Maleika Krüger

Media-Related
Out-of-School Contact
with English in Germany
and Switzerland
Frequency, Forms and the Effect on
Language Learning
Media-Related Out-of-School Contact
with English in Germany
and Switzerland
Maleika Krüger

Media-Related
Out-of-School Contact
with English in Germany
and Switzerland
Frequency, Forms and the Effect on
Language Learning
Maleika Krüger
Berlin, Germany

Publiziert mit Unterstützung des Schweizerischen Nationalfonds zur Förderung der

wissenschaftlichen Forschung.
Die Druckvorstufe dieser Publikation wurde vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds zur
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Acknowledgements

This book is a revised and corrected version of my dissertation, which was

defended and accepted at the Institute for Educational Research at the University
of Basel in 2021.
With my dissertation project, I aimed to close a critical research gap in under-
standing how frequently German-speaking adolescents come into contact with the
English language through various media channels, such as television, books, or
the internet. In addition, I was interested in how family background and gender
might shape this contact and how this contact influences and is influenced by the
learners’ English competences.
This project would not have been possible without the continuing support
of colleagues, supervisors, friends, and family. I, therefore, wish to thank my
dissertation committee at the FHNW School of Education and the University of
Basel. I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Stefan Keller, without whom this project
would not have come about. I would also like to thank my supervisor Prof. Dr.
Regula Leemann for her guidance through each stage of the process. My thanks
also go to Prof. Dr. Ina Habermann, who was kind enough to offer her support
and insight into the project.
I would also like to thank our cooperation partners at the Leibniz Institute for
Science and Mathematics Education (IPN) for their collaboration throughout the
years.
Furthermore, I want to thank my colleagues and fellow Ph.D. students for
their friendship, laughter, and support in the office and beyond. You made my
time at the university truly special.
My thanks also go to my family and my friends. You all believed in me so
much and supported me in so many ways. I appreciate and love you all.

v
vi Acknowledgements

Last, but not least, and most importantly, I would like to express my special
thanks to my mother. I would not be the person I am if she was not the incredible
mother that she is.
At the end of any dissertation, there is the difficult task of actually coming
to an end. No matter how meticulous the work, one could have included more
aspects, edited the text one more time, and found that last mistake. Perhaps, for
this reason, it seems to be as challenging to come to an end, as it was to find
a beginning. Before publication, I took the opportunity to revise the manuscript,
expand on some theoretical and methodological points, correct minor errors, and
address the constructive feedback of my supervisors. These revisions did not
change the overall results of the present study. With this book, I now do officially
end my dissertation project. I hope that the results will yield important insight
and inspire other researchers to further expand our understanding of media-related
out-of-school English contact for people in German-speaking countries.
Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.1 Contact with English Media Content in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.2 Empirical Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
2.3 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3 The Digital Divide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related Extramural
English Contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
3.1.1 Socio-economic Background and Media Habitus . . . . . . . 24
3.1.2 Empirical Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
3.1.3 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts . . . . . . . . 35
3.2.1 Gender Socialization and Media Habitus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
3.2.2 Empirical Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
3.2.3 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Media-related
Extramural English Contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
4.2 Empirical Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
4.2.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Reading . . . . . . . . 64
4.2.2 Incidental Language Learning through listening . . . . . . . . 67
4.2.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Watching . . . . . . . 71
4.2.4 Incidental Language Learning Through Online
Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

vii
viii Contents

4.2.5 Incidental Language Learning Through Gaming . . . . . . . . 77

4.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Multi-channel
Media Exposure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
4.4 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
5 Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
5.1 Sample and Test Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
5.2 Language Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
5.3 Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
5.3.1 Socio-economic Background and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
5.3.2 Media-related Extramural English Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
6 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English
Contacts Among Adolescents In Germany and Switzerland . . . . 111
6.1.1 Frequency of Listening to Music, Radio,
and Audiobooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
6.1.2 Frequency of Surfing Online . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
6.1.3 Frequency of Watching Movies, Tv Series, and Tv
Shows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
6.1.4 Frequency of Reading Books, Magazines,
and Newspapers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
6.1.5 Frequency of Gaming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
6.1.6 Reason for Extramural English Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
6.1.7 Patterns of Media-Related Extramural English
Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital
Divide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
6.2.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related
Extramural English Contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
6.2.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English
Contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
6.3 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and Language
Competences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
7 Summary and Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
7.1 Summary and Discussion of Forms and Frequency
of Extramural English Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
7.2 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English Contacts
and the Digital Divide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
Contents ix

7.3 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English Contacts

and Language Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
7.4 Further Limitations and Recommendations for Future
Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
7.5 Pedagogical Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
List of Figures

Figure 6.1 Frequency of English media content overall (in %) . . . . . . 113

Figure 6.2 Frequency of listening to English media through
music, radio, and audiobooks (in %) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Figure 6.3 Frequency of engagement with English-language
content online (in %) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
Figure 6.4 Most popular English influencers online . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
Figure 6.5 Most popular English online channels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Figure 6.6 Most popular TV shows via video platforms . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
Figure 6.7 Frequencies of watching English movies, TV series,
and TV shows (in %) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
Figure 6.8 Frequencies of reading English books, magazines,
and newspapers (in %) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
Figure 6.9 Frequencies of gaming in English (in %) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Figure 6.10 Frequency of extramural English contact through
media by gender (in %) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Figure 6.11 Proposed path model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
Figure 6.12 Path analysis: the effect of socio-economic
background and gender on students’ language skills
(M0) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
Figure 6.13 Path analysis: the effect of extramural English contact
on students’ language skills (M1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
Figure 6.14 Path analysis: the effect of extramural English contact
on students’ language skills under the control of prior
knowledge (M2) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171

xi
List of Tables

Table 5.1 Correlation between listening, reading, and writing

scores . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
Table 5.2 Excerpt from the questionnaire: Frequency
of extramural English contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Table 5.3 Subsample for follow-up questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Table 5.4 Follow-up questions per media category . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Table 5.5 Coded categories: influencer followed online . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Table 6.1 Technical equipment at home . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Table 6.2 Time spent surfing per day . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
Table 6.3 Popular English-language websites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Table 6.4 Frequency of active and passive use of English online
content . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Table 6.5 Hours spent watching movies & TV series in English
per sitting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Table 6.6 Hours spent watching movies & TV series in English
per week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Table 6.7 English books read per year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Table 6.8 Time spent gaming per sitting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Table 6.9 Time spent gaming per week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
Table 6.10 Popular gaming genres . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
Table 6.11 Frequency of active and passive gaming activities . . . . . . . . 129
Table 6.12 Reasons for extramural English contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Table 6.13 Correlation between media categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
Table 6.14 Types of media users: results from a principal
component analysis (rotated component matrix) . . . . . . . . . . 135
Table 6.15 Parents’ highest level of education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

xiii
xiv List of Tables

Table 6.16 Language praxis within the family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

Table 6.17 Correlation of socio-economic background factors . . . . . . . . 140
Table 6.18 Regression results for the effect of family background
on frequency of extramural contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Table 6.19 Regression results for the effect of country and family
background on frequency of extramural contacts . . . . . . . . . 145
Table 6.20 Regression results for the effect of family background
on frequency of reading English books per year . . . . . . . . . . 147
Table 6.21 Regression results for the effect of family background
on hours spent surfing, watching movies/TV series
and gaming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Table 6.22 Logistic regression models for the effect of family
background on contact to English-language websites . . . . . . 150
Table 6.23 Logistic regression models for the effect of family
background on preferences for gaming categories . . . . . . . . . 151
Table 6.24 Logistic regression models for the effect of family
background on frequency of active and passive online
behavior and gaming activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
Table 6.25 Technical equipment at home by gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
Table 6.26 Mean difference in frequency of media exposure
between genders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Table 6.27 Differences in preferred English-language websites
by gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
Table 6.28 Difference in preferred gaming categories by gender . . . . . . 159
Table 6.29 Differences in active and passive media use by gender . . . . 160
Table 6.30 Correlation between media categories and language
competences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
Introduction
1

The rise of globalization, the widespread use of technical devices, such as com-
puters and smartphones, and the emergence of the internet have undoubtedly
changed the media landscape and transformed our way of communication in all
sectors of life. Today, the internet serves as a source for information and allows
people to communicate on various platforms. In addition, it not only allows easy
access to written material, but has also made it possible to access audio and
audio-visual media content such as music, movies, or TV series. As a result, the
internet not only connects us to people from all over the world, but also brings
international media content into our everyday life. By doing so, the internet has
opened new ways to get into contact with other languages, particularly with the
English language.
Since World War II, the English language has played a dominant role in the
entertainment and media industry. The majority of the most famous music pieces,
movies, TV productions, and books have been produced in the United States (and
the United Kingdom) (Berns et al., 2007). In addition, the English language has
also dominated the internet from the start: in 2001, it was estimated that 50%
of the content online was in English (Berns et al., 2007). While other languages
have since increased in frequency and importance, English still serves as the
lingua franca for people from different corners of the world to communicate
online (Web Technology Survey, 2020).
Despite this domination, authentic English-language media content was only
sparsely accessible in some of the bigger European countries until the turn of
the millennium: While music sung in English was already common on the radio,
most foreign media content, such as movies or books, was usually translated
before being released in countries such as Germany, France and Italy. As a

© The Author(s) 2023 1

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_1
2 1 Introduction

result, most people in these countries only came into contact with the English lan-
guage through music or while traveling abroad (Hasebrink et al., 1997; Hasebrink,
2001).
In recent years, however, modern technological equipment and the internet
have increasingly allowed people easy access to a wide range of authentic inter-
national media content. In addition, people worldwide post, upload, interact
and communicate in English on websites, blogs, message boards, and social
media platforms (R. Ellis, 2008; Medrano, 2014; OECD 2001-01-01, 2001;
Thorne & Black, 2007). All that is needed is internet access and a smartphone/
computer. This creates new opportunities for contact with the English language
for non-English speaking countries, such as Germany and Switzerland.
Such a voluntary and informal form of contact can be distinguished from
language contact motivated or initiated by the educational system (e.g., in-class
instructions, homework) and is most likely strongly defined by an appreciation
for the media content or a desire to communicate with others, rather than by
the goal to learn the language (Sundqvist, 2009a, 2009b, 2011). The Swedish
researcher Pia Sundqvist calls this extramural contact (Sundqvist, 2009a).
Media Studies from Germany and Switzerland could already show that young
people have regular contact with the internet and a variety of media channels
(Medienpädagogischer Forschungsbund Südwest [MPFS], 2017; Waller et al.,
2016), yet there has been only limited empirical evidence on if and how much
young people might engage in media-related extramural English contact through
these channels. The first research question for the present study was, therefore:

1) Which forms and frequencies of media-related extramural English contacts do

German and Swiss adolescents have?

Even though the use of technological devices has become more widespread
in society and international media content more accessible, research has also
repeatedly shown the existence of social disparities in technology use and media
preferences. Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of class distinction and social habi-
tus, it can be argued that the socio-economic background shapes the cultural
and monetary conditions under which people are socialized. These conditions, in
turn, influence people’s aesthetic taste and preferences, creating a system of long-
lasting dispositions, including their taste for aesthetic products, such as music, art,
and movies. Thus, media preferences might be shaped by a person’s class-specific
media habitus (Biermann, 2009, 2013; Bourdieu, 1979, 1983, 1987, 2001 [1966]).
At the same time, media habits and preferences most likely also serve as a way of
producing and reproducing one’s gender identity (doing gender) (Straub, 2006;
1 Introduction 3

West & Zimmerman, 1987). As a result, media use should not be investigated
outside of the social norms and patterns it is embedded in.
While there is a growing body of research concerning the effect of socio-
economic background and gender on the use of media content in general, there is
little empirical research concerning the use of media-related extramural English
contact in Germany and Switzerland and these two social factors. The present
study aims to help close this research gap. The second research question is,
therefore:

2) How do socio-economic background and gender influence the pattern and

frequency of media-related extramural English contacts?

The lack of research concerning the frequency of media-related extramural

English contacts in German-speaking countries is surprising, given the importance
of the English language as a lingua franca in politics, economics, and science. As
a result, English competences are an important form of transnational human cap-
ital in a modern globalized world (Carlson et al., 2014, 2016; Medrano, 2014).
For most residents in Germany and Switzerland, English is a foreign language,
i.e., a language that is not the official language in their country of residence, nor
a mother tongue. As such, the first contact with English as a foreign language in
both Germany and Switzerland is usually through formal classroom instruction
within the educational system (Hasebrink et al., 1997; Olsson, 2016; Sundqvist,
2009a). Given the importance of the English language in todays world, increased
attention has been paid to English as a foreign language (EFL) in the educational
system in both countries.
In Germany, students are expected to reach B2 in English by the end of upper
secondary education. More advanced students are even expected to reach level C1
(Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs in the
Federal Republic of Germany [KMK], 2014). While Switzerland currently has
no official standards for all cantons, students are usually expected to attain B2 in
English in most cantons (Educational Department of Basel-Stadt [EDBS], 2017;
Educational Department of Berne [EDB], 2017). To achieve these standards, both
countries place great emphasis on a rich and compulsory English education, often
starting in primary school. Thereby, most students in Germany and Switzerland
have regular contact with English as a foreign language within the educational
setting and continue their language studies until they graduate.
However, apart from these in-school learning opportunities, media-related con-
tact with English as a foreign language might offer important additional language
4 1 Introduction

learning opportunities. Multiple empirical studies have found evidence for a posi-
tive relationship between media-related extramural English contacts and learners’
language competences in countries like Sweden and the Netherlands (e.g., Black,
2005; e.g.,Black, 2009; Kuppens, 2010; Olsson, 2011, 2016; Olsson & Sylvén,
2015; Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Sundqvist, 2008, 2009a, 2009b, 2011,
2012, 2013; Sundqvist & Sylvén, 2012a, 2012b, 2014; Sylvén, 2006, 2007, 2019;
Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012a, 2012b, 2015, 2017; Thorne, 2008; Thorne & Black,
2007; Thorne et al., 2009; Verspoor et al., 2011). According to these findings, a
high level of authentic media input and the opportunity to interact with members
of a language community in a natural setting can lead to informal, unplanned,
and unprompted incidental learning processes. Learning benefits could be demon-
strated for traditional media forms, such as reading books or watching movies,
as well as for newer or online-based forms such as playing computer games or
reading online content on blogs or fan fiction boards.
The third research question for the present dissertation is, therefore:

1) How do media-related extramural English contacts influence students’ English

competences?

Of course, results from international studies, regarding the positive relationship of

extramural English contacts and language learning, do not negate the importance
and effectiveness of in-classroom instructions, which have long been proven to
have a positive effect on language learning (e.g., d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle &
van de Poel, 1999; R. Ellis, 1999). However, as there already is a substantial
body of research dedicated to formal in-classroom instruction, the present study
will not focus on this factor. For the same reason the study will therefore also
not investigate educational media use, such as educational games or media con-
tent that teachers might introduce as homework or additional reading material.
The study will also not focus on any other form of media content developed or
adapted with the foreign language learner in mind. Instead, the study will focus
on authentic media content in natural media settings.
At the same time, the results of this study might in turn have implications for
the educational system and in-classroom instructions. As learners might engage
in frequent out-of-school English contacts, the classroom might no longer be the
only contact with EFL for young learners in Germany and Switzerland. This
might lead to increasingly heterogeneous language backgrounds, as some stu-
dents might have been exposed to highly specialized and advanced vocabulary
and topics, while others might not. Understanding the challenges as well as the
educational benefits from media-related extramural English contacts can therefore
1 Introduction 5

help teachers, and parents, to better navigate an increasingly heterogenous stu-

dent body, as well as to integrate students’ individual interest in the curriculum
and find ways to motivate students to engage in out-of-school language practice.
The present study is based on a sample of 2,847 upper secondary students in
their penultimate year of baccalaureate school (Gymnasium) from Germany and
the German-speaking part of Switzerland (hereinafter referred to as Switzerland).
The study thus investigates the media-related extramural English contacts for
German-speaking adolescents in two of the largest German-speaking populations.
Differences between the two countries will be discussed where they are relevant.
It should be noted, however, that the sample is not representative of all ado-
lescents in the two countries, since upper secondary education has traditionally
been a highly selective educational track in both Germany and Switzerland, with
the entrance being even more restrictive in Switzerland than in Germany (Keller
et al., 2020).
The data was gathered as part of the project Measuring English Writing at Sec-
ondary Level (MEWS). The project was co-founded by the Swiss National Science
Foundation (SNF) and the German Research Foundation (DFG). Data collection
took place in 2016/2017. Students were tested on their reading, listening, and
writing skills in a longitudinal design with two measurement points. In addition
to the language assessment, students were given an extensive background ques-
tionnaire, including questions concerning their media-related extramural English
contacts. Media categories ranged from more traditional media categories, such
as books and television, to newer online-based activities, such as social media or
gaming.

This book is organized in the following way: Chapter 2 will discuss the role
of English as a dominant language within the entertainment industry and show
how the media landscape in Germany and Switzerland has changed over the
last few years and how this might lead to increased extramural contact with
EFL. Chapter 3 will then discuss gender and socio-economic background as two
important social factors, which might influence media-related extramural English
contacts. Chapter 4 will introduce the concept of incidental language learning
from extramural language contacts. Chapter 5 will give an overview of the dataset
and the operationalization of key variables. The empirical findings are presented
in Chapter 6. In the interest of readability, the empirical results have been divided
into three parts, one for each research question. Section 6.1 will discuss find-
ings related to the overall frequency of media-related extramural English contact
among students and highlight differences between the countries. Section 6.2 will
6 1 Introduction

discuss the influence of gender and socio-economic background on those con-

tacts. Section 6.3 will discuss the effect of these extramural contacts on students’
language competences and integrate them with the influence of gender and socio-
economic background by employing structural equation modeling. Chapter 7 will
summarize and discuss the results. Again, the discussion for the three research
questions has been organized into separate subchapters. In addition, limitations of
the present study and suggestions for future research will be discussed. Chapter 8
will conclude and summarize the present study.

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permission directly from the copyright holder.
The Media Landscape in Germany
and Switzerland 2

The word media (singular: medium) is used to describe ways of communication

within a society. The media includes any technical tool and channel through
which information, opinions, or cultural properties can be transported, stored,
and delivered to people. These tools or channels can be analog (such as books,
newspapers, radio, television), or digital (i.e., tools for digital data storage and
distribution, like computers and smartphones). This also includes the internet
itself as a medium of mass communication and any digital form of former analog
media channels, such as e-books or online newspapers (Bonfadelli, 2002).
Furthermore, the word media also refers to the actual content of these media
channels or tools, i.e., any form of online or offline information, opinions, or
cultural properties stored and shared. This content conveys meaning and messages
to members of a particular community, for whom specific codes and symbols
hold specific meanings. As a result, codes and symbols enable communication
between the communicator (here: creator of the media content) and the recipient
(here: consumer) (Bonfadelli, 2002).
Often, a distinction is made between new media forms, i.e., the internet and
any tool used to interact with online content, and old/traditional media forms,
such as books and television. However, given that these new media forms have
been available for over two decades, the present study will simply use the term
media to describe any form of analog and digital media content, as well as all
forms of web-based entertainment and information, and any form of technology
used to access and consume information or communicate with each other. The
terms media channel or media category will be used to refer to different tools or
channels, such as movies and books.

© The Author(s) 2023 7

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_2
8 2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland

2.1 Contact with English Media Content in Europe

Since World War II, the United States has dominated the entertainment industry.
As a result, many of the most popular movies, TV productions, and books are
produced or written in the United States. In addition, many of the most popu-
lar musicians and artists in recent years have been from the United States, and
musicians from outside the United States often choose to produce their music
with English lyrics as well, establishing a music industry strongly dominated by
the English language (Berns et al., 2007). Since music is usually not translated,
songs sung in English have been widely accessible for the European audience for
several decades.
By contrast, contact opportunities with other forms of authentic English-
language media content have not been evenly distributed throughout Europe until
recently. This can best be seen for three of the most popular leisure time cat-
egories: movies, TV series (i.e., multi-episode narratives, organized in seasons),
and TV shows (i.e., non-narrative television programs, such as game shows, sports
programming, or news broadcasts).
Smaller language communities in smaller countries like Sweden or the Nether-
lands have long had the tradition of subtitling foreign television programs and
movies since their small populations make dubbing inefficient and expensive. In
subtitled content, the original audio track (most often English) is still broadcasted,
while subtitles in the local language are displayed at the bottom of the screen.
As a result, regular and intense contact with authentic audio-visual English input
has been a normal part of everyday life in these countries (Kuppens, 2010).
By contrast, countries with a larger population usually dub international
movies, TV series, and TV shows. With dubbing, the original audio track is
replaced with voiceovers in the local language of the audience. In addition, these
countries usually have a large number of national media productions. International
broadcasting programs, like MTV, might even decide to produce additional local
content for these regions with local hosts to moderate TV shows in the coun-
try’s own language, even though the music broadcasted is still predominantly
sung in English. As a result, contact opportunities with the English language
have been limited for audiences in bigger countries such as Germany in the past
(Berns et al., 2007). This also applies to Switzerland, even though the country
has a relatively small population in comparison, as the country shares three of its
four national languages with Germany, Italy, and France. As a result, the Swiss
audience traditionally has also had access to German, Italian, and French media
content.
2.1 Contact with English Media Content in Europe 9

However, in recent decades, the rise of globalization and the emergence of

the internet has transformed our way of consuming media content. For music,
movies, TV series, and TV shows, the creation of online streaming platforms
changed the way we listen to and watch audio-visual content. Streaming refers to
“the activity of listening to or watching sound or video directly from the internet”
(Cambridge dictionary).
While music sung in English has been widely accessible even before the
advent of the internet, platforms like Spotify, Deezer, and iTunes now provide
listeners with the opportunity to listen to a broader range of international music
online and offline. Some platforms even offer the opportunity to display the lyrics
on-screen while listening to a song.
For movies, TV series, and TV shows, subscriptions to online-based streaming
services, like Netflix or Amazon Video usually offer multiple language audio tracks
for their content. Viewers can thus choose between different dubbed versions
or watch with the original soundtrack (which is often English). The platforms
usually also offer a broad selection of subtitles. For example, Netflix usually
offers dubbed audio tracks and subtitles in the original language of production,
majority languages, as well as several other popular languages for a specific
area. Therefore, viewers can choose the combination that best fits their needs and
language competences.
In addition to these streaming services, the internet offers a wide range of free
options to stream or download TV series, TV shows, and movies. Through these
free online streaming websites, users can also get access to the original versions
of movies, series, or shows. The legal status of these websites has been a matter
of debate from the beginning. For Germany, a ruling by the European Court of
Justice (ECJ) in 2017 made them de facto illegal (Focus online, 2020; Heckel,
2019; Wietlisbach, 2017). However, despite the ruling, an article in the German
newspaper Die Zeit from 2019 reported the continuous popularity of these free
streaming websites (Heckel, 2019). In Switzerland, free online streaming is still
legal to this day, as long as the content is not downloaded (Wietlisbach, 2017).
Therefore, free streaming websites and download servers might be a well-known
option among adolescents in both countries. However, reliable empirical evidence
has been sparse.
Apart from these online versions of more traditional media forms, the internet
itself offers a vast amount of information, spanning a wide range of topics and
themes. Among other things, websites can serve as sources for information or
entertainment or can be used to sell and buy goods and services. In 2001 it was
10 2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland

estimated that at least 50% of the content online was in English (Berns et al.,
2007). This high proportion can again be explained by the status of English as a
lingua franca and the dominance of the American entertainment and technology
industry. While other languages have increased in frequency and importance in
the last few years, English still serves an essential role in distributing online
content to people from different corners of the world (Web Technology Survey,
2020).
The internet has also created the possibility to actively communicate and inter-
act with other people through posting, uploading, and interacting via websites,
blogs, message boards, and social media platforms (R. Ellis, 2008; Medrano,
2014; OECD 2001-01-01, 2001; Thorne & Black, 2007). While many websites
might offer the possibility to communicate with other users, social media plat-
forms have increasingly become the driving force behind online communities.
Social media platforms can be defined as websites that allow people to construct
and maintain a public profile, upload content, pictures, and videos, and connect
and communicate online. Users can usually choose which information they wish
to share with other users in their network. As such, social media platforms are
egocentric-driven networks (boyd & Ellison, 2007; Götz & Prommer, 2020). Net-
works are usually comprised of people users already know. Connections are thus
often bi-directional. However, networks also allow users to follow others without
the other person having to follow the user back to see their content (boyd &
Ellison, 2007). Users can leave comments and messages on each other’s pro-
file sides, and most social media sides also offer private messages. Apart from
allowing users to connect and communicate, social media sides usually also allow
users to upload and share pictures and videos (boyd & Ellison, 2007). There are
a small number of platforms, which dominate the market.
Facebook has established itself as the most important social media company
over the last few years. The network offers users extensive possibilities to create
and maintain an online profile and chronicle their lives. The platform also allows
the sharing of pictures and videos. In addition to their network of friends, users
can also follow and like profiles from, for example, brands or celebrities (Götz &
Prommer, 2020).
In contrast, the platform Instagram is mainly focused on sharing pictures and
(short) videos. The platform offers filters and other technological solutions to
create high-end, aesthetically pleasing images. Users can comment on and like
pictures and videos of other users, and follow each other.
Lately, the platform TikTok has gained widespread popularity, especially
among the younger audience. The platform allows users to produce and upload
short video clips, which are then presented to others through an endless video
2.1 Contact with English Media Content in Europe 11

reel. Like Instagram, users can follow each other, like each other’s content, and
leave comments (Götz & Prommer, 2020). For the present study, TikTok does
not play a role as a possible source for contact with English for adolescents in
Germany and Switzerland, as the app launched a year after data collection took
place.
Video sharing is also the focus of YouTube. In contrast to Twitter and Insta-
gram, users usually create and upload longer videos to the platform, covering
a wide variety of topics, ranging from tutorials to music and dance videos or
intimate insights into their private lives. The platform is the most popular plat-
form for video content worldwide (Götz & Prommer, 2020). On YouTube, users
can create their own channel and like and comment on each other’s videos but
not send private messages. Therefore, it could be argued that YouTube might
not function as a social media platform in the strictest sense, since users do not
necessarily chronicle their lives or communicate with others directly. However,
users on YouTube still share content, and in fact many use the platform to share
information about their lives. In addition, users can use the comment section to
interact with each other (Götz & Prommer, 2020), and video makers can address
their audience through their videos or start a live stream and answer questions.
For this reason, Götz and Prommer (2020) define YouTube as a social media
platform as well.
Like YouTube, the platform Twitch allows users to upload videos or start a
live stream; however, the focus here is gaming. Users record themselves playing
computer or video games and comment on their progress (Götz & Prommer,
2020).
The platform Twitter is sometimes described as a microblogging platform. The
platform allows users to post short messages, so-called tweets. Videos and images
can be attached, and users can like, forward, or comment on these tweets. Users
can also send each other private messages. The platform has become increasingly
important in the political realm (Götz & Prommer, 2020).
Instant messengers, such as WhatsApp, are usually not defined as social media
platforms. They focus on individual private communications and usually do not
include creating a visible profile and sharing pictures or videos with a larger
network of people. However, these online-based messenger services also offer
the possibility of communicating with others regardless of geographic location,
without the high costs of a long-distance phone call (Götz & Prommer, 2020).
Snapchat falls somewhere between these categories. The messenger offers the
opportunity to communicate with friends and send each other video messages
or pictures. However, the messenger also offers the possibility to follow others
(Götz & Prommer, 2020).
12 2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland

Studies show that the individual platforms differ in terms of their popular-
ity in different age groups and that the popularity changes over time: In 2020,
Facebook was still the most popular social media platform, yet its importance
was significantly lower for younger people. By contrast, TikTok seemed to be
only relevant for people under 30. YouTube’s popularity could also be shown to
decrease by age. On the other hand, Twitter was mainly used by middle-aged
people with high political interest (Götz & Prommer, 2020).
Social media has also become an important way to connect to audiences.
As a result, many actors, musicians, athletes, and many broadcasting agencies
and publishing houses (e.g., CNN, BBC) have begun publishing content on
video platforms like YouTube and other social media sides. Again, American
and British celebrities and production companies tend to be the most significant
on the market.
With the rise of social media, a new type of celebrity, so-called influencers or
content creators, emerged. They can be defined as

“[…] people who have built a reputation for their knowledge and expertise on a spe-
cific topic [e.g., food, sports, fashion, music, and gaming]. They make regular posts
about that topic on their preferred social media channels and generate large followings
of enthusiastic, engaged people who pay close attention to their views.” (Influencer
Marketing Hub, 2020).

Many influencers allow intimate insight into their private lives by vlogging (video
blogging) and photographing their everyday activities. Others prefer to focus on
a specific topic and only sparsely share private information. Instead, they cre-
ate videos on specific topics, prefer to produce as a group, or work for bigger
production companies that host their content on corporate channels.
English once again plays a vital role as the language of communication here.
Some of the most famous influencers come from the US and the UK, and other
influencers use English as their language of communication, although they are
not native speakers, most likely because it increases their accessibility for a larger
audience.
People follow, like, comment, and share the videos, posts, and pictures pro-
duced and uploaded by influencers. Successful influencers can have up to 100
million followers. Because of their influence, especially with younger audiences,
companies often pay them to endorse specific products that fit with their content.
In addition, successful influencers often establish their own product lines (e.g.,
clothes, cosmetics), write books, monetize on their number of views, and act in
movies and TV series (Döring, 2019; Influencer Marketing Hub, 2018). This is
2.1 Contact with English Media Content in Europe 13

also reflected in the definition of the term influencer used by the Cambridge dic-
tionary. Here an influencer is defined as “a person who is paid by a company to
show and describe its products and services on social media, encouraging other
people to buy them.” (Cambridge dictionary). For influencers, social media is
their profession.
YouTube is one of the most important platforms for influencers and content
creators, as it offers the possibility of uploading long videos and provides the
opportunity to directly monetize on the number of views a video gets (Bishop,
2018; Götz & Prommer, 2020). However, most influencers are also active on
various platforms and usually have an account on Instagram, TikTok, and—to an
increasingly lesser degree—Facebook. For the gaming community, the interactive
video platform Twitch has also become important (Götz & Prommer, 2020). In
addition, some influencers also produce other formats, such as podcasts.

As this overview shows, the technical developments in the last few years
have made it possible for people to enjoy a wide array of authentic English-
language media content and get in contact with people from all over the world
(Medrano, 2014; Thorne & Black, 2007). All that is needed is internet access and
a smartphone or a computer.
Nevertheless, there has been only limited empirical evidence for Germany
and Switzerland on how much people use these contact opportunities to get into
contact with the English language. The present study aims to close this gap by
providing an in-depth overview of the frequency and forms of media-related con-
tact to English as a foreign language by adolescents attending upper secondary
education. In order to refer to this type of voluntary out-of-school contact with
English as a foreign language, the study will employ the term extramural contact
(Latin extra—outside, and mural—wall; Sylvén, 2019) as defined by the Swedish
researcher Sundqvist (2009a, 2009b, 2011). Such contact is most likely strongly
driven by an appreciation for the media content or a desire to communicate with
others and not motivated or initiated by the educational system (e.g., in-class
instructions, homework) (Sundqvist, 2009a, 2009b, 2011). The present study will
thus not include any form of media-related English contact initiated by the school.
Nevertheless, individual reasons for this contact may vary and might also include
the possibility that learners might wish to practice their language skills outside
of the classroom.
While empirical evidence for media-related extramural English contacts in
Germany and Switzerland is scarce, several studies have investigated the gen-
eral media use of adolescents in both countries. National media studies have
repeatedly shown that adolescents in both countries use and engage with online
14 2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland

and offline media content almost daily. The data also suggest that the usage of
online media is steadily increasing. The remainder of this chapter will there-
fore summarize empirical findings for adolescents’ media use in Germany and
Switzerland in general before providing an overview of the few studies con-
cerned with possible media-related extramural English contact in both countries.
This will be followed by a summary of results from international studies about
extramural contact through media channels in young learners of English as a
foreign language.

2.2 Empirical Evidence

In 2000, analysis from the Swiss sample of the Program for International Student
Assessment (PISA) found that 43% of Swiss students spent time online regularly,
and 37% used the internet to communicate. These numbers were significantly
lower than in other countries participating in the PISA study but revealed an
upward trend compared to former cohorts. Newer empirical data indicates that
the numbers have increased dramatically over the past few years.
For Switzerland, the JAMES study (Youth, Activities, Media—Survey Switzer-
land) regularly investigates the media use and media habits of Swiss teenagers
aged 12 to 19. Reports are published every two years. The data from 2016 is the
most comparable to the dataset used in the present study. The data reveals that
in 2016 almost all Swiss households had at least one smartphone and that 99%
of adolescents even had a personal smartphone and used it every day. In addi-
tion, 97% of households had access to the internet, 99% had at least one laptop
or computer, and 76% of adolescents owned a personal computer. A television
was also present in most households (96%), although only one-third of the ado-
lescents had one of their own (30%). The use of subscription-based streaming
services had also already become more prevalent in Switzerland in 2016, with
38% of the households having a subscription (Waller et al., 2016, p. 13 ff).
Regarding media activities, almost a third of all participants in 2016 indicated
that they read multiple times per week, yet digital media content was more pop-
ular. Almost all Swiss adolescents listened to music (93%), surfed the internet
(95%), watched videos, and used social media platforms and the internet almost
every day (Waller et al., 2016, p. 22). Thirty-two percent of the adolescents in
Switzerland watched television daily and 41% at least multiple times a week
(Waller et al., 2016, p. 13 ff). Popular movies included Harry Potter, Fast &
Furious, The Hunger Games, and Star Wars. The Big Bang Theory, The Simpsons,
2.2 Empirical Evidence 15

Navy CIS, and Pretty Little Liars were the most popular TV series (Waller et al.,
2016, p. 26 & 28). These results show that all of the most popular movies and
TV series in 2016 were produced in the United States and the United Kingdom.
Consequently, the language of production for all of them is English.
Data from the 2018 cohort confirmed the continued trend for digital media
activities, and ownership of technical equipment still reached almost 100%. In
addition, adolescents spent a considerable amount of time engaged in online
media activities (Suter et al., 2018). One of the most noticeable differences to
the cohort in 2016 was the increased percentage of subscriptions for streaming
services for Swiss households (from 38% to 56%). Half of all participants in
2018 also reported having a subscription to a music streaming service (Suter
et al., 2018, p. 21).
For Germany, the JIM study (Youth, Information, Media) investigates adoles-
cents’ media use. The study is carried out annually and interviews teenagers
between the ages of 12 and 19. The cohort closest to the last JAMES cohort
and the data of this study is from 2017. The results reveal the widespread access
to technological devices in Germany. Almost all adolescents in 2017 had a per-
sonal smartphone (97%) and access to a computer with internet at home (98%).
Sixty-nine percent had a personal computer. Streaming services were also avail-
able for half of the German households (54%), and 28% had a subscription for
pay-television (MPFS, 2017, p. 7 f).
These technical devices were already a daily routine for German adolescents
in 2017: almost all adolescent used their smartphones (93%), surfed online (89%),
and listened to music (83%) every day. Almost half of the students watched tele-
vision (45%) every day. Sixty-two percent watched online videos daily. Watching
via streaming services or free online streaming websites was not as widespread
in 2017, as only 16% engaged in this activity every day (MPFS, 2017, p. 13).
The Big Bang Theory, How I met your mother, and The Simpsons, were the most
popular TV series in Germany (MPFS, 2017, p. 41). All of them are produced in
the United States.
Apart from these online-based media activities, 40% of the adolescents
also reported reading at least multiple times per week. However, 18% of the
adolescents in the study stated that they never read books (MPFS, 2017, p. 19 f).
The newest JIM cohort from 2019 confirmed the upward trend for technical
equipment and online media content. As for Switzerland, streaming services for
music, movies, TV series, and TV shows had become more widespread in Ger-
many, too. In 2017, the smartphone had already become an essential technical
16 2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland

device for adolescents in terms of online media (MPFS, 2019). Despite the pop-
ularity of online activities, reading remained a popular leisure time activity for at
least a third of German adolescents (MPFS, 2019, p. 13).
The International Computer and Information Literacy Study (ICIL) also con-
firmed the increasing importance of online media content among young people in
Germany and Switzerland. The study investigated computer-related leisure time
activities for 8th grade students in multiple countries. For Germany and Switzer-
land, the study could show that even younger adolescents regularly engaged in
online communication via social networks or messaging apps (Germany [G]:
80%; Switzerland [CH]: 77%), listened to music (G: 78%; CH: 76%), researched
things that interest them online (G: 62%; CH: 56%), watched movies, TV series,
and TV shows (G: 54%, CH: 58%), sent voice chats (G: 48%; CH: 50%), played
games (G: 48%; CH: 41%) and posted comments online (G: 46%; CH: 45%).
Actively uploading or writing their own content online was slightly less popular
(Fraillon et al., 2014, p. 138 ff).

As discussed before, there is little empirical data for media-related extramural

English contact for Germany and Switzerland. An older study from Hasebrink
et al. (1997) presented results for the English media habits of German adoles-
cents before the turn of the millennium. Participants reported regular contact
with English mainly through music (radio or records) (Hasebrink et al., 1997,
163 ff).
In a follow-up study, Hasebrink (2001) indicated that contact with English
at the beginning of the new millennium for most people in Germany was still
mostly limited to interaction during holidays. For younger people (9th grade),
music and the computer provided additional sources for contact. One of the few
broadcasting stations providing English input on television was the music channel
MTV. English movies were less popular and not as easily accessible.
A few years later, Grau (2009) could show an increased out-of-school contact
with English among 9th graders in Germany through music. In addition, her data
also documented the widespread popularity of English TV series and TV shows
on the music channel MTV. While MTV does produce localized content (see
above), most of their original non-music-centered TV series and reality TV shows
are from the United States and the United Kingdom. While German and Swiss
broadcasting stations usually dub their international content, MTV adopted the
tradition of airing these series and shows with the original English audio track
and German subtitles early on. By doing so, the network provided one of the
earliest contact opportunities with authentic English media content in Germany
and Switzerland.
2.2 Empirical Evidence 17

In 2017, the JIM study also included some questions about participants’ use
of English media content. Overall, 23% of the participating adolescents said they
watch English TV series, and 19% said they watch English movies at least once
a week via platforms like Netflix, Amazon, and YouTube. Older adolescents had
slightly more contact, with 31% of the 16- to 17-year-old and 28% of the 18-
to 19-year-old saying they watch English TV shows regularly, while 21% and
27%, respectively, say they watch English movies (MPFS, 2017, p. 42 f). At the
time of this dissertation, the JAMES study had not included any questions about
media-related extramural English contact for Switzerland.

