation of a tank. Guru Amar Das got built a Baoli with a
flight of 84 steps.

 HARGOBINDPUR: Sri Hargobindpur, which is also known as Sri Govindpur, is

a small town in Gurdaspur district of Punjab. The town is located on the banks of
Beas river and was founded by Guru Arjun Dev ji and was named after his son
Hargobind.

 JAITO
Jaito became an important centre of struggle in the Gurdwara Reform movement.
The struggle at Jaito was started to express the resentment of the Akalis against
the forced abdication of Maharaja Ripudaman Singh of Nabha in favour of his
minor son. The SGPC observed the 9th September, 1923, as Nabha Day. The
local Sikhs organized a continuous recitation of the Granth in the Gurdwara at
Jaito in support of the deposed Maharaja. The state police interrupted one such
ceremonial Path at GangasarGurdwara in the village Jaito. The confinement of
the leaders did not slow down the stream of jathas which went on increasing. A
large number of the Akalis were arrested in the process. When the Shahidijatha
of 500 reached Jaito on the 21st February, 1924, the authorities felt piqued. The
state police fired upon the jatha resulting in 300 casualties—one hundred dead
and two hundred wounded. This evoked a surging passion among the members
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of the jatha who seeing their comrades fall dead or wounded, rushed forward to
seek martyrdom. Many more jathas followed. The JaitoMorcha attracted India
wide attention. The Indian National Congress expressed its full sympathy for the
movement.

 KARTARPUR
It is situated at a distance of 15 km. from Jallandhar and is associated with the
sacred memories of Guru Arjan Dev. He is said to have founded it on a stretch of
land granted to him by the Mughal Emperor Jahangir. The town was invaded by
Ahmad Shah Abadali in 1756. A Guru‘s fort and a tank were got erected by a
devotee Gulab Singh in the memory of Guru Arjun Dev. In a room in the 3rd
storey of the fort the original mañuscript of Guru Granth compose by Guru Arjun
Dev is preserved alongwith Guru Nanak‘s cap and Guru Hargobind‘s sword.

 KHADUR SAHIB: Khadur Sahib is a town in Tarn Taran district of the Majha
region of Indian state of Punjab. Khadur Sahib is the sacred village where Guru
Angad the second Master lived for 13 years, spreading the universal message of
Guru Nanak. Here he introduced Gurmukhi Lipi, wrote the first Gurmukhi Primer,
established the first Sikh school and prepared the first Gutka of Guru Nanak
Sahib‘s Bani. It is the place where the first Mal Akhara, for wrestling, was
established and where regular campaigns against intoxicants and social evils
were started by Guru Angad. The Guru Angad Dev Gurdwara is very famous
here.

 LAHORE
It is very old town and enjoyed great prominence much before the coming of the
Muslims in India. It was conquered by Mahmud Ghazni who annexed it to his
empire.
The period of Mughal rule was the golden time of the history of Lahore, which
again became place of royal residence and grew to be, in the language of Abul
Fazal, ―the grand residence of people of all nations.‖ It still retains many splendid
memorials of this period. Akbar held his court at Lahore for 1584 to 1598. He
enlarged and repaired the Lahore fort and surrounded the own with a walll,
portion of which still remains embedded in the modern work of Ranjit Singh.
Under Akbar Lahore rapidly increased in area and population. Jahangir also fixed
his court at Lahore in 1622 and died near by in 1627. He created a number of
buildings like the greater Khwabagh or sleeping place, in Moti Masjid and the
tomb of Anarkali. Jahagir masoleum at Shahdara forms one of the chief
ornaments of Lahore. Shalimar gardens were laid in 1667 by Ali Mardan Khan.
But under Aurangzeb, Lahore began to decline. After him it was threatened and
ravaged by invaders and rebels many a time.
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 LYALLPUR
Lyallpur is now known as Faisalabad and is a part of Pakistan.In the 1870s, the
colonial Punjab government decided to increase the cultivated land by making
barrages and canals. This policy led to canalization and colonization of certain
areas. Lyallpur was thus a new town that emerged in this area. It was a modern
and planned town. The construction of artificial canals allowed the surrounding
areas to be irrigated. The town grew rapidly as farmers settled on newly irrigated
land. A large number of settlers came from different areas of Punjab especially
from Ludhiana, Jalandhar and Aambala on the promise of large agricultural
lands. In 1895, the rail link between Wazirabad and Lyallpur was completed. In
1896, Lyallpur was given the status of a tehsil of the Jhang district.

 MACHHIWARA
It falls in Ludhiana district and is an approximate distance of 25 miles from
Ludhiana. In the 2nd siege of fort Anandpur Sahib in 1703-1704, Guru Gobind
Singh left the fortress and took shelter in the forests of Machhiwara. He had to
face a lot of difficulties in the jungles and he was constantly pursued by the
Mughal forces. It was here that two Muslims by the name of Nabbi Khan and
Gani Khan greatly helped the Guru. They disguised the Guru as a Muslim and
when the Mughal fotces asked them whohe was, they said he was a Pir from
Uchh and in this way the two Khans saved the Guru Gobind Siagh. There is a
beautiful Gurudwara built in the memory of Guru Gobind Singh.
The pillar bears the following verse.
Better, far better is the Beloved‘s straw mattress; Accurst, accurst is living in
places without him.
Note : Also see lesson on Guru Gobind Singh.