Data from international studies have shown a high level of extramural English
contact for adolescents in smaller countries, such as Sweden or the Netherlands.
Sundqvist found that almost all of the n = 80 Swedish students in her sample
came into regular contact with English outside of school. Listening to music was
the most popular activity (Sundqvist, 2009a). Sixty-six percent of the students
also watched English TV series with Swedish subtitles almost every day, and 30%
watched them at least once per week. Thirty-four percent of students reported
watching English movies daily, and 41% watched English movies at least once
per week. Fewer students watched TV series and movies without subtitles, and
even fewer students chose to read newspapers or magazines in their leisure time
(Sundqvist, 2009a, p. 125 f).
Nevertheless, Sundqvist’s sample also showed a high level of intra-individual
variation: while eight students (mostly male) spent up to 40 hours per week with
English media content, some students hardly reported any extramural English
contact at all. The high-frequency users in her study were all frequent gamers,
most of them involved in highly interactive online gaming, which brought them
into intensive contact with other players throughout the week. They were also
engaged in listening to English music and watching English TV series, but seldom
read English books (Sundqvist, 2009a).
Olsson (2011) found similar results for her sample of Swedish students (n =
37). Almost all students listened to English music daily (86%). TV series with
subtitles came in second (Olsson, 2011, p. 34 f). Olsson also attributes these
high numbers to the dominance of the anglophone media in Scandinavia and the
tradition for subtitled rather than dubbed TV programs. She concludes that “all
[Swedish] pupils watch English-speaking programmes or films on TV, which is
difficult to avoid if you watch TV at all” (Olsson, 2011, p. 44). In addition, 41%
of the participants in her study said they speak English regularly outside of school
(Olsson, 2011, p. 34 f).
18 2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland

Peters (2018) reported frequent exposure to English outside the classroom

for his sample of seventy-nine 16 and 19-year-old Flemish students. The students
came into contact with English via songs, movies, and TV series with and without
subtitles. They also browsed on English-language websites and played games in
English; however, these activities were less popular than the audio-visual input.
Input through traditional written material, such as books or magazines, was the
rarest form of contact with the English language (similar to the findings from
Sundqvist and Olsson). The younger age group was more engaged in computer
games than the 19-year-old first-year university students. By contrast, university
students were more active in watching non-subtitled TV series and movies. These
findings show that while the overall amount of exposure might not differ between
adolescents of different age groups, the focus of activities might shift over time
(Black, 2009; Peters, 2018).
Toffoli and Sockett (2010) investigated the extramural English contacts of n
= 222 university students from Strasbourg. While their sample is slightly older
than the rest of the studies reported here, the results offer an interesting insight
into the media habits of French learners. In France, like in Germany and Switzer-
land, international movies, TV series, and TV shows are traditionally dubbed. In
addition, France also has a rich and unique national media landscape with a high
number of national productions. It is, therefore, interesting to see which role
authentic English media content plays in such a media landscape. The results
show that almost all students (90%) listened to English content at least once
a month. Half the students even engaged in online listening activities at least
once per week. Reading English content online was less popular among the
respondents. Most students preferred a mix of English music, movies, and TV
series. Fewer than 10% of students listened to English music only. Students also
engaged in English online reading and communication activities, especially on
social media. However, communication was most often short and personal (i.e.,
commenting or writing on friends’ walls) and took place between non-native
speakers. However, students also indicated that their messages tend to get longer
and more sophisticated over time. The results show very little oral communication
online, for example, via video calls (Toffoli & Sockett, 2010, p. 6).
Toffoli and Sockett (2012) also conducted an in-depth qualitative study of five
students from the original sample to further investigate the actual time spent on
English content, the persistence over time, and how learning might have taken
place. Results showed that learners spent up to 20 hours with English online
content per month. They communicated with others regularly, both synchronously
and asynchronously, via social media sites and chatrooms. All students watched
English movies and TV series online on free streaming websites. One reason for
2.3 Conclusion 19

watching the English version online was that students did not want to wait until
the dubbed version was available. Once they had started watching the original,
they did not want to switch back to the dubbed version. The students not only
listened to music passively but also looked up song lyrics online. Websites visited
by the students were often related to their field of study, and the same sites were
visited multiple times (Toffoli & Sockett, 2012).
Similar to Toffoli and Sockett, Kusyk and Sockett (2012) asked 45 French
students how often they engaged in media-related extramural English contact.
Results showed that almost half of the students watched English TV series regu-
larly (i.e., more than once a week). The most popular series were all productions
from the United States. Most students watched with French subtitles, with fewer
choosing to watch with English subtitles, while only 10% watched without sub-
titles. Most students obtained the episodes they watched by downloading or
streaming them from then still legal free streaming websites.
Most learners were convinced that watching movies and TV series would help
their vocabulary knowledge, thus pointing to the fact that learners might be aware
of possible learning benefits of extramural English contacts. This is also evident
by the fact that ‘improving one’s English skills’ was listed among the three most
important reasons for watching English TV series. However, it is unknown if
learners took active steps to foster their learning processes (Kusyk & Sockett,
2012).

2.3 Conclusion

Overall, the empirical evidence shows a strong trend for regular media-related
extramural English contact for children, adolescents, and young adults in smaller
European countries. Music has been shown to be the most popular media cate-
gory, which is not surprising given the high amount of music sung in English.
However, the data also shows the increasing popularity of watching TV series,
TV shows, and movies in English. Here students often choose to watch with the
original English audio track and subtitles. In addition, students also like to surf
on English-language websites or engage in social media activities.
The data from France also shows that extramural contacts are popular even in
countries with larger populations and a tradition of dubbing audio-visual content.
These results show that contact with English-language media content nowadays
is not solely dependent on national broadcasting traditions.
For Germany and Switzerland, reliable data on media-related extramural
English contacts is still scarce. Nevertheless, data from German and Swiss media
20 2 The Media Landscape in Germany and Switzerland

studies show that American and British TV series and movies are widely popular
among adolescents and that adolescents have the necessary technical equipment
to access authentic English-language online media content.
The results allow some conclusions to be drawn concerning possible extramu-
ral contacts in the two countries: First, adolescents in Germany and Switzerland
traditionally have already had a high level of extramural English contacts via
music.
Second, it can be assumed that the growing prevalence of legal and illegal
streaming options is increasingly tempting young people to consume the original
versions of TV series and movies. This development is most likely driven by
the prestige of these original versions and their earlier release date. As studies
from Scandinavia have shown, this can lead to a culture in which dubbing is seen
as a distortion of the original work (Berns et al., 2007), and watching original
versions becomes a lifestyle.
Third, the dominance of the English language on the internet and the fact that
most adolescents use the internet daily will most likely result in a high rate of
exposure to English content online.
Fourth, the increasing importance and popularity of social influencers, with
the most popular one being situated in the US and the UK and others choosing
English as their language of production, will probably lead to increased extramu-
ral contact via social media platforms among German and Swiss adolescents.
Although not the focus of the present study, it should be noted that teachers
can also play a vital role in the frequency and intensity of students’ media-
related extramural English contacts. They might make young learners aware of
the opportunity for informal language contact through media content or intro-
duce specific media channels and topics in the classroom, thus familiarizing
students with them. They might also play a vital part in motivating students.
However, teachers’ involvement will only lead to voluntary extramural contact if
their involvement is limited to motivational advice. Any homework assignment
or supplement material would mean the resulting contact would not fall under
the definition of extramural contact used in the present study.
Following these considerations, it can be assumed that media-related extramu-
ral English contacts have a steady presence in students’ lives and that students
engage in them at least multiple times per week. The first hypothesis for the
present study is, therefore:

H1: The majority of adolescents in upper secondary education in Germany and

Switzerland engage in daily or almost daily media-related extramural English
contacts via various online and offline media channels.
2.3 Conclusion 21

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The Digital Divide
3

The empirical evidence provided in Section 2.2 showed widespread ownership

and use of modern technological equipment in Germany and Switzerland. While
it might be tempting to think of the resulting media preferences and media use
as a personal preference and an individual choice, data from media studies have
repeatedly shown the influence of two social factors: gender and socio-economic
background. The following chapter will introduce the theory of social (media)
habitus and the concept of doing gender to explain how social disparity lines
create a digital divide and influence media preferences and media habits.
The term digital divide is defined as a difference in access, frequency, and
patterns of usage, as well as the knowledge about and the motivation for using
technology (Eickelmann et al., 2014; Wendt et al., 2014). Similarly, the OECD
(Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) defines the digital
divide as

“the gap between individuals, households, businesses and geographic areas at differ-
ent socioeconomic levels with regard both to their opportunities to access information
and communication technologies (ICTs) and to their use of the Internet for a wide
variety of activities” (OECD 2001-01-01, 2001, p. 5).

The present chapter will outline how these differences most likely also result
in different opportunities and frequencies for media-related extramural English
contact for adolescents in Germany and Switzerland.

© The Author(s) 2023 23

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_3
24 3 The Digital Divide

3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related

Extramural English Contacts

As has been shown in Chapter 2, the internet has created new and informal
opportunities for out-of-school contacts with English. Subsequently, the class-
room, traveling, or exchange programs abroad are no longer the only way to get
into intensive and prolonged contact with EFL. Data from national media studies
also showed that most adolescents in Germany and Switzerland have the nec-
essary technical equipment to engage in these media contacts. Nevertheless, the
empirical data shows that general media use is not evenly distributed through-
out society. For example, results from both the JIM and the JAMES study show
that adolescents from higher socio-economic backgrounds on average read more
often and spent less time surfing online or playing computer games (MPFS, 2017;
Waller et al., 2016; for a detailed summary see Section 3.1.2). This chapter will
draw on Bourdieu’s theory of class distinction and social habitus to explain per-
sisting differences in media use between people from different socio-economic
backgrounds.

3.1.1 Socio-economic Background and Media Habitus

According to Bourdieu, every form of contact with art, music, and media products
should be understood as rooted in social practice and influenced by the specific
disposition of one’s social class and origin (Bourdieu, 1983, 1987). Bourdieu
categorizes social classes by their possession of three forms of capital: First,
economic capital, which is comprised of money or any form of resources that can
be transformed into money (e.g., stocks, land, or property). Second, social capital,
which can be understood as a person’s social network and can be utilized to
one’s own advantage. It is thus also linked to the aggregated capital within one’s
personal network. Third, cultural capital, which is comprised of resources that
enable a person to participate in the cultural practices of society. Cultural capital
can be further divided into three dimensions: (1) Objectified cultural capital, i.e.,
all forms of cultural belongings, such as books and paintings. (2) Institutionalized
cultural capital, i.e., educational titles and diplomas. (3) Incorporated cultural
capital, i.e., the physical embodiment of cultural habits, skills, and dispositions
(Bourdieu, 1983, 1987).
Economic, social, and cultural capital are interlinked, with economic capital
being the prerequisite for the production and reproduction of social and cultural
capital within families. Economic capital frees families from monetary obligations
3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 25

and the requirements of the everyday life of the working class. As a result, fami-
lies with a higher economic capital can not only accumulate institutionalized and
objectified cultural capital over time, but also develop a specific set of behaviors,
tastes, and aesthetics representing this freedom (Bourdieu, 1987). This set, this
social habitus, is “a system of durable, transposable dispositions which functions
as the generative basis of structured, objectively unified practices” (Bourdieu,
1979, p. vii).
The social habitus is internalized by children during their primary socializa-
tion, with parents and other adult family members serving as role models who
have incorporated the cultural capital from their parents. In this way, social habi-
tus is reproducing itself in each generation. A person’s social habitus is thus the
result of a specific set of circumstances of life which is both the result and the
prerequisite for its own reproduction (Bourdieu, 1983, 1987).
Learned in early childhood and ingrained in our very persona, the social
habitus influences people’s pattern of behavior and (aesthetic) taste. As a result,
children from different social origins will learn to appreciate different forms of
aesthetic products, such as music, art, and movies. This influence is strongest
for those forms of aesthetic taste that are not explicitly taught by the educa-
tional system. Thus, all children learn to recognize the most popular forms of
art deemed legitimate and important within a given society, while the taste for
aesthetic forms, behaviors, preferences, and attitudes not taught in school is the
most influenced by a person’s social upbringing. This also includes the taste for
art, media, and technology (Bourdieu, 1987).
The social habitus is thus structuring and structured structure: the circum-
stances of life and the available resources are incorporated and influence a
person’s perception and disposition (structuring structure). By structuring the way
people see and experience the world, the habitus also influences and restricts
behavior, thus creating a specific lifestyle and taste (structured structure) (Straub,
2006).
According to this theory, groups of higher social status will prefer cultural
products associated with higher cultural status − although it is in fact they who
mark specific types of aesthetic taste as legitimate, to begin with, because of the
power they hold within society. By contrast, social groups of lower cultural status
prefer products associated with lower culture status. Consequently, the social
habitus marks one as a member of a specific social group and makes taste in
music, art, and other aesthetic forms a powerful status symbol and social marker
for distinction. This is also the reason why people often resent or look down
on specific forms of art or music associated with social groups of lower status
(Bourdieu, 1987).
26 3 The Digital Divide

According to this theoretical framework, a person’s frequency of media use,

preferred media content, and affinity towards technology should therefore be
understood as a form of learned social behavior. In order to define this social
nature of media behavior, Biermann (2009, 2013) proposed the term media habi-
tus. This media habitus is not a separate form of habitus but rather a part of
the overall class specific habitus. As such, the media habitus is also a product
of socialization and represents long-lasting and unconscious dispositions passed
down from parents to children. This mechanism is usually unconscious. Parents
function as role models and mentors simply by exhibiting a specific pattern of
media and technology habits, a preference for particular media content, and a
certain level of media competency (Biermann, 2009, 2013). However, parents
might also shape their children’s media behavior through direct rules and par-
enting guidelines, as well as their level of involvement in their children’s media
consumption habits (Graham, n.d.).
It should be mentioned that Bourdieu himself emphasized that this effect of
socio-economic background should not be understood as a deterministic relation-
ship for two reasons: First, the relationship between socio-economic background
and the production and reproduction of the social habitus is a statistical one,
not a deterministic one, i.e., people can be outliers. Therefore, socio-economic
background most likely influences media habitus, but the effect is not absolute
(Bourdieu, 1987).
Second, the structure of the individual dispositions of a given person is not
determined by one single factor, not even one as important as the social class.
Instead, specific individual dispositions result from many factors, such as social
class, age, gender, place of residence, which each influence the specific circum-
stances of life. Thus, even within a given social class, smaller class fractions will
have their own specific structures. This is also true for predicting the trajectory
and development a person will go through in life (Bourdieu, 1987). However,
even a system of factors would not be differentiated enough for a thorough anal-
ysis, for although all these factors have explanatory power in all fields, the weight
of the factors varies from field to field (Bourdieu, 1987). Thus, the relationship
between socio-economic backgrounds will be complex. In order to understand
this complex structure for each field, much more complex analyses would be
necessary, as are employed by most studies. Therefore, empirical results might
find substantial variation in the (media) habitus of people within a given social
class (Bourdieu, 1987).
In addition, children and adolescents often develop interests independent of
their parents, undergo self-socialization processes, search for information and
answers, or play with interests and identities (Henrichwark, 2009; Kommer, 2008;
3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 27

Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009; Straub, 2006). Peer networks will also play a crucial
role in this process (Straub, 2006). Here adolescents talk about their interests,
share stories and opinions, and talk about the media content that is impor-
tant to them. Peer networks, therefore, often share similar interests in specific
media topics and genres. These groups are also often where children and ado-
lescents come into first contact with computers and the internet (Straub, 2006).
While most friendships transcend the shared interest in media topics and gen-
res, some communities might be specifically linked to a shared interest, e.g.,
fan clubs (Straub, 2006). Unfortunately, the influence of peer networks and
self-socialization processes could not be investigated in the present study.
Nevertheless, despite their influence, these facts do not necessarily undermine
the importance and influence of the socio-economic background. As Kommer
(2008) points out, it can be assumed that the effect and development of self-
socialization processes and peer networks strongly depend on the specific history
of the individual child. Reactions are most likely dependent on the individual
conditions under which childhood socialization took place and will probably be
similar among children from similar contexts. Simply put, for the individual read-
ing habits to develop, it does matter whether a child grew up in a family where
reading is a frequent pastime or in which the television is the only source of
entertainment (Kommer, 2008, p. 22).
Overall, Bourdieu’s concept of the social habitus − and by extension of the
media habitus − certainly retains its relevance. The habitus concept still allows
for a systematic and theory-based analysis of inequalities and milieu-specific
differences in the socialization process (Kommer, 2008). Their importance has
also been continuously confirmed in empirical studies. The following section will
summarize critical findings for this continued importance for adolescents’ media
use in Germany and Switzerland. In addition, findings from national and inter-
national studies concerning the relationship between media-related extramural
English contact and socio-economic background will be discussed.

3.1.2 Empirical Evidence

Bourdieu himself underlined his theoretical framework with extensive empirical

evidence from his research in France (Bourdieu, 1987, p. 22). However, in recent
years, scientists have critiqued Bourdieu’s one-to-one mapping of social status
and cultural consumption as being too narrow and proposed a more complex
system of relationships between socio-economic status and aesthetic taste. For
28 3 The Digital Divide

example, Alderson et al. (2007) were able to show empirical evidence for mem-
bers of higher social status groups to be more like omnivores, enjoying a wider
diversity of cultural products and engaging in a number of different activities. By
contrast, paucivores prefer a more neutral taste. These groups tend to favor the
most popular cultural products and do not show a taste for anything radical or
liberal. Last, inactives were shown to have no particular interest in any evaluated
cultural products, not even the most popular (Alderson et al., 2007).
Katz-Gerro (1999) also found widespread acceptance for some cultural prod-
ucts and activities among members of all social classes. The study also found
certain social classes being open to a broad range of tastes, showing a decreased
importance of social habitus for specific media and entertainment behavior.
Similarly, Thomas (2012) argued that while in former years media consump-
tion was strongly linked to social class, with middle-class parents restricting their
children’s use of games in favor of more educational activities, recent research
suggests that this is changing. Pop culture is no longer seen as an antithesis to
serious learning (Thomas, 2012).
However, despite these changes, the results still showed the continued influ-
ence of the social habitus for people’s choice of leisure time activities and cultural
consumption. Kommer (2013) also underlines the importance of the media habi-
tus for understanding people’s media habits and preferences. According to him,
the idea of decreasing social disparities in media behavior is little supported by
empirical data and overemphasizes the idea of free choice while ignoring the
social embeddedness of media activities.
For Germany and Switzerland, various empirical studies have also underlined
the continued importance of socio-economic background factors for media and
technology habitus over the last decades. However, the results have also supported
the notion that patterns of media habitus might have shifted.
At the beginning of the new millennium, Korupp and Szydlik (2005) showed
a significant effect of the educational and economic family background, as well
as household composition on ownership of computers and internet use at home in
Germany between the years of 1997 and 2003. Households with a higher educa-
tional level and a higher income level were associated with a higher probability of
owning a computer and going online. Using a computer at work also increased the
probability of using the computer at home, as did living with adolescent children
in the house.
Results from the JIM study from 2017 showed German adolescents from
lower educational backgrounds to be still more likely to have access to personal
televisions and stationary gaming consoles. By contrast, children from higher
educational backgrounds were more likely to possess their own laptop, radio,
MP3-Player and E-Book reader (MPFS, 2017).
3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 29

Results for Switzerland were similar. In 2016, the JAMES study reported
adolescents from lower socio-economic backgrounds to be still less likely to
own much technical equipment (Waller et al., 2016). However, the data also
revealed that ownership of smartphones and computers, as well as internet access
among adolescents, was almost at a 100% level in both countries, with only small
differences remaining (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016).
In terms of actual media habits, the JIM study in 2017 showed a continued
difference between social groups. According to the results, children from higher
socio-economic backgrounds on average own more books and read significantly
more often in their free time. They also listen to the radio significantly more. In
contrast, children from lower educational backgrounds display far more restraint
when it comes to reading for pleasure. They also tend to spend more time with
computer games, as well as surfing and communicating with others online, or
watching videos on platforms such as YouTube. When surfing online, they are
also more interested in topics such as vocational training, gaming, and nutrition.
Children from higher educational backgrounds spent significantly less time surf-
ing. When they do, they tend to use the internet in a more versatile way, as they
more often search for information or explore topics such as politics, world affairs,
and personal problems (MPFS, 2017).
Despite these identified differences, the study also found entertainment-
centered media to be important for all adolescents, independent of their educa-
tional background (MPFS, 2017). This is in line with findings from Katz-Gerro
(1999) and Thomas (2012), as it supports the idea that some forms of media
content have become widespread among members of all social classes. It also
supports the idea that adolescents from higher educational backgrounds are more
likely to be omnivores, who enjoy a wide array of media content. However,
the data from the JIM study underscores the notion of children from lower
socio-economic backgrounds being more limited in their media habits.
For Switzerland, the JAMES study found adolescents from lower socio-
economic backgrounds to chat less frequently online, post on message boards,
or write mails. In addition, adolescents from lower socio-economic backgrounds
were also shown to be less likely to download movies and watch them on a smart-
phone. Similar to Germany, adolescents from higher educational backgrounds
tended to own more books and read more frequently than adolescents from lower
educational backgrounds (Waller et al., 2016). Surprisingly, however, the study
did not find a significant difference in the frequency in which adolescents surfed
online or played computer games. Adolescents from different backgrounds also
did not differ in the content they engage with and post on these platforms (Waller
et al., 2016).
30 3 The Digital Divide

Henrichwark (2009) also yields interesting insight into the media habitus in
Germany, although her sample of 3rd grade primary school students was slightly
younger than the targeted sample for the present study, and her investigation was
focused on educational media use and media literacy, not leisure time activities.
Her results are however interesting, as she was able to show that young children
already differ in the way they categorize digital media content. While young chil-
dren from higher educational backgrounds are aware of the educational purpose
of various media categories, children from lower educational backgrounds tend to
see media as pure entertainment and do not see the potential educational benefits.
In addition, in families with lower educational backgrounds, computers, gam-
ing consoles, DVD-players, and other electronics are mostly bought for their
function as status symbols and used for their entertainment purpose. Listening
to music, downloading content, chatting, and violent action-based games are the
main focus of media activities in these families. Educational functions for this
equipment are mostly not seen. Families from lower socio-economic backgrounds
were also shown to invest less in books and other cultural objects, as they have
no daily relevance for them (Henrichwark, 2009).
Her results also emphasize the role of parents in the reproduction of the class-
specific media habitus in the next generation. Her results show that parents from
lower educational backgrounds are less proficient in using the internet and com-
puters themselves (Henrichwark, 2009). They often rely on the help of their
children for their own online communication. They also tend to regulate their
children’s internet and media use with strict rules to protect them from harm.
These rules are not always effective, as the children find creative workarounds.
By contrast, parents from higher educational backgrounds prefer a more partici-
pative parenting style concerning their children’s digital media use (Henrichwark,
2009).
This is in line with findings from Graham (n.d.), who showed middle-class par-
ents in the United States to be more involved in their children’s media activities
and leisure time activities while still allowing their children to have some auton-
omy. On the other hand, working-class parents tend to set clear boundaries for
their children (e.g., restrictions on gaming time), which they expect to be obeyed,
yet do not take as much interest in the details of their children’s activities. As
a result, children from working-class backgrounds tend to play a larger variety
of computer games, while middle-class children are often more restricted in their
choice of games but have more room for negotiation. These results underline
the notion that parents from higher educational backgrounds not only participate
in their children’s media behavior and serve as role models rather than setting
strict rules; but they are also more proficient with digital media themselves, thus
serving as guides for their children.
3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 31

Stecher (2005) could also show that children and adolescents from different
backgrounds differ in the degree to which they saw different media content as
potential sources for informal learning opportunities. Students from higher educa-
tional backgrounds tend to attest less learning potential to watching movies, TV
series, TV shows, and surfing and chatting online (in comparison to watching the
news, reading books or newspapers).
Data from the PISA study in 2006 also showed that students from households
with higher educational backgrounds and a higher degree of internal communi-
cation tend to use digital media sources in a more educational way. They are
also better equipped to filter information from the media and use it efficiently
for their own purposes (Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009). Similar to Henrichwark, the
results also showed that families with a lower educational background emphasize
the entertainment aspect of media and avoid reading or using the computer for
educational purposes (Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009).
The study also found a group of students who almost never engages in
media behavior. They were characterized by low levels of investment in technical
and cultural resources and little communication within the family (Senkbeil &
Wittwer, 2009).
On the other hand, the PISA results underline the fact that while media behav-
ior is influenced by socio-economic background, the effect is not absolute. In
fact, the effect sizes for family background were small in comparison, and the
results showed that media behavior is also strongly influenced by the independent
development of interests by the students and the influence of the peer group (see
above). Thus, while media is still rooted in the media habitus, other factors also
shape the development of the individual media behavior (Senkbeil & Wittwer,
2009).

To the best of this author’s knowledge, the JIM study 2017 is the only
empirical study investigating a possible effect of socio-economic background on
media-related extramural English contacts in Germany. The study reported that
older adolescents from higher education backgrounds tend to have a higher fre-
quency of watching English movies and TV series online (MPFS, 2017). Further
empirical evidence is lacking for both countries.
International empirical evidence is also scarce. Olsson and Sylvén (2015) did
not find a significant correlation between students’ educational background and
their frequency of extramural contacts, but they do not elaborate on this finding
further. Similarly, Sundqvist (2009a) did not find a significant effect for stu-
dents’ educational background or cultural capital (measured in books at home)
32 3 The Digital Divide

on extramural contact overall. However, she found children from higher educa-
tional backgrounds to indicate a significantly higher rate of extramural contact
via reading English newspapers and magazines. Cultural capital again did not
show any significant effects. The author concluded that social background seems
to play a marginal role for media-related extramural contacts in Sweden. She
explained these findings with the fact that the standard of living and technical
equipment, in addition to the traditionally high level of authentic media content
available in Sweden, probably make media-related extramural English contacts
evenly distributed throughout almost all social groups, rather than for them to be
a marker of social disparities (Sundqvist, 2009a).
Apart from these findings, there is little international empirical evidence on
the influence of socio-economic background on media-related extramural English
contacts. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that these media habits follow similar
patterns as media use in general.

Further evidence for the possible patterns of media-related extramural English

contacts can be drawn from Rolff et al. (2008). In their study, the authors showed
that socio-economic background also affects the language practices within a fam-
ily and, as a result, students’ attitudes toward the English language and motivation
to engage in English contacts outside of school. In the study, the use of English
within the family, as well as parents’ English competences and language use
at work, had a significant positive influence on students’ English competences.
Similarly, parents’ perceived importance of English for their children’s future and
their interest in their children’s English lessons also showed a significant effect
on students’ language competences. The results also showed that when introduc-
ing these so-called process factors into the statistical model, the effect of the
two structural factors for educational, monetary, and cultural resources became
non-significant. This finding pointed towards a mediating model in which the
institutionalized and objectified cultural capital and the monetary resources do
not have a direct effect on learners’ language competences. Instead, these struc-
tural factors influence the nature and form of a family’s incorporated cultural
habitus—in the form of language attitudes and language competences—which
in turn has a direct effect on children’s language development. The results thus
support the importance of parental behavior and attitudes for children’s language
development (Rolff et al., 2008).
3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 33

Lindgren and Muñoz (2013) support these findings. In their study, the authors
showed evidence for the importance of parents’ language competences and atti-
tudes towards a foreign language on children’s language competences. As the
authors conclude, if parents speak English well and use it frequently at work,
English becomes a natural part of a child’s everyday life from an early age.
Parents might also be more inclined to get involved in their children’s English
education and try to introduce forms of out-of-school contact to their children.
As a result, children will develop a positive attitude towards EFL and a higher
motivation to learn the language (Lindgren & Muñoz, 2013; Rolff et al., 2008).

3.1.3 Conclusion

The empirical results discussed in this chapter point towards the continuing
importance of the socio-economic background for media behavior and media
preference, as parents will, unconsciously, pass down their media habitus to
their children. However, the literature review has also displayed some tendencies
towards equalization in technology ownership in both countries. Most adoles-
cents have access to the internet, smartphones, and computers. Nevertheless,
students from higher socio-economic backgrounds are more likely to have their
own technical equipment, except for gaming consoles.
Empirical results have also shown that the widespread ownership of technol-
ogy does not translate into uniformity of user habits and preferences. Some media
channels and activities, such as surfing, have become widely popular among
members of all social classes. However, students from higher socio-economic
backgrounds use the internet for educational as well as entertainment purposes,
while students from lower socio-economic backgrounds tend to focus on the lat-
ter only. In addition, students from higher socio-economic backgrounds are still
more likely to engage in reading activities during their leisure time.
In addition, empirical evidence suggests that a conducive home environment
and parental influence will most likely also influence media-related extramural
English contacts. This conducive home environment is more likely found in
families with higher socio-economic status: Parents with a higher educational
background are more likely to have higher English competences themselves and
engage in English media activities at home or work. They are also more likely
to value English as an important investment in a child’s future. These parents
will function as positive role models for their children in terms of attitudes and
appreciation of the English language in general and extramural English contact
and media behavior in particular.
34 3 The Digital Divide

Together, the empirical results presented in this chapter suggest that the nature
of disparities has shifted from ownership to modes of usage in recent decades.
The question, therefore, should not be who owns what? but rather who does
what and why? This development most likely resulted in new forms of digi-
tal inequalities, sometimes referred to as a second-level digital divide (Graham,
2009; Henrichwark, 2009). Hence, investigating media behavior while ignoring
the social structures in which the behavior is embedded would fail to capture the
unique social conditions under which such patterns emerge. The fact that some
media channels seem to have become widespread in society does not mean that
adolescents are entirely free of the influence of their social upbringing. Instead,
like all forms of aesthetic taste, media behavior will stay rooted in the specific
factors of each person’s social upbringing. These preferences are subject to inter-
generational reproduction. By being role models to their children, parents actively
and passively shape their children’s media taste and behavior. The process tends
to be mostly unconscious and informal.
Drawing on these findings, it can be expected that these socio-economic fac-
tors will also influence students’ frequency of media-related extramural English
contacts in the present study. A higher level of educational and cultural resources
and a positive English environment at home can be expected to positively affect
students’ attitudes towards English and increase their likelihood to engage in
extramural English contacts. Thereby, the second research hypothesis is:

H2.1: Students from higher socio-economic backgrounds will show a higher overall
frequency of media-related extramural English contact.

In addition, it can be assumed that media preferences will run along known
lines of social disparities. Differences in economic, educational, and cultural
capital result in different media habitus for adolescents from different socio-
economic backgrounds. Adolescents from different socio-economic backgrounds
should thus differ in their preference for specific media channels and media con-
tent (content divide): students from higher socio-economic backgrounds can be
expected to engage more frequently in literacy-based extramural media behavior
and information search. Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds can
be expected to spend considerably more time playing English-language computer
games. However, given the high popularity of listening to music, surfing, and
watching online videos, movies, and TV series, it can be expected that these
activities are most likely popular among adolescents from all social backgrounds.

H2.2: Students’ socio-economic background will influence their preference for

media channels and media content.
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 35

As Rolff et al. (2008) could show, the effect of the socio-economic background
on language competences is often not directly influenced by structural factors of
educational and cultural capital. Instead, these structural factors influence the lan-
guage habitus, which can be operationalized by process factors, such as parents’
English competence and language use within the family. In Rolff et al. (2008),
the introduction of these process factors in the regression model rendered the
effect of the structural factors non-significant, thus suggesting a mediation effect.
A similar indirect effect for the structural factors can be expected for the
present analysis. In addition, it can be expected that the process factors not
only influence the language habit within a family, but also the media habitus
for English-speaking media content.

H2.3: The effect of structural socio-economic background factors for cultural

and educational capital will partly be mediated by the process factors for
language and media habits within the family.

3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English

Contacts

In addition to socio-economic background, studies have also continuously shown

the persistence of gender differences in media use. While former disparities in
ownership of technical equipment seem to have diminished, male and female
media users on average can still be shown to engage in different media content
and prefer different media channels (see Section 3.2.2 for an overview of relevant
studies).
While some studies seem to merely report on the existence of these differ-
ences, but do not discuss the mechanisms that might lead to them, investigating
gender as an important factor both in media production and media reception has
a long tradition in the field of media and communication science. This interest in
gender within the media landscape began with the emergence of women’s studies
and has developed considerably over the years (Drüeke, 2016; Hipfl, 2008; Klaus,
2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). Unfortunately, an exhaustive discussion of
the history and development of gender related media and communication theories
is beyond the scope of this thesis (for an overview of the historical development
of the field see, for example, Klaus (2002), Hipfl (2008), or Drüeke (2016)).
However, the following chapter will try to establish a theoretical framework that
can help to understand how gender as a social category can influence (young)
people’s media habits and preferences.
36 3 The Digital Divide

3.2.1 Gender Socialization and Media Habitus

Inspired by feministic studies in the 1960s and 1970s, early gender related media
studies focused on issues such as the stereotypical portrayal of women in the
media, the underrepresentation of women in the media industry and the some-
times dismissive reception of so-called women’s genres (e.g., soap operas) (Klaus,
2002, 2006; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). Later, the focus also shifted to dif-
ferences in media preferences between men and women. In these approaches,
consumers were primarily seen as passive recipients who were affected and influ-
enced by the media content. As a result, these approaches often failed to explain
why women voluntarily consumed certain genres, especially since they portrayed
traditional gender roles, which were increasingly out of step with the modern
realities of many women’s lives (Klaus, 2002, 2006; Röser & Wischermann,
2004).
In recent years, and with the increasing influence of gender studies in the field
of media and communication science, the focus has shifted towards a deconstruc-
tivistic understanding of gender, which lead to a changed understanding of the
relationship between gender and media. In this approach, gender is no longer
understood as a fixed biological category, but rather as a social, cultural, and
discursive construct, which is embedded in a specific historical, cultural, and
political context and part of a specific hierarchy and power structure (Drüeke,
2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). According to this theory, there
is no inherent or natural masculine or feminine behavior or attitude; there are
only cultural and social constructs of what society understands as the masculine
or the feminine, and what behaviors, attitudes, and preferences are associated
with each (Schneider, 2002). People refer to these constructions in their actions
and make them their own. Three dimensions can be distinguished in relation to
gender. Gender definitions refer to what is considered feminine and masculine
in a given society. Gender positions assign different roles, tasks, activities, and
opportunities to gender groups in an existing power structure. Finally, gender
identifications refer to how individuals relate to these definitions and positions,
and which of them they reject and adopt. In this process, the construction of
gender emerges in a dynamic coexistence in which all three dimensions relate to
each other but do not determine each other (Klaus, 2002).
In their groundbreaking and often cited essay, West and Zimmerman (1987)
define the ongoing and situated social practice of continuously producing and
reproducing one’s gender identity as doing gender. Gender is consequently not
a category that exists a priori and outside of people. It emerges only in social
interaction. To be perceived as a man or a woman, one has to actively “do”
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 37

gender. Children learn to actively embody and do the gender category that they
were assigned to at birth and the rules and behaviors that go along with it through
socialization.
This doing gender is more than just following a specific set of rules, it is
adapting and shaping one’s behavior according to the situation and the interaction
partner, with the goal to be considered as belonging to the gender that we want
to portray. As a result, people do gender in every form of action and social
interaction. In doing so they reproduce their gender specific habitus (West &
Zimmerman, 1987).
According to West and Zimmerman (1987) this doing of gender is so central in
every form of human interaction that there is no situation in which the category
of gender does not play a role. West and Zimmerman’s focus is thus on the
omnirelevance of gender as a social category and on inequalities arising from
this hierarchical structure in which gender is embedded. Studies following their
theories usually try to find situations where gender might not be as relevant or
even irrelevant, which might be a source for change and resistance (Nentwich &
Kelan, 2014).
Bourdieu also refers to gender as a discursive and social construction, although
he conceptualizes the production and reproduction of gender as more static than is
usually found within the field of modern gender studies (Straub, 2006). According
to Bourdieu, gender, like other social categories − such as religion, nationality,
and social class − determines the specific living and socialization conditions that
form a person’s social habitus. As such, gender norms also contribute to the
specific circumstances of life that are both the result and the prerequisite for
their reproduction and therefore forms and influences people’s every pattern of
behavior and taste (Bourdieu, 1987, see also Section 3.1).
Gender − and the relation between class and gender − is only briefly men-
tioned in Bourdieu’s well known work Distinction: A Social Critique of the
Judgement of Taste. However, the author elaborates further on his ideas regarding
gender in his work Masculine Domination (Bourdieu, 2005). Here he argues that
biological reproduction is not enough to justify the gendered division of labor
and male supremacy in society. Instead, society constructs the natural body as a
gendered fact and locates it within the existing system of homologous opposites
and within an existing system of power. By linking it to an already existing clas-
sification system, the gender categorization is validated and acquires an official
character (Bourdieu, 2005). This attribution is supported by emphasizing (visible)
anatomical/biological differences and the dismissal of similarities. The seeming
correspondence of physiological and psychological characteristics creates a biolo-
gization of the gender category, which fails to recognize that the attribution itself
38 3 The Digital Divide

is already an arbitrary and social construction that occurs through the natural-
ization of these very social constructs. Thus, gender differences themselves must
already be understood as a socially constructed perceptual scheme (Bourdieu,
2005).
According to the author, these existing gender structures inscribe themselves
into every category of perception, behavior, and evaluation through socialization,
starting in childhood. As a result, forms of doing gender are deeply inscribed
in all areas of individual behavior and permeate all fields of everyday life.
Like the class habitus, the gender habitus thus inscribes itself deeply into the
body, structuring what people think, do, and experience1 (Bourdieu, 2005). As
a result, members of the gendered categories perceive the world in accordance
with the very identities they are ascribed to. People therefore unconsciously pro-
duce and reproduce their gendered habitus with, for example, their behavior,
their clothing, their choices. By doing so, they in turn confirm the (arbitrary)
social categorization that was put on them and distinguish themselves from the
opposite gender. Similar to the class habitus, this cycle creates a circular causal-
ity and makes the gender habitus appear natural. Because the transmission and
reproduction occur unconsciously, the mechanisms also escapes conscious con-
trol. Changes, therefore, mostly follow old structures and principles of division
(Bourdieu, 2005).
In summary, both West & Zimmermann, as well as Bourdieu understand gen-
der not as a fixed category but as a social category constructed in and through
human behavior. People perceive the world according to their gender identity and
reproduce their gender identity in every form of action and social interaction. By
doing so, they seemingly confirm existing gender stereotypes (Bourdieu, 2005;
West & Zimmerman, 1987).
Given the omnipresence of gender as a social category, the media itself is also
embedded in the prevailing gender system and its associated power structures.
Therefore, the connection between gender and media cannot merely be charac-
terized by passive consumption (Klaus, 2002; Peil et al., 2020). To understand
how people use and refer to the media, we have to understand how media content
participates in reproducing the existing gender system by reproducing gender def-
initions and gender positions (Dorer, 2002; Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser &
Wischermann, 2004). In addition, we have to understand how some media chan-
nels and technologies have been specifically linked to one gender category or the

1 As one social category alongside others, gender also interacts with the other social cate-
gories (e.g., social class, religion, nationality; Bourdieu (2005); Straub (2006)). However,
these complex patterns of intersectionality are not the focus of the present study.
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 39

other. Only then can we begin to understand how people use these media content
and media channels to produce and reproduction their gender identity.
A complete analysis of the German media landscape would be beyond the
scope of this study. Instead, the following will highlight some key findings con-
cerning overall gender representation in the media and how even newer media
technology has been gendered, often excluding women as key owners of such
technology.
Following this overview, Section 3.2.2 will then summarize important empir-
ical findings concerning actual media use by male and female German-speaking
adolescents in general, and media-related English contact in particular, and
discuss how these findings can be understood as forms of doing gender.

In terms of gender representation, studies have shown that in today’s media,

women are most often still shown in traditional life contexts and are underrep-
resented as experts in science and technology. While this underrepresentation
corresponds in part with the underrepresentation of women in certain professions,
the portrayal simultaneously reproduces stereotypes and the existing system of
power (Götz & Prommer, 2020; Peil et al., 2020).
For Germany, a 2017 study could also show that female protagonists are under-
represented on television in general: for every woman, the study found two male
protagonists, four in television programs and movies for children. Interestingly,
the difference is most extreme in older age groups. While there is an equal ratio
among male and female protagonists under 30, the study found two men for
every woman between 30 and 50, and three men for every woman older than
50. Furthermore, women are primarily shown in connection with relationships
and family and are less likely to occur as an expert, host, or journalist (Prom-
mer & Linke, 2017). Götz and Eckhardt Rodriguez (2019) also showed how
national and international music videos still reproduce stereotypical gender roles
and power structures and often contribute to the hypersexualization of the female
body (Götz & Eckhardt Rodriguez, 2019)
Newer media forms did not overcome these stereotypical gender represen-
tations (Götz & Prommer, 2020; Prommer et al., 2019). Computer games, for
example, still show a lack of (positive) female character representation and a
high amount of violent content. This, in turn, is likely to alienate girls and women
from engaging in gaming activities, as it does not provide them with positive rep-
resentation. The same might be true for technological gadgets, which are often
aggressively marketed towards male consumers (Döring, 2020).
In the beginning, feminists hoped the internet would open new spaces for gen-
der identifications outside the mainstream and provide a network where women
40 3 The Digital Divide

could connect and create (safe) spaces for themselves (Kannengießer, 2015).
However, studies show a mixed picture. On one side, the virtual space does
offer opportunities for anonymous experimentation with gender identities and pro-
vides a stage for non-heteronormative expressions (Kannengießer, 2015; Kommer,
2008; Peil et al., 2020; Vogelgesang, 2014). Public criticism has also repeatedly
led to initiatives and movements and offered marginalized groups a platform (Peil
et al., 2020).
However, studies also showed that the high hopes for a free virtual space were
not fulfilled. Instead, the online mainstream tends to reinforce and reproduce
existing gender norms (Kannengießer, 2015), and produced clearly marked male
“corners” of the internet, to which women have no or difficult access. In these
spaces, women are often excluded or received in a derogatory manner (Kommer,
2008; Tillmann, 2014). As a result, women and girls often retreat into virtual
spaces where they are more likely to be among themselves and their learned
behavioral patterns and communication styles are met and validated (Tillmann,
2014). These are, for example, fan communities, fan fiction sites, or social media
networks.
The hope that the internet would help to avoid gender typification through
the possibility of disembodied and anonymous communication was also not ful-
filled. Instead, studies showed how users incorporated implicit gender signs into
their online communication and virtual self-presentation, thus even gendering the
anonymous communication (Straub, 2006; Tillmann, 2014).
These trends are also true for the new celebrities of the emerging online space.
Influencers or content creators produce and upload videos, pictures, and text
to the internet, especially on social media. As such, they contribute to shaping
the digital space alongside traditional media companies. While the internet the-
oretically offers freedom for self-representation, studies have shown that content
uploaded by popular influencers also seems to remain entrenched in heteronor-
mative binary gender norms. For example, not only are the most popular national
and international YouTubers male, Youtubers also tend to reproduce traditional
gender stereotypes in their videos. While male YouTubers can be shown to pro-
duce content for a wide variety of topics, female video producers are much more
limited. Female creators are more likely to focus on content about everyday life,
beauty, and fashion topics, usually appear within the private sphere of their home,
and rarely highlight their professional competences. In addition, their content is
often emotionally driven and highlights their relationships with their partners and
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 41

friends. By contrast, male YouTubers are especially dominant within the gam-
ing community, often highlight their professional competences and produce their
videos in the public sphere (e.g., a fitness studio) (Döring, 2019; MaLisa Stiftung,
2019; Prommer et al., 2019).
This choice is not always voluntary. Female YouTubers from Germany stated
that their choice for beauty topics is often driven by monetary reasons, as this
genre is highly marketable to their audiences and companies pay high sums
for product placement. In addition, they also stated that they feel safer within
the beauty community, as they experience fewer online attacks and abuse there
(Götz & Prommer, 2020; MaLisa Stiftung, 2019; Prommer et al., 2019). Similar
depictions of traditional gender representation were also found for other social
media platforms, such as Instagram or TikTok. International studies have also
shown similar results (Götz & Eckhardt Rodriguez, 2019; Götz & Prommer,
2020; Prommer et al., 2019; Stüwe et al., 2020).
These findings highlight the fact that even user-created online content often
stays within the known boundaries of heteronormative gender representations.
That does not mean that gender representation outside the heteronormative
binary system does not exist, but it seems rare among the most popular influ-
encers and content creators (Döring, 2019; Prommer et al., 2019). This is most
likely also a result of the increasingly powerful algorithms on platforms like
YouTube. These algorithms promote certain media content and learn from exist-
ing data, thus reproducing existing gender norms, as they promote videos showing
gender-stereotypical content. This highlights the importance of critical reflection
on production and distribution strategies behind media content (Bishop, 2018;
Götz & Prommer, 2020; Peil et al., 2020).
In addition to reproducing gender-stereotypical content, certain media content
is often explicitly defined as male or female in an existing system. This can
be seen, for example, in the attribution of soap operas and magazines to the
female sphere (Klaus, 2002; Schneider, 2002), or for reading (fictional) books as
a primarily female leisure time activity (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007).
Again, newer media forms did not remain outside the heteronormative binary
gender system. As already discussed, male YouTubers dominate certain video
topics, such as gaming and computers. The same is true for certain distribution
channels. In fact, the computer, and the internet, as both media technology and
media content, have been read primarily as a male domain. Reasons for this can
be found in the traditional categorization of everything technical to the sphere of
masculinity and the historical development of the internet within the military and
scientific context, both traditionally male domains. When the internet eventually
evolved beyond these professions, it was initially used primarily in professional
42 3 The Digital Divide

contexts and mainly by people in higher positions. Thus, the development of the
internet and the spread of the computer collided with the existing gender-coded
labor market segregation. When the use of the computer and the internet finally
penetrated the sphere of domestic private life, it was again first adapted by men,
as it was highly compatible with the image of the technophile male (Dorer, 2002;
Peil et al., 2020).
Nevertheless, this categorization is not fixed and can shift. In fact, with the
increasing integration of new technologies into everyday life and the domestic
sphere, the categorization of online media technologies and media content also
changed. These days, women also frequently use computers and smartphones,
surf online, and consume various forms of online media content. The more media
technologies became instruments for activities with female connotations, the less
they were framed in the technological realm. This development shows that bound-
aries and categorization are subject to constant change and reorientation (Peil
et al., 2020). However, they rarely leave the heteronormative binary gender sys-
tem entirely. An example of this is the smartphone: due to its diverse everyday
applications, it is not usually perceived as completely technical and thus mascu-
line. This, however, does not lead to a complete erosion of the boundaries within
the field, but rather a shift. The technical activities of setting up and repairing,
for example, are still primarily attributed to men (Peil et al., 2020). This develop-
ment supports Bourdieu’s thesis that the direction of change is not free. Instead,
existing gendered structures determine the direction and form of change in the
field of technology and media (Bourdieu, 2005).

In summary, studies have shown that gender definitions and gender positions
are continuously produced and reproduced by and through media (Dorer, 2002;
Klaus, 2002; Peil et al., 2020). However, as mentioned above, the focus of this
study is not the analysis of gender definitions, gender positions and gender rep-
resentation within the media, but rather how and why German-speaking male
and female students might differ in their media preferences and behavior patterns
for English-speaking media content. The focus is, therefore, on media recep-
tion. According to modern media and communication theories and in line with
a deconstructivistic understanding of gender as a social construct, as described
above, the media does not simply impose definitions of masculinity or feminin-
ity on viewers. Instead, the media enables a performative construction in which
people can produce and reproduce themselves as men and women through their
media actions and technology use (Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischer-
mann, 2004). Hence, taste in media can be understood as one of many ways of
doing gender. As a result, media consumption should be seen as an act of taking
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 43

on or rejecting specific gender identities, as doing gender. Members of different

gender groups claim different media categories and different content as their field
of expertise and leisure-time activity and, by doing so, reproduce their member-
ship in said gender group. The media is thus not only a gendered field but also a
gendering field (Straub, 2006).
This also demonstrates the dynamic interplay of the three dimensions of gen-
der positions, gender definitions, and gender identities mentioned above. Media
preferences do not simply reflect the biological nature of men and women. In fact,
categorizing media content into “male” and “female” media genres and media
behavior means reinforcing the idea of biological differences between the two
genders. This emphasis thus maintains and reproduces the heteronormative binary
gender system, while obscuring the true processes of doing gender (Hipfl, 2008;
Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). Rather, people use media content
to position themselves as men and women and to conform to a gender defini-
tion. The individual behavior of men and women according to these stereotypes
then feeds back into the interpretation and perpetuation of gender categorizations
in a given society. This in turn influences the portrayal of gender categories in
the media. This creates the circular causality mentioned by Bourdieu (Bourdieu,
2005).
Similar to the influence of socio-economic background, the effect is, of course,
not strictly deterministic. Indeed, the emphasis on differences between the gen-
der categories in the research literature neglects the fact that variance within
each gender group is often substantial (Straub, 2006). This is due to the fact
that for each individual, any given media content encounters a particular set of
circumstances of life, resulting in very different patterns of media reception and
preferences. However, certain commonalities can be found for the two social gen-
der categories, making certain patterns more likely as a strategy of doing gender
(Dorer, 2002; Kommer, 2008). The analysis of the production of media content,
as well as the reception, and the use of technologies necessary for the reception,
should thus always be contextualized to include existing social power and gender
relations (Dorer, 2002; Klaus, 2002).
It should be mentioned, that this complex nature of doing gender through
media reception poses a multiple challenges for empirical studies. Nentwich and
Kelan (2014) point out that in order to really capture the interactive and discur-
sive nature of gender identities, they should be observed and analyzed in their
performative production. In such an analysis, the produced gender identity is the
result, not the starting point of the analysis. At the same time, research must
consider the fact that there is not the one male or female identity, but that there
are nuances and varieties even within the two groups (Nentwich & Kelan, 2014).
44 3 The Digital Divide

In addition, the categorization of media technologies and media content do

often not correspond with their actual use (Peil et al., 2020). For example, men’s
reproduction of themselves as computer specialists do not necessarily correspond
with their actual level of expertise (Straub, 2006). Therefore, it is important to
distinguish between the actual use of media technologies and media content and
the social gender construction people attach to certain media categories (Peil
et al., 2020).
Unfortunately, empirical studies often employ dichotomous predefined vari-
ables to categorize people’s gender identity. These categories are then used to
draw conclusions about typically female and male media habits. As mentioned
above, these studies therefore contribute to maintaining the image of natural dif-
ferences between genders (Schneider, 2002; Straub, 2006) and fail to capture
the interactive and discursive nature of gender identities. This might be espe-
cially a problem with quantitative research, which must inevitably reduce social
complexity and has difficulty capturing deeper and more detailed behavior and
subjective structures of meaning. However, qualitative research might also take
a simplistic approach if the investigation only investigates superficial patterns of
use and thereby disregards the attributions of meaning and unconscious patterns
of reproduction in relation to gender.
The following section will summarize empirical evidence concerning media
use in Germany and Switzerland among male and female adolescents, as well as
draw on results from international studies to investigate possible differences in
media-related extramural English contacts. Unfortunately, most of these studies
have been restricted to the aforementioned limited approach and thus fail to inves-
tigate the complex nature of the relationship between gender and media habits in
more detail. These shortcomings make it all the more important to keep in mind
that found differences in most empirical studies in terms of media use should be
seen as superficial appearances of a deeper mechanism of gender identification:
By claiming certain media content and language practices for themselves, people
reproduce their gender identity in a given cultural and social system.

3.2.2 Empirical Evidence

In terms of traditional media, studies have continued to show gender-stereotypical

media habits by young people. According to the JIM and JAMES study, female
adolescents in Germany and Switzerland tend to be more frequent readers than
male adolescents. They also engaged in reading activities for a longer period of
time. By contrast, male adolescents tended to be more likely not to engage in
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 45

reading at all (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016). These findings underline the
definition of reading as a female pastime activity and are supported by findings
from other studies, including the PISA study, in which girls were shown to be
more active and enduring readers in their leisure time, especially in regard to
fictional books. Findings for newer forms of written content are still scarce, yet
some studies could show evidence for a higher preference for comics among male
adolescents and children, as well as for some forms of online articles (Philipp,
2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007).
The JIM and JAMES studies show that watching television and listening to
music is a popular activity for both male and female adolescents in Germany and
Switzerland (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016).
In the field of digital media, the categorization of computer and the internet
as a male domain was initially reflected primarily in technology ownership and
frequency of use. Men used digital media technology far more frequently and
intensively than female users. However, these differences became less significant
over the last few years (Dorer, 2002; Peil et al., 2020; Tillmann, 2014). This
is also evident regarding adolescent technology use in Germany and Switzer-
land: Data from the JIM study reveals that former disparities in ownership seem
to have decreased in Germany, with most technology equipment being equally
distributed between genders. In 2017, almost all male and female adolescents
owned a smartphone, had access to a television, gaming consoles, DVD-Player,
and music devices. In addition, streaming service subscriptions were popular with
both male and female adolescents. However, male students were still more likely
to own a personal computer, a smart TV, or a stationary gaming console, while
females were more likely to own a laptop, an e-book reader, or an mp3-player
(MPFS, 2017). The results for Switzerland were similar, with male adolescents on
average owning more gaming equipment than female adolescents (Waller et al.,
2016).
The ICIL study also found that male students in Germany used the computer
significantly more often than female students. There was no significant difference
for Switzerland (Lorenz et al., 2014, p. 243). In addition, the study also showed
male children to start using the computer earlier than female children in both
countries and report higher rates of enjoyment (Fraillon et al., 2014; Lorenz
et al., 2014).
Interestingly, male adolescents do not necessarily have a higher media literacy
than female adolescents. In fact, the ICIL study revealed that female students in
Germany significantly outperformed their male counterparts. The same did not
hold for Switzerland (Fraillon et al., 2014; Lorenz et al., 2014). Interestingly,
46 3 The Digital Divide

however, male students in Germany and Switzerland reported higher self-efficacy

and self-confidence, even though they did not perform better than females. In-
depth analysis showed that females tended to underestimate their competences
(Lorenz et al., 2014). These results can be read in support of the notion that in
order to ‘do gender’, boys actively reproduce the idea of their technical expertise,
especially regarding new technique-based media forms. On the other hand, girls
do not tend to claim this place, as it serves no purpose in reproducing their gender
identity or may even be detrimental to it.
Even with the disparities in technology ownership between the genders
decreasing, gender differences in media behavior were still evident with regard
to specific media activities and behavior in the digital space in 2016 and 2017.
While the internet was interesting for both male and female adolescents, studies
have shown that male and female users claim very different patterns of media
preferences. In Germany, female adolescents spent more time surfing online and
used their online time mainly to communicate. In terms of the preferred online
content, the study found female adolescents to favor information about problems
concerning their life, world affairs, vocation, occupation, music, environment,
politics, fashion, and celebrities. In terms of social media platforms, they pre-
ferred Instagram and Snapchat. Male adolescents, on the other hand, tended to
be more interested in sports and gaming topics, as well as (world) politics, yet
communication and entertainment were also important. In addition, the video
platform YouTube was one of the most favored platforms among male students
(MPFS, 2017).
In Switzerland, male adolescents also used video platforms more frequently,
and they watched more movies and TV series, while female adolescents in
Switzerland were more engaged with their smartphones (Waller et al., 2016).
Both groups spent equal time in online communication with others, but they
tended to favor different social media sites and different content respectively:
while females tended to read and share comments and like pictures and posts
from friends, male teenagers were more likely to post and share videos, music,
and links (Waller et al., 2016).
Studies also showed how, like professional influencers, normal social media
users tend to use media content to produce and reproduce their gender iden-
tity. This production is strongly influenced by the heteronormative binary gender
system, as young people tend to portray themselves in gender-stereotypical pat-
terns. Girls and women usually strive to portray themselves as attractive, fit,
and non-threatening. Men and boys present themselves as powerful, (physically)
strong, self-confident, and dominant to fulfill the ideal of hegemonic masculinity
(Götz & Prommer, 2020; MaLisa Stiftung, 2019; Straub, 2006). Similar to male
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 47

and female protagonists in movies, influencers often serve as role models for
(young users) in terms of specific poses and strategies for doing gender through
pictures and videos (Götz & Eckhardt Rodriguez, 2019). It is thus perhaps not
surprising that Kommer (2008) did not find many young people taking advantage
of the opportunity for (anonymous) gender experimentation. On the contrary, the
young people in the study expressed that they would find behavior which deviates
from the gender norm rather dishonest and irritating.
The most significant difference in 2016 and 2017 in both countries regarding
media activities could be found in gaming. While 83% of male adolescents stated
that they game regularly, only 41% of the females said the same. Eighteen percent
of female students even reported never playing computer games (MPFS, 2017,
p. 48). There were also apparent differences when it came to gaming genre prefer-
ences. Male adolescents preferred sports and racing games (MPFS, 2017), which
follow a narrative and require some background knowledge from the real world
(Graham, n.d.). By contrast, female adolescents in Germany could be shown to
prefer arcade games and life simulation games, such as The Sims (MPFS, 2017).
Results for Switzerland were once again similar to Germany. Male Swiss students
used their leisure time more frequently for gaming and engaged more often in
interactive online games (Waller et al., 2016).

Results from international studies also showed that narrative games, such as
sport and racing games, that provide a narrative and require some background
knowledge from the real world to be more popular among male gamers (Graham,
n.d.).
As discussed above, this stark difference in gaming activities is most likely not
only due to the fact that engaging in computer game activities does not serve the
female strategy of doing gender but also because computer games traditionally
do not provide girls and women with positive role models (Döring, 2020). In
addition, the gaming scene can be shown as a typical “male” corner of the internet
in which female gamers are more likely to be excluded and receive negative
comments (Kommer, 2008; MaLisa Stiftung, 2019; Tillmann, 2014).
Results from international studies show similar results for media-related
extramural English contacts. Olsson (2011) showed that female students read
significantly more English books and engage more often in written online con-
tent, such as blogs. Sundqvist and Sylvén (2014) also found girls to be more
active online and spend more time communicating and interacting with others in
English.
48 3 The Digital Divide

International studies have also repeatedly shown extramural English contact

through gaming to be a male domain, with female students playing less fre-
quently. In addition, male students tend to be highly involved in multiplayer
online role-playing games (MMORPG), while female students tend to prefer
offline single-player games. The male players who play more frequently are, on
average, also more interested in English as a foreign language (Olsson & Sylvén,
2015; J. L. Peterson, 2016; Sundqvist & Sylvén, 2014; Sylvén & Sundqvist,
2012a).
Similarly, Sundqvist (2009a) also reported a higher frequency of extramural
English contact by male students for the media categories gaming and surfing
the internet. However, male and female students did not differ in their overall
frequency of extramural media contacts. Interestingly, while for male students
extramural English contacts showed a significant positive correlation with oral
language test results, and an even stronger significant correlation with vocabulary
test scores, none was found for female students (Sundqvist, 2009a). The author
assumed that this might be due to the higher involvement of boys in gaming
and surfing the internet, both of which showed the highest effect on oral and
vocabulary proficiency in the regression analysis. By contrast, female students
are usually more involved in passive activities, such as reading, which might
explain the non-significant results (Sundqvist, 2008, 2009a, 2011). Results from
Sylvén (2004, cited in Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015) support this interpretation, as
they also found boys to report significantly more extramural contacts than girls
and to perform significantly better than girls on the vocabulary test.
By contrast, Olsson and Sylvén (2015) did not find a significant difference
between male and female students for extramural English contact through read-
ing, watching movies, or writing in English. Similarly, Sylvén and Sundqvist
(2012a) also did not see a significant difference between male and female
students, apart from gaming.

3.2.3 Conclusion

At the beginning of this chapter, it was shown that media production and media
use should not be understood independently of the gender-related power struc-
tures under which they are created. Following the deconstructivistic view on
gender, mostly found in gender studies today, gender was defined as a social
and discursive category that does not exist outside and a priori of humans but is
produced and reproduced in interaction. As part of a given society and cultural
3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts 49

system, the media actively reproduces the dominant gender definitions and posi-
tions of said society. Moreover, specific media channels and content are often
traditionally attributed to either the female or the male sphere.
However, consumers are not passive audiences but active agents in this pro-
cess. They actively use media technologies and media content to produce and
reproduce their gender identity. Whereas some media categories might be benefi-
cial for reproducing both male and female gender identity, other categories might
not, as they are strongly linked to a specific group. While new forms of online
media do theoretically provide opportunities for gender representation and identi-
fication outside of the heteronormative binary gender system, empirical research
has repeatedly underlined the continuing differences in online media habits and
gender representation as well. It can be argued that this will most likely result in
different media patterns for men and women.
Nevertheless, these patterns are not entirely deterministic. In addition, the anal-
ysis of gender in its performative nature and its entire complexity proves difficult
for both qualitative and quantitative research. As a result, studies often employ
superficial measurements for gender and refer to the traditional heteronormative
and binary gender system. Most of the empirical studies reported above have
suffered from this shortcoming. It is thus perhaps not surprising that results have
often shown significant similarities between genders, while differences remained
small (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007). This emphasizes the need for
further research and more in-depth studies (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe,
2007).
Despite these shortcomings, the evidence presented in this section suggests
that adolescents overall tend to engage in gender-stereotypical media behavior,
with girls being more likely to read or engage in social interaction and males
spending more time gaming or with music and sports-related content. Conse-
quently, male students are more likely to be active gamers than female students.
However, both genders use the internet regularly, but female students use it
significantly more to communicate.
International studies have found similar patterns for media-related extramural
English contacts. In addition, male students were found to have a higher overall
frequency of extramural contact, which is probably due to the fact that they are
more often engaged in time-consuming media activities (e.g., watching online
videos and gaming).
Technical equipment, on the other hand, has become equally distributed among
male and female students in both Germany and Switzerland. This underlines
the fact that the connection between gender and media is not unchangeable and
there are always possibilities for reshaping (Dorer, 2002). Ultimately, however the
50 3 The Digital Divide

developments of the last few decades seem more about shifting boundaries than
lifting them, as gendering mechanisms continue to make some social practices
more likely than others (Dorer, 2002). Thus, in general, the media, the inter-
net, and the computer are still highly gendered and gendering fields. Through the
attribution of media content and media technologies to the female or male sphere,
engaging in media content also becomes an act of taking on or rejecting a par-
ticular gender identity, of doing gender. Following the theoretical framework and
the overall empirical findings, the following research hypotheses can be drawn
for the present study:

H3.1: Male and female students will differ in their overall frequency of extramural
English contacts.
H3.2: Male and female students will differ in their preference for media channels
and media content.

Unfortunately, the specific strategies of usage by adolescents could not be

explored in detail in the present study. Instead, the study also has to revert back to
a binary gender category. This makes it all the more important to emphasize that
any differences found in the present study should not be understood as natural
differences but should be seen as a superficial appearance of a deeper mechanism
of gender identification by the students.

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Theory of Second Language
Acquisition 4

The scientific field of second language acquisition (SLA), as it emerged in the

1970s, is concerned with the conditions and circumstances in which second and
foreign language learning occurs. Although sometimes used synonymously, the
terms second language and foreign language describe two different aspects: a sec-
ond language refers to the official language within the country of residence, which
is not a person’s mother tongue. This is, for example, the case for immigrant chil-
dren who learn the language of their parents’ homeland before or while learning
the language of their country of residence as a second language in school or
kindergarten. By contrast, the term foreign language describes a language that is
not an official language in the country of residence nor a persons’ mother tongue.
A foreign language is usually learned through formal classroom instruction within
the educational system (Hasebrink et al., 1997; Olsson, 2016; Sundqvist, 2009a).
English is a foreign language in both Germany and Switzerland. Therefore, the
focus of this study is English as a foreign language (EFL).
Over the years, SLA has produced a great variety of theoretical frameworks
and methodology to cover the broad aspects of the field (Olsson, 2016). It is
beyond the scope of this study to provide the reader with a comprehensible
overview. In short, the different strands of theory can be subsumed under three
main groups: formal properties of language learning, cognitive processes while
learning a language, and social aspects of language learning. These three groups
are not distinct, as there are various overlaps and interactions. Researchers might
draw from one or more theory strands, depending on their research questions
(Olsson, 2016). The present study will draw on the cognitive theoretical frame-
work, i.e., the process of learning a foreign language, and the social framework, to
investigate unplanned and unprompted language learning through media-related
extramural English contacts and the influence of two important social factors on
the learning process.

© The Author(s) 2023 51

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_4
52 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through

Media-related Extramural English Contacts

As defined above, extramural English contacts are defined as any form of out-of-
school contact with English as a foreign language arising from voluntary contact
with and the use of authentic English media content. The term does not deny the
possibility that learners might be aware of the beneficial effect of these contacts,
yet the focus of these contacts lies in the appreciation for the media content or a
desire to communicate with others (Sundqvist, 2009a, 2011).
While in contact with authentic media content in such a natural setting, learn-
ers will be less concerned with studying underlying rules and principles of a
foreign language but will instead be focused on the social nature of the situation,
on participation, observation, communication, and understanding (R. Ellis, 2008).
As a result, any learning processes that might arise from these situations is most
likely characterized by incidental, implicit, or explicit learning processes and will
often be an unconscious process, without intent or active learning strategies by
the learner (Elley, 1997; R. Ellis, 2008). Such incidental language learning pro-
cesses are defined as the “[…] by-product of any activity not explicitly geared to
[…] learning” (Hulstijn, 2001, p. 271). Kekra (2000) also defines it as “uninten-
tional or unplanned learning that results from other activities” (p. 3). Incidental
language learning is thus a process “without the conscious intention to commit
the element to memory” (Hulstijn, 2013, p. 1). In contrast, intentional learning
is defined as “any activity aiming at committing lexical information to memory”
(Hulstijn, 2001, p. 271).
These definitions of incidental learning are closely related to the definition of
informal learning as provided by Stevens (2010):

“Learning resulting from daily life activities related to work, family or leisure. It is
not structured (in terms of learning objectives, learning time or learning support) and
typically does not lead to certification. Informal learning may be intentional but in
most cases it is non-intentional (or ‘incidental’/random).” (Stevens, 2010, p. 12).

Both definitions emphasize the subconscious nature of the process, which occurs
while a person is engaging in everyday activities. Thus, incidental learning could
also be referred to as a language acquisition process, as the term acquisition is
commonly used to refer to the subconscious process in which children acquire
their mother tongue. Usually, children are not consciously aware of the language
acquisition nor the resulting language competences. Instead, they are focused on
meaning as they interact with the people around them. As a result, children cannot
4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Media-related Extramural English … 53

‘name the rules’ they have acquired, only that something ‘feels correct’. By con-
trast, learning usually describes a much more conscious process of committing
information to memory (R. Ellis, 2008; Krashen, 1985; Sok, 2014).
Given these definitions, incidental learning could be seen as more closely
related to the concept of acquisition, while intentional learning could be seen as
being closer related to the definition of learning (R. Ellis, 2008). However, the
fact that incidental language learning occurs as a by-product of another activity
does not require the complete absence of consciousness (Rieder, 2003). Indeed,
even though sometimes used synonymously, the distinction between implicit and
explicit learning is not congruent with the distinction between incidental and
intentional learning (N. C. Ellis, 1994).
The terms implicit and explicit learning refer to the level of awareness and
attention a learner pays towards learning. Implicit learning is defined as “ac-
quisition of knowledge about the underlying structure of a complex stimulus
environment by a process which takes place naturally, simply and without con-
scious operation” (N. C. Ellis, 1994, p. 1). On the other hand, explicit learning
is a “more conscious operation where the individual makes and test hypotheses
in a search for structure” (N. C. Ellis, 1994, p. 1).
However, unconscious in this sense does not, as is often thought, refer to unin-
tentional behavior, but rather to the fact that something is done without awareness
and attention. Explicit learning is thus a conscious process in that learners are
aware and pay attention to concept formation and linking. This can occur under
instruction (e.g., in a classroom) or by understanding concepts and rules without
instruction. On the other hand, implicit learning has a person paying attention to
the stimulus but being unaware of the acquisition processes (N. C. Ellis, 1994;
R. Ellis, 2008).
The result of explicit and implicit learning is explicit and implicit knowledge,
which differ in their degree of awareness of rules and the possibility to verbalize
them. Implicit knowledge is procedural and intuitive, while explicit knowledge is
declarative and conscious. The former comes with the ability to use the language
automatically, while the latter comes with the knowledge of underlying rules
and regularities (Olsson, 2016). This is why formal instructions are often seen
as crucial for grammar learning in a foreign language, as they explicitly teach
grammatical rules and regulations (d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle & van de Poel,
1999). However, things learned implicitly at some point may be reflected upon
explicitly at a later point in one’s language learning journey (Olsson, 2016).
54 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

In contrast to this distinction, the term consciousness within the framework

of incidental and intentional learning usually refers to intentionality. Indeed, the
definitions of incidental learning provided above do not exclude awareness of the
learning process. The important distinction is that in intentional learning, learn-
ers are focused on the linguistic form. In incidental learning, the focus is on the
meaning, yet a peripheral focus on form is not denied (R. Ellis, 1999). Inciden-
tal learning can therefore include implicit, i.e., unaware, learning processes, as
well as explicit learning processes, i.e., processes that take place unintentionally
but not without a learners’ awareness or (peripheral) attention, and hypothesis
forming (Rieder, 2003; Sok, 2014)1 .
For example, learners might engage in reading for pleasure, during which
implicit learning processes will occur automatically, but they might also decide
to engage in explicit learning processes (i.e., paying attention to form) by looking
up an unknown word. In addition, they might actively test new words and phrases
in a sentence, thus testing their hypothesis about the meaning (Letchumanan et al.,
2015).
While the exact definition of these terms remains a matter of ongoing debate
within the research community, and the terms are often used interchangeably
(see for an overview for example Hulstijn, 2001, 2002, 2005, 2015; Laufer &
Hulstijn, 2001), the present study will stay within the original terminology of the
theoretical framework of incidental learning and define it as an unintentional or
unplanned process, resulting as a by-product of another activity. This by-product can
result from implicit processes but might also be accompanied by explicit processes,
during which a person pays at least peripheral attention to certain language forms
and engages in hypothesis forming and testing.

While often used within the framework of first language acquisition, the con-
cept of incidental learning can also be related to the field of second and foreign
language learning and is generally acknowledged in the research field of psy-
chology and language learning (R. Ellis, 2008; Krashen, 1982). For Chomsky
(1968, cited in Elley, 1997) learning a native language is in fact so deeply bio-
logically programmed into the brain that children learn their native tongue simply

1 In terms of how much of this process is implicit and how much is acquired through explicit
processes, N. C. Ellis (1994) concludes that acquiring vocabulary (i.e., words, collocations,
and grammatical class information) might mostly be an implicit process, while for the acqui-
sition of sematic properties and mapping words from context explicit processes are more
relevant, see also Rieder (2003). However there is still some doubt if learning without aware-
ness is even possible (R. Ellis, 2008). Since the focus on this study is on incidental learning
and not implicit/explicit learning, the distinction will not be discussed in detail here.
4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Media-related Extramural English … 55

by being exposed to it. In addition, there is little dispute that, except for the first
few thousand most common words, which are usually learned intentionally, the
vast majority of the vocabulary is acquired incidentally as a by-product of other
activities (Hulstijn, 2001, 2003, 2013). Nagy and Anderson (1984) conclude that
it would indeed be impossible to explain high school students’ knowledge of
25,000—50,000 words in their mother tongue otherwise. Most words, phrases,
and grammar rules have to be ‘picked up’ from the context while engaging in
other activities.
While acquiring a first language is not the same as learning a second or foreign
language, some research suggests that the two processes are not that different.
Moreover, while explicit instructions within the classroom have been proven to be
an effective route to foreign language learning, teachers could simply not include
enough vocabulary learning in the classroom to explain some learners’ language
proficiency (Rieder, 2003). In his work, Krashen claims that the process of lan-
guage acquisition is indeed not limited to children learning their first language,
as adults do not lose the mental capacity for acquisition. According to him, lan-
guage acquisition is an autonomous process outside of one’s conscious control,
as humans cannot choose not to encode and store the information they encounter
(Krashen, 1982). Therefore, his input hypothesis claims that as long as learners
are presented with a high amount of comprehensible language input, incidental
language learning will take place, even in the absence of explicit instructions and
intentional learning activities (Krashen, 1985, 1989). Comprehensible input (i +
1) can derive from spoken words or through media channels (e.g., books, movies)
and is input that is just slightly more complex (+1) than a person’s current level
of competences (i). Under such conditions, a person can derive unknown words
and grammatical structures from the surrounding context and thus acquire higher
language competences (Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989).
The learning process is mediated by a person’s resistance to process the input,
i.e., the level of their affective filter, which is any kind of internal resistance to
process the input. It functions as a mediator between the language input and the
acquisition process. Even if sufficient comprehensible input is available, a high
filter might lead to a reduced or total lack of acquisition. Under such circum-
stances, the information might be understood in the moment, but will not be
processed for acquisition. Reasons for a high affective filter are often anxious-
ness, a lack of motivation or self-confidence. A person’s affective filter is low
if one is not afraid of failure and feels self-confident in their role as a language
speaker and member of the language community. Krashen suspects the filter to
56 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

be lowest if a person does indeed forget that they are speaking another language
and are instead entirely focused on the message at hand (Krashen, 1982, 1985,
1989).
Given a low enough filter, language acquisition will take place in the language
acquisition device of the brain (LAD). According to this theory, learners will
naturally progress to continuously higher levels of language competences, as long
as they come into contact with enough comprehensible input (Krashen, 1982,
1985, 1989). Consequently, a lack of comprehensible input will slow down or
stop this trajectory. This might then lead to fossilization, i.e., the learner will stop
short of achieving a native speaker level (Krashen, 1985, p. 43). This can happen
in two ways: First, learners might encounter input that is too easy and will not
provide learners with new syntax or will only subject them to a limited range of
vocabulary. Second, learners might encounter input that is too complex and the
input will consequently prove to be too difficult for them to decipher. As a result,
students will be unable to understand enough of the content to derive unknown
words from the surrounding context. Both situations would result in diminished
learning outcomes (Krashen, 1985).
Krashen finds empirical support for his hypothesis not only in children’s first
language acquisition but also in several studies that show empirical evidence for
incidental learning in second and foreign language learners through input from
leisure time reading and free reading programs within the classroom, as well as
from listening to stories being read out loud (for a summary see, for example,
Krashen, 1989). Further empirical evidence for incidental learning processes from
language input in natural settings will be discussed in Section 4.2.

Despite his influence in the field, Krashen has been criticized for his strong
focus on language input, and for ignoring the social nature of language and the
importance of output production and interaction for language learning in general
and for incidental language learning processes in particular. Other researchers
have stressed the importance of social interaction for (incidental) language learn-
ing. These theories and studies have often drawn on Vygotsky’s sociocultural
theory. According to Vygotksy, humans need social interaction and communica-
tion in order to levitate their natural biological mental capacities into higher-order
mental functions. Only through interaction are these capacities modified and inter-
woven with cultural values and meaning. Through this process, individuals gain
understanding and control over psychological tools, which helps them to moder-
ate interaction with objects in their surroundings. Written and spoken utterances
made in a foreign or second language are such objects of interaction (R. Ellis,
2008; Vygotsky, 1978). According to this theory, learners will not be able to
4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Media-related Extramural English … 57

interact directly with a language as the object of their attention at the beginning.
Instead, they will rely on external assistance in the form of other-regulation via
more advanced speakers or object-regulation via tools (e.g., dictionaries), which
act as moderators for the interaction with the object ‘language’. Other-regulation
through personal assistance in a verbal interaction can, for example, be provided
in the form of waiting (giving the speaker time to think), prompting (repeating
words in order to help the speaking person to continue), co-constructing (pro-
viding missing words or phrases), and explaining (addressing errors; often in the
first language) (R. Ellis, 2008; Vygotsky, 1978). Through this assistance, learners
will be able to perform tasks which lie within their zone of proximal development.
Vygotsky defines this zone as

“[…] the distance between the actual developmental level as determined by indepen-
dent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through
problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers.”
(Vygotsky, 1978, p. 86).