 MUKHLISPUR: The ultimate aim of Banda Singh Bahadur was to punish Wazir
Khan and conquer Sirhind. It required time to consolidate his material and
territorial gains. He also wanted to study military resources of Sirhind. He was
anxious to see what steps government will take against him. He therefore
established his headquarters, in the beginning of February 1710, at Mukhlispur
situated in lower Shiwalik hills south of Nahan, about 20 km from Sadhaura. He
constructed here the Lohgarh fort on a hill top as his military base. Two kuhls or
water channels flowed at its base and supplied water to it. All the money, gold
and costly material acquired in these expeditions were deposited here. He struck
new coins in the name of Guru Nanak ji and Guru Gobind Singh ji and issued
orders under his seal. It became the capital of first Sikh state.
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 MONTGOMERY: the district of Montgomery (previously known by the

name of Sahiwal) lies in the Bari Doab, Or tract between the Sutlej and the Ravi,
extending also across the latter river.The city was founded in 1865 and was
named for Sir Robert Montgomery, then lieutenant governor of the Punjab in
British-controlled India. It was constituted a municipality in 1867. Itwas connected
by rail and road with Lahore (northeast) and Multan (southwest). It was an
important cotton centre, with ginning factories and textile and carpet production.

 MULTAN
Guru Nanak Dev visited Multan during his travels. In the fifteenth and sixteenth
century Multan was a centre of learning and learned Muslims lived here. It was
also an important Sufi centre and the seat of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya. Multan
was trade centre on the route to Qandhahar, linked with the ports of Arabian sea.
When Ranjit Singh occupied Multan, it regained its former glory as a capital city
and emerged as an important manufacturing and trade centre. Multan became
famous for its silks and cottons, woollen carpets, glazed pottery and enamelled
silver. Agriculture too improved in the region of Multan as Ranjit Singh improved
irrigation facilities by getting inundation canals dug.

 NANKANA SAHIB
Nankana Sahib is a city and capital of Nanak Sahib district in the
Punjab province of Pakistan. It is named after the first guru of the Sikhs, Guru
Nanak who was born here at Nankana Sahib is a popular pilgrimage site for
Sikhs from all over the world. The township was founded by Rai Bhoi and thus
was known as Rai-Bhoi-Di-Talwandi. His great grandson Rai Bular Bhatti,
renamed it as 'Nankana Sahib' after the birth of Guru Nanak. During the
Gurudwara Reform movement for the control of Gurudwara, the mahant of
Nanak Sahib resisted the Akali and took help of administrating. Over a hundred
sikhs entered Gurudwara at Nanak Sahib. They were attacked by hired
assassins of the Mahant and most of them were killed or wounded. However, the
Gurudwara was taken over by the Akalis and the Mahant was arrested in 1921.

 PESHAWAR
The Governor of Peshawar since 1824 had been sending tributes and revenue to
Ranjit Singh before it was annexed by him in 1834. Ranjit Singh gave religious
grants (dharmarths) in the form of cash and revenue free lands to Shaikhs and
Sayyids in Peshawar. Under Ranjit Singh‘s rule Peshawar regained its former
importance as a capital city due to increase in trade. For the encouragement of
internal trade Peshawar was linked by road to Amritsar through Lahore during
Ranjit Singh‘s reign. Peshawar was further linked to number of smaller towns
which in turn were linked with villages.
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 QADIAN
Qadian is a small town located in the Gurdaspur district, situated 18 kilometres
north-east of Batala city in Punjab. Qadian is perhaps best known as the
birthplace of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the founder of the Ahmadiya movement.
Qadian emerged as a centre of religious learning in 1889, when Mirza Ghulam
Ahmad established the Ahmadian Muslim community. Qadian remained the
administrative headquarters and capital of the Ahmadiyya Caliphate until the
partition of India in 1947 when much of the community migrated to Pakistan

 ROPAR (ROOPNAGAR)
It is in the north-eastern corner of the state and has been recently named
Roopnagar. During excavations here the find have thrown light on the movement
of the lndus Valley Culture into the upper Satluj region. In the British regime the
new Sirhind Canal was taken out of the Satluj waters form this place. In the
foreground of the Shwalik Hill the town presents beautiful scene.

 SARGODHA
Sargodha was a new colony town in the western colonial Punjab. It was an
important commercial centre for trade in agricultural produce. It is a planned town
with radical roads emanating from a central commercial area. It became an
important administrative and socio- cultural center in the early decades of
twentieth century. It is also will connected through the railway network during the
colonial rule.

 TARNTARAN
It is near Amritsar. It was developed by Guru Arjan Dev on the villages of Khara
and Palasur. It has one of the best Sikh Shrines. A Gurdwara standing on the
side of a large tank was built in 1768 in honour of Guru Ram Das. Lepers come
from far off places to have a dip in this tank, for its waters are believed to cure
leprosy. A leprosy Ashram built by Guru Ram Das was taken over by Christian
missionaries who could run it more efficiently
Note: Also see the lesson on Guru Arjan Dev and Guru Ram Das.

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