Hence, the zone of proximal development lies between tasks a person can already
carry out by themselves (level of actual development) and tasks that a person could
not perform, even if assistance is available (Vygotsky, 1978).
The interaction with another person or an object frees the novice of some of
the cognitive load of the task at hand and allows them to reach their goal. At
the same time, the interaction will provide them with behavior to imitate and
internalize for future use. In time, learners will become able to perform these
tasks or activities on their own and will rely less on outside regulation (Dunn &
Lantolf, 1998; Lantolf, 2000, 2005, 2011; Swain, 2005; Vygotsky, 1978).
Eventually, language learners will reach a level of proficiency where they
no longer need outside assistance and instead become self-regulating in their
use of the language. In this state, a person can facilitate their own language
resources through private (inner) speech to achieve and execute control over their
mental processes and their interaction with the language. The process from other-
regulation or object-regulation towards self-regulation is called internalization,
and (verbal) communication is the crucial means by which such a process is
achieved (R. Ellis, 2008). According to the theory, the highest level of proficiency
in any language can thus only be achieved if learners interact with others and
produce output as well as take in input (R. Ellis, 2008; Swain, 2000, 2005).
58 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

It might be tempting to equate Vygotsky’s Zone of Proximal Development

with Krashen’s i + 1. However, as Dunn and Lantolf (1998) have pointed out, the
two theories are incommensurable at their core. For Krashen, language learning
takes place automatically within a person’s language acquisition device (LAD),
given a sufficient amount of input within a person’s i + 1. If the affective filter
is low enough and enough comprehensible input is available, language acqui-
sition will be inevitable. As long as enough input is provided, the acquisition
curve will be a steady, continuous, and linear process, moving from one stage
to the next (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989; Lantolf, 2005).
Krashen does support a weak interaction hypothesis by acknowledging that dia-
logue and interaction can help to negotiate meaning and clarification, making
input more comprehensible. However, he rejects the idea that output production
and interaction are necessary factors for (incidental) language learning. For him,
a true interaction hypothesis cannot explain cases in which learners have reached
a high level of proficiency without interaction. In fact, he sees the value of inter-
action not in the amount of language spoken by the learner but in the amount of
input provided by the interaction partner (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Krashen, 1982,
1985, 1989).
On the other hand, Vygotsky rejects the idea of an autonomous individual
acquiring a language through an automatic cognitive process. Instead, he states
that language development results from humans constantly developing to a higher
state of control over their own mental activities by using the assistance of others
or objects. Language development is thus not a linear but rather a historical
process, rooted in a social context and acquired through interaction and imitation.
As a result, interactional and material circumstances shape the form and outcome
of each individual process (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Lantolf, 2005).
Dunn and Lantolf (1998) concluded that trying to converge the two theories
means reading into Krashen something that is not there and taking the interactive
core out of Vygotsky. Instead, they call for an acceptance of this incommensu-
rability and peaceful coexistence, dialogue, and appreciation for their individual
contributions to the field (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998). Following this call for dialogue,
this study will draw on both theories in order to explain incidental language learn-
ing in the context of media-related extramural English contacts. As Section 4.2.
will show, there is empirical evidence for incidental learning processes through
input only contact, as well as evidence for the (additional) benefit of interaction
and output production.

Similar to Vygotsky, Swain also sees language as an inherently social and

interactive artifact that humans use to interact with each other and their environ-
ment. In her output hypothesis, she emphasizes not only the interactive nature but
4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Media-related Extramural English … 59

also the need for active output production in order for learners to reach higher
language competences.
While evaluating Canadian immersion programs in 1985, she found higher
French test scores for the immersion students than for the non-immersive stu-
dents. However, while the reading and listening scores of the immersion students
were almost similar to native speakers, their performance for writing and speak-
ing stayed behind those of their native counterparts. Since students in immersive
classes are presented with a high amount of comprehensible input on a daily basis,
her findings raised doubts about Krashen’s input hypothesis (Swain, 2000, 2005).
Swain and her team argued that the important difference between native French
speakers and immersion students was that students in the immersion classes were
not pushed to produce a high amount of output. For Swain, the production of
comprehensible output, i.e., output that is “grammatically accurate and socio-
linguistically appropriate” (Swain, 2005, p. 472) for a given situation, and which
allows the interaction partner to understand the speaker, goes far beyond simply
providing an opportunity for enhancing fluency through practice (Swain, 2005).
Instead, the output serves three functions:
First, producing language output can trigger noticing on different levels.
Learners may notice a word or form because it is frequent or salient. However,
they may also notice gaps and language problems in their own interlanguage,
which hinders their ability to express themselves accurately. They might then
seek to fill the gap by interacting with an interaction partner or an inanimate tool
(e.g., dictionary, grammar book) or make a mental note to pay further attention to
the relevant input in the future. In this way, through the recognition of problems,
a mental conflict is triggered, and a cognitive process is initiated, leading to gen-
erating new or consolidating existing knowledge (Swain, 2000, 2005). Empirical
research has shown evidence for such a process in learners after producing written
or spoken language output in interaction with another student (for an overview
see, for example, Swain, 2005).
Second, empirical findings suggest that output serves as an opportunity for
testing one’s language hypothesis and provides the learner with an opportunity
to alter and modify the output if the hypothesis proves to be incorrect (Swain,
2000, 2005). This becomes possible through feedback from the interaction part-
ner. The feedback can be implicit or explicit. With implicit feedback, learners
must infer the inaccuracy of their utterance, while explicit feedback clearly states
where the learners’ utterance was correct and where it was incorrect (Carroll &
Swain, 1993). Both implicit and explicit feedback can be positive or negative.
Implicit or explicit positive feedback verbally or nonverbally confirms that an
60 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

utterance was indeed correct (Carroll & Swain, 1992). Explicit negative feed-
back verbally or nonverbally states that a form does not belong to the target
language. Implicit negative feedback occurs verbally in the form of error cor-
rection, corrective recast, and rephrasing of erroneous sentences or phrases, or
through nonverbal communication (Aljaafreh & Lantolf, 1994; Carroll & Swain,
1992, 1993; R. Ellis, 2008; Long et al., 1998). Both forms of feedback are effec-
tive and can provide learners with information that input alone cannot provide.
Empirical studies have, for example, shown that negative feedback, both implicit
and explicit, can induce noticing of forms and phrases which are not as salient
through comprehensible input alone or are rare or unlearnable through positive
feedback (Aljaafreh & Lantolf, 1994; Carroll & Swain, 1992, 1993; R. Ellis,
2008; Long et al., 1998).
Therefore, feedback helps learners to test their hypothesis about the target
language.
Strategies to solve language problems might include testing alternative
hypotheses, applying existing knowledge to the context at hand, and internalizing
newfound knowledge into one’s system. In fact, some errors or turns observed in
learners’ written or spoken interactions may be seen as evidence for testing dif-
ferent hypotheses about the target language. By doing so, learners are engaged in
deeper processing of the target language, ultimately resulting in increased control
and automaticity in using the target language. This, in turn, releases cognitive
resources for higher-level processes. Therefore, it can be argued that the process
of modifying one’s own output represents language acquisition (Swain, 2000,
2005).
Third, the production of language output provides an opportunity for metalin-
guistic reflective functions (Swain, 2005). By putting thoughts into words, they
become sharpened and transformed into an artificial form that is accessible to
further reflection and response by oneself and others. Thus, speaking or writing
represents both cognitive activity and the product of the activity itself.
In addition, output production triggers a deeper understanding and elaboration
because it requires the speaker/writer to pay more attention to the elements of
a message and their relationships to each other to connect and organize them
into a coherent whole. Through this process, a more durable memory trace is
established in learners’ minds, and language learning is facilitated (Swain, 2000,
2005).
All of these functions and benefits of output production are present in col-
laborative dialogue, in which speakers work together in order to solve linguistic
problems and build linguistic knowledge (Swain, 2000, 2005). It is in output and
interaction that learners have the opportunity to actually use the target language
4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Media-related Extramural English … 61

and stretch beyond their present stage of language competence. Swain, therefore,
concludes that the production of comprehensible output is necessary for learners
to reach the highest levels of proficiency (Swain, 2000, 2005). Language is thus
interlinked with and fostered through social interaction, emerging as a result of
“meaning-making processes” (Black, 2005, p. 120) within a specific social con-
text (Black, 2005). In interaction with others, learners have the chance to test
their hypotheses and to gain more control over their own language production.

Despite the somewhat incommensurability of the way the discussed theories

model language learning and the importance language input, output, and interac-
tion play in its process, the discussed theories suggest that regular contact with
a foreign language and the chance to use it to interact with others can result in
incidental language learning.
In terms of input and media-related extramural English contact, Chapter 2 has
shown that technological developments in the last few decades have made regular
access to English-language media content highly accessible for learners in Ger-
many and Switzerland. By regularly engaging in English media content, learners
are presented with a high amount of input for the most frequent English words
and chunks, both written and auditory. In addition, learners can benefit from
contact to less frequent and topic-specific vocabulary. Since learners choose the
content themselves, it should be highly motivating and engaging, thus lowering
the affective filter.
In addition, newer interactive media channels can further increase and deepen
the learning process by allowing learners to interact and engage in dialogue.
Here, Vygotksy’s theory and Swain’s output hypothesis provide a framework
that might explain why a high level of interactive extramural contact with a
foreign language might help students to navigate their interaction with the tar-
get language. The interaction will provide them with the necessary assistance to
make complex input comprehensible, work through their zone of proximal devel-
opment, and engage in mean-making processes within a given social context.
Such interactions can be with a more advanced speaker of the target language
(other-regulated), but also with other inanimate objects (object-regulated), such
as additional information material, a dictionary, or other forms of technological
tools. This might be especially important for less proficient learners. As learners
progress in their control over the language, they might be more and more able to
self-regulate and process even complex authentic input on their own. In addition,
the chance to produce output and engage in dialogue will help learners to notice
gaps in their own knowledge, reflect on their language use, and test hypothesis.
62 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

However, it should be mentioned that in the very beginning, learners might not
be able to navigate authentic English-language media content even with the help
of other-regulation and object-regulation. Instead, most learners will rely on in-
classroom instructions at this stage. Even Krashen admits that for most learners,
the first contact with a target language will most likely be through the educational
system. This in-classroom instruction will provide learners with comprehensi-
ble learning material geared explicitly towards their competence level (Krashen,
1985). As such, formal instruction within the classroom will have a significant
impact on students’ language development and will lay the base for any future
language learning. Indeed, as Hulstijn (2001) points out, most teachers and sci-
entist are well aware of the fact that even though incidental learning is a useful
and powerful tool for language learning, it is important to teach learners the lin-
guistic principles and lexical system of the target language, as well as making
them aware of (vocabulary) learning tasks and teach them explicit strategies for
doing so. Most teaching materials recognize this by including a vast number of
techniques and activities to teach beginners and intermediate learners the neces-
sary core vocabulary. This ensures that learners start their language journey with
the study of a base vocabulary, learned to automaticity, while contextual learning
does only play a role in later stages (Hulstijn, 2001).
In addition, formal instruction will also help learners to develop what Krashen
calls the monitor. While a person’s ability to produce language derives from their
unconscious knowledge and acquired competence, conscious learned knowledge
about the target language serves as a monitor. This monitor helps to regulate and
check output before it is uttered. For the monitor to work, learners need to be
aware of the rules and be concerned with correctness (Krashen, 1985).
With time, learners will become more proficient and, as a result, will find
it easier to find comprehensible media content outside of the classroom and
engage in more complex interaction and dialogue with advanced learners and
native speakers. Chapter 2 could show that newer interactive media channels
do provide learners with said opportunity to produce and actively use English
in natural settings. In this way, the media has created new assisted and inter-
active language learning opportunities outside of the educational setting, which
provide more than just language input. New forms of interactive online com-
munication tools, such as chatrooms, messaging apps, and message boards, can
provide opportunities for extramural English contacts and activities through syn-
chronous or asynchronous interaction with native and non-native speakers. By
using these media channels, learners not only receive a high amount of input but
can also actively produce output and engage with others in collaborative dialogue
and interaction. In these interactive contexts, they will get immediate feedback on
4.2 Empirical Evidence 63

their language production. Here, advanced learners and native speakers can act
as sources for other-regulated interaction, similar to a teacher in the classroom.
They provide positive and negative feedback and help learners in the form of,
for example, co-construction, explanations. Through these contacts, learners may
even be provided with the opportunity for a high level of immersion within a lan-
guage community. In this way, new words and phrases can be used and repeated
regularly, which in turn fosters a higher conversion rate into long-term memory
(Hulstijn, 2001).
The next chapter will summarize empirical evidence for incidental language
learning occurring both from input-only as well as from more interactive media
channels.

4.2 Empirical Evidence

Early research into incidental learning processes was often conducted within the
field of psychology and concentrated on learning through input by reading or
being read to by others. The studies were usually experimental in design and
did not focus on language contact through extramural English contacts. In recent
years, interest in incidental learning processes through media-related extramural
English contacts in natural settings has grown significantly outside of the field
of psychology. Extramural language contact in these natural settings might be
provided through books or other written online and offline material or through
music, podcasts, audiobooks, radio, movies, TV series, TV shows, online commu-
nities, and computer games. While the first of these media channels only provide
language input, online communities (e.g., social media platforms) and computer
games can also provide learners with opportunities for output production and
synchronous and asynchronous social interaction. The following chapter will
summarize important recent empirical findings for incidental language learning
in natural settings among young learners (i.e., children and adolescents) through
these channels.
As the media landscape changes rapidly, the summary will focus on newer
findings to increase comparability with the present study. In addition, the sum-
mary will focus on studies about extramural English contacts in natural settings
as this aligns with the focus of the present study. Key findings from experimental
studies will be discussed only where they provide important insight otherwise
missing (for a more detailed discussion on experimental studies in this area see,
for example, Huckin & Coady, 1999; Ramos, 2015).
64 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

Studies investigating media exposure within the classroom and homework

assignments were excluded as they do not focus on extramural English contacts.
This also excludes the use of educational computer games, computer-assisted lan-
guage learning, online learning platforms, and other forms of material specially
developed for language learners.

4.2.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Reading

Books have been one of the traditional ways for extramural contact with English
as a foreign language. One advantage of reading is that it provides learners
with the possibility of repeatedly encountering unknown words and phrases, thus
increasing the knowledge of those words and the chance of committing them to
memory (Vidal, 2011). However, research has suggested that reading a book is
a demanding activity as learners already need to have advanced language com-
petences (Peters, 2018). According to Huckin and Coady (1999), readers need
knowledge of at least 2,000 of the most common words in English to understand
and use 84% of the words in most texts (and spoken language). For general text
comprehension, readers must even be able to understand 95% of the words used
in a given text. In order to be able to do so, people need to know the 3,000
most common words. Complete comprehension will not be reached until one
understands 98% of the words in a text, which already requires a vocabulary of
the 5,000 most common words. According to Sylvén and Sundqvist (2015), this
might be the reason why learners in their study only reported low frequencies of
leisure time reading in English. Nevertheless, even though 5,000 sounds like a
relatively large number, Huckin and Coady argue that it is well within reach of
the average language learner (Huckin & Coady, 1999).
Despite these challenges, empirical research suggests the effectiveness of
extensive reading, especially for incidental vocabulary gain. To this author’s
knowledge, at the time of this study, there seem to be no studies looking exclu-
sively into unprompted extramural reading and language competences in natural
settings. Empirical evidence must therefore be drawn from studies investigating
incidental language learning in experimental settings. However, it should be kept
in mind that these settings do not strictly provide extramural contact as defined
in this study.
Elley and Mangubhai (1983) conducted a study to examine the effect of exten-
sive reading programs for children from Fujian primary schools learning English
as a foreign language. In the experimental groups, teachers encouraged students
4.2 Empirical Evidence 65

to read as much as possible and provided age-appropriate books within the class-
room. In one of the experimental conditions, teachers also discussed and followed
up on the material. Compared to the control group, students in both experimental
conditions showed increased language competences in the post-tests. Even though
the study suffers from a lack of control over what happened in the classrooms
(e.g., some teachers in the control groups read aloud to their students on a regular
basis, even though they were instructed not to), the results all point towards the
existence of incidental learning processes through extensive reading.
Pitts et al. (1989) conducted a study with 74 learners of English as a for-
eign language, who were asked to read an excerpt from Anthony Burgess’ book
A Clockwork Orange. The book contains the artificial language nasdat and is thus
ideal for testing, as students most likely did not know these words beforehand and
could therefore not derive their meaning from any similar words in their native
language. They were told they would be tested on the story’s content afterward
but were not told about any vocabulary testing. Two experimental groups were
tested in addition to one control group. Experimental group 1 was given 60 min-
utes to read the text. Group 2 was additionally shown a short clip from the film
before reading for 60 minutes. This was due to the high complexity of the text
and the younger sample in group 2. The control group neither read the text nor
watched the movie. Results from the subsequent vocabulary test showed a sig-
nificant difference between the experimental and control groups, with group 2
scoring significantly higher than group 1.
Similar to these findings, Dupuy and Krashen (1993) found in their exper-
imental study that even exposure to 40 minutes of reading showed significant
gains in students’ vocabulary knowledge. They showed students of French as a
foreign language a short clip of the film Trois hommes et un couffin, followed up
by a 40-minute reading of an excerpt from the book. Results showed a signifi-
cant language gain in the experimental group. The group of 3rd year students of
French as a foreign language even outperformed the advanced 4th year language
students in the second control group.
Both teams concluded that in the light of the significant, yet sometimes minor,
gains in vocabulary, incidental language learning from reading can occur with
foreign language learners, even in a short timeframe. In addition, subjects were
only tested on a fraction of words, meaning that they could have learned other
words incidentally as well, without it being represented in their test scores. Fur-
thermore, subjects did not read the entire book, which would have provided them
with the opportunity to encounter unknown words multiple times, thus increasing
the chance of storing them to memory. Last, the chosen texts were quite difficult
for readers in both experiments. Hence, it would be possible that more incidental
66 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

learning would have taken place if learners had been able to understand more of
the texts and thus infer more meaning of unknown words from the surrounding
context (Dupuy & Krashen, 1993; Pitts et al., 1989).
In order to overcome the limitations of these earlier studies, Horst et al. (1998)
conducted a pre-post-test experimental study in which subjects were asked to read
a whole novel over a period of 14 weeks. Students read along while the text was
read aloud in class. After each session, the texts were re-collected and stored in
the school to prevent students from reading ahead or looking up unknown words
at home. The results showed a significant gain in vocabulary by the subjects. The
gain was higher than in Dupuy and Krashen (1993) or in Pitts et al. (1989), which
the authors attributed to the longer exposure and the longer text. Prior knowledge
seemed to have played a moderating role in students’ ability to pick up words, as
higher knowledge allows students to infer the meaning of unknown words more
easily from the surrounding context. Word frequency in the text also played a
moderating role in the chance of words being picked up. In addition, nouns were
picked up more often than other word types. In a follow-up interview, students
reported being surprised that the words they were tested on in the post-test were
actually in the novel. This is a strong indicator of the implicit knowledge built
through incidental learning.
Despite the findings, the authors conclude that while reading might be a source
for incidental learning, it seems to be a slow process. Learners, on average, picked
up one word for every fifth word read. However, this result is much higher than
for the previous studies, which found retention rates of around one in twelve
(Horst et al., 1998).
Pigada and Schmitt (2006) investigated the influence of incidental vocabulary
learning in a qualitative study design. They observed one intermediate learner
of French as a foreign language. Even though the study used simplified reading
material, not authentic texts, their results are still interesting, especially since they
not only tested for increased knowledge about word meaning but also spelling
and grammatical characteristics. This aids the understanding of the incidental
learning process. As the authors and others have noted, the disadvantage of texts
with a rich context is that the meaning of a single unknown word might not
be necessary to understand the text as a whole. As a result, learners might not
subconsciously try to infer the meaning of each unknown word and thus might not
learn the meaning of these words. However, the exposure might still increase their
knowledge about other aspects of a word, with spelling being the most affected
characteristic. Their results revealed that their test subject was able to recall at
least one of the word aspects in two-thirds of the target words. Moreover, while
not all words were fully mastered by the subject, he was nevertheless capable of
4.2 Empirical Evidence 67

using them in productive writing. The highest number of exposures within the
text was necessary for learning the meaning of nouns, and some words were still
unclear after they appeared more than twenty times in the text. However, one
exposure was enough for spelling in some instances. Results also suggest that
the inference of meaning for some words was hindered by the interference of the
subject’s native language and similar words in French (Pigada & Schmitt, 2006).
In a more recent study, Vidal (2011) showed significant gains in vocabulary
knowledge for language learners through written academic texts. In comparison
to auditory input, readers recalled more information overall, especially low pro-
ficiency learners. The author concluded that reading provided learners with ideal
opportunities to dwell on unknown words and sentences. Repetition of words
was an important factor for recollection, with readers needing significantly less
repetition than listeners to store words to memory. However, the author also
concluded that readers and listeners made more gains in words that were explic-
itly elaborated beforehand. This shows that explicit elaboration can foster robust
connections between form and meaning.

Overall, the empirical findings show that incidental language learning from
extensive reading does occur, albeit the process being slow and challenging for
readers. In addition, some words (e.g., nouns) seem easier to pick up than oth-
ers and repetition seems to be an important factor for recollection but does not
guarantee a successful learning process.
All of the discussed studies used books or book excerpts for their research.
However, the internet has also made new forms of written content available.
While social media sites often only provide shorter texts, blogs might provide
readers with longer English content from various areas of interest. It can thus
be hypothesized that online reading activities will also lead to incidental learn-
ing processes. However, to this author’s knowledge, there is no empirical data
available for reading online in terms of incidental language learning, yet. Studies
concerning online communities, including social media platforms, will be dis-
cussed separately in Section 4.2.4, as they provide not only input but also enable
output production and interaction.

4.2.2 Incidental Language Learning through listening

Music can be a valuable source for language learning, as the lyrics are highly
repetitive, conversation-like, and slower-paced than spoken, non-musical dis-
course. In addition, people tend to listen to the same song multiple times
68 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

(Toffoli & Sockett, 2014). It is therefore surprising that there seems to be lit-
tle empirical evidence for incidental language learning from exposure to music,
either in an experimental or in a natural setting. One of the few studies inves-
tigating the effect of extramural listening to pop music on students’ vocabulary
competences is Schwarz (2013). In the study, 74 secondary students were tested
on their word recognition for 14 common words from 10 popular songs. In
addition to self-reported word recognition, students also had to use some words
productively or provide a translation or synonym, thus making the results more
reliable. Results showed a significant increase in vocabulary knowledge between
the pre- and post-test. In addition, the qualitative analysis of the translation and
synonyms also showed that some students already referred to the song lyrics in
the pre-test, demonstrating that they already knew the lyrics and the words were
processed in the context of the song. However, four students had inferred the
wrong meaning of the target word from the song. The author did not investigate
the differences between students with a high number of extramural contacts and
students with lower extramural contacts. This is probably due to the small vari-
ance in the sample, as all students listened to English music every day (Schwarz,
2013).
Even though the sample size was small, and the data relies on students’ self-
reported knowledge, the results showed a promising trend towards incidental
language learning from exposure to English pop songs. However, similar to the
findings for reading, the vocabulary gains were small (Schwarz, 2013). This once
again supports the notion that incidental learning takes place in small increments
and through repeated exposure.
In their experimental study,Pavia et al. (2019) investigated vocabulary gains
from listening to music for 300 Taiwanese children ages 11 to 14. Their results
showed significant gains in knowledge of spoken-form recognition for both sin-
gle word items and collocations for the experimental groups between pretest
and immediate post-test, but not for the control group. Repeated exposure sig-
nificantly increased learning gains, starting around seven encounters. Overall,
students’ learning gains were again small. Results for the delayed post-test could
not solely be attributed to the treatment, as the control group also showed a sig-
nificant increase in vocabulary. The authors attributed this to learning effects from
the immediate post-tests or conscious discussions about words and collocations
among the students after the test. Experimental and control groups did not differ
in regard to their gains in form-meaning connections. This is in line with other
empirical findings that showed learners retain spoken-form recognition before
form-meaning connection, the latter needing more exposure than the former. As
the authors note, this might be even more dominant in exposure to music since
4.2 Empirical Evidence 69

songs do not provide as much context as other forms of media content. Neverthe-
less, even though participants only listened to two songs and results only show
learning gains for spoken-form recognition, the results are promising and show
that incidental learning through music can occur even after a short exposure and
even in learners at a beginner level.
Additional evidence for incidental language learning through music in older
learners comes Toffoli and Sockett (2014). Results from their study with 207
Arts and Humanities students in France showed that French university students
listen to a high amount of English music on a daily basis; some even listen exclu-
sively to English music. Furthermore, the music was not just background noise,
but students engaged in active listening strategies such as looking up song lyrics
online or pausing and rewinding songs to understand the lyrics better. Learners
were also asked to translate four excerpts from popular song lyrics in order to
measure possible learning effects. Results showed that frequent listeners (at least
once a week) outperformed non-frequent listeners for all four excerpts. Unfortu-
nately, the language comprehension test only included four items in the form of
four excerpts from song lyrics. What is more, it is not clear if learners had come
across any of the words presented in the test before. As the authors noted, pref-
erences for genre, artists, and songs varied considerably in the sample, making it
difficult to choose lyrics for the test. In addition, the sample size was relatively
small. Still, the results yield important insights in terms of the variety of music
styles learners listen to, as well as the listening strategies employed by learners.
Apart from music, another form of auditory input is spoken auditory input,
e.g., from reading aloud to learners. R. Ellis (1999) summarized findings for
language learning by reading out loud to younger children in multiple experi-
mental studies. The results show an increase in language competences for young
learners in classes where students were being read to on a regular basis. Again,
repetition was an important factor for learning gains. The author also stressed
the significance of the opportunity for learners to ask questions and show their
non-comprehension in face-to-face settings. These interactions will probably lead
to additional input from the reader, specifically tailored to the individual learners’
language skills.
In addition to the reported learning gains from reading, Vidal (2011) also
showed significant vocabulary gains for university students listening to academic
texts (see also Section 4.2.1). However, listeners recalled less information in
direct comparison to readers in the sample. Vidal concluded that listening to
a speaker seems to be a rather challenging activity, especially for lower profi-
ciency learners, as real-time language processing makes it harder to segment the
spoken text into separate words and recognize unknown words or phrases from
70 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

running speech. As a result of these challenges, listeners most likely needed more
repetition in order to commit a word to memory than readers do. However, it is
likely that, as learners’ proficiency increases, so will the ability to identify and
process unknown words from listening to audio input (Vidal, 2011).
Furthermore, the results showed that listeners most likely cannot suppress the
activation of knowledge from their native language. As a result, they often do not
recognize the differences in cognates or false friends. They are also less likely to
add new, formerly unknown meanings of polysemous words to memory. Instead,
they were shown to stick with the meaning they already knew, even if it made no
sense in the given context. Readers in the study suffered less from this problem
(Vidal, 2011).
However, despite the challenging nature, Vidal concludes that listening to
English audio content can aid learners in their language learning process since
words heard auditorily are stored directly into the phonological memory. Words
encountered in the written form still need to be recorded, a process that might be
partially or entirely unsuccessful in some cases. Listening can thus help to foster
more stable and long-lasting memory traces (Vidal, 2011).
Similar to Vidal, van Zeeland and Schmitt (2013) conducted a study with
postgraduate students from an English university who learned English as a second
language. While it has to be kept in mind that the study tested learners much
older than in the context of this study, who also lived in a country where the
target language (English) was the native language, the results still yield interesting
insight into the complex nature of incidental vocabulary learning.
As opposed to earlier studies, this study did not only assess recognition
and recall of meaning, but also form and grammar recognition. Thirty high-
intermediate to advanced learners of English were asked to listen to a text passage
read to them that contained several made-up words. They were told to concentrate
on the meaning of the text as a whole. While 20 learners were tested immedi-
ately afterward, ten learners were tested with a delay of two weeks to identify
long-term retention without confounding learning effects from the first post-test.
Results showed a significant but again small learning gain for all knowledge
dimensions. Overall, meaning recall showed the smallest gains. Learners scored
highest in form recognition, followed by grammar recognition, for immediate and
delayed post-test. The authors conclude that these results show that some vocabu-
lary dimensions are picked-up later than others. Interestingly, what little meaning
learners were able to gain incidentally was better recalled after two weeks than
gains for form and grammar recognition.

Overall, the empirical evidence suggests the benefit of extramural audio con-
tact to a foreign language. As music is a popular leisure-time activity and people
4.2 Empirical Evidence 71

tend to listen to their favorite songs repeatedly, extramural contacts through songs
offer a beneficial way to learn a language.
English-language music has traditionally been easy to access, even before the
advent of the internet in both Germany and Switzerland (see Chapter 2). There-
fore, music has most likely already been an opportunity for incidental language
learning for adolescents in past generations. However, the possibility of modern
music streaming on online-based music platforms might provide learners with
a greater locus of control over their listening experience. Being able to pause,
rewind, and use the lyrics-on-screen function at their own discretion is likely to
make input more comprehensible for learners (Toffoli & Sockett, 2014).
In addition, the empirical evidence for spoken language summarized in this
chapter also highlights the learning opportunities provided by English audio-
books, radio programs, and podcasts. However, research about learning gains
from extramural contacts in a natural setting is still scarce.
Similar to reading, learning gains from this kind of input seem to be small
(van Zeeland & Schmitt, 2013; Vidal, 2011). This is likely also due to the fact
that listening to authentic input is equally if not more challenging for learners.
Learners need to know as many as 6,000 to 7,000 of the most common words to
follow a spoken discourse (Nation, 2006). In addition, empirical evidence shows
that especially low proficiency learners might have problems with the recognition
and segmentation of words from running speech (van Zeeland & Schmitt, 2013;
Vidal, 2011).

4.2.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Watching

English-language movies, TV series, and TV shows provide viewers with both

auditory and visual input. New words are presented within a narrative context
and supported by visual aids. If subtitles are added, written content is provided as
well. Watching movies, TV series, TV shows with subtitles thus provide auditory,
written, and visual information, with the latter providing rich contextual clues for
the former two (d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Lindgren &
Muñoz, 2013). In addition, Webb and Rodgers (2009) point out the beneficial
characteristic of repetition for vocabulary learning, especially in TV series.
Earlier studies about incidental learning through watching audio-visual content
usually investigated subtitled movies and TV series, as these were the options
most accessible to viewers at the time. In their study, Neuman and Koskinen
(1992) investigated the influence of subtitled TV programs on both language and
topic knowledge for Asian minority students in the US. They found significantly
72 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

higher results for the subtitled TV and the normal TV group in comparison to
the two control groups (listen to audio and reading along; reading only). These
results strongly support the claim that reading (subtitles) is not the only route for
incidental learning processes and that visual content does, indeed, foster learn-
ing. In addition, the study also showed evidence that students’ prior vocabulary
knowledge and a supportive context, in the form of video print, play an important
moderating role in the incidental learning process. However, the authors pointed
out that since the content is not produced with the language learner in mind, the
content might be too complicated for beginners to follow. In addition, the pace
of the spoken information in most TV series and movies might be too quick for
some learners and subtitles are designed to keep pace with the scene on screen
(Neuman & Koskinen, 1992).
d’Ydewalle and his team conducted several experimental studies investigating
the effect of watching subtitled television on learners’ language competences (an
overview can be found in d’Ydewalle, 2002). Results showed evidence for the
fact that reading and processing the input provided by subtitles is an automatic
process beyond conscious control and that it triggers incidental learning processes
(d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999).
Incidental learning proved to be even more effective when subtitling was
reversed, i.e., when the foreign language was presented in subtitles and the native
language in the audio track. The authors attributed this to the fact that processing
the subtitles was the main activity for participants and thus, providing the foreign
language in written form led to higher learning gains (d’Ydewalle & Pavakanun,
1997).
Furthermore, results from studies with different age groups showed that, in
general, younger children pay less attention to subtitles and prefer dubbed movies
and TV series. This is most likely due to their lower reading skills. However,
a small part might also be influenced by the fact that younger children in the
Netherlands (where the studies were carried out) are not as accustomed to watch-
ing subtitled television as older children and adults are. As a result, they benefit
less from extramural English contact if subtitling is reversed and therefore show
lower vocabulary gains (d’Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999).
Results from the research group also showed that the similarity between a
person’s native language and the foreign language in question plays a moderating
role in the effectiveness of the incidental learning process (d’Ydewalle & van de
Poel, 1999).
In addition to vocabulary, d’Ydewalle and colleagues are also one of the few
teams to investigate the acquisition of grammar and syntax through incidental
learning. While the initial studies failed to detect any effect, they were eventually
4.2 Empirical Evidence 73

able to show slight increases in grammatical competences. However, it should be

mentioned that the increases were most significant when explicit rules were pre-
sented in advance. Therefore, the authors concluded that grammar might be too
complicated to acquire solely from exposure to the target language (d’Ydewalle,
2002). Increases in grammar and syntax competence should thus only be expected
after some form of formal instruction has taken place. They confirmed this in a
study comparing children before and after they were first introduced to French
as a second language within the school context (d’Ydewalle, 2002). In con-
trast, words, especially nouns, seem to be much easier to acquire incidentally
(d’Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999).
Apart from subtitled content d’Ydewalle and Pavakanun (1997) also found
learning gains for experimental groups with only the foreign language in the
audio track (without any subtitles) and concluded that watching the rich visual
information provided by the movie enabled participants to derive the meaning
of the story from the visual context. This was not the case when the foreign
language was provided in the subtitles, and no audio track was played, which
is probably due to the fact that participants missed important visual clues while
concentrating on the subtitles.
In support of these findings, Araújo and da Costa (2013) could also show
that advanced learners from the European Survey on Language Competences
(ESLC) did not significantly benefit from movies with subtitles compared to
movies without them. The reverse was true for students at the beginner level.
The authors attributed these findings to the fact that learners need to reach a cer-
tain level of proficiency before being able to process non-subtitled audio-visual
content efficiently. Once they reach that threshold, subtitling no longer contributes
significantly to the learning process.
Kusyk and Sockett (2012) tested 43 French university students on their word
recognition from audio-visual input. High-frequency watchers demonstrated a sig-
nificantly higher rate of recognizing and ability to define the most frequent 4-word
chunks tested in the vocabulary test than low-frequency watchers. In addition, the
results showed a tendency for more frequent and more salient chunks to be recog-
nized more easily. The results underscore the importance of previous knowledge
for extramural contacts in natural settings. Most students situated themselves at
a B1 level at the beginning of the study. As the authors point out, at this level,
learners should be able to understand most of the spoken content in standard
dialect on TV or radio. However, the results should be interpreted with caution
due to the small sample and the fact that word comprehension was not measured
by a comprehension test but by students’ self-evaluation.
74 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

Last, results from Lindgren and Muñoz (2013) also show that watch-
ing television is the second-best predictor for learners’ listening and reading
comprehension.

Overall, the empirical evidence presented in this section shows the beneficial
effect of audio-visual contact in the form of movies and TV series for foreign
language learning. In contrast to audio-only input, watching a movie or TV series
provides a rich visual context to help learners follow a story, even if they do not
understand every word. Similar to music, the technical opportunities of streaming
services provide learners with a greater locus of control over their viewing experi-
ence. Being able to pause and rewind, switch between native and foreign language
audio tracks and use subtitling is likely to make input more comprehensible and
help with listening comprehension overall (Toffoli & Sockett, 2014).
As with other forms of language input, learning gains from this kind of
input seem to be small, most likely due to the challenge of decoding words
and meaning while listening to authentic language input. Similar to audio-only
material, learners need an extensive vocabulary in order to follow spoken dis-
course (Nation, 2006; Webb & Rodgers, 2009), and low proficiency learners will
most likely struggle to recognize and segment running speech (van Zeeland &
Schmitt, 2013; Vidal, 2011). However, even though the requirements for inci-
dental learning through watching television might be quite high and the medium
might therefore not automatically be suited for beginners, Sylvén and Sundqvist
(2015) could show that even children as young as 11 or 12 might reach the appro-
priate level of prior knowledge. Motivation is probably a key factor since the
children want to understand their favorite TV series, movies, and TV shows and
thus tend to pay close attention to what is shown on screen (Sylvén & Sundqvist,
2015).
Apart from movies, TV shows, and TV series, online videos might be another
source for audio-visual input. These videos are usually shared via video-sharing
platforms, such as YouTube, and cover various topics, from makeup to gaming
to lifestyle and mental health. These platforms have also given rise to a new
form of celebrity: social influencers (see Section 2.1 for reference). Social influ-
encers produce and upload videos of varying lengths to video-sharing platforms
or social media platforms (e.g., Instagram). They often have millions of followers
worldwide and post multiple videos per week or even per day. Most of the most
popular influencers come from the US or the UK. In addition, influencers from
other countries might also choose to produce their content in English to reach a
broader audience. Video platforms, therefore, provide an increasingly rich amount
of authentic audio-visual input in English, including different accents and dialects.
4.2 Empirical Evidence 75

These videos also give insight into different cultures. To this author’s knowledge,
there are no empirical studies for this form of extramural English contact and
language learning, yet. This is surprising, given the large amount of input avail-
able and the popularity of these platforms among young people (MPFS, 2017;
Waller et al., 2016). It is thus very likely that German and Swiss adolescents fol-
low international English-speaking influencers who meet their interests on social
media and video-sharing platforms. This will, in turn, provide them with yet
another source of extramural English contact.

4.2.4 Incidental Language Learning Through Online

Communication

With the rise of interactive online platforms, such as chatrooms, messenger

boards, and social media sites, learners not only have the opportunity to take
in a rich amount of language input but also to socialize and interact with other
native and non-native speakers online (Thorne et al., 2009). The internet thus
provides the opportunity for new, participatory forms of learning and interaction
(Black, 2005; Thorne & Black, 2007; Thorne et al., 2009). However, empirical
evidence in this area is still sparse. Among the various online communities, fan
fiction communities have received the most attention for their potential for inci-
dental learning. The following section will thus summarize findings for this form
of participatory writing space and its learning potential, but the findings can most
likely be generalized beyond the scope of this specific form of online community.
Fan fictions are “original works of fiction based on forms of popular media
such as television, movies, books, music, and video games” (Black, 2005, p. 118).
Within these communities, “native and non-native English speakers [have the
opportunity] to use literacy skills to forge relationships with individuals who
share their interests” (Black, 2005, p. 120).
Empirical evidence for incidental language learning from this kind of extramu-
ral contact can mostly be drawn from the work of Black (2005, 2009). The author
used ethnographic and discourse analytic methods to estimate and understand
how English learners interact and communicate on these platforms. Additional
theoretical considerations and literature reviews can be found in Thorne (2008),
Thorne and Black (2007), and Thorne et al. (2009). The results show that online
(fan) communities offer learners the opportunity to use language in a social envi-
ronment and in a way that is meaningful to a particular purpose. In order to
participate in the community, users do more than type grammatically correct
76 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

utterances; they use language to create communities and interact with each other
(Thorne et al., 2009).
Through engaging in the community, learners get in contact with a rich amount
of input of meaningful content, but also actively use language to produce various
forms of output and engage in interaction with more experienced members of the
community, thus increasing their language competences (Black, 2005; Thorne
et al., 2009).
Within fan fiction communities, members can choose multiple levels of par-
ticipation. First, members can be readers only, i.e., only read stories written by
others and benefit from the vast amount of language input through extensive
reading and familiarization with techniques and conventions of different genres
of writing, without having to produce content themselves (Black, 2005; Thorne
et al., 2009). Second, members can choose to contribute by writing reviews for
other people’s stories, even though a reader might not be proficient enough in
English to write their own stories, yet. By giving others (constructive) feedback,
users are able to demonstrate their knowledge and expertise within a specific
fandom (Black, 2005). Last, members might decide to write and publish their
own stories. Writers can decide to publish in their native language or choose
another language. For example, non-native writers might choose to publish their
stories in English to reach a larger audience. Announcing one’s status as a non-
native speaker might help those authors, as it tells readers to focus on the content
rather than grammatical correctness. At the same time, more advanced read-
ers and native speakers often offer extensive feedback on grammatical errors,
spelling mistakes, and style issues (Black, 2005). In doing so, they aid novices
on their journey to use language as an internal resource to control their own men-
tal processes (R. Ellis, 2008). As Black shows, this form of support and feedback
helps non-native writers increase their awareness for audience-specific compo-
sition issues and drastically improve their writing skills (Black, 2005; Thorne
et al., 2009). Authors might also choose to find a beta reader, i.e., an official
proofreader, for their story (Black, 2005; Thorne & Black, 2007).
The actual writing process is further aided by the fact that authors can draw
on a rich body of characters and plotlines from the original material. It is also
common (as long as it is acknowledged) to incorporate elements and plots from
other works of fiction or create crossovers (Black, 2005; Thorne & Black, 2007).
By doing so, fan fiction communities not only offer other-regulation in forms of
support and help from the community but also object-regulation by artifacts such
as existing plotlines, characters, and genre conventions provided by the source
material (Thorne et al., 2009). Ultimately, this fosters learners to “move beyond
4.2 Empirical Evidence 77

the mechanical aspects of decoding and encoding in the target language.” (Black,
2005, p. 127).
Overall, the analyses have shown that different levels of involvement offer
even novice learners an opportunity to be part of an online community and make
fan fictions sites a perfect place for collaborative and participatory writing pro-
cesses. Within the community, learners get constructive feedback from native or
more advanced speakers in a supportive environment and have the opportunity to
solve linguistic problems together as proposed by the sociocultural theory (Black,
2005; Thorne et al., 2009). Students can revise, edit, and redesign their texts by
drawing on and incorporating input from a broad audience of reviewers, engaging
in dialog-based interaction, and drawing on the meta resources available in the
community. Fan fiction communities are thus ideal places for English learners to
become accepted members of an English-speaking community, practice their lan-
guage skills with native speakers (both receptive and productive), get constructive
feedback, and eventually take on their own identity as an English speaker (Black,
2005).
While fan-fiction communities have drawn particular attention by researchers
in the last few years, the findings can be expected to be expandable to other forms
of online communications, such as forums or message boards and social media.
Unfortunately, however, to this author’s knowledge, there is no empirical research
on incidental language learning in that area. Nevertheless, it seems that online
communities present users with an environment rich in authentic content as well
as the opportunity to try out and develop one’s own identity as an English user
within an international community. With these characteristics, online communities
have long surpassed the simple input mode offered by traditional printed media.

4.2.5 Incidental Language Learning Through Gaming

Computer games have often been frowned upon as leisure time activities and
have been suspected of causing violent and addictive behavior in adolescents and
children (Graham, n.d.). However, research has shown that computer and video
games can also have a positive effect on language learning, especially if they
provide gamers with a complex narrative and offer the opportunity to interact
with other gamers during the game.
Computer and video games differ in the degree to which they provide such
a rich and interactive gaming environment. Following Graham (n.d.), games can
be categorized into three levels of narrative complexity. Low narrative games –
e.g., puzzles, rhythm, or simulation games – do not follow a narrative and often
78 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

have no endpoint or final goal. By comparison, narrative games − e.g., sport and
racing games − provide a narrative and require some background knowledge from
the real world. High narrative games provide an even richer and more complex
narrative story, in which the gamer has to perform a set of tasks and quests to
win the game (Graham, n.d.). It can be expected that more complex narratives
might provide a higher level of authentic and comprehensible input to gamers.
Narrative and high narrative games are designed to engulf the player within
the inherent logic of the gaming world. While playing, gamers are presented
with situations and decisions to choose from. As a result, the course of the story
depends on the player’s preceding decisions. Players can thus be seen as co-
creators of the game, not just mere users. By playing the game, they shape the
game’s environment as much as it shapes them (Gee, 2005). However, similar
to the real world, not all actions are available in all situations and to all players
alike. Instead, players have to follow a specific set of rules and regulations, which
they have to learn and master to succeed in the game (Gee, 2005).
Players get to know the world by wandering through it and solving tasks
(i.e., quests) (Gee, 2005; Zheng et al., 2015). Depending on the game, quests
can be solved alone or in collaboration with other players. By completing these
quests, players build up their character’s abilities, skills, and equipment (Gee,
2005; Zheng et al., 2015). In order to solve quests, players will have to take risks
and try out new ways or creative solutions. After successfully finishing a quest,
a player moves on to new, slightly more challenging adventures. This forces the
player to develop new solutions and communication strategies since the ones used
in the level before might not be sufficient anymore. By continuously presenting
the player with new and slightly more complicated, yet still solvable, tasks, game
designers make sure that the games stay interesting yet rewarding enough for
people to keep playing (Gee, 2005).
In such an environment, new information, words, and phrases are introduced at
the exact time necessary and are embedded within a situated and communicative
context. They are easy to process and do not overwhelm players at the begin-
ning of the game. New words and phrases are also strongly linked to a gamer’s
immediate purpose and goals, as the new information is needed immediately to
solve the subsequent quest in the game (Gee, 2005). This makes computer and
video games ideal for contextualized and situated language learning. By con-
trast, schools often introduce topics detached from people’s goals and purposes,
causing them to be more difficult to remember (Gee, 2003).

“People are quite poor at understanding and remembering information they have
received out of context or too long before they can make use if it […]. Good games
4.2 Empirical Evidence 79

never do this to players, but find ways to put information inside the worlds the players
move through, and make clear the meaning of such information and how it applies to
that world.” (Gee, 2003, p. 2)

Due to these characteristics, Gee identifies 25 out of 36 learning principles related

to language learning in modern gaming (Gee, 2005, 2007). These advantages of
gaming for incidental language learning led some researchers to predict the rise
of digital games as a game-changer in modern language teaching methodology.
However, in recent years, the discussion has shifted somewhat away from how
to convert digital games for educational purposes to the notion that digital games
already come equipped with the ability to teach cognitive skills and promote
problem-solving (Thomas, 2012).
In addition to these general advantages, some games also provide the oppor-
tunity to interact not only with the gaming engine but also with other players via
written or audio chats. According to the Scale of Social Interaction (SSI) model,
games can be categorized according to the level of interaction they allow for, i.e.,
how many players can play simultaneously. These differ in the way they allow
language input and output from the gamers. The model distinguishes between
single-player, multiplayer, and massive multiplayer online role-playing games.
Single-player games are played alone and do not allow interaction with other
gamers. As a result, they only offer language input and few to no opportunities
for output production. Multiplayer games allow for the interaction of multiple
players simultaneously. These players might be in the same room or might be
connected online. These games provide the opportunity for authentic interaction
with other players. As a result, they can provide more opportunities for incidental
learning within the natural game setting. Massive multiplayer online role-playing
games (MMORPG) can be seen as the most advanced form of interactive gaming.
Here a large number of gamers can be logged in to the games’ online servers and
can play and interact with each other simultaneously (Sundqvist, 2013).
Within MMORPGs, players are usually encouraged to work together to solve
quests. In doing so, players fall back on their social competences from the real
world, building social connections, cooperating with each other, and even building
communities (Gee, 2005; Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Zheng et al., 2015).
Depending on the abilities and experiences of the player’s characters, these com-
munities often form rather complex hierarchies and rules of interacting with each
other, making sure that each player’s abilities and skills are utilized the best
way possible. Novices are integrated into the group and can learn from other,
more experienced players (Gee, 2005; Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Sylvén &
Sundqvist, 2012b).
80 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

Gaming communities in these MMORPGs can consist of people from the

same geographical region, who might know each other in real life, but there
are many communities in which members do not live close to each other. In
these communities, English is often the language of communication among group
members (Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015). Just as
with the skills necessary for successfully participating in the quests, more experi-
enced language users within these communities serve as role models and catalysts
for the language socialization of novice English speakers (Thorne et al., 2009).
As suggested by the sociocultural theory, social interaction and other-regulated
activities help novice learners move towards a self-regulating state in their lan-
guage and gaming trajectory. In this way, multiplayer games and MMORPGs
offer an immersive environment with repeated exposure to the target language in
an authentic communicative context and meaningful interaction. Gamers have to
communicate, negotiate meaning, and get real-time feedback from their gaming
partners. In addition, MMORPGs usually involve a high level of engagement,
motivation, and commitment to the task and the people involved. According to
Gee, these characteristics make MMORPGs a silver bullet for language learn-
ing in natural settings (Gee, 2003, 2005, 2007; M. Peterson, 2010; Sylvén &
Sundqvist, 2015).
Sylvén and Sundqvist even argue that MMORPGs might be similar to content
and language integrated learning (CLIL)2 in school, as it forces learners to use
their language skills to solve tasks, meet the given requirements in order to be
successful gamers, as well as communicate and get immediate feedback from
other gamers. Similar to learners in a CLIL classroom, gamers thus have a high
motivation to understand new vocabulary and grammar in order to solve quests
successfully and communicate with other players. Moreover, since the game is
a voluntary, leisure time activity rather than a school requirement, gamers will
probably be more motivated to put in endless hours to perfect their gaming and
language skills than learners within a classroom (Sundqvist, 2011; Sylvén &
Sundqvist, 2012b).
The two authors also investigated Gee’s statements about learning principles in
relation to the MMORPG World of Warcraft. They conclude that the game does,
in fact, provide eight of Gee’s 36 criteria, i.e., active and critical learning, psy-
chosocial moratorium, identity, practice, regime of competence, subset, transfer,

2 Content and language integrated learning can be defined as any form of classroom based
instruction in which a foreign/minority or another state language is used as the language of
instruction in a non-language related school subject, e.g., biology (Olsson (2016)).
4.2 Empirical Evidence 81

and affinity group (Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012b). They also confirm Gee’s pro-
posed similarities between MMORPGs and the CLIL classroom in terms of the
authenticity of the materials, the integration within a language community, and
learners’ motivation. They conclude that the advantages of playing MMORPGs
might be responsible for the repeated empirical finding that boys outperform girls
in vocabulary tests, even though girls tend to hold more positive attitudes towards
languages and attend CLIL classes more often (Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012b).
In a similar vein, Zheng et al. (2015) could show that MMORPGs provide
learners with a rich input of social, historical, and cultural material to use as
tools for their interactions with each other. Similar to Gee, the authors see these
characteristics of games as highly beneficial, as they provide players a sense
of embodiment by giving them a specific role, a goal, and the opportunity to
experience the consequences of their actions. In addition, they found that gaming
encourages learner agency and allows learners to transcend from the here and
now of the situation to more general knowledge and use of the language (Zheng
et al., 2015).
Further empirical support comes from Thorne (2008). In her qualitative study,
she could show the fruitful way gamers communicate with each other and how
language learning may occur. In her study, an American and a Ukrainian gamer
began to communicate and chat within the MMORPG World of Warcraft. Their
interaction showed forms of collaboration, negotiation of meaning, feedback,
as well as other- and self-correction. In addition, the American gamer reported
that the communication reduced inhibitions and insecurities and increased their
motivation to further engage in language learning activities.
Similar to these findings, Rankin et al. (2006) showed increased vocabulary
knowledge and enhanced output production for four participants in a pilot study.
Students were asked to play the interactive game Ever Quest II for at least four
hours per week. However, while more advanced learners seemed to benefit from
the game-based interaction and communication, beginners seemed to struggle
with cognitive overload from the game’s requirements.
In another study, Rankin et al. (2009) employed a pre-post-test experimental
design to investigate gamers’ actual increase in vocabulary knowledge and con-
duct an in-depth analysis of their social interactions. Two experimental groups
were established: in the first experimental group, six native Mandarin speakers
were asked to play a video game among themselves. In the second experimental
group, another group of six native Mandarin speakers played the game in interac-
tion with a group of native English speakers. The six students in the control group
did not play but instead received three hours of language instruction. Results
showed that the two experimental groups outperformed the control group in the
82 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

post-test regarding vocabulary knowledge in the context of the game. However,

classroom instruction was more beneficial for participants’ scores on sentence
usage. The authors attribute this finding to the fact that the employed test was
very close to the classroom exercises students were exposed to before. It should
be noted that the statistical results should be interpreted with caution due to the
small sample size.
In-depth analysis of chat protocols revealed that the native speakers helped and
guided the novice players through the all-English interface and the unfamiliar
game. Results also showed that language use increased for Mandarin speakers
over time. The protocols showed that these gamers started to produce more output
as they grew more confident with the game (Rankin et al., 2009).
Results from M. Peterson (2012) also support the fact that gaming can help
introduce language learners to specific language practices of a target group. The
data showed that the six foreign language students in his sample adapted their
interaction strategies in an online-based gaming environment and used time-
saving techniques, such as abbreviations and emoticons. The data also shows
how students engaged in continuous collaborative dialogue and interaction in the
target language English.
Last, Piirainen-Marsh and Tainio (2009) conducted a qualitative study about
the interaction of two teenage boys (10–14 years) regularly engaging in play-
ing Final Fantasy X together. Although not an MMORPG, the study shows that
even games with extensive (subtitled) dialogues offer a rich amount of linguistic
input for the players, as well as a chance for playful and casual practice of lan-
guage skills. The constant repetition throughout the game can lead to considerable
learning effects.
While most studies reported here have focused on interactive gaming,
Purushotma (2005) also found evidence for learning effects from non-interactive
single-player games. In his article, the author analyzed the benefits of playing The
Sims (a life simulation game played in single-player mode). While the game char-
acters speak an artificial language, the game offers a wide range of text within the
menu and in-game notifications. The vocabulary resembles an English beginner
course, with a high number of everyday words and phrases. As with other games,
players will get immediate feedback for their hypothesis of unknown words in
the form of character’s behavior in the game and the game environment. In addi-
tion, the newest version of the game offers the possibility to change the program
code to show in-game messages in two languages (e.g., the native and a foreign
language) and can offer translations for unknown words within a pop-up window.
The analysis shows that even non-interactive games can offer opportunities for
incidental language learning. With its high level of frequent vocabulary, games
4.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Multi-channel Media Exposure 83

like The Sims might be especially suitable for beginners. The non-violent and
fighting-free setting might also make it especially suitable for younger learners.
Research has also shown empirical evidence that these non-violent games might
be a more attractive gaming option for female students than many of the often
violent or sports-centered interactive game options (MPFS, 2017).

Although the sample sizes in the reported studies were often small, the empir-
ical findings in this chapter suggest that incidental language learning can occur
from interactive and non-interactive gaming. Furthermore, interactive games can
help learners move from other-regulated learning to a state of internalized self-
regulation and control of language as a mediative tool, as proposed by Vygotsky’s
sociocultural theory. However, as with other extramural contacts, interactive gam-
ing in English can be challenging for beginners. However, collaborative dialogue
and corrective feedback from other more advanced speakers can help bridge the
gap, reduce inhibition, enhance motivation, and facilitate language learning. Over-
all, the immersive environment offered by modern interactive computer and video
games is thought to offer an ideal platform for situated and incidental learning,
thus bridging learning in and outside of the classroom (Reinders, 2012).

4.3 Incidental Language Learning Through

Multi-channel Media Exposure

This last section will summarize empirical findings from studies that did not focus
on a specific media channel but rather looked at learners’ overall frequency of
extramural contacts across multiple media channels.
At the beginning of the 2000s, Hasebrink (2001) showed that the German
participants in his studies claimed to have learned around 20% of their English
competences outside of school through informal contact (Hasebrink et al., 1997,
p. 163ff). However, as this is only a self-reported estimate and the study did not
include a test on language competences, these results should only be seen as a
rough estimate. However, the result points towards the occurrence of informal
learning processes even before the advent of the internet.
The only other empirical evidence for Germany comes from the study Assess-
ment of Student Achievements in German and English as a Foreign Language
(DESI). The study investigated 9th graders in Germany and included some ques-
tions about media-related extramural English contacts via email, video, television,
books, comics, manuals, and songs in the questionnaire. While these categories
84 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

are by no means exhaustive in terms of modern online and offline media con-
tent, the results can still yield some interesting insights. Media-related extramural
English contact activities showed a medium-sized correlation with students’
English test results and English grades. Students in the highest educational track
(Gymnasium) reported higher frequencies of media-related extramural English
contacts and a higher interest in reading (Helmke et al., 2008). Apart from these
results, no further empirical evidence seems to exist for Germany or Switzerland.
For Sweden, Sundqvist (2009a)3 showed significant and positive correlations
for the overall frequency of media-related extramural English contacts, vocab-
ulary competences, and oral proficiency (for details about the test procedure
see Sundqvist, 2009a). While the effect of reading was especially strong for
oral performance, gaming and surfing showed the highest correlation for the
vocabulary tests in her study. Dividing students into user groups showed that
high-frequency users received significantly better test results than low-frequency
users (Sundqvist, 2009a). Interestingly, however, the author also found indications
for the effects of extramural English contacts to be stronger for low-frequency
than for high-frequency users. She interpreted the findings as an indication that
the increase from no contact (0 hours) to some contact (e.g., 8 hours) might be
more beneficial than the increase from 45 hours to 53 hours (Sundqvist, 2009a).
In addition, the positive correlation between extramural contacts and oral test
results found in the data only holds for two of the four classes, while it is nega-
tive for the other two. Sundqvist assumes this could be due to the socio-economic
composition of the classes or due to the teacher influence but did not elabo-
rate further (Sundqvist, 2009a). While her sample is relatively small (n = 80),
her study does give an interesting and compelling inside view into the field of
media-related extramural English contact through the media and the relationship
with learners’ competences. In addition, her use of language diaries provides a
detailed, in-depth measurement of students’ actual frequency of extramural con-
tacts that might be more reliable than some of the ex-post-facto questionnaires
employed in other studies, including the present.
Forsman (2004, cited in Sundqvist, 2009a) also found a significant and positive
relationship between the overall frequency of media-related extramural English
contact and students’ tendency to use American words and phrases (in compar-
ison to British ones) in his study with 330 Swedish-Finish students. The author
attributes these findings to the dominance of American media content.

3 Results reported here are from Sundqvist’s 2009 dissertation. The author has conducted
several follow-up studies (Sundqvist, 2008, 2009b, 2011, 2012, 2013). Findings from these
other publications will only be reported if they differ from the findings in the main thesis or
if they add additional insight.
4.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Multi-channel Media Exposure 85

Lindgren and Muñoz (2013) could also show the positive effect of extramural
exposure to a foreign language on children’s listening and reading comprehension
in multiple European countries (aged 10 to 11). The results also showed a signif-
icant effect for the cognate distance between the native language and the foreign
language: students with a native language closer related to the target language
showed a significant higher learning effect.
Peters (2018) found a significant positive correlation between media-related
extramural English contacts and language competences. Significant effects could
be shown for reading books and magazines, surfing on English-language websites,
and watching movies and TV series without subtitles, but the correlations were
small in effect (except for browsing). Surprisingly the results showed a small
negative correlation between vocabulary knowledge and listening to English-
language songs, as well as no significant correlation for watching subtitled movies
and TV series or for gaming. The study was conducted in the Flemish region in
Belgium, which has a high level of non-Flemish and non-dubbed TV produc-
tions. The author attributes the lack of correlation between subtitled TV series
and movies with test scores, therefore, to the fact that there is virtually no vari-
ance in her dataset since almost all students watch subtitled movies and TV series
regularly (Peters, 2018).
In addition to the correlations, results from an analysis of variance with covari-
ates also revealed the overall frequency of media-related extramural contact to be
a positive predictor for students’ vocabulary knowledge. The effect explained
with 13% more variance than the length of in-class English instruction (Peters,
2018, p. 159).
Olsson (2011) focused specifically on the effect of extramural English contacts
on students’ writing skills. The author found a strong and positive significant cor-
relation between overall media-related extramural English contacts and test results
for a national mandatory writing test. Examining the individual media categories
separately, she found a significant and positive correlation between extramural
reading, writing, and watching television and the writing test scores. An in-depth
analysis showed that students with a higher level of extramural contact on aver-
age wrote longer sentences and used longer and more complex words for some
text types. In addition, she found that all students with at least moderate extra-
mural contacts reached a pass with distinction or a pass with special distinction in
their 9th grade finals. The extramural contacts also showed a moderate, significant
correlation with learners’ grades (Olsson, 2011).
In addition to the overall scores for writing, the study also looked at certain
text features in more detail and found significant correlation effects for sentence
86 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

length in the written mails and the use of infrequent vocabulary for the news-
paper articles, but not the other way around. Moreover, even though all students
showed a higher variation in vocabulary for the newspaper article than the mails,
students with high frequent extramural contacts did show significantly more vari-
ation than non-users or low-frequency users. This points towards the fact that
students with frequent extramural contacts might gain a more extensive and more
diverse language register, which allows them to adapt their language to different
text types (Olsson, 2011).
Despite these interesting findings, the results should be read with caution as
Olsson’s sample is very small (n = 37). Still, the study gives an important insight
into the relationship between extramural contacts and writing in English as a
foreign language in general and different text features in particular.
In a longitudinal study, Olsson and Sylvén (2015) also investigated the effect
of media-related extramural English contacts on the academic vocabulary of CLIL
and non-CLIL students. As in Sundqvist’s study, students were asked to fill out
a survey and keep a language diary. Students were then asked to write four
argumentative and explanatory essays. The results reveal that CLIL students had
slightly more extramural contacts and wrote and read English texts significantly
more often outside of the classroom, which in turn seems to lead to a more
positive attitude towards English. However, the frequency of extramural contacts
did not significantly affect students’ test results and learning progress. The two
authors even raise the question of whether or not extramural contacts might level
the advantages in language learning for students attending CLIL classes. How-
ever, as the authors also note, the study does not answer how much vocabulary
students are subjected to through extramural contacts (Olsson & Sylvén, 2015).
Sylvén (2019) further investigated the differences reported by Olsson and
Sylvén (2015) with the same dataset. The language diaries from both measure-
ment points again showed that CLIL students were exposed to a greater amount of
media-related extramural English than non-CLIL students over time. In addition,
the frequency of extramural contacts showed a positive correlation with sentence
length and sentence types.
Results from Sylvén (2004, as cited in Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015) support
these findings. The data showed that Swedish CLIL students seem to not benefit
as much from English within the classroom as from the use of English outside
of school. In addition, although CLIL students on average scored higher than
non-CLIL students, non-CLIL students who had a high level of media-related
extramural English contacts scored higher than CLIL students who did not have
frequent out-of-school exposure to English.
4.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Multi-channel Media Exposure 87

Two quasi-experimental studies further investigated the causal link between

extramural English contacts and language competences. In his study, Kuppens
(2010) recruited 374 primary students in the Netherlands, who did not have had
any English instructions in school and did not have many extramural contacts
with English before the study. The questionnaire included watching subtitled tele-
vision, playing computer games, and listening to music as extramural categories.
Non-subtitled movies, TV series, TV shows, websites, and radio were excluded
since it could be assumed that a certain level of preexisting proficiency in English
would have been necessary to utilize these media forms in a meaningful way. On
the other hand, watching subtitled television does not require such a high level of
proficiency, nor does listening to music or playing computer games. The results
showed that students did use the mentioned media categories regularly. Watch-
ing subtitled television showed a significant influence on students’ language test
results. Playing computer games also showed a significant effect but only for the
English-to-Dutch test, not the other way around. Since the survey did not distin-
guish between different computer games, it is difficult to determine if variance
regarding the preferred games might have influenced the results. The author also
speculates that watching subtitled television might be functioning as a form of
‘gateway’ for eventually switching to monolingual television in English as well
as the use of other media channels (e.g., fan sites, blogs) (Kuppens, 2010).
In their longitudinal study, Verspoor et al. (2011) compared a group of stu-
dents who, for religious reasons, had minimal media-related extramural English
contact (control group) with students who attended public schools and had the
opportunity for regular extramural contact (experimental group). The data showed
that lack of extramural contact had a long-term effect on students’ proficiency
development. While the control group did not differ significantly in their lan-
guage competences from the rest of the students at the beginning of the study, a
significant difference was found after three years (Verspoor et al., 2011).

Overall, the results presented in this section strengthen the findings from
studies focusing on specific media channels. A higher frequency of overall media-
related extramural English contacts seems to be positively correlated with higher
language competences. While some of these studies only reported correlative
results, findings from Kuppens (2010) and Verspoor et al. (2011) lend support
to the notion of a causal effect of these contacts on language competences. The
results from these two studies also support the claim that extramural English
contacts have a positive effect on language competence, even without additional
in-class instruction.
88 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

4.4 Conclusion

This chapter began by arguing that regular media-related extramural English con-
tact with English as a foreign language can lead to unprompted and unconscious
language learning processes. When reading in English, listening to music, watch-
ing a movie, or playing a video game, learners usually do not have a dictionary at
hand. Instead, they are concentrated on the content and need to derive the mean-
ing of unknown words from the surrounding context. According to the input
hypothesis, this will result in incidental language learning, as long as the input
is comprehensible, i.e., slightly more complex than a person’s current level of
competences. Under such conditions, learners can form plausible and practical
hypotheses about the meaning of unknown words. This process is automatic,
given that no significant cognitive obstacles or resistance are active (Krashen,
1982, 1985, 1989).
In addition, the chapter drew on the sociocultural theory and the output
hypothesis and discussed the possibility of incidental language learning through
output production, feedback, collaborative dialogue, interaction, and communica-
tion through interactive media platforms and games. According to the theory,
learners will only reach the highest levels of language proficiency and self-
regulated language use by interacting with other, more advanced learners or
native speakers (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Lantolf, 2000, 2005, 2011; Swain, 2005;
Vygotsky, 1978). Thus, frequent interactive extramural English contact can allow
learners to increase their language competences as a by-product of other activities.
The empirical research presented in this chapter has supported the positive
relationship between media-related extramural English contacts and learners’
language competences. In addition, newer studies on interactive online media
activities, such as gaming or message boards, social media, or online commu-
nities, have also shown the advantages of interaction and output production for
incidental language learning. While some studies can only report correlative find-
ings, (quasi-) experimental studies have also provided evidence for the causal
effect of extramural English contacts on language competences.
Together these findings suggest that learners should not only receive input but
also produce, use and repeat new words and phrases on a regular basis in order
to foster a higher conversion rate into long-term memory through repetition and
forming links with other words within the mental lexicon (Hulstijn, 2001, 2013).

Despite these positive findings, the process of incidental language learning

seems to be limited in terms of the scope and speed by which learning can take
place. Most of the studies summarized above have focused on vocabulary gains.
4.4 Conclusion 89

Studies that have tried to show increases in learners’ knowledge of grammar, mor-
phology, or syntax have generally only reported a marginal effect or no effect at
all. Indeed, studies have shown that presenting students with formal instruction
before presenting them with an incidental learning opportunity produced larger
learning effects for grammar tests (d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle & van de Poel,
1999; Elley, 1997; Vidal, 2011). These results indicate that not all aspects of a
foreign language can be easily acquired incidentally. While vocabulary, especially
nouns, seems to be easy to pick up as a by-product of other activities, grammar
seems to be too complex of a topic for such an incidental process. Instead, for-
mal instruction and feedback seem to be needed for learners to grasp important
grammatical concepts in a foreign language (d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle &
van de Poel, 1999). However, this does not diminish the importance of learning
opportunities through incidental language learning. A rich and vast vocabulary is
essential for language learners to master. In order to understand a message, learn-
ers must know the meaning and functions of words, as well as the conventional
way in which they are used in the target language (Elley, 1997).
Empirical findings also indicate that incidental learning is a relatively slow
process, with an unpredictable outcome, and prone to errors. Texts with 200,000
words or more are most likely needed for a person to learn 108 new words
(Letchumanan et al., 2015; Sok, 2014; Webb & Rodgers, 2009), and learning
gains from listening seem to be even smaller than gains from reading exposure
(van Zeeland & Schmitt, 2013; Vidal, 2011). It is thus not surprising that some
studies have shown that intentional learning is more effective and faster, even for
vocabulary learning in direct comparison (R. Ellis, 1999).
In addition, several factors have been shown to influence the speed and suc-
cess of incidental language learning. This includes word characteristics (e.g.,
distinctiveness, polymeny, length, imageability, and correlation between form and
meaning), frequency of exposure, repetition, text type, input complexity, contex-
tual clues, learners’ language proficiency, and ability to guess words, mother
tongue and motivation. In addition, the proportion of words already known and
the students’ background knowledge has also been shown to influence the inci-
dental learning process (N. C. Ellis, 1994; R. Ellis, 1999; Huckin & Coady, 1999;
Hulstijn, 2003; Letchumanan et al., 2015; Neuman & Koskinen, 1992; Ramos,
2015; Sok, 2014).
These last two factors also underline the fact that extramural contacts might
not be suitable for all language learners alike. As empirical research has shown,
this might be especially true for auditory and audio-visual input (d’Ydewalle,
2002; d’Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Vidal, 2011). As movies and TV series
were not made with the language learner in mind, the high pace, use of less
90 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

frequent vocabulary, idioms, different dialects, and advanced syntax might simply
be too difficult for beginners to follow. Listening to and watching authentic media
content in English is, therefore, most likely not suited for low proficiency learners,
as they lack the competence to distinguish words in running speech and cannot
identify certain word characteristics correctly (d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle &
van de Poel, 1999; Vidal, 2011). As a result, learners who have not yet reached
the necessary threshold will probably not engage in watching movies and TV
series on a regular basis, at least not without subtitles (Webb & Rodgers, 2009).
This problem might be less prominent in books or other forms of written mate-
rial, in which the reader has more time to engage with the text. However, overall,
learners seem to need to have reached a certain level of language proficiency (usu-
ally within an educational context) before they can enjoy more complex forms
of media content. Otherwise, even the most compelling authentic input will just
be incomprehensible noise (Krashen, 1982). This is also emphasized by Neu-
man and Koskinen (1992), who pointed out the importance of prior knowledge
of vocabulary as a moderating variable for incidental learning outcomes. Simi-
larly, Vidal (2011) also found both readers and listeners to benefit from explicit
elaboration before the extramural contact. He concluded that explicit (classroom)
instruction helps to foster robust connections between form and meaning. Olsson
(2016) also suggests that form-focused instruction will enhance the quality and
depth of learners’ vocabulary acquisition through incidental learning processes
and might help with transforming receptive vocabulary knowledge into produc-
tive knowledge. Overall, the findings underline the importance of formal language
instruction, especially in the beginning, in order to teach learners the most fre-
quent vocabulary and linguistic principles of the target language (Hulstijn, 2001)
as well as providing them comprehensible learning material for their competence
level (Krashen, 1985).

In addition to these limitations of the incidental learning process, research has

also yet to conclusively prove how incidental learning works within the brain.
This is primarily due to the challenges in designing reliable, valid, and objective
measurements, as it is difficult to measure what people do and how they deal with
an unknown input while making sure that what is measured is, in fact, incidental
learning.
Most research in the field of psychology has been experimental in nature,
testing participants in a laboratory and sometimes using artificial language to
avoid the problem of subjects’ prior knowledge of the language. As a result,
findings from these studies cannot easily be generalized to naturalistic contexts
(Hulstijn, 2003; Kuppens, 2010).
4.4 Conclusion 91

Most experiments were also only able to provide evidence for short-term
effects since they tested participants shortly after exposure to the stimuli (Hul-
stijn, 2003; Kuppens, 2010). As Vidal points out, the findings might thus only
represent the strength of memory traces due to exposure rather than real inciden-
tal learning in terms of new lexical entries (Vidal, 2011). Investigating long-term
language acquisition would require frequent and intensive contact with a target
language. Such intensive exposure is difficult to implement within the confine-
ments of an experimental setting. Still, if people pick up vocabulary or grammar
after only a short period of exposure, it is almost certain to assume that more pro-
longed exposure would result in similar, if not even greater language acquisition
(Kuppens, 2010).
Furthermore, most experimental studies tend to have a problem with priming.
In order to investigate incidental learning processes, participants cannot be told to
read texts and try not to learn something, as that means ‘putting the elephant in
the room’ (Bruton et al., 2011). Studies usually ask participants in the experimen-
tal group to read a text without telling them that they would be tested afterward,
while they instructed the control groups to read a text and announced the post-
test beforehand (Hulstijn, 2001, 2003). However, participation alone might be
enough to prime participants to expect some kind of test (Sok, 2014). Newer
studies usually instruct the experimental group that they will be tested about
a certain stimulus and then test a different, second stimulus, for which no test
was announced. However, even such experimental designs cannot ensure validity
since it cannot be conclusively proven that participants did not have any outside
motive to learn. Thus, it is rather difficult to implement a study that can indis-
putably claim to measure the effect of incidental learning (Hulstijn, 2001; Sok,
2014).4
Studies outside of the field of psychology suffer to a lesser degree when it
comes to these problems. Instead, they usually struggle to conclusively prove
causality. While some studies have implemented quasi-experimental designs (e.g.,
Kuppens, 2010), most studies were carried out with learners who had already
received years of classroom instruction in the target language. In addition, these
studies often employed ex-post-facto study designs. It is thus difficult to deter-
mine how much of the increase in language competences over a certain period of
time is due to extramural contacts and how much must be attributed to students’
prior knowledge and parallel classroom instructions.

4 The same uncertainty seems to arise when it comes to the question of whether operational-
izing implicit learning is, in fact, possible. On the other hand, there is consensus that it is
possible to operationalize explicit knowledge (Hulstijn, 2002).
92 4 Theory of Second Language Acquisition

Furthermore, while regular extramural English contact can be assumed to

increase students’ language competence through incidental language learning pro-
cesses, it is also very likely that students with high language competences are
more likely to engage more frequently in media-related extramural English con-
tact. This is further supported by findings suggesting that authentic media input
might be especially challenging for beginners. Consequently, a learner’s language
competence and their frequency of media-related extramural English contact will
most likely influence each other. As a result of this unclear direction of causal-
ity, some of the studies presented above have only reported correlative effects.
Thus, while high on ecological validity, most of these studies are relatively low
on reliability.
In addition, frequency and form of students’ media-related extramural English
contact were often measured via a self-report questionnaire in which students
were asked to average their frequency of media contact. A detailed day-to-day
analysis of media habits and the specific media content students encounter was
therefore often not possible. Thus, some studies cannot assess the true nature and
scope of language input students might have had, making definite conclusions
about causality impossible. These last two limitations also apply to the present
study.

Despite these shortcomings and open (research) questions, the empirical

research summarized in this chapter has shown that media-related extramural
English contact can have a positive relationship with learners’ language compe-
tences. Incidental language learning can most likely be a helpful and interesting
route for language learning, especially for more advanced learners. Once students
reach a certain level of language proficiency, they will be able to choose from var-
ious language sources outside of the educational system, enjoying them for their
entertaining characteristics while increasing their language competences, without
actively trying to store new information to memory. Learning effects are likely to
be strongest for vocabulary, but other areas might also benefit. In addition, newer
and more interactive forms of media content might allow learners to produce lan-
guage output, form hypotheses, and test them in real-life interaction. Through this
interaction, learners will also get feedback and assistance from advanced learners
and native speakers.
The body of empirical studies summarized above was able to show positive
effects for listening, reading, speaking, and even writing skills. Given the highly
complex nature of writing in a foreign language, the latter is especially impres-
sive. The present study will analyze the effect of extramural English contact
simultaneously on students’ reading, writing, and listening skills (for details on
4.4 Conclusion 93

language assessment, see the next chapter). Given the empirical results above, a
positive effect of extramural English contacts on all three language skills can be
expected. The final research hypothesis is, therefore:

H4: The frequency of media-related extramural English contact will have a positive
effect on students’ reading, listening, and writing skills.

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Data
5

This dissertation was part of the project Measuring English Writing at Secondary
Level (MEWS). The MEWS project was co-founded by the Swiss National
Science Foundation (SNF) and the German Research Foundation (DFG). The
study aimed to be the first large scale study in Germany and the German speaking
part of Switzerland that focused especially on English writing skills in upper sec-
ondary education. In addition to writing competences, students were also tested
on listening and reading comprehension, as well as given extensive background
questionnaires, including a catalogue of questions concerning their media-related
extramural English contacts. The following chapter will describe the sample and
operationalization of key constructs and variables for the present analysis.

5.1 Sample and Test Procedures

The initial sample of the MEWS project consisted of 2,847 German-speaking

upper secondary students in their penultimate year before their baccalaureate
exams (CH: n = 1882; G: n = 965). Students were tested in a repeated measure-
ment design. The first measurement point took place two years before the students
took their baccalaureate exam (August/September 2016), the second measurement
took place one year before finals (May/June 2017). Before the data collection,
participating schools provided student lists, including the type of school track,
date of birth, gender, and grades for English, German, and Mathematics for the

Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material

available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_5.

© The Author(s) 2023 95

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_5
96 5 Data

previous school year. Students were also assigned an anonymous ID number in

the process.
For Switzerland, the full population was students in the academic track in
upper secondary education (Gymnasium) in the German-speaking cantons of Aar-
gau, Basel City, Basel Country, Solothurn, St. Gallen, Lucerne, Schwyz, and
Zurich. Participation was voluntary but recommended by the educational depart-
ments. Twenty schools agreed to participate, which resulted in an initial sample
of n = 1,882 students. Due to scheduling demands, schools decided to volunteer
entire classes instead of samples of students from each class. The Swiss sample is
thus a convenience sample. Data collection was conducted by the research team
at the University of Applied Science Northwest Switzerland (for more details, see
Keller et al., 2020).
For Germany, the full population consisted of students in the academic upper
secondary track (Gymnasium) in Schleswig-Holstein with eight years of sec-
ondary classes. Data collection was conducted by the IEA Data processing and
Research Center Hamburg and with the consent of the Ministry of Schools
and Professional Education in Schleswig-Holstein. Thirty-seven schools were
recruited, and student participation was voluntary. In the end, n = 965 students
from different profiles participated (for more details, see Köller et al., 2019).
For the present thesis, n = 124 students with less than one valid response to
at least one test item were excluded from the analysis (CH: n = 53; G: n = 71).
In addition, one Swiss school did volunteer students yet declined to provide any
background information for them. Since this information played an important role
in later analyses and the scaling of the three language skills, the students were
also excluded from the analysis (n = 101; n = 99 valid). Data for one visually
impaired student was also excluded, as providing the student with all tests and
questionnaires in an adequate format proved difficult. Last, n = 136 students
with English as a native language were excluded from the dataset for the present
analysis (CH: n = 103; G: n = 33).
The final dataset contained 2,487 students, with n = 1,626 students from
Switzerland (58.2% female; age: x T1 = 17.57, SDT1 = 0.91; x T2 = 18.27,
SDT2 = 0.91) and n = 861 students from Germany (58.8% female; age: x T1 =
16.9, SDT1 = 0.56; x T2 = 17.6, SDT2 = 0.56).
Data collection took place during regular school hours and was supervised
by trained university students and Ph.D. students. Students wrote two essays and
completed a reading and listening comprehension test at each time point. In addi-
tion, they were asked to complete a test for cognitive abilities at T1 and fill out an
extensive background questionnaire (at both T1 and T2). All tests were conducted
5.2 Language Assessment 97

on laptops provided by the test teams, and the data was stored electronically. Test-
ing took about three hours for each measurement point, including two breaks for
the students.

5.2 Language Assessment

Students were tested on their productive writing skill and their perceptive read-
ing and listening skills. For reading and listening, test items from the German
National Assessment were used (for details, see Köller et al., 2010). Students
were presented with two sets of reading and two sets of listening comprehension
tests (testlets) that each took, on average, 15 minutes to complete. The testlets
were rotated among students between the two measurement points using a multi-
matrix design to avoid sequence effects (Köller et al., 2019). The items tested the
entire range (A1 to C2) of competences of the Common European Framework
of Reference for Languages (CEFR) (Keller et al., 2020) and are in alignment
with the educational standards for English as a first foreign language (Standing
Conference of the Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs in the Federal
Republic of Germany [KMK], 2014). Completing the test thus also required the
understanding of longer and more complex reading and listening input, including
idiomatic expressions and different linguistic registers (Keller et al., 2020).
For writing, there was no established large-scale assessment procedure for
measuring writing in English as a foreign language. The research team, there-
fore, partnered with the Educational Testing Service (ETS) in Princeton, NJ, USA,
which conducts the internationally renowned TOEFL iBT assessment (Burstein
et al., 2013; Educational Testing Service [ETS], 2009). A central goal in the
German and the Swiss writing curricula for English as a foreign language is to
develop students’ understanding of a wide range of input from audio or writ-
ten sources. Students should be able to use that information to produce their own
writing and be able to address a specific audience in an appropriate and persuasive
way, as well as to state their personal opinion about a given topic (Educational
Department of Basel-Stadt [EDBS], 2017; Fleckenstein et al., 2018; Institute for
Quality Development in Schools of Schleswig Holstein [IQSH], 2014). In order
to operationalize the main learning goals from the national curricula, integrated
and independent prompts were selected from the ETS TOEFL iBT pool for the
MEWS study. For the independent essay, students were presented with a con-
troversial topic and were asked to write an argumentative essay in which they
were supposed to agree or disagree with the statement and support their opinion
with arguments. Students had 30 minutes to write the argumentative essay on
98 5 Data

the computer. They were advised that a good essay should be at least 300 words
long. They were not required to count the words but were told that 300 words
would result in approximately ten lines on the screen (ETS, 2009).
For the integrated essay, students were presented with a written text on a spe-
cific topic (250–300 words long) and a spoken audio input expressing opposing
views to the written input (2–3 minutes long). They had 20 minutes after the input
to summarize the information (150–225 words). In contrast to the independent
essay, they were not required to formulate their own opinion or conclusion (ETS,
2009). The integrated essay, therefore, represented a synthesis text, which required
the writer to combine different language skills and writing strategies, including
demonstrating a broad understanding of the opposing input sources, selecting
important information, evaluating them, and rearranging them in a logical and
coherent text (Keller et al., 2020; van Ockenburg et al., 2019).
Students were asked to write one independent and one integrated essay at both
measurement points, resulting in four essays per student. Due to copyright rea-
sons, the research team selected prompts that had already been used for TOEFL
and were publicly available online. Overall, four prompts were selected that were
thought to meet students’ interests and, in terms of the independent prompts, were
likely to meet students’ world knowledge (for details on the writing prompts, see
Keller et al., 2020). As with the testlets for reading and listening, writing prompts
were permutated between the two time points.
The written texts were scored by the ETS through a combination of human
scoring and automated essay evaluation (AEE). The following is a brief overview
of the scoring technique used for the study. For an in-depth description of the
procedure, refer to Rupp et al. (2019).
For the human scores, each essay was scored on a holistic scale from 0 to 5
by two experienced and trained human raters. A score of 0 indicated an essay
written in a language other than English or that the students did not write an
essay, despite being present for the test. For both prompt types, an essay scored
high if students used English accurately and made only minor grammatical and
spelling errors. In addition, an independent essay was scored high if ideas were
well organized and developed and if students supported their ideas and opinions
with examples. For an integrated essay to score high, students had to clearly sum-
marize the main points from both the audio and the written input and contrast the
two positions. Inter-rater-agreement for the human rating, measured in quadratic
weighted kappa, was high for both text types and at both time points (Indepen-
dent: QWKT1 = .639, QWKT2 = .670; Integrated QWK T1 = .865, QWKT2 =
.775; Rupp et al. (2019), p. 9).
5.2 Language Assessment 99

For the automated essay evaluation, the students’ texts were scored using
e-rater®, the AEE engine of the TOEFL iBT test (Burstein et al., 2013). E-
rater® rates texts based on text features (macrofeatures), such as grammar,
usage, mechanics, organization, development, discourse, collocations and prepo-
sitions, average word length, median word frequency, and sentence variety (Rupp
et al., 2019). In addition to these generic macrofeatures, the model also included
prompt-specific vocabulary usage measures (Attali, 2007).
Research has shown that AEE models can help boost scoring reliability, as
it counterbalances human rater errors such as fatigue or leniency effects, topic
effects, sequence effects, and halo effects (Deane, 2013). However, AEE cannot
understand the content of an essay as a human rater does. As a result, it might
assign a high score to an essay that is linguistically and grammatically correct
but does not express any comprehensible and coherent thought. As a result, AEE
scoring only measures the mechanical side of an essay, i.e., the textual quality.
Nevertheless, the macrofeatures capture important text qualities and writing abil-
ities that learners need in order to compose and organize a well-written text (for
a detailed discussion on students’ writing skills for both writing, see Keller et al.,
2020). To obtain one writing score for each prompt, an average score was cal-
culated using the two human scores and the one machine score. This resulted in
an HHM-score (human-human-machine) for the integrated and the independent
essay at each time point. In order to create one writing score for each student
per time point, the two HHM-scores at each time point were again averaged,
resulting in one overall writing score for T1 and one overall writing score for T2.
In order to obtain comparable measurements for all three language skills, the
scores for each skill were scaled using a longitudinal multi-level two-parameter
item response model in MPlus Version 8 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017). After
computing expected a posteriori (EAP) measures, 15 plausible values were cal-
culated for each domain at each time point. Principal component scores from the
background questionnaire (provided by the schools) and the students’ question-
naires at T1 were used as the background model for the calculation. Reliability
for the plausible values reached .92T1 / .76 T2 for reading, .85 T1 / T2 = .72 T2 for
hearing and .94 T1 / .85 T2 for writing. Following the example of other interna-
tional large-scale studies, the plausible values were standardized and transformed
to x= 500 and SD = 100 at T1. Plausible values for T2 were standardized and
transformed along the values for T1. As a result, differences between T1 and T2
can be interpreted as gains in language competences between the measurement
points (Keller et al., 2020; Köller et al., 2019).
100 5 Data

Table 5.1 summarizes the means and standard deviations for students’ reading,
writing, and listening skills at both measurement points, as well as the correlation
between them (detailed descriptions can be found in Keller et al., 2020; Köller
et al., 2019; Rupp et al., 2019).

Table 5.1 Correlation between listening, reading, and writing scores

Score x SD Correlation
Listening Reading
T1
Listening 500 100
Reading 500 100 .568
Writing 500 100 .536 .477
T2
Listening 522.01 104.38
Reading 519.49 102.25 .471
Writing 518.24 107.04 .492 .472
Note: x= 500 and SD = 100 at T1. Plausible values for T2 were standardized and trans-
formed along the values for T1. Differences between T1 and T2 can therefore be interpreted
as changes between the measurement points

As Table 5.1 shows, the four skills are moderately correlated. This is in line
with newer research, showing that a one-dimensional model of language com-
petences might not be the best representation of the underlying data, especially
for beginners and intermediate students, as not all dimensions develop simul-
taneously. Instead, a multi-dimensional model, in which the language skills are
independent but correlated, might better represent the underlying data structure
(Jude et al., 2008; Schoonen, 2019). The present study will therefore assume such
a multi-dimensional structure for the analysis. This will also allow a separate
analysis of the effect of extramural contact on all three skills.

5.3 Questionnaire

This chapter summarizes the relevant constructs and variables for the present
analysis. The complete questionnaire for Germany and Switzerland and the
descriptive statistics for all variables can be found in (Meyer et al., in prepa-
ration).
5.3 Questionnaire 101

5.3.1 Socio-economic Background and Gender

Measurements for gender and socio-economic background factors were collected

at T1. For gender, information from the official student lists provided by schools
was used (0 = male, 1 = female). Students’ technical equipment at home was
operationalized by five dichotomous items from the PISA study (0 = no; 1 =
yes) and measured internet access at home, computer for studying and possession
of a gaming console, a personal laptop, and a personal smartphone (Hertel et al.,
2014; OECD Programme for International Student Assessment, 2009a, 2009b,
2012).
Students’ socio-economic background was measured by two structural fac-
tors (highest level of parental education and number of books at home) and three
process factors, which measured a conducive home environment for English and
parental role modeling. As Rolff et al. (2008) could show, the process factors are
themselves already influenced by the structural factors.
The first structural factor, the highest level of parental education (HISCED),
was operationalized by using either the highest level of mother or father on the
International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) (Schroedter et al.,
2006). The index ranges from 0 (no formal school leaving certificate) to 9 (2nd
Stage of Tertiary Education (Research Qualification). If a student had only pro-
vided information for one parent, that parent’s level of education was used for
the HISCED. As such, the HISCED operationalizes the educational resources and
the institutionalized cultural capital at home. The HISCED is also an approxi-
mate measure for a family’s economic resources because educational resources
are closely linked to the economic situation since a high level of qualifications is
usually associated with better career prospects (Hußmann et al., 2017; Stecher,
2005).
The second structural factor, the number of books at home, was used to mea-
sure the objectified cultural capital of a family. The scale ranged from (1) No
books to (7) More than 500 books. This indicator has proven to be a reliable oper-
ationalization of objectified cultural capital, as well as serving as another indicator
for the proximity to the education system (Hußmann et al., 2017; Stecher, 2005).
In addition, the questionnaire included 26 items from the study Assessment
of Student Achievements in German and English as a Foreign Language (DESI),
measuring process factors for English competence and English use within the
family (Wagner et al., 2009). The scale for all items ranged from 1 – Not at all
true to 4 – Exactly true. A principal component analysis with all 26 items revealed
five process factors: the use of English at home, parent’s English competence,
parent’s use of English at work, the perceived importance of English by the parents,
102 5 Data

and parent’s interest in classroom instruction (Wagner et al., 2009). Three of

these factors can be considered especially important for the present study, as
they represent crucial indicators for a conducive English home environment and
positive English media socialization: (1) English use within the family (6 items,
x = 1.9, S D = 0.74, α = .804), (2) parent’s English competences (as perceived by
students) (11 items, x = 2.1, S D = 0.78, α = .936), and (3) Parents’ perceived
value of English as an important investment into their children’s future (as perceived
by students) (3 items, x = 3.33, S D = 0.63, α = .799) (for detailed results see
the electronic supplementary material). From the 11 items loading high on the
second factor, six were excluded for the present study, as they related more to
school-related support than to parents’ English competence. The remaining five
items still showed satisfactory reliability (5 items, x = 2.43, S D = 0.85, α =
.888). Each group of items was combined to form a mean value index, with each
index ranging from 1 to 4.
It is important to note that neither the structural nor the process factors are
entirely congruent with the complex reality of socialization conditions within a
family. Nevertheless, scientific studies have shown that they allow for a reliable
approximation to the conditions of socio-economic socialization and thus the
social origin of the (media) habitus for quantitative research purposes (Stecher,
2005).
Missing rates for these socio-economic indices ranged from 25.5% (HISCED)
to 8.3% (Computer to study/ Internet access). Missing rates can be found in
Table 1 and Table 2 in the electronic supplementary material.

5.3.2 Media-related Extramural English Contact

For the MEWS study, an in-depth questionnaire to measure students’ extramu-

ral English contacts through media content was developed by the author of the
present book. The questionnaire included traditional media forms like books and
television, as well as newer media channels, such as surfing on websites or using
social media platforms. The questionnaire was administered to all students par-
ticipating at the second measurement point (T2) after they had written the essays
and completed the listening and reading comprehension tests. In a first step,
learners were asked how often they engaged in English-language media content
through ten media channels. These questions then served as filter questions for
the subsequent follow-up questions. They will therefore be referred to as entry
questions. A translated version of the entry question can be seen in Table 5.2.
5.3 Questionnaire 103

Table 5.2 Excerpt from the questionnaire: Frequency of extramural English contact
1-3
1-3 times times
(Almost) 1-3 times per per (Almost)
Never per year month week Daily

Listening to English music

Listening to English radio
or podcast programs
Listening to English audiobooks
Reading English books (incl. E-books)
Reading English newspapers or
magazines (online and offline)
Watching English movies and TV series
Watching English TV shows
(e.g., news, game shows, sports programs)
Watching (short) videos in English on
video platforms (e.g., YouTube)
Surfing on English-language websites
(incl. social media sites)

Playing games on the computer,

smartphone, or gaming console in English

Note: Translated from German by the author

The entry questions can be used to investigate the frequency of extramural

English contact through each media channel separately. Missing rates ranged
from 18.7% (Music) to 19.6% (Books). In addition, the answers for all ten ques-
tions were combined to create a mean additive index for the analysis. This index
represents students’ overall frequency of media-related extramural English con-
tact across all media channels. Cronbach’s Alpha showed satisfactory reliability
among the ten items (α = .77).
Follow-up questions were used to gather additional information for some of
the most relevant media channels. Filters were used, so low frequency students
who did not engage in a media channel at least 1–3 times per month were not
shown the follow-up questions. Since reading books might require longer than
watching a movie, the filter for the follow-up question for reading books was set
for reading at least 1–3 times per year.
As a result of the filters, the follow-up questions are based on differing sub-
samples. The subsamples for the follow-up questions will henceforth be referred
104 5 Data

to as readers, watchers, surfers, and gamers, respectively. Missing rates ranged

from 23.5% to as high as 62.8% for some follow-up questions (see again Table 1
and Table 2 in the electronic supplementary material for more details). The size
of each subsample as it results from the answers in the entry questions is reported
in Table 5.3. The numbers might differ from the actual valid responses in the data
set due to the number of missings by intention.

Table 5.3 Subsample for

Media category n
follow-up questions
Readers 1507
Watchers 1566
Surfers 1903
Gamers 965

Table 5.4 shows the follow-up questions for the individual media channels.

Table 5.4 Follow-up questions per media category

Media Category Follow-up topics Question Type
Music None /
Books Number of English books per Closed-ended question
year
Watching movies, TV Hours spent watching movies Open-ended question
series, & TV shows and TV series per week
(excl. short online videos)
Hours spent watching movies Open-ended question
and TV series per sitting
(excl. short online videos)
Surfing & watching Hours surfing per day Open-ended question
online videos Preferred Websites Closed-ended
multiple-response question (1/
0)
Preferred content creators Open-ended question
Active & passive surfing Closed-ended
activities multiple-response question (1/
0)
(continued)
5.3 Questionnaire 105

Table 5.4 (continued)

Media Category Follow-up topics Question Type
Gaming Hours gaming per week Open-ended question
Hours gaming per sitting Open-ended question
Preferred gaming genres Closed-ended
multiple-response question (1/
0)
Active & passive surfing Closed-ended
activities multiple-response question (1/
0)

In order to measure gaming genres, Graham’s item battery of 12 gaming gen-

res was adapted to German (Graham, n.d., Appendix A). Two categories − card
games and gambling games and quizzes − were added to include two important
categories for smartphone-based gaming. In addition, the questionnaire also listed
multiplayer online role-playing games as a separate category to explicitly measure
the use of highly interactive and communicative games. Examples of well-known
games were included for each category.
The open-ended questions for hours spent surfing, watching, or gaming were
recoded into categorical numeric variables using SPSS 25.0 (IBM Corp, Released
2017) and Microsoft Excel. Unrealistic answers were coded to missing (e.g., 24
hours surfing per day).
Students who regularly surf on English-language websites (surfers) were also
asked which influencers/content creators, channels, and celebrities they were fol-
lowing online on social media. Due to the variety and range of influencers and
channels available, students were provided with an open-ended question. By
doing so, students’ responses were not limited to a predefined set of answers.
Students were free to list as many names as they wanted to and could remember.
Therefore, the answers can be seen as representing spontaneous recall or top-
of-mind awareness, i.e., names that are most salient to students. This technique
has been well established in marketing for measuring consumer brand awareness
(Common Language Marketing Dictionary). Answers were categorized using the
free version of the software QDA Miner 5.0 (Provalis Research, Released 2016),
which allows the coding and analysis of text-based data from interviews and
open-ended questions. The dataset contained 1,557 valid answers. Three students
gave indefinable answers, and 217 students answered that they regularly watched
106 5 Data

YouTube Videos but did not follow anybody in particular and therefore provided
no names. These answers were set to missing, as they provided no further detail
(n = 155). Each mentioned name was initially coded as a separate category. To
summarize the data for the analysis, names were grouped into six main cate-
gories according to the type of information and entertainment they produced and
the level of input they allowed into their private lives (see Table 5.5). Names were
researched across multiple social media platforms to determine their category.
While some influencers allow deep insight into their private lives and often
make their everyday activities the focus of their content, others prefer not to share
as much private information online. For example, gaming channels on YouTube
might focus on instructional videos and walk-throughs for specific games. The
creators might not appear on screen or share any private information. Other gam-
ing creators might allow viewers insight into their lives (sometimes via a second
channel or on a different platform, such as Instagram) and engage in other topics
apart from gaming. To differentiate between these two forms of influencers, two
categories were coded: influencer and channels. If a content creator had a large
following, used multiple platforms, appeared in person, talked about their lives,
or posted pictures about themselves, they were categorized as influencers. If not,
they were categorized as channels.
Content creators who focused on fitness were either coded as influencers or as
channels, depending on their overall online presence. Professional athletes were
coded as celebrities (e.g., Roger Federer).
If the name could not be identified by online research, the name was set to
missing (n = 101); the same was done for German-speaking influencers (n =
41).

Table 5.5 Coded categories: influencer followed online

Category Definition Examples
Influencer – Content creators usually have a PewDiePie, Lily Singh, Tyler
main topic (e.g., beauty, fashion, Oakley
lifestyle, and gaming)
– allow viewers deep insight into
their lives (focus on the person)
– often promote products for other
companies or own their companies
(continued)
5.3 Questionnaire 107

Table 5.5 (continued)

Category Definition Examples
Channels – Content creators or channels Gametheory, Buzzfeed
focused with a main topic (e.g.,
science videos, gaming tutorials,
cooking shows, news about
movies, politics)
– do not allow insight into the
creator’s life (neither on YouTube
nor on other social media
platforms) or are produced by a
group
– Channels owned by a bigger
production company
Celebrities – social media channels of Tom Holland, Ariana Grande
musicians, singers, artists, actors
Politicians – social media channels of Barack Obama, the White House
politicians and political institutions
Sport – Channels owned by a sport National Football League
association
TV Shows – (Short) clips from talk shows, Saturday night lights, CNN, the
(on YouTube) news outlets, or TV series Simpsons

Last, students who reported regular media-related extramural English con-

tact were asked why they chose to engage in said extramural contact. Overall,
1,857 valid answers were recorded. Answers to the open-ended question were
again analyzed using the free version of the software QDA Miner 5.0 (Provalis
Research, Released 2016). Through content analysis, 28 categories were derived
from the textual data and summarized into nine main categories: quality, exclu-
sivity, internationality, convenience, appreciation for English, appreciation for the
original, language learning, external influence, and other reasons (see the elec-
tronic supplementary material for the coding manual). To increase the reliability,
two additional coders re-coded the first n = 150 answers in the dataset. Inter-
coder-agreement between the author and the two coders, measured as Brennan
and Prediger’s kappa (κn ), was satisfactory and substantial (Coder 1: κn = .63;
Coder 2: κn = .71; Rädiker & Kuckartz, 2019). Quotes chosen for this publi-
cation will be corrected for spelling mistakes and translated into English by the
author.
It should be mentioned that nine students stated that they only engage in reg-
ular out-of-school English contact for homework. In addition, five students said
108 5 Data

they did not engage in extramural English contact at all, even though their previ-
ous answers had activated the filter for the follow-up question. These two groups
are worrisome since only students who reported at least occasional extramural
contact in the entry questions were shown this follow-up question. This points
towards possible misunderstandings within the questionnaire or false declarations.
In-depth analysis of these students revealed that four of them seem to have stated
that they read books in English at least 1–3 times per year, even though they later
stated to only do so for school, which the entry question specifically instructed
not to count. For the rest of the cases, the data does not provide any conclusive
explanation as to why they said not to engage in voluntary extramural English
contact. Most of them had selected regular extramural contact via the internet
(surfing and watching videos). They might not have counted these as relevant
contacts for the open-ended question. However, this is speculation. No such mis-
understanding had occurred during the pilot and was therefore not anticipated for
the field phase.
The media questionnaire underwent piloting in both Germany and Switzerland
before the final field phase. Qualitative think-aloud interviews with 20 students
(10 Germany, 10 Switzerland) were conducted. The sessions were audio-recorded
with the permission of the students. After the first round of qualitative piloting
with 10 Swiss students, changes were made to the scaling of the entry question.
In the first draft, the entry questions were scaled on a 4-point scale ((almost)
never—rarely- often—very often). This was followed by in-depth questions for
each media category for which students would have reported regular extramural
contact on a 5-point scale (never—1 to 3 times per year—1 to 3 times per month—1
to 3 times per week—(almost) daily). Students pointed out the ambiguity of the
first scale (e.g., what does ‘often’ mean?) and the duplication. Therefore, the
questionnaire was shortened to contain only the one 5-point scale entry question
presented in Table 5.2.
In addition, examples were added for the category TV shows and the category
surfing the internet. For the follow-up question for reading, the scale for the num-
ber of books was changed to cover a greater number of books. For hours spent
surfing, watching movies, TV series, TV shows, and gaming, descriptions were
added to clarify the question. The changed questionnaire was again tested with
10 German students. These interviews revealed no further misunderstandings.
5.3 Questionnaire 109

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Results
6

This chapter will discuss the empirical findings for each research question in sep-
arate subchapters. Follow-up questions for each media channel will be separated
by inline paragraph headings in bold. The analyses for Sections 6.1 and 6.2 were
performed in SPSS. The analysis for Section 6.3 was performed in MPlus. A
summary and discussion of the findings can be found in Chapter 7.

6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural

English Contacts Among Adolescents In Germany
and Switzerland

Following the literature and empirical review in Chapter 2, it was proposed that
adolescents in Germany and Switzerland have regular extramural English contact
via numerous media channels (H1). This chapter will look at the frequency with
which students in the MEWS study reported contact with English-language media
content in different media channels. Findings for each media channel will be pre-
sented separately, starting with the most popular one. For brevity, non-significant
differences between students from Germany and Switzerland will not be reported
in detail but can be found in the electronic supplementary material.

Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material

available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_6.

© The Author(s) 2023 111

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_6
112 6 Results

A first look at the questions about technical equipment reveals that almost
all students have the technical tools necessary to access online media content
in English (Table 6.1). There are only small differences between Germany and
Switzerland: Significantly fewer German students have access to their own laptop
(φ = .08), but more German students live in a household with a gaming console
than Swiss students (φ = −.12) and have their own smartphone (φ = −.01),
although this last effect is negligible in size. These results show that the techni-
cal requirements for regular online media-related extramural English contact are
overall given in both countries.

Table 6.1 Technical equipment at home

Overall Country
G CH
N % N % N %
Internet Access 2274 99.7 783 99.6 1491 99.7
Smartphone 2281 97.3 778 99.0 1442 96.5
Personal Laptop 1908 83.6 637 81.0 1271 85.0
Computer for studying 2247 98.5 772 98.2 1475 98.7
Gaming console 1606 70.4 622 79.1 984 65.8
Note: Significant differences between countries indicated in bold (Chi2 analysis for multiple
response questions, X2 = (5) = 63.34, p ≤ .001)

A first look at the overall mean index for frequency of media-related extra-
mural English contacts shows that almost all students, on average, engaged in
extramural contacts at least several times a month (Figure 6.1). Students from
Germany and Switzerland did not differ significantly in their overall extramural
contact. The individual media channels will be analyzed in more detail in the
following subchapters.
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 113

100% 1.1 0.7 1.3

19.9 18.0 20.9

80%

60%
54.4 55.5 53.8
40%

20%
22.6 24.3 21.8
1.5 2.1
0%
Germany Swierland

Overall Country

Frequency of extramural media-related Englisch contact (M = 2.9, SD = 0.67)

Never 1-3 times per year 1-3 times per month 1-3 times per week (Almost) every day

Figure 6.1 Frequency of English media content overall (in %)

6.1.1 Frequency of Listening to Music, Radio,

and Audiobooks

Listening to English-language music is by far the most used media category.

As Figure 6.2 shows, most students (85.9%) listen to English music every day,
9% multiple times per week, and only 5.1% do so less frequently. In contrast,
listening to English radio programs and podcasts seems to be less common, as
only 4.8% of students do so on a daily basis, while 57.2% do not listen to them
at all. English audiobooks are even less popular among the participants: less than
4% of students listen to them more than a few times a month, and 77% state
they never listen to them at all. Swiss students show a slightly higher frequency
of listening to audiobooks (x G = 1.39, SD = 0.80, x CH = 1.30, SD = 0.73;
t(1419.1) = 2.59, p = .01, d = .119).
Overall, music seems to be equally distributed as a source of extramural
English contact within the sample. This is consistent with findings from other
studies and can be explained by the dominance of the American and British
music industry worldwide. Unfortunately, the data does not distinguish between
active listening and passive listening. Students might passively listen to music
while concentrating on other activities or actively listen to the music and try to
understand the lyrics.
 114

100% 0.9 0.9 1.0

4.8
5.3 4.6 6.0 5.7 6.2 2.5
7.8 7.2 2.2 1.7
9.1
10.1
13.8 15.6
80% 13.9 13.3
15.0

16.2 17.7
13.2
60%
85.9 86.2 85.7

40% 81.6
77.0 74.7

57.2 57.4 57.1

20%
2.1
1.6 2.3
9.0 0.7 8.5 9.2 0.6
0.9
2.3 2.7 2.1
0%
Germany Swierland Germany Swierland Germany Swierland

Overall Country Overall Country Overall Country

Music (M = 4.75, SD = .74) Radio/Podcasts (M = 1.87, SD = 1.2) Audiobooks (M = 1.36, SD = .78)

Never 1-3 times per year 1-3 times per month 1-3 times per week (Almost) every day
6

Figure 6.2 Frequency of listening to English media through music, radio, and audiobooks (in %)
Results
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 115

6.1.2 Frequency of Surfing Online

Browsing on English-language websites and watching online videos in English

are tied for second place among students’ most preferred free time media cat-
egories (Figure 6.3). This is not surprising, given the overlap between the two
activities, as one needs to use the internet to watch videos online. Both categories
consequently also show a high correlation (r = .61).

100%

80%
47.2 45.9 47.9 49.3
50.4 51.0

60%

40% 26.2
27.9 28.8 23.1 24.9 22.2

20% 16.6 13.1 12.5 13.5

15.3 14.7
5.1 5.1 5.1
5.0 5.7 4.7
5.5 8.2 8.1 8.3
0% 4.0
Germany Swierland Germany Swierland

Overall Country Overall Country

Online Videos (M = 4.08, SD = 1.11) Surfing (M = 4.02, SD = 1.26)

Never 1-3 times per year 1-3 times per month 1-3 times per week (Almost) every day

Figure 6.3 Frequency of engagement with English-language content online (in %)

Only 13.3% of students state to rarely ever surf on English-language web-

sites, and even fewer students (9.5%) (almost) never watch online videos
in English. There is no significant difference between German and Swiss
students for the frequency of surfing activities in general but Swiss students tend
to watch English-language online videos more frequently (x G = 4.01, SD = 1.16,
x CH = 4.12, SD = 1.08; t(2016) = 2.05, p = .04, d = .097), yet the difference
is small.
116 6 Results

For the follow-up questions, students who visit English-language websites or

watch English-language online videos at least a couple of times per week were
categorized as surfers (n = 1903).

Hours spent surfing per day. Most surfers (84%) spent one to two hours per
day engaging in English-language content online (Table 6.2). Only two percent
spent 4.5 to 5 or even more than five hours online. German students spent signif-
icantly more hours online per day than Swiss students (x G = 1.98, SD = 1.33,
x CH = 1.60, SD = 0.97; t(936.53) = 6.16, p ≤ .001; d = .335).

Table 6.2 Time spent

n %
surfing per day
0–1 hours 1061 58.7
1.5–2 hours 477 25.9
2.5–3 hours 158 8.6
3.5–4 hours 69 3.8
4.5–5 hours 36 2.0
More than 5 hours 39 2.1
x 1.73
SD 1.12

Popular Websites. Asked about websites in English they like to visit, almost
all surfers named watching online videos in English on video-sharing platforms
such as YouTube (Table 6.3). Again, this is not surprising and supports the
high correlation between watching online videos and surfing reported above. The
second most named website categories were social media platforms and search
engines. Almost half of the students also named messaging apps like WhatsApp
to communicate in English and websites for streaming movies and TV series in
English online (for more details on movies, TV series, and TV shows, see also
Section 6.1.3).
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 117

Table 6.3 Popular English-language websites

Overall Country
G CH
n % n % n %
Video sharing platforms 1609 85.4 529 84.9 1080 85.7
Social media 1519 80.7 507 81.4 1012 80.3
Information and search engines 1149 61.0 396 63.6 743 59.8
Messaging apps 1023 54.3 341 54.7 682 54.1
Free online streaming websites 969 51.5 193 31.0 776 61.6
Streaming services 776 41.2 305 49.0 471 37.4
Travel and shopping 669 35.5 192 30.8 477 37.9
News and magazines 655 34.8 220 35.3 435 34.5
Mailing 541 28.7 180 28.9 361 28.7
Gaming 481 25.5 208 33.4 273 21.7
Blogs 417 22.1 150 24.1 267 21.2
Forum/message board 356 18.9 122 19.6 234 18.6
Chatrooms 209 11.1 70 11.2 139 11.0
Fan-Fiction communities 163 8.7 75 12.0 88 7.0
Note: Results from a multi-response question; n = number of respondents (answer yes); % =
percent of cases within country; significant differences between countries indicated in bold
(Chi2 analysis for multiple response questions, X2 (20) = 243.32, p ≤ .001)

Students in Switzerland and Germany do not differ for most cate-

gories, but Swiss students are more likely to use free streaming websites
while German students are more likely to use legal streaming services (φ = .28).
Apart from streaming services, German students also indicated using fan-fiction
websites (φ = −.09) more often and are more involved in online gaming (φ = −
.13). Significantly more Swiss than German students prefer travel and shopping
sites (φ = .06). Overall, the differences between the two countries ranges from
small to moderate in size.
In addition to the closed-ended categories, students were also provided with an
open-ended category, to name any other website. Six additional categories could
be extracted from the answers: Seven students (0.4%) regularly read books/poems/
literature online, four students (0.2%) visit humor sites, five students (0.3%)
browse sports-related websites, three students (0.2%) listen to music streaming
sites and three students (0.2%) regularly use the internet for scientific research
118 6 Results

activities. Seven students (0.4% − all but one male) even reported that everything
they do online is in English. Although the total numbers for these categories
are small, they still provide further evidence for the omnipresence of online
English-language media content in the everyday lives of some students.

Popular influencer and Content creators. Surfers were also asked which
English-speaking influencers and content creators they were following online.
The recording of the answers revealed that the average student follows several
content creators, channels, and celebrities online and does so across multiple
social media platforms. Many students stated that they could not possibly name
all of them. Instead, they limited their answers to some examples. From n =
1,557 valid answers, six main categories were extracted from the data: influ-
encer, channels, celebrities, politics, sport, and TV shows (see Section 5.3.2 for
a detailed definition for each category). Answers varied widely and represented
the diversity of the industry. For brevity, only names that were mentioned more
than ten times will be reported. It should be mentioned that the total number
of entries, even for these names, does usually not surpass a few dozen students.
The most frequently mentioned name was mentioned 115 times. The results can
therefore only be seen as tendencies for students’ preferences. Figure 6.4 presents
the most popular content creators as a word cloud. The more frequently a name
was mentioned, the larger the font in the word cloud.

Figure 6.4 Most popular English influencers online

As the word cloud shows, the most popular English-speaking influencers at

the time of the data collection were PewDiePie, Casey Neistat, Zoella, and Liza
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 119

Koshy. PewDiePie was mentioned the most (n = 115), followed by Zoella (n

= 69). These three names coincidentally represent four main topics for influ-
encers and content creators in general: gaming, hair/make-up/fashion, vlogging,
and comedy. The research showed that all four influencers are active on YouTube
and Instagram and, in the case of PewDiePie, the gaming platform Twitch. All
of them have also branched out into other businesses (e.g., makeup line), written
books, or have started acting.
For channels, Buzzfeed was the most mentioned name (n = 64) (Figure 6.5).
Buzzfeed is a professional media company that produces a variety of content via
multiple channels for a variety of entertainment topics. They also produce news-
paper articles and investigative pieces and maintain a popular YouTube Channel
(Buzzfeed). Twenty-one students also regularly watch videos on the channel
TedTalks on YouTube, and eleven students report watching the educational chan-
nel In a nutshell. These last names underline the fact that YouTube and other
social media sites not only provide entertainment but can also serve as a source
for information and educational content for adolescents.

Figure 6.5 Most popular English online channels

Several students also named YouTube channels from popular TV shows

(Figure 6.6). The most popular ones are The Ellen DeGeneres Show (n = 39), The
Late Late Show (n = 37), The Tonight Show (n = 36), and Last Week Tonight (n =
31). The channels do not provide the complete tapings of shows but rather share
clips ranging from interviews with celebrities to commentary and analysis of
political topics. While it cannot be said which clips students prefer, these results
again point towards the role of online content for education and information
among adolescents.
120 6 Results

Figure 6.6 Most popular TV shows via video platforms

The only celebrity mentioned more than ten times in the present sample was
Jon Olsson (n = 20), a skier who is very active on social media and had a
YouTube channel with 1.5 million subscribers (as of November 2020). For the
categories of sports and politics, no name was mentioned more than ten times.

Active and passive online behavior. Asked about their activities, most surfers
said they regularly watch videos online and read short comments and posts on
social media sites in English (Table 6.4). Only a quarter/a third said they read
longer stories, posts, and comments as online activities.
Even fewer surfers named active online activities. While almost all surfers
named watching videos online, only three percent said they record and upload
videos themselves. Similarly, not even 10% of surfers said they write longer texts
and upload them to the internet. Furthermore, only half of the surfers reported
communicating with others via social media, and only 40.4% said they regularly
exchange emails in English.
Surfers from Germany and Switzerland show similar results. However, more
German surfers named reading longer posts or comments in online forums (φ =
−.09) and writing longer texts and comments or posts online (φ = −.08). By
contrast, more Swiss students in the sample said they record and upload English
videos (φ = .05). The differences between the countries are again mostly small
in size.
All in all, extramural English contact through online content seems to be domi-
nated by input rather than output production or interaction for most students. This
is in line with results from Fraillon et al. (2014), which showed that actively writ-
ing and uploading content was less popular among young people than passively
consuming input online.
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 121

Table 6.4 Frequency of active and passive use of English online content
Overall Country
G CH
n % n % n %
Passive I watch English Videos online 1780 94.4 583 93.4 1197 94.8
I read short English comments 1581 83.8 528 84.6 1053 83.4
and posts on social media sites
I read English stories/ fan 791 41.9 277 44.4 514 40.7
fiction/ poems/ reports/ blogs
etc.
I read longer English comments 750 39.8 285 45.7 465 36.8
and posts in internet forums/
online communities
Active I write short English comments 746 39.6 260 41.7 486 38.5
and posts on social media sites
I write English stories/ fan 136 7.2 58 9.3 78 6.2
fiction/ poems/ reports/ blogs,
etc.
I write longer English comments 109 5.8 52 8.3 57 4.5
and posts in forums/ online
communities
I record English Videos and 56 3.0 11 1.8 45 3.6
upload them online
Interactive I communicate with others via 976 51.7 329 52.7 647 51.3
social media
I communicate in English with 762 40.4 256 41.0 506 40.1
others via mail/ chat or video
call
Note: n = number of respondents (answer yes); % = percent of cases within country; Sig-
nificant differences between countries indicated in bold (Chi2 analysis for multiple response
questions, X2 (13) = 75.24, p ≤ .001)

6.1.3 Frequency of Watching Movies, Tv Series, and Tv

Shows

Watching movies and TV series is also very popular among students: 73.8% of
students engage in it at least 1–3 times a month, 46.9% even watch them multiple
times a week or (almost) daily (Figure 6.7). By contrast, English TV shows (e.g.,
game shows or talk shows) are not as popular, as almost half of the students
122 6 Results

never watch them. Swiss students watch significantly more TV series and movies
in English (x G = 3.16, SD = 1.26, x CH = 3.35, SD = 1.18; t(2011) = 3.24,
p ≤ .001, d = .153). However, there is no difference in watching TV shows.

100%
5.5 5.5 5.6
17.4 16.3 18.0
12.0 11.4 12.2
80%
20.1 18.3
27.3 20.9
29.5 30.6
60%
18.8
19.2 19.4
25.6
40% 26.9 27.5

18.2 43.2 46.1 41.9

20%
16.6 15.9

12.7
8.0
0%
Germany Swierland Overall Germany Swierland

Overall Country Country

Movies/TV Series (M = 3.29, SD = 1.21) TV Shows (M = 2.17, SD = 1.26)

Never 1-3 times per year 1-3 times per month 1-3 times per week (Almost) every day

Figure 6.7 Frequencies of watching English movies, TV series, and TV shows (in %)

From the sample, n = 1,566 students qualified as watchers, as they indi-

cated they watch movies/TV series or TV shows at least 1–3 times per month.
These students were shown follow-up questions to determine the time they spent
watching audio-visual content.

Hours spent watching movies and TV series. The two open-ended questions
for hours spent watching in one sitting and hours spent watching per week were
recoded into categorical variables for the analysis. Unrealistic answers (e.g., 100
hours per day) were set to missing.
When sitting down to watch movies and TV series, most watchers watch one
to two hours in a row (87%) (Table 6.5). German students on average watch
slightly more hours in one sitting than Swiss students (x G = 1.75, SD = 1.04,
x CH = 1.60, SD = 0.81; t(610.21) = 2.45, p = 0.02, d = .161).
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 123

Table 6.5 Hours spent

n %
watching movies & TV
series in English per sitting 0–1 hours 741 54.2
1.5–2 hours 452 33.1
2.5–3 hours 124 9.1
3.5–4 hours 29 2.1
4.5–5 hours 11 0.8
More than 5 hours 10 0.7
x 1.65
SD 0.88

When asked about the hours they usually watch per week, 72.5% stated
they watch up to four hours per week (Table 6.6). German and Swiss students
do not differ significantly (x G = 3.71, SD = 2.98, x CH = 3.46, SD = 2.72;
t(874.22) = 1.57, p = .118).

Table 6.6 Hours spent

n %
watching movies & TV
series in English per week 0–1 hours 445 28.9
1.5–2 hours 293 19.0
2.5–3 hours 218 14.1
3.5–4 hours 161 10.4
4.5–5 hours 130 8.4
5.5–6 hours 75 4.9
6.5–7 hours 45 2.9
7.5–8 hours 38 2.5
8.5–9 hours 8 0.5
9.5–10 hours 68 4.4
More than 10 hours 60 3.9
x 3.54
SD 2.80
124 6 Results

6.1.4 Frequency of Reading Books, Magazines,

and Newspapers

Figure 6.8 shows that only 39.3% of the students in the sample read books in
English at least 1–3 times per month or more. Magazines and newspapers in
English seem to be slightly more popular with the students, as 47.2% read them
at least 1–3 times per month or more. However, only 7.8% out of these students
read magazines every day. Since the questionnaire does not distinguish among
genres, it is unclear whether students read an entire issue or only selected arti-
cles. However, it seems likely that the shorter overall length of newspaper and
magazine articles in English makes them more suitable for a quick read than
books written in English.
Swiss adolescents showed a slightly higher frequency for reading books in
English (x G = 2.15, SD = 1.14, x CH = 2.47, SD = 1.09; t(1998) = 6.07,
p ≤ .001, d = .286) and reading magazines and newspapers in English (x G =
2.29, SD = 1.25, x CH = 2.53, SD = 1.32; t(1388.19) = 3.93, p ≤ .001, d =
.182).

100% 3.7
4.3 5.6 7.8 5.1 9.1
12.9 8.2 15.2 14.3
15.7 16.3
80% 15.1
22.1
25.5 23.5
23.7 23.8
60%
37.5
18.9
36.2 19.5 19.7
40%
35.5

20% 38.2
33.6 33.3 31.0
24.7 20.2

0%
Overall Germany Swierland Overall Germany Swierland

Country Country

Books Magazines/Newspapers
(M = 2.36, SD = 1.11) (M = 2.45, SD = 1.3)

Never 1-3 times per year 1-3 times per month 1-3 times per week (Almost) every day

Figure 6.8 Frequencies of reading English books, magazines, and newspapers (in %)
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 125

Number of English books read per year. Since a book is usually not read
within one sitting, it must be assumed that students will need multiple reading
sessions for each book. The n = 1,507 regular readers were asked about the
number of books they read per year. Table 6.7 shows that almost half of the
readers indicate that they read two to three books per year, and almost 20% even
read up to five books.

Table 6.7 English books

n %
read per year
1 book or less 327 21.7
2 to 3 books 645 42.8
4 to 5 books 298 19.8
6 to 7 books 100 6.6
More than 7 books 137 9.1
x 2.39
SD 1.16

Swiss students, on average, read more books than German students, who are
more likely to only read one English book or less per year. Yet, German students
also surpass Swiss students who read seven or more English books (x G = 2.24,
SD = 1.23, x CH = 2.45, SD = 1.13; t(1505) = −3.159, p ≤ .002; d = .179).

6.1.5 Frequency of Gaming

Gaming in English is the least frequented category by students overall. Only

27.4% of students state that they engage in the activity at least 1–3 times per
month, and only 19.7% do so every day (Figure 6.9). As a result, only n = 965
students qualify as regular gamers. This is surprising given that the questionnaire
also included smartphone gaming apps, which are designed to be played on the
go. Consequently, a higher frequency might have been expected.
German students tend to engage in gaming activities in English slightly more
often than Swiss students (x G = 2.84, SD = 1.65, x CH = 2.48, SD = 1.56;
t(1265) = 4.7, p ≤ .001, d = .225).
126 6 Results

100%

19.7 17.0
25.2
80%
14.0
14.7
16.2
60% 13.4
13.4
13.3 11.0
10.0
40% 7.9

20% 44.6
37.3

0%
Germany Swierland

Overall Country

Gaming (M = 2.6, SD = 1.6)

Never 1-3 times per year 1-3 times per month 1-3 times per week (Almost) every day

Figure 6.9 Frequencies of gaming in English (in %)

Hours spent gaming. The two open-ended follow-up questions about time
spent gaming in one sitting and hours spent gaming per week were recoded into
two categorical variables for the analysis. The majority of regular gamers (84.8%)
spent up to two hours gaming in one sitting (Table 6.8). German students show
a slightly higher average of hours played in one sitting (x G = 1.88, SD = 1.29,
x CH = 1.58, SD = 1.01; t(623.76) = 3.84, p ≤ .001, d = .271).

Table 6.8 Time spent

n %
gaming per sitting
0–1 hours 564 60.5
1.5–2 hours 227 24.3
2.5–3 hours 72 7.7
3.5–4 hours 29 3.1
4.5–5 hours 17 1.8
More than 5 hours 24 2.6
x 1.69
SD 1.14
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 127

When looking at the hours spent gaming per week, the data shows that half
of the gamers spent one to two hours per week with the activity; however, high-
frequency users spent 10 hours or more per week. No other category shows such a
high percentage of high-frequency users (Table 6.9). While the two countries are
similar in their percentages of low-frequency users, the data shows a significantly
higher percentage of high-frequency users in Germany, resulting in a signifi-
cant difference between the two countries (x G = 4.87, SD = 4.06, x CH = 3.41,
SD = 3.42; t(669.49) = 5.71, p ≤ .001, d = .390).

Table 6.9 Time spent

n %
gaming per week
0–1 hours 418 44.1
1.5–2 hours 97 10.2
2.5–3 hours 81 8.6
3.5–4 hours 46 4.9
4.5–5 hours 41 4.3
5.5–6 hours 31 3.3
6.5–7 hours 24 2.5
7.5–8 hours 21 2.2
8.5–9 hours 14 1.5
9.5–10 hours 44 4.6
More than 10 hours 130 13.7
x 3.97
SD 3.74

Popular gaming genres. As another follow-up question, gamers were pre-

sented with 12 gaming genres and asked to name the genres they regularly engage
in (see Table 6.10). The most named genres were action games and first-person
shooters. Additionally, roughly a third of the students named adventure games,
multiplayer online role-playing games, and strategy games. The least named cat-
egory was rhythmic games. As these games often require special equipment, one
reason for their low popularity might be their high purchase threshold.
Students in both countries only differed in four of fifteen genre categories:
German students overall showed a higher preference for adventure (φ = .12),
multi-player-online- role-play (φ = .11), simulation (φ = .14) and horror games
(φ = .09).
128 6 Results

Table 6.10 Popular gaming genres

Overall Country
G CH
n % n % n %
Action 366 42.8 156 45.5 210 41.0
First Person Shooter 315 36.8 136 39.7 179 35.0
Adventure 291 34.0 135 39.4 156 30.5
Multiplayer online role-play 266 31.1 123 35.9 143 27.9
Strategy 259 30.3 105 30.6 154 30.1
Simulation 234 27.4 117 34.1 117 22.9
Quizzes 224 26.2 85 24.8 139 27.1
Sport 222 26.0 77 22.4 145 28.3
Race 188 22.0 74 21.6 114 22.3
Roleplay 170 19.9 79 23.0 91 17.8
Puzzle 148 17.3 67 19.5 81 15.8
Cards games and gambling 147 17.2 51 14.9 96 18.8
Fight 131 15.3 58 16.9 73 14.3
Horror 89 10.4 46 13.4 43 8.4
Rhythmic 43 5.0 20 5.8 23 4.5
Note: Responses from a multiple response question; n = number of respondents (answer
yes); % = percent of cases within country; significant differences between countries indi-
cated in bold (Chi2 analysis for multiple response questions, X2 (15) = 49.47, p ≤ .001).

Active and passive gaming behavior. Online games allow for different levels
of interaction with other players. Opportunities for interactions range from single-
player mode without any interaction, simple written chatrooms, to audio and even
video chats. Some of the most interactive online games are organized as commu-
nity games in which players form long-lasting groups with others (multiplayer
online role-play). Therefore, gamers were asked if they only passively engage in
gaming or make use of communication channels to talk to other gamers during
the games. The results show that both passive and active gaming behavior in
English is only carried out by a third of the gamers in Germany and Switzerland
(Table 6.11). More German students stated that they communicate with others in
English (φ = −.08) and have set their gaming menu to English (φ = .01), yet
the latter is negligible in size.
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 129

Table 6.11 Frequency of active and passive gaming activities

Overall Country
G CH
n % n % n %
I have set my gaming 637 33.8 241 38.6 396 31.4
menu(s) to English
I have set the language 532 28.2 178 28.5 354 28.1
of my gaming
characters to English
(if possible)
I communicate in 475 25.2 200 32.1 275 21.8
English with others
during my game
sessions
Note: Answers from a multiple response question; n = number of respondents (answer yes);
% = percent of cases within country; significant differences between countries indicated in
bold (Chi2 analysis for multiple response questions for all Passive/Active Items, X2 (13) =
75.24, p ≤ .001)

6.1.6 Reason for Extramural English Contact

Students who reported regular extramural English contact at least 1–3 times per
month were asked why they engaged in these contacts. The question was provided
in an open-ended format. Overall, 1,857 valid answers were recorded and coded
into nine main categories using content analysis. Students can fall into multiple
categories at once, as they could name as many reasons as they wished. Table 6.12
reports the frequencies for each category and subcategory, starting with the most
frequent one.

Table 6.12 Reasons for extramural English contacts

Main and subcategory %
Language learning 47.13%
Improve/ maintain language skills (n = 801) 42.22%
Importance for future (n = 83) 4.38%
(continued)
130 6 Results

Table 6.12 (continued)

Main and subcategory %
Better than classroom instruction (n = 6) 0.32%
Contact to non-standard English (n = 4) 0.21%
Quality 46.76%
Authenticity (n = 761) 40.12%
Better content (n = 126) 6.64%
Exclusivity 42.75%
Only available/ easier to find in English (n = 431) 22.72%
More (and additional) content available (n = 239) 12.60%
Earlier access to content (n = 141) 7.43%
Appreciation for English 13.23%
English is fun (n = 226) 11.91%
Easier or more comfortable (n = 18) 0.95%
Challenge (n = 5) 0.26%
Diving into another world (n = 2) 0.11%
Appreciation for original versions 10.02%
Student expresses wish to (also) see original (n = 159) 8.38%
Content is the decisive factor, not the language (n = 31) 1.63%
External Influence 6.27%
I have English speaking friends (n = 45) 2.37%
Former exchange student (n = 41) 2.16%
I grew up in an international home environment (n = 17) 0.90%
Parents/ peers introduced me (n = 8) 0.42%
Teacher recommended it (n = 4) 0.21%
I am attending a bilingual/CLIL class (n = 4) 0.21%
Internationality 4.74%
Communicate with others (online) (n = 84) 4.43%
Insight into other cultures and ethnicities (n = 6) 0.32%
Other reasons 2.42%
It just happened (no real reason) (n = 33) 1.74%
Only use English content if German content is not available (n = 13) 0.69%
Convenience 0.74%
Easier than changing the settings (n = 6) 0.32%
(continued)
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 131

Table 6.12 (continued)

Main and subcategory %
Content already available at home (n = 4) 0.21%
English content is cheaper/free (n = 4) 0.21%
Note: n = 1,897

Almost half of the students cited language learning as a reason to engage in

English-language content. This category summarizes all statements regarding the
possibility or the wish to increase language competences through media-related
extramural English contact. This was also the most frequently named reason in
the sample and can be illustrated by the following exemplary quote:

“So that I can improve my English. Watching TV series in English is great because
you relax and at the same time you passively learn English. [Damit ich mein English
verbessern kann. Serien auf English zu schauen ist toll, denn dabei entspannt man sich
und zugleich lernt man passiv die Sprache Englisch mit.]” (Case 285)

Following the results from Stecher (2005), it could have been expected that
students assign different learning potentials to different media categories. How-
ever, even though books were often named in terms of language learning,
other media outlets were not explicitly excluded. Indeed, movies and TV series
were often named as a good source for vocabulary training, coming into con-
tact with different accents and dialects, and subsequently increasing listening
comprehension.
Despite the awareness of learning opportunities, the resulting language learn-
ing is most likely still incidental in nature. As discussed in Chapter 4, incidental
language learning, while mostly an unconscious process, does not mean that stu-
dents must be unaware of possible learning processes, yet the emphasis of the
activity is on decoding the message or participating in an interaction.
That this is most likely the case also becomes evident by the fact that while
these students are aware of the possibility of language learning through media
contact, it is almost never the sole reason for the contact. Most of the students
in this category particularly stress that they appreciate the opportunity to learn or
maintain their language skills while still engaging in a fun and voluntary activity.
Since they can choose the media content they want, it is reasonable to assume
that their choice of media content is driven by interest and personal relevance.
Therefore the choice to engage with English-language media content seems in
part to be driven by the desire to combine fun with learning opportunities.
132 6 Results

Four students also specifically stressed the opportunity of coming into contact
with dialects other than the standard English usually taught in school. While these
represent only isolated opinions, they illustrate the variety of English content
available for students outside the classroom.
In addition, some students also stated that extramural English contacts have
even helped them more than their classroom instructions since they provided
more input and additional information. Again, these are isolated statements, yet
they illustrate the rich learning opportunities through exposure from extramural
contact.
Some students also explicitly stress the importance of being proficient in
English for their future and their desire to practice the language as much as
possible outside of school:

“Since I live in Germany, I have no other daily contact with the English language. And
since language is something living, I try to integrate it into my everyday life so that I
stay fit. I think that English as a world language is an important language, which one
should know at least a little bit. [Da ich in Deutschland lebe, habe ich sonst keinen
täglichen Umgang mit der englischen Sprache. Und da Sprache etwas Lebendiges ist,
versuche ich sie in meinen Alltag einzugliedern, damit ich darin fit bleibe. Denn ich
denke, dass Englisch als Weltsprache eine wichtige Sprache ist, die man heutzutage
mindestens in Ansätzen beherrschen sollte.]” (Case 246).

The second most frequent category was quality. Almost half the students stated
that the original audio track provided a better or more authentic experience. Many
of the students considered the dubbed German audio track to be of inferior qual-
ity and to disturb the viewing experience. Students also stated that meaning was
lost during translation in terms of humor, emotion, and atmosphere. Some stu-
dents mentioned similar problems with translated books or computer games. The
following quote illustrates these findings:

“Movies/series/books are often more authentic in English (the original language);

a lot gets lost in translation, e.g., jokes that have to do with the culture and espe-
cially word plays. [Filme/Serien/Bücher sind oft authentischer auf Englisch (Origi-
nalsprache); viel geht verloren z.B. Witze, die mit der Kultur zu tun haben und vor
allem auch Wortspiele]” (Case 620)

In addition, some of the students said that English media sources had better qual-
ity and provided more information. This was mainly geared towards the English
influencer community and online content.
Almost half of the students also mentioned exclusivity as a reason for extra-
mural English contact, as the content they are interested in is only available in
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 133

English. This seems to be especially true regarding content created by influencers.

Since every creator produces a specific type of content, often tied to their personal
life, this is not surprising. Videos and posts are not always available in a dubbed
or translated version, and an English-speaking influencer is not simply replace-
able with a German or Swiss influencer. As a result, their content is unique and
exclusively linked to the language it was produced in. The same seems to be true
for many websites, posts, and message boards. In addition, students also stated
that since there was so much more English content available online, it was easier
to find information and material.
Lastly, a small percentage of the students stated earlier access to movies and
TV series, but also to books, as an important criterion for engaging in extramural
content. Since authentic material does not have to be translated prior to release,
it is often available for download or purchase earlier than the translated version.
Some students stated that they had started a TV series in German but then got
impatient waiting for the release of the next season in German.
While it is reasonable to assume that all students who engage in extramural
contact appreciate the English language somehow, more than a tenth explicitly
stated that English is ‘fun’ and that they liked to incorporate it into their everyday
life (appreciation for English). Some students simply expressed their wish to
see the original versions, often after or in addition to the dubbed or translated
versions.
Some students reported being encouraged by outside factors to engage in
extramural English contacts (external influence). Most of these students reported
coming into contact with English outside of school and started to engage in
English media contacts while spending time abroad. Some students have English-
speaking friends or were introduced to English media content by their parents,
family members, or teachers. However, overall, the numbers for these categories
are small. It is thus reasonable to assume that this is not necessarily the case for
most students.
Since the follow-up question was shown to all students who regularly engaged
in any form of media-related extramural contact, respondents to the open-ended
follow-up question do not frequent all media categories alike. Seventy students
explicitly reported to only read books in English for homework, yet engage in
contact with other media categories voluntarily. This might be due to the fact
that reading a whole book is a demanding activity, especially for beginners, as
could be shown in other studies (Huckin & Coady, 1999; Peters, 2018; Sylvén &
Sundqvist, 2015). In addition, nine students reported getting into some forms of
out-of-school contact for school-related reasons while also engaging in extramural
contact voluntarily, without naming specific media categories.
134 6 Results

In summary, the results indicate that students engage in extramural English

contact because they appreciate the undubbed or untranslated versions of media
content such as books or movies. This is mainly due to the perceived lack of
quality of the German translation and because they genuinely like English. Stu-
dents stressed the omnipresence of English, especially online, and the fact that
some content is only available in English or that the English content is of higher
quality or more informative. Students also see English as an important factor in
today’s world and hope to increase their language competences while engaging
in fun leisure time activities.

6.1.7 Patterns of Media-Related Extramural English Contact

As the results in the last section have shown, most students do not only have
extramural English contact through one media channel. Instead, students tend to
engage in various media activities, best serving their needs and interests. It was
thus interesting to see if any patterns emerge from the data.

Table 6.13 Correlation between media categories

(2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10)
Music (1) .109 – .107 .144 .195 .120 .256 .248 .076
Radio/podcasts (2) .359 .236 .325 .257 .349 .180 .229 .159
Audiobooks (3) .351 .246 .224 .238 .103 .124 .092
Books (4) .325 .363 .183 .164 .224 –
Magazines (5) .336 .463 .314 .400 .175
Movies & TV series (6) .373 .374 .377 .211
TV Shows (7) .332 .330 .308
Online videos (8) .608 .379
Surfing the internet (9) .342
Gaming (10)
Note: Results from Pearson’s correlation. Two-tailed t-test correlation coefficients (p ≤ .05).

With the exception of surfing on English-language websites and watching

English-language videos online, most media categories only show a small to
medium correlation with each other (Table 6.13). As discussed above, the high
6.1 Forms and Frequency of Media-related Extramural English Contacts … 135

correlation between these two online activities is not surprising: one has to use
the internet to watch videos online.
The low to medium correlation for the other media channels is probably due to
the fact that students show a variety of use patterns and preferences. In addition,
some media categories can be engaged in simultaneously (e.g., listening to music
while reading a book or surfing the internet), and some media categories are
popular with almost all students (e.g., music), while others are used by almost
no one (e.g., audiobooks).
To investigate if the variables can nevertheless be reduced to a smaller number
of underlying latent components, an explorative principal component analysis
(PCA) was conducted (see Table 6.14). The results from the PCA show three
principal components with an eigenvalue bigger than 1. Component 1 explains
34% of the variance, component 2 explains 13.83%, and component 3 explains
10.19% of the total variance.

Table 6.14 Types of media users: results from a principal component analysis (rotated
component matrix)
Factor Item Component Degree of
1 2 3 Communality

Music Music .767 .591

Traditional Radio/podcasts .663 .495
media channels Audiobooks .745 .560
Books .655 .654
Newspapers & .566 .485
Magazines
Movies & TV .450 .472* .487
series
TV Shows .502 .539* .548
Online based Online videos .539 .667
media channels Surfing the .610 .651
internet
Gaming .565 .667
Explained variance (%) 34.00 13.83 10.19
Note: * Cross-factor-loading > .4. Extraction based on principal component analysis. Vari-
max rotation with Kaiser normalization. Factor solution was satisfactory for the data (The
Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin test (KMO) for sampling adequacy = .811; Bartlett’s test for sphericity:
approx. X2 = 4262.5, df = 45, p ≤ .001).
136 6 Results

The first component could be interpreted as the use of traditional media chan-
nels. It captures a considerable part of the variance for listening to audio content
(audiobooks and radio), reading books, magazines, and newspapers, as well as
watching movies, TV series, and TV shows. However, watching TV shows also
shows a substantial cross-loading on the second component, and watching movies
shows cross-loading for component 3. In the case of cross-loading, it is helpful to
take into account theoretical considerations (Research Methods Consulting Uni-
versity of Zurich, 2018). For the present study, it seems more logical to see
watching movies and TV shows as part of component 1, given the closeness of
the categories to watching TV series.
Component 2 could be seen as the use of online-based media channels, as
it explains most of the variance for online-based extramural English contact
via surfing, watching videos online, or gaming.1 However, surfing and watching
online videos also shows cross-loading on component 3.
Last, component 3 could be categorized as the use of music because music is
the only media category with a high factor loading.
While these components might show a tendency for certain usage patterns,
the frequent and substantial cross-loading points towards a lack of discriminatory
power between the components. Given these non-conclusive findings, the results
should be interpreted with caution (Research Methods Consulting University of
Zurich, 2018), as it seems there are no clearly distinctive patterns of media usage
for the present study.

6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts

and the Digital Divide

The theoretical and empirical literature presented in Chapter 3 provided evidence

that investigating media behavior patterns while ignoring the social structures in
which the behavior is embedded would fail to capture the unique social condi-
tions under which such patterns emerge. The present study included two social
factors of interest: socio-economic background and gender. In this chapter, stu-
dents’ frequencies and forms of media-related extramural English contact will be
analyzed considering these two factors.

1 Even though, as we have demonstrated, online based platforms like Netflix have become
increasingly important for movies, TV series and TV shows.
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 137

6.2.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related

Extramural English Contacts

For the present study, students from the penultimate year of baccalaureate schools
(Gymnasium), the highest secondary educational track, were selected. Studies
have repeatedly proven the significantly lower probability for children from lower
socio-economic families to receive a recommendation for this highest educational
track in both Germany and Switzerland. These differences persist, even after con-
trolling for grades or test performance (see, for example, Angelone & Ramseier,
2012; Buchmann et al., 2016; Frank & Sliwka, 2016; Hußmann et al., 2017;
Klemm, 2016; Konsortium PISA.ch, 2019; Kuhl et al., 2013; OECD, 2016, 2020;
Solga & Dombrowski, 2009).
Since educational trajectory and a probability of transitioning to the highest
educational track thus already depend on the socio-economic family background,
it could be assumed that the sample for this study would also be highly selective.
Indeed, the data shows that, on average, the parents’ highest level of education in
the sample is at least a post-secondary non-tertiary education, either vocational
or academic (Table 6.15). Parents from Switzerland have a significantly higher
educational level than parents in Germany (t(1826.77) = −9.87, p ≤ .001, d =
.421). This is most likely due to the even higher selectivity of the Swiss educa-
tional system, in which the entrance to the highest educational track is even more
restrictive than in Germany (Keller et al., 2020).

Table 6.15 Parents’ highest level of education

HISCED Description Overall Country
Level G CH
n % n % n %
(1) No level Early childhood 3 0.2 0 0.0 3 0.3
education only
(2) HISCED 1 Primary education 5 0.3 0 0.7 5 0.4
(3) HISCED 2 Lower secondary 53 2.9 5 1.5 48 4.1
education
(4) HISCED Upper secondary 29 1.6 10 22.8 19 1.6
3A education, general
(5) HISCED Upper secondary 372 20.1 157 22.7 215 18.5
3B/3 C education,
vocational
(continued)
138 6 Results

Table 6.15 (continued)

HISCED Description Overall Country
Level G CH
n % n % n %
(6) HISCED 4 Post-secondary 189 10.2 156 38.4 33 2.8
non-tertiary
education
(7) HISCED First stage of 501 27.0 264 11.8 237 20.3
5A tertiary education
(8) HISCED 481 26.0 81 2.2 400 34.3
5B
(9) HISCED 6 2nd stage of 220 11.9 15 0.7 205 17.6
tertiary education
(research
qualification)
x 6.81 6.41 7.05
SD 1.53 1.11 1.70

Similar results can be seen for the average number of books at home (indi-
cating cultural and educational capital) in both countries. The data shows that
families on average own 100 to 250 books (Overall: n = 2234, x = 5.25,
SD = 1.37; G: n = 781, x = 5.30, SD = 1.29; CH: n = 1453, x = 5.22,
SD = 1.41). There was no significant difference between families from Germany
and Switzerland (t(1724.81) = 1.26, p ≤ .207).
In addition to these two structural factors, the study also measured the use of
the English language at home, parents’ English competences, and parents’ atti-
tudes towards English as an important investment into their children’s futures.
These process factors can be seen as the operationalization of a family’s incor-
porated cultural capital concerning English as a foreign language (Rolff et al.,
2008).
The data show that most students indicated that English is not used regularly at
home. However, most students would agree that their parents have good English
competences and see English as an important investment into their children’s
futures (Table 6.16). Swiss and German parents only differ significantly in their
English competence, with Swiss students indicating a slightly higher competence
level for their parents than German students. This might be due to the higher
overall education of Swiss parents in the sample.
Table 6.16 Language praxis within the family
Overall G CH
n x (SD) n x (SD) n x (SD) d t p d
Use of English within the 2277 1.92 (0.74) 786 1.92 (0.74) 1491 1.92 (0.74) 2275 .04 .97 –
family
Parents’ English 2279 2.43 (0.84) 786 2.28 (0.79) 1493 2.51 (0.86) 1706.81 −6.19 ≤ .001 .26
competence
Parents’ perceived value of 2266 3.33 (0.63) 784 3.34 (0.65) 1482 3.33 (0.62) 2264 .408 .68 –
English
Note: Results from separate t-tests.
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide
139
140 6 Results

Process factors and structural factors show a significant correlation with each
other (Table 6.17), which is not surprising, as the process factors are themselves
already influenced by the level of educational and monetary capital within a
family (Rolff et al., 2008). However, the parents’ perceived value of English for
their children’s future shows only a small correlation with the parents’ highest
level of education and objectified cultural capital. This shows that, at least for the
MEWS sample, the value of English as an important investment into a child’s
future does not vary as much across social class boundaries.

Table 6.17 Correlation of socio-economic background factors

(1) (2) (3) (4)
Parents’ highest educational level (1)
Objectified cultural capital (2) .352
Use of English within the family (3) .274 .307
Parents’ English competence (4) .440 .338 .592
Parents’ perceived value of English (5) .072 .073 .244 .272
Note: Pearson’s correlation coefficients are reported. All coefficients are significant at least
at p ≤ .05.

Overall, the results show that students within the sample disproportionally
come from families with a higher level of objectified and institutionalized cultural
capital and educational and economic resources.
Since the highest level of education (HISCED) and cultural capital within a
family are also indications of the monetary situation, it could be assumed that
these factors also influence a family’s possibility to afford state-of-the-art techni-
cal equipment. It is reasonable to assume that while it might have become more
affordable for families to provide each child with a smartphone and provide at
least one computer per family, providing each child with a personal computer or
providing stable internet access at home might not be possible for every fam-
ily. In addition, educational and cultural capital might influence the technical
equipment a family is willing to invest in. However, logistic regression models
only showed significant effects for the probability of a student owning a gaming
console (X2 (2) = 59.44, p ≤ .001, R2 = .047, n = 1793) for both highest educa-
tional level (OR = 0.86, 95%CI [0.799 – 0.934]) and objectified cultural capital
(OR = 0,805, 95%CI [0.740 – 0.877]). Here, children from families with a higher
educational and cultural capital have a lower probability of indicating ownership
of a console.
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 141

This result can be read as an indication of the diminished importance of edu-

cational and financial capital for students’ access to technical equipment and the
internet. The negative effect for gaming consoles could be interpreted as the result
of a less favorable attitude towards gaming as a free time activity for children
from families with a higher socio-economic level, even if the monetary resources
would allow them to buy a console. This can, in turn, be seen as the first support
for the hypothesis of the existence of a class-specific media habitus.
To determine the effects of the socio-economic background factors on extra-
mural English contacts through media, regression analyses were used for each
individual media category and the overall media index (Table 6.18). Since Rolff
et al. (2008) could show that the effect of the structural factors are most likely
mediated by the process factors, a stepwise regression analysis was chosen. For
each dependent variable, the first model (M1) included only the two structural
factors, parents’ highest educational level and objectified cultural capital (opera-
tionalized through the number of books at home). In a second step (M2), the three
process factors use of English within the family, parents’ English competence, and
parents’ perceived importance of English as a school subject were included in the
analysis. If findings from Rolff et al. (2008) hold true for the present sample, the
two structural factors should become non-significant after introducing the process
factors into the regression model.
The results show that students’ socio-economic background does indeed influ-
ence the frequency of extramural contact through most media categories as well
as their overall frequency of media-related extramural English contact. Similar
to findings in Rolff et al. (2008), the structural factors do not show a signifi-
cant effect for most media categories after the three process factors are included
in the model. The only exception can be found for the level of objectified cul-
tural capital on the frequency of reading books in English. Here, a small to a
medium positive effect of objectified cultural capital on the frequency of reading
books was found, even after controlling for all three process factors. The effect
is, however, not surprising since the number of books at home can also be seen as
an indicator of parents’ reading habits: Children from families in which literacy
plays an important role are also more likely to enjoy reading in English.
For gaming, the first model shows a significant effect for the parents’ highest
educational level and is therefore in line with other empirical findings indi-
cating a more restrictive parenting style from parents with higher educational
backgrounds, as gaming is usually seen as a negative leisure time activity (Gra-
ham, n.d.). However, surprisingly the second model did not show any significant
effects. Overall, the data from the present study show little to no effect for socio-
economic background factors on extramural English contacts through gaming.
142 6 Results

This might be partly influenced by the low number of frequent gamers in the
sample.
Neither structural nor process factors showed a significant effect for listening
to English music in either model. This was to be expected, given that the data
shows little to no variation, as almost all students listen to English songs (almost)
daily.
Among the process factors, English use within the family shows the most
consistent and strongest effects on students’ frequency of extramural English con-
tact across most media categories. It positively influences students’ frequency of
listening to English radio programs or audiobooks, reading books, reading news-
papers and magazines, watching movies, TV series, and TV shows, surfing on
English-language websites, and watching English videos online. This finding is
again in line with hypothesis H2.3 and illustrates the important influence of cul-
tural praxis and the media habitus in regard to English media content within a
family.
Parents’ perceived importance of English as an investment in their children’s
future also shows small positive effects on students’ frequency of extramural
contact via radio, podcasts, books, newspapers, magazines, movies, TV series,
surfing, and watching online videos. Surprisingly, parents’ English competence
has a small negative effect on students’ frequency of listening to English radio
or podcasts. However, without a more detailed follow-up question, it is hard to
determine the exact nature of this effect.
For the overall index, English use at home and parents’ perceived importance
of English also shows a significant positive effect. This again supports the notion
that parents serve as role models in shaping their children’s aesthetic taste and
relationship with foreign media sources.
As discussed above, the Swiss sample, on average, has a slightly higher socio-
economic background level, with students reporting slightly higher educational
and cultural capital at home, as well as a higher English competence among par-
ents. Therefore, it was interesting to see if the differences in extramural English
contact via certain media channels between Germany and Switzerland reported in
Section 6.1 still hold after controlling for students’ socio-economic background.
To this end, regression analysis for each media category and the media index
was performed using country as a dichotomous dependent variable while con-
trolling for all five socio-economic factors (Table 6.19). However, it should also
be noted that including the country variable at the individual level is not without
risks (Snijders & Bosker, 2012). The results should therefore be interpreted with
caution.
Table 6.18 Regression results for the effect of family background on frequency of extramural contacts
Overall Music Radio & Audiobooks Books Newspapers &
Podcasts Magazines
M1 M2 M1 M2 M1 M2 M1 M2 M1 M2 M1 M2
Structural factors
Parents’ highest – – – – – – – – – – .063 –
educational
level
Objectified .114 – – – – – . 076 – .179 .128 .089 –
cultural capital
Process Factors
Use of English .247 – .190 .167 .228 .158
within the
family
Parents’ – – −.092 – – –
English
competence
Parents’ .096 – .088 – .087 .092
perceived
importance of
English as a
subject
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide

R2 .014 .073 – – – .038 .009 .030 .040 .089 .016 .045

(continued)
143
Table 6.18 (continued)
144

Movies & TV Shows Surfing Online Videos Gaming

TV-Series
M1 M2 M1 M2 M1 M2 M1 M2 M1 M2
Structural factors
Parents’ highest .070 – – – – – – – −.069 –
educational
level
Objectified .081 – – – – – .076 – – –
cultural capital
Process Factors
Use of English .214 .130 .164 .131 –
within the
family
Parents’ – – – – –
English
competence
Parents’ .053 – .066 .056 –
perceived
importance of
English as a
subject
R2 .016 .053 – .022 – .027 .005 .022 .004 –
6

Note: Standardized regression coefficients from separate linear regression models for each media category item are reported. Only
significant coefficients are reported (p ≤ .05)
Results
Table 6.19 Regression results for the effect of country and family background on frequency of extramural contacts
Overall Music Radio & Audiobooks Books Newspapers Movies TV Online Surfing Gaming
podcasts & & TV Shows videos
Magazines series
Country – – −.058 −.138 −.062 −.063 – −.074 – .105
Structural Factors
Parents’ – – – – – – – – – – –
highest
educational
level
Objectified .062 – – – .145 .061 – – – – –
cultural
capital
Process Factors
Use of .299 – .214 .171 .260 .190 .254 .157 .180 .201 –
English
within the
family
Parents’ −.172 – −.145 – −.120 −.119 −.139 – −.129 −.133 –
English
competence
Parents’ .110 – .095 – .093 .099 .063 – .069 .076 –
perceived
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide

value of
English
R2 .085 – .042 .029 .107 .050 .061 .019 .031 .031 .015
Note: Standardized regression coefficients from separate linear regression models for each media category item are reported. Only significant
coefficients are reported (p ≤ .05).
145
146 6 Results

Results showed that even after controlling for students’ family background,
both countries showed the same significant differences in the average amount
of extramural English contact via books, audiobooks, newspapers/magazines,
movies/TV series, online videos, and gaming. Thus, the differences between the
two countries for these media categories cannot solely be attributed to differences
in the sample’s socio-economic background factors.
Including both socio-economic background factors and country of residence
into one model also resulted in small differences in the effects of the background
variables. After controlling for country, parents’ English competence now shows
a significant effect for (audio-)books, newspaper/magazines, movies/TV series,
TV shows, online videos, surfing online, gaming, and the overall media index.
Despite these small changes, the results still confirm the fact that language
habits within the family seem to influence students’ media-related extramural
English contacts, even after controlling for differences between countries. The
weight of this influence might differ in different national contexts.

All in all, the results show that the habitus towards the use of English as
a foreign language within the family has a significant influence on students’
extramural English contacts. The results thus underline the importance of parents
as role models for their children in shaping their media habitus. The effects are
apparent not only for traditional media contact via books, but also for newer
forms of audio-visual contact and interactive contact via online platforms.
The follow-up questions also further support these results. For the follow-up
questions, multiple linear regression models and logistic regression models were
calculated to determine the effect of the structural and process factors. Since the
previous analysis only showed small to marginal differences between the two
countries and the analysis in Table 6.19 showed that including country in the
analysis does not seem to dramatically change the overall picture of the relation-
ship between socio-economic background and overall frequency of media-related
extramural English contacts, the analysis for the follow-up questions will not
differentiate between the German and Swiss subsample.

Number of English books read per year. Even after including the three pro-
cess factors in the regression analysis, the results again show a significant effect
for the objectified cultural capital in the form of books at home (Table 6.20). In
addition, the use of English within the family again also shows a positive effect
on the number of English books read per year. These findings are in line with
the findings for the overall frequency of reading reported above.
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 147

Table 6.20 Regression

Structural factors
results for the effect of
family background on Parents’ highest educational level –
frequency of reading Objectified cultural capital .112
English books per year
Process Factors
Use of English within the family .194
Parents’ English competence –
Parents’ perceived importance of English as a –
subject
R2 .056

Hours spent with extramural activities. Additional stepwise regression anal-

ysis showed almost no influence of socio-economic background factors on
students’ actual amount of time with most media categories (Table 6.21). The
perceived value of English as an important investment into a child’s future and
the use of English within the family both show small significant positive effects
on students’ hours surfing on English-language websites. This once again sup-
ports the hypothesis that parents are role models for their children’s behavior
when it comes to extramural English contacts.
Parents’ highest level of education and language competence show negative
effects on students’ hours spent surfing per week. The same is true for the neg-
ative effect of English use within the family on the hours spent with extramural
gaming activities. Again, this probably represents the negative effect of a higher
educational background in general on surfing and gaming that was also found
in other studies (e.g., Graham, n.d.; MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016). However,
without additional information on parental restrictions on children’s gaming and
surfing activities, this cannot be conclusively proven with the given dataset.
148 6 Results

Table 6.21 Regression results for the effect of family background on hours spent surfing,
watching movies/TV series and gaming
Hours spent Hours spent Hours spent Hours spent Hours spent
surfing per watching watching gaming per gaming per
week movies & movies & week sitting
TV series TV series
per week per sitting
Structural factors
Parents’ −.100 – – – –
highest
educational
level
Objectified – – – – –
cultural
capital
Process factors
Use of .088 – – −.111 –
English
within the
family
Parents’ −.077 – – – –
English
competence
Parents’ .058 – – – –
perceived
value of
English
R2 .021 – – .025 –
Note: Standardized regression coefficients from separate linear regression models. Only sig-
nificant coefficients reported (p ≤ .05).

Popular websites. Separate logistic regression models for types of preferred

websites only showed significant effects for students’ prevalence for eleven web-
site types (Table 6.22). Once again, English use within the family had the most
consistent effect on all categories. Apart from gaming, the language habitus
within the family does significantly increase students’ probability to engage in
extramural English contact through these eleven website categories. The same is
true for parents’ perceived importance of English for information websites, shop-
ping websites, and communicating via messaging apps. This finding is in line
with hypothesis H2.3.
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 149

Objectified cultural capital also showed a significant effect on students’

chances to engage in literacy-based activities, again supporting the hypothesis
that cultural capital fosters literacy-related contacts above and beyond the indirect
effect via the three process factors.
Parents’ English competence again shows negative effects for some of the
website categories while showing no significant effect for others.

Popular gaming genres. Only eight of the fifteen gaming genres showed
significant effects for at least one socio-economic background factor. Except
for puzzles, quizzes, and strategy games, a higher socio-economic background
decreases gamers’ likelihood of engaging in each gaming genre (Table 6.23).
These results confirm findings from other studies, which show that children
from higher socio-economic families usually show less frequent gaming activ-
ities. However, the exceptions for puzzles, quizzes, and strategy games indicate
that a high educational family background might motivate students to choose
games with a level of educational purpose or cognitive challenge.

Frequency of active and passive media use. Table 6.24 shows the results
for active and passive extramural English contacts in regard to the five socio-
economic background factors. As for other follow-up questions, socio-economic
factors seem to play only a minor role in students’ choice to engage passively or
actively in extramural contacts. Parents’ English competence again shows a neg-
ative effect on some of the media activities. In contrast, the use of English within
a family and parents’ perceived importance of English tends to positively affect
most categories, increasing students’ chances of engaging in active and passive
extramural activities. An exception is, once again, the probability of engaging in
communicative behavior while gaming online.

Summary. Overall, the results can be read as an indication of the importance

of the family environment for children’s use of the language outside of school.
If the presence or usage of English is a regular occurrence within a household
and is frequently used by parents and children alike to communicate or engage
in leisure-time activity related to EFL, children will grow accustomed to a daily
life in which English plays a significant role. As a result, they are more likely to
engage in numerous extramural activities themselves.
 150

Table 6.22 Logistic regression models for the effect of family background on contact to English-language websites
Parents’ highest Objectified cultural Use of English Parents’ English Parents’ perceived
educational level capital within the family competence value of English
OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI
Social media – – .78 .70–.88 1.56 1.22–2.00 – – – –
Messaging apps – – – – 1.66 1.37–2.01 – – 1.26 1.05–1.51
Fan-Fiction .84 .73–.97 1.23 1.05–1.45 1.95 1.41–2.69 .58 .42–.79 – –
communities
Blogs – – – – 1.39 1.11–1.73 – – – –
Video-sharing – – – – 1.58 1.20–2.08 – – – –
platforms
Free online 1.12 1.0–1.2 – – – – – – – –
streaming
Streaming – – – – 1.63 1.34–1.97 – – – –
services
News & – – 1.10 1.00–1.21 1.23 1.02–1.50 – – – –
magazines
Gaming – – – – .72 .58–.90 – – – –
Information & – – – – 1.44 1.19–1.75 .83 .69–.99 1.21 1.01–1.45
search
Travel & – – .90 .82–.99 1.59 1.31–1.94 .79 .66–.95 1.24 1.03–1.51
shopping
6

Note: Results from separate logistic regression models for each genre are reported. Only categories with at least one significant effect
reported (p < .05). OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval
Results
Table 6.23 Logistic regression models for the effect of family background on preferences for gaming categories
Highest Objectified cultural Use of English Parents’ English Parents’
educational level capital within the family competence perceived value of
English
OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI
Race – – – – – – – – .71 .54–.95
Puzzles – – – – 1.78 1.26–2.53 – – – –
Quizzes – – – – 1.62 1.20–2.18 – – – –
Sport – – – – .69 .49–.96 – – – –
Strategy – – 1.16 1.00–1.34 .68 .50–.91 – – – –
Fight – – – – – – .59 .40–.87 – –
First-person-shooter – – – – .71 .53–.95 – – – –
Multiplayer online – – – – .67 .49–.90 – – – –
role-play
Note: Results from separate logistic regression models for each game genre are reported. Only categories with at least one significant effect
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide

reported (p < .05). OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval

151
Table 6.24 Logistic regression models for the effect of family background on frequency of active and passive online behavior and gaming
152

activities
Highest Objectified Use of English at Parents’ English Parents’
educational level cultural capital home competence perceived value of
English
OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI
Active I read short – – – – 1.53 1.04–2.25 .60 .42–.85 1.50 1.08–2.10
English
comments &
posts on social
media sites
I read English – – 1.13 1.03–1.24 1.64 1.34–2.01 .73 .60–.88 – –
stories/ fan
fiction/ poems/
reports/ blogs,
etc.
I have set the – – – – 1.40 1.07–1.84 – – – –
language of
my gaming
characters to
English (if
possible)
(continued)
6
Results
Table 6.24 (continued)
Highest Objectified Use of English at Parents’ English Parents’
educational level cultural capital home competence perceived value of
English
OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI
Passive I write short – – – – 1.61 1.31–1.97 – – – –
English
comments &
posts on social
media sites
I write English – – 1.27 1.04–1.54 2.07 1.42–3.01 – – – –
stories/ fan
fiction/ poems/
reports/ blogs,
etc.
Interactive I communicate – – – – 2.38 1.91–2.96 .67 .55–.81 1.38 1.13–1.67
with others via
social media
I communicate – – – – 2.81 2.25–3.51 – – – –
in English
with other via
mail/chat or
video call
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide

(continued)
153
Table 6.24 (continued)
154

Highest Objectified Use of English at Parents’ English Parents’

educational level cultural capital home competence perceived value of
English
OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI
I communicate – – – – .66 .50–.86 .75 .62–.92 1.29 1.05–1.58
with others
within my
computer
games
Note: Results from separate logistic regression models for each activity are reported. Only categories with at least one significant effect
reported (p < .05). OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval
6
Results
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 155

6.2.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts

As discussed in Chapter 2, female adolescents have been shown to be less active

online, watch fewer online videos, and spend less time playing computer games.
At the same time, male students tend to read less and use the internet for less
communicative purposes.
However, studies have also shown that female adolescents have caught up in
terms of technology use and ownership. In the present study, male and female
students also do not differ much regarding ownership or access to the internet
and technical equipment (Table 6.25). Nevertheless, a slightly higher percentage
of female students owned a personal computer to study (φ = .07), while more
male students had access to a gaming console (φ = –.097).

Table 6.25 Technical equipment at home by gender

Overall Gender
Male Female
n % n % n %
Internet Access 2274 99.7 934 99.7 1340 99.7
Smartphone 2220 97.3 913 97.4 1307 97.2
Personal Laptop 1908 83.6 758 80.9 1150 85.6
Computer to studying 2247 98.5 922 98.4 1325 98.6
Gaming console 1606 70.4 706 75.3 900 67.0
Note: Answers from a multiple response question; n = number of respondents (answer yes);
% = percent of cases; significant differences between gender indicated in bold (Chi2 analysis
for multiple response questions, X2 (5) = 27.64, p ≤ .001)

Looking at the frequency of extramural English contacts, Figure 6.10 and

Table 6.26 show that male and female students do not differ significantly in
their frequency of extramural contact through music, radio/podcasts, audiobooks,
and movies/TV series. However, male students can be shown to be more active
gamers and be more engaged with English content online. On the other hand,
female students read English books at least a few times per month (45.6%),
while only 30.1% of male students indicated the same.
 156

1.2 2.2 0.8 2.3

2.8
100% 2.6
5.0 4.7 5.5 6.1
5.9 10.2 9.4 9.3
6.2 10.1 16.0 7.8
8.5 7.4 19.5
14.8 13.2 8.4
12.1 15.0 34.7
80% 13.8 19.2 17.9 17.4 36.5
14.0 17.4 45.7 10.9
57.2
23.6 30.8 62.4
16.4 25.3 27.6 11.0
15.9
60% 23.8 21.1
85.3 23.9
86.3
35.1 23.7

21.2 32.1

16.5 24.4
40% 78.3 25.2 28.0
76.0 17.0
36.9
21.3 17.0
57.6 60.5
56.7
50.9 22.1
19.1 14.6
20% 16.3 8.7
34.9 35.9 16.9
29.8 32.3 11.1
2.3 5.8
9.1 8.9 10.0 6.6
1.9 17.5 4.1 16.0
0.7 11.3 8.3 2.8 9.6
0.7 5.7 6.3
0% 2.5 2.2 2.8
Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female

Music Radio & Audiobooks Books Magazines & Movies & TV- Other Shows Online Videos Surfing the Gaming
Podcasts Newspapers Shows internet

Never 1-3 times per year 1-3 times per month 1-3 times per week (Almost) Every day

Figure 6.10 Frequency of extramural English contact through media by gender (in %). (Note: Significant differences between male and
6

female students indicated by asterisk; p ≤ .05)

Results
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 157

Table 6.26 Mean difference in frequency of media exposure between genders

Category x M (SD) x F (SD) df t p d
Music 4.74 (0.77) 4.76 (0.72) 2019 −.74 – –
Radio/Podcasts 1.89 (1.22) 1.85 (1.19) 2002 .74 – –
Audiobooks 1.36 (0.79) 1.37 (0.76) 2000 −.26 – –
Books 2.10 (1.07) 2.54 (1.11) 1805.6 −8.8 ≤ .001 .392
Newspapers & Magazines 2.63 (1.35) 2.32 (1.25) 1696.2 5.1 ≤ .001 .236
Movies & TV Series 3.28 (1.27) 3.29 (1.17) 1689.5 −.28 – –
TV Shows 2.56 (1.35) 1.91 (1.11) 1551.3 3.2 ≤ .001 .518
Online Videos 4.39 (0.97) 3.87 (1.15) 1888.5 5.1 ≤ .001 .466
Surfing 4.19 (1.17) 3.91 (1.30) 1952.2 10.9 ≤ .001 .226
Gaming 3.52 (1.44) 1.95 (1.37) 1729.9 24.6 ≤ .001 .983
Overall 3.07 (.67) 2.78 (0.65) 2022 9.79 ≤ .001 .432
Note: Results from separate t-tests

Female students also stated that they read more English books per year
in the follow-up question (x M = 2.15, SDM = 1.04, x F = 2.52, SDF = 1.21;
t(1248.72) = −6.31, p ≤ .001, d = .321). By contrast, male students show a
higher average for reading magazines and newspapers in English and watching
TV shows. Male students were also shown to be more active online, surfing on
English-language websites and watching online videos.
In line with other empirical findings, male students also showed a higher
frequency of extramural English contact through computer games than female
students. The effect size for this category is the strongest of all media categories.
This difference becomes even clearer when looking at gamers who play multiple
times per week or daily (frequent gamers): while 58.4% of the male students in
the sample are frequent gamers, only 17.7% of female students fall into the same
category; the difference is significant and again shows a strong effect size (φ =
−.42, p ≤ .001).
Given the higher involvement of male students in six out of ten media cate-
gories, it is no surprise that the t-test for the overall frequency of media-related
extramural English contact also shows a significant difference between male and
female students, with male students reporting a significantly higher contact fre-
quency. The effect size is medium. So far, the results do support hypothesis
H3.1 and H3.2. The follow-up questions further support the hypothesis of gender
stereotypical media behavior in regard to English-language media content.
158 6 Results

Hours spent with extramural activities. Follow-up questions revealed that

male students spend more total hours online than female students (x M = 1.81,
SD = 1.15, x CH = 1.67, SD = 1.09; t(1838) = 2.66, p = .008, d = .125),
play computer games for a longer period of time in each sitting (x M = 1.90,
SDM = 1.24, x F = 1.30, SDF = 0.77; t(907) = 9.14, p ≤ .001, d = .530), and
spend more hours per week with these games (x M = 4.94, SDM = 3.98, x F =
2.20, SDF = 2.41; t(934.97) = 13.19, p ≤ .001, d = .733).

Popular websites and gaming genres. The data shows significant gender dif-
ferences for eleven of the fourteen website categories (Table 6.27). Significantly
more female students indicated that they visit social media sites, messaging apps,
fan fiction communities, and blogs regularly. This is in line with females’ more
communicative online behavior and their stronger interest in reading found in
other studies. However, these findings might also be driven by the fact that girls
and women are often excluded from certain male corners of the internet (Kommer,
2008; Tillmann, 2014).
Male students are once again found to be more active on gaming websites.
They also preferred video platforms, magazine and newspaper websites, and they
named forum and message boards more often than female students.
In regard to gaming genres, the data showed significantly more female stu-
dents who indicated puzzles, quizzes, card and gambling games, and real-life
simulations (e.g., The Sims) as preferred game categories (Table 6.28). Male stu-
dents demonstrated a clear tendency for sports, action, and speed-driven games, as
well as for first-person shooter games and multiplayer online role-playing games.
These findings are again in line with findings from other studies and with H3.2

Table 6.27 Differences in preferred English-language websites by gender

Overall Male Female φ
n % n % n %
Video sharing platforms 1609 85.4 700 88.1 909 83.5 −.07
Social media 1519 80.7 592 74.5 927 85.2 .13
Messaging apps 1023 54.3 391 49.2 632 58.1 .09
Travel and shopping 669 35.5 174 21.9 495 45.5 .24
News and magazines 655 34.8 310 39.0 345 31.7 −.08
Mailing 541 28.7 254 31.9 287 26.4 −.06
(continued)
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 159

Table 6.27 (continued)

Overall Male Female φ
n % n % n %
Gaming 481 25.5 369 46.4 112 10.3 −.41
Blogs 417 22.1 97 12.2 320 29.4 .20
Forum/message board 356 18.9 264 33.2 92 8.5 −.31
Chatrooms 209 11.1 106 13.3 103 9.5 −.06
Fan-Fiction communities 163 8.7 39 4.9 124 11.4 .11
Note: Answers from a multiple response question; n = number of respondents (answer yes);
% = percent of cases within gender; Only website categories with significant differences are
reported (Chi2 analysis for multiple response questions, X2 (20) = 815.07, p ≤ .001)

Table 6.28 Difference in preferred gaming categories by gender

Overall Male Female φ
n % n % n %
Action 366 42.8 316 54.5 50 18.2 −.35
First Person Shooter 315 36.8 294 50.7 21 7.6 −.42
Adventure 291 34.0 217 37.4 74 26.9 −.13
Multiplayer online role-play 266 31.1 221 38.1 45 16.4 −.24
Strategy 259 30.3 226 39.0 33 12.0 −.29
Simulation 234 27.4 128 22.1 106 38.5 .12
Quizzes 224 26.2 89 15.3 135 49.1 .29
Sport 222 26.0 199 34.3 23 8.4 −.28
Roleplay 170 19.9 132 22.8 38 13.8 −.12
Puzzle 148 17.3 36 6.2 112 40.7 .36
Card games and gambling 147 17.2 84 14.5 63 22.9 .07
Fight 131 15.3 106 18.3 25 9.1 −.13
Rhythmic 43 5.0 19 3.3 24 8.7 .09
Note: Answers from a multiple response question; n = number of respondents (answer yes);
% = percent of cases within gender; Only game genres with significant differences are
reported (Chi2 analysis for multiple response questions, X2 (15) = 766.18, p ≤ .001)
160 6 Results

Frequency of active and passive media use. The data shows that significantly
more male surfers indicate to engage in active content production online, such
as recording and uploading their own videos in English and writing longer posts
and comments in online communities (Table 6.29). However, in line with findings
from other studies, female surfers are more likely to write longer creative texts,
such as fan fiction or poems.

Table 6.29 Differences in active and passive media use by gender

Overall Male Female φ
n % n % n %
Passive I watch English videos 1780 94.4 766 96.5 1014 92.9 −.01
online
I read English stories/ 791 41.9 272 34.3 519 47.5 .15
fan fiction/ poems/
reports/ blogs, etc.
I read longer English 750 39.8 395 49.7 355 32.5 −.19
comments and posts in
inter forums/ online
communities
I have set my gaming 637 33.8 453 57.1 184 16.8 −.20
menus to English
I have set the language 532 28.2 398 50.1 134 12.3 −.24
of my gaming
characters to English (if
possible)
Active I write English stories/ 136 7.2 31 3.9 105 9.6 .12
fan fiction/ poems/
reports/ blogs, etc.
I write longer English 109 5.8 69 8.7 40 3.7 −.11
comments and posts in
forums/ online
communities
I record English videos 56 3.0 31 3.9 25 2.3 −.05
and upload them online
(continued)
6.2 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and the Digital Divide 161

Table 6.29 (continued)

Overall Male Female φ
n % n % n %
Interactive I communicate in 762 40.4 261 32.9 501 45.9 .15
English with others via
mail, chat, or video call
I communicate with 475 25.2 403 50.8 72 6.6 −.43
others during my game
sessions
Note: Answers from a multiple response question; n = number of respondents (answer yes);
% = percent of cases within gender; Only activities with significant differences are reported
(Chi2 analysis for multiple response questions, X2 (15) = 1317.91, p ≤ .001)

In addition, while half of the male gamers indicated to regularly communi-

cate with others during a game session, only 6.6% of female gamers stated the
same. This is most likely due to the fact that female students tend to favor non-
communicative games, such as puzzles, quizzes, and simulations (see above).
In contrast, male students showed a stronger preference for gaming genres that
afford more opportunities for interactive gaming, such as multiplayer online role-
playing. As a result, female students not only spent less time gaming overall; if
they play, they show a preference for non-communicative gaming categories.

Summary. Overall, the results showed that adolescents in Germany and

Switzerland show gender-stereotypical media behavior in regards to English
media content. Male students show a higher overall frequency for extramu-
ral English contact and strongly prefer game and audio-visual-driven content.
In contrast, female students show a more communicative media behavior but
seem to be more reluctant to engage in real-time communication through gam-
ing environments or upload their own video content. Together with the more
active and communicative behavior, these results might indicate an advantage for
male students in terms of incidental language learning opportunities through these
extramural English contacts.
162 6 Results

6.3 Media-related Extramural English Contacts

and Language Competences

The third research question asked how students’ extramural English contacts
might relate to and influence their English competences. Following the theoreti-
cal framework in Chapter 4, extramural contacts can be expected to be positively
correlated to all three language skills and even have a positive causal effect on
them (H4).
As discussed in Section 5.2, the present study will assume a multi-dimensional
model for the three language skills (Jude et al., 2008; Schoonen, 2019). This also
allows for a separate analysis of the effect of media-related extramural English
contacts on students’ reading, writing, and listening skills. Table 6.30 shows the
correlation for each media category as well as the overall media index with all
three language skills at T2.

Table 6.30 Correlation

Writing T2 Reading T2 Listening T2
between media categories
and language competences Music .088 .099 .091
Radio .057 – –
Audiobooks – – –
Books .267 .200 .209
Magazines .218 .145 .136
Movies/TV .257 .193 .200
series
TV Shows .071 – –
Online .242 .177 .207
videos
Surfing .277 .199 .219
Gaming .057 .104 .060
Media .272 .209 .212
Overall
Note: Averaged across all 15 PVs, conducted in MPlus, n
= 2487; Only significant correlation coefficients are reported
(p ≤ .05).

Music only shows a small significant correlation with all three skills. Given
the small variation in the data set, this was expected, as almost all students listen
to English music (almost) daily. Similarly, no significant correlation either for
6.3 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and Language Competences 163

reading or listening skills was found with audiobooks and radio or with watching
TV shows, probably because most students do not engage in these media chan-
nels. However, watching TV shows and listening to the radio showed a small but
significant correlation with students’ writing skills.
Reading books and magazines, watching movies and TV series, watching
online videos, surfing, and gaming all show a medium correlation with all three
language skills. The same is true for the frequency of extramural English contacts
overall.
Together, these correlations show a positive relationship between the amount
of time students spent interacting with English via media content and their lan-
guage competences. It could have been expected that reading English books might
show a particularly high correlation with students’ reading skills. Interestingly
the correlation with students’ listening skills is of the same magnitude, and the
correlation with writing is even stronger. The same applies to watching movies,
TV series, or online videos. This finding will be discussed in more detail in
Section 7.3.

In a next step, structural equation models (SEM) were calculated to further

investigate the relationship between students’ language skills and their extramural
English contacts. In addition, such a model also allows a further investigation of
the causal direction of the relationship.
In contrast to linear regression models, SEM allows for the integration and
simultaneous testing of multiple linear regression models. They thus also allow
the integration of gender and socio-economic background factors into the model.
In this way, it will be possible to integrate the results of the previous chapters
and combine them with the analysis of possible learning effects. The proposed
path model can be seen in Figure 6.11.
164 6 Results

Writing

Reading

Listening

Gender

Socio-economic
background

Frequency of
extramural English
contacts

Figure 6.11 Proposed path model. (Note: Socio-economic factors summarized for brevity)

As the IRT scaling for the three language skills was performed separately,
all variables in the following analysis are manifest. Separating the steps of IRT
scaling for the test scores and SEM analysis is common in large-scale assessments
(Jansen et al., 2016). Consequently, the models discussed below do not include
measurement models.
All models were conducted in MPlus Version 8 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–
2017). Full information maximum likelihood (FIML) was used to estimate any
missing information in the independent variables. The hierarchical structure, i.e.,
students clustered in classes, was accounted for by using the type = complex and
cluster = class command. Controlling for class also helps to adjust for differences
in class composition due to differences in educational track selectivity between
the two countries. For potential drawbacks of this method, see Section 7.3.
For language competences, information from all 15 PV data sets was used by
employing the type = imputation command in MPlus to average the final results
(Rubin, 1987).
6.3 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and Language Competences 165

The first step was a baseline model (M0) with only gender and social back-
ground factors regressed on all three language skills. As already mentioned above,
multiple studies have shown female students to reach significantly higher test
results and better in-school performance in terms of foreign language learning
(Hartig & Jude, 2008). Similarly, studies have also continuously shown that stu-
dents from higher socio-economic backgrounds attain significantly higher test
results in national and international studies (see, for example, Angelone & Ram-
seier, 2012; Buchmann et al., 2016; Frank & Sliwka, 2016; Hußmann et al., 2017;
Klemm, 2016; Konsortium PISA.ch, 2019; Kuhl et al., 2013; OECD, 2016, 2020;
Solga & Dombrowski, 2009). As has been discussed in Section 3.1, similar results
were also evident for English as a school subject (Rolff et al., 2008). This can
also be expected for the present sample.
The model fit statistics suggest an adequate fit of the model, although the
Chi2 test for the model is significant (χ2 /df = 64.798/ 5, p ≤ .001). As the null
hypothesis for the Chi2 test assumes a perfect fit of the model in the popula-
tion, a significant test suggests that the model does not fit perfectly. However,
given the Chi2 test’s sensitivity to large sample sizes, this result was not surpris-
ing. Under such circumstances, researchers are recommended to take into account
other measures of model fit in order to better assess their structural equating mod-
els (Geiser, 2010; Schermelleh-Engel et al., 2003). The other model fit statistics
show an adequate fit for the baseline model (CFI/TLI = .984/ .892; RMSEA =
.069; SRMR = .019), yet the results should be interpreted with caution. Path
coefficients are reported in Figure 6.12. For readability, only significant effect
paths are reported.
166 6 Results

Writing T2
(R2 = .04)
.96

.46
.48
Reading T2
Gender (R2 = .02)
.08
.07

.46
HISCED
1.0
.36

.07 Listening T2
Books at home (R2 = .03) .97
1.0

.37
.07
.24 .21
.08

.19

.06

Use of English Parents’ language Parents’ perceived

within family competence importance of Engl.
(R2 = .13) (R2 = .24) (R2 = n.s.)

.87 .77 .99

.52 .27

.23

Figure 6.12 Path analysis: the effect of socio-economic background and gender on stu-
dents’ language skills (M0). (Note: Averaged across all 15 PVs, n = 2,487; standardized
coefficients are reported; only significant effect paths are shown (p ≤ .05))

Overall, the model explained 2%–4% of the variance in the three language
skills. Results replicate findings from other studies, yet a few effects are worth
mentioning: In line with findings from Rolff et al. (2008), the two process factors
use of English within a family and parents’ English competence are influenced by
the structural factors for educational and cultural capital (HISCED and number of
books at home). As already discussed in Section 6.2.1., this was to be expected
since parents who hold higher educational degrees are more likely to have higher
English competences and are more likely to use English at home. Additionally,
and also similar to results in Section 6.2.1., parents’ perceived importance of
English was only significantly influenced by the number of books at home. This
might be due to sampling. As students attending the Gymnasium are usually
expected to go on to tertiary education, it is likely that all parents place a high
value on English for their children’s future. It is therefore also not surprising that
parents’ perceived importance of English shows a significant effect on all three
language skills. By contrast, parents’ own educational background does not show
6.3 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and Language Competences 167

a significant direct effect on students’ language skills. These results once again
support findings from Rolff et al. (2008), which showed that while controlling for
language practice at home, monetary resources and institutionalized educational
titles did not significantly influence students’ language achievements. However,
contrary to Rolff et al. (2008), the results showed a significant effect for the
cultural capital on all three language skills.
Surprisingly, no effect could be found for parents’ English competence or
the use of English at home on students’ language skills (with the exception of
listening). This might be due to the selective sample in the present study and
the resulting small variance in social background. The effect of English use at
home on listening is most likely explained by the fact that the activities captured
by the index focused more on listening activities than on reading and writing.
Interestingly, there was also no significant effect for gender on any of the three
language skills.

In a next step, students’ frequency of extramural contacts was included in

the model (M1—Figure 6.13). Model fit statistics for M1 again showed an ade-
quate fit (χ2 /df = 63.944 / 5, p ≤ .001; CFI/TLI = .985/ .874; RMSEA = .069;
SRMR = .018).
The model once again shows the expected effect of the two structural factors
on the use of English within the family and parents’ English competences. The
number of books at home also shows a significant positive effect on students’ test
achievement. However, the highest level of education in the home does not. The
model also shows a significant effect of parents’ perceived importance of English
as an investment in their children’s future on writing, but not for the other two
skills. By contrast, neither the parent’s own language competences nor English
use at home show a significant effect on any of the language skills.
 168

.08 Writing T2
Gender (R2 = .11) .89
.10
.42

Reading T2
.45

(R2 = .07)
HISCED
.08

1.0
.43

.36
Books at home .07
Listening T2

1.0
(R2 = .08)
.92

Extramural
contacts
(R2 = .14)

.86

Use of English Parents’ language Parents’ perceived

within family competence importance of Engl.
(R2 = .13) (R2 = .24) (R2 = n.s.)

.87 .77 .99

.52 .27

.23

Figure 6.13 Path analysis: the effect of extramural English contact on students’ language skills (M1). (Note: Averaged across all 15 PVs,
n= 2487; standardized coefficients are reported; only significant effect paths are shown (p ≤ .05))
6
Results
6.3 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and Language Competences 169

After including extramural English contacts, the model showed the expected
effect for gender. Female students receive significantly higher scores on all three
language domains. The missing effect in M0 might thus be due to the higher
frequency of extramural contacts of male students. After controlling for these
contacts, female students show significantly higher achievements once again.
However, the effects are small.
In terms of extramural English contacts, male students were shown to be more
likely to engage in extramural contact than their female counterparts. This sup-
ports the findings from other empirical studies and is in line with hypothesis H3.1.
In line with hypothesis H2.3, the results also showed that a conducive home envi-
ronment and parents’ perceived importance of English as a school subject have a
significant positive effect on the frequency of extramural contacts. As before, the
small negative effect of parents’ English competence is probably due to the fact
that parents with a higher educational level tend to be more restrictive when it
comes to their children’s media use. As expected, the two structural factors only
show an indirect effect mediated through the process factors.
Overall, the results support the hypothesis that language and media practices
within the family are more important for students’ own media habits than institu-
tionalized and objectified educational and cultural resources. Gender and family
background combined explain 14% of the variance found in the frequency of
extramural English contact.
In line with hypothesis H4, the frequency of extramural English contacts had
a significant positive effect on students’ test scores in all three language domains.
The more often students engage in voluntary contact with English outside of the
classroom, the higher their test achievements in reading, writing, and listening.
Including the frequency of extramural English contacts in the model significantly
increased the size of the explained variance for the three language skills to 7%–
11%.
In M1, the effect of the social background and gender is partly mediated
through students’ extramural English contacts. Therefore, it can be argued that
students from more conducive home environments and a higher educational back-
ground engage in more extramural English contacts, and as a result, they benefit
more from the incidental learning processes activated through these contacts.
Similarly, as male students engage in more extramural contact, they benefit from
more frequent incidental learning processes outside of school.

A longitudinal research design was employed for the present study, with
language competence measured at two time points. While the nature of the non-
experimental research design and the limited number of time points prevent a
170 6 Results

definitive proof of causality, students’ language competencies at T1 could be

included in a third step to control for prior knowledge (M2—Table 6.9).
As family background and gender preceded performance at T1, M2 models
the direct effect of socio-economic background and gender on language compe-
tences at T1. Media-related extramural English contact was measured at T2. As
questions about extramural language contacts were not specifically directed to the
time between T1 and T2, the relationship between extramural contacts and lan-
guage competences at T1 is conceptualized as a correlative effect in the model.
The following results can thus be understood as the effect of extramural contacts
on gains in all three language skills between T1 and T2.
Model fit statistics showed a good fit of the model to the data (χ2 /df =
112.98/ 23, p ≤ .001; CFI/TLI = .989/ .964; RMSEA = .04; SRMR = .02).
After controlling for language competences at T1 the model explains 30% to
53% of the variance for the language skills at T2. This is unsurprising, given the
high correlation between test achievements at T1 and T2 (Figure 6.14).
Cultural capital again shows a positive effect on students’ test achievements
in all three skills at T1. Educational background, however, does not, nor does
gender. The effect of the two structural factors on students’ test achievement
is again mediated through the three process factors. The perceived importance
of English shows a significant positive effect on all three test scores at T1. In
addition, the use of English within the family had an effect on both listening and
writing skills at T1.
The model also finds significant effects for family background and gender on
students’ frequency of extramural English contact. However, the results show the
complex interconnectedness of these social dimensions in terms of media-related
extramural English contact. Chapter 7 will discuss and interpret the results in
more detail and address important limitations of the present study.
Regarding the effect of extramural English contacts on language competences,
the results show that even after controlling for T1, extramural contacts still have
a significant positive effect on language gains between T1 and T2. The effect size
is now small to negligible. However, correlations with language skills at T1 show
medium-sized effects.
 .52
.55 .46
.96 .96 .96

Listening T1 Reading T1 Writing T1

(R2 = .04) (R2 = .04) (R2 = .04)

Writing T2
.47

(R2 = .53)
.18

Gender Reading T2
.26

(R2 = .31)
.69
.18

Listening T2
(R2 = .30)
.70

HISCED

1.0

.36
Books at home

1.0
Extramural
contacts
(R2 = .14)

Use of English Parents’ language Parents’ perceived .86

within family competence importance of Engl.
(R2 = .13) (R2 = .24) (R2 = n.s)
.87 .77 .99
.52 .27

.23
6.3 Media-related Extramural English Contacts and Language Competences

Figure 6.14 Path analysis: the effect of extramural English contact on students’ language skills under the control of prior knowledge
(M2). (Note: Averaged across all 15 PVs, n= 2487; standardized coefficients are reported; only significant effect paths are shown (p ≤
.05))
171
172 6 Results

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Summary and Discussion
7

Three initial research questions guided the present study:

1) Which forms and frequencies of media-related extramural English contacts do

German and Swiss adolescents have?
2) How do socio-economic background and gender influence the pattern and
frequency of media-related extramural English contacts?
3) How do media-related extramural English contacts influence students’ English
competences?

This chapter summarizes and discusses the central results of the present study
and embeds them into the theoretical framework. The discussion for each research
question will be presented in a separate subchapter. In addition, further limitations
of the present study, recommendations for future research, and implications for
the educational setting will be discussed.

7.1 Summary and Discussion of Forms and Frequency

of Extramural English Contact

While research has shown a regular and intensive contact with English for the
population of several smaller European countries, e.g., Sweden and the Nether-
lands, empirical data for Germany and Switzerland had been limited until now.
The present study was designed to help close the research gap by providing reli-
able empirical evidence. Given the dominance of the American entertainment
industry and the development of entertainment technology in recent decades, it

© The Author(s) 2023 173

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_7
174 7 Summary and Discussion

was proposed that adolescents in both countries will have increasingly frequent
media-related English contacts outside of school, so-called extramural contacts
(H1).
In line with findings from national media studies (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al.,
2016), the present study could show that in 2016/2017 almost all students in the
sample had access to the internet and owned a smartphone and laptop, which
allows easy and regular access to a variety of online content. A majority also had
access to a gaming console at home.
Furthermore, the results showed that English-language media content has
become a constant presence in the lives of most adolescents in Germany and
Switzerland. Even though both countries have a rich pool of German-language
media content, adolescents increasingly use new online-based solutions to inte-
grate international media content into their everyday life. When doing so, they
tend to favor the original versions over dubbed or translated versions.
Music has shown to be the most frequented form of extramural English con-
tact. In addition, most students surf up to two hours per day on English-language
websites and visit social media sites. They also regularly visit video-sharing plat-
forms to watch videos in English. Most students also watch movies and TV series
in English regularly. Reading books or newspapers and magazines in English was
less popular, yet still, almost 40% in the sample stated that they read English
books at least a few times per month. Playing computer games in English is the
least frequented activity, yet students who do engage in these computer games
spend a considerable time gaming in each session and per week.
While the results support the research hypothesis, there is also a wide variation
within each media category, as illustrated by the standard deviations. Thus, while
most students have regular contact with English via the media, others only engage
in occasional contact or no contact at all. In addition, not all students prefer the
same media channels to the same degree.
The data showed small to medium differences between Switzerland and Ger-
many, with Swiss students being more active in listening to audiobooks in
English, watching online videos, movies, and TV series in English, and read-
ing books and newspapers in English. By contrast, German students are more
active in gaming, and they spend longer hours gaming per sitting and per week.
They also surf longer hours per day and read and write longer content online.
However, there was no significant difference between students from Germany and
Switzerland for the overall amount of extramural contact. It seems that students
in both countries might differ in their preference for specific media categories
7.1 Summary and Discussion of Forms and Frequency of Extramural … 175

when it comes to English-language content, but not in their overall frequency

of media-related extramural English contact. In addition, the effect sizes for the
found differences were small.
These results also hold after controlling for socio-economic background fac-
tors. Thus, differences in socio-economic background between the subsamples
cannot completely explain the differences between the two countries. Therefore,
these differences are most likely caused by other factors, such as media traditions
or an overall attitude towards English media content. Unfortunately, the present
study could not analyze this question in more detail.
Overall, the results found in this study are in line with empirical findings from
other European countries (e.g., Kuppens, 2010; Olsson, 2011, 2016; Olsson &
Sylvén, 2015; Sundqvist, 2008, 2009a, 2009b, 2011, 2012, 2013; Sundqvist &
Sylvén, 2012a, 2012b, 2014; Sylvén, 2006, 2007, 2019; Sylvén & Sundqvist,
2012a, 2012b, 2015, 2017; Toffoli & Sockett, 2010, 2012). The high frequency
of extramural English contact in the sample indicates that learners in upper sec-
ondary education have reached a level of language proficiency, on which they can
comfortably process even more complex authentic language input and are able to
interact with the language in a self-regulating way.
However, most students use media channels passively, i.e., they read, listen,
and watch English media content. Only a minority of students engaged in active
behavior through posting and uploading content themselves. The most com-
mon form of active involvement is posting short comments and posts on social
media sites or communicating in English. Thus, it seems that learners’ extramu-
ral English contacts are characterized mainly by a steady intake of English input
rather than a production of output or interaction with others. However, as Tof-
foli and Sockett (2010) showed, this might also be subject to change over time,
as students might grow more comfortable and start to engage in active output
production, the longer they engage in extramural English contacts.
When asked about the reasons why they engaged in extramural English con-
tact, students stated that they are fond of English, enjoy the authentic content,
and appreciate the original and undubbed versions of movies, TV series, books,
and games.
The translation of a book or the dubbing of movies and TV series was also
often seen as a distortion of the original work. Statements like these are similar
to the sentiment prevalent in Scandinavia and the Benelux states (Berns et al.,
2007). The answers also reveal that the dominance of the English language in
the entertainment industry and online is an important motivator for students to
engage in out-of-school contact. English content is often easier to find, contains
more information, and is of a higher quality. For example, similar to results from
176 7 Summary and Discussion

Toffoli and Sockett (2012), some students in the present study started watching
the original version because the translated version was not available yet. Once
they had switched, they stayed with the English version and did not want to
switch back.
Many students were also aware and convinced of the language-learning oppor-
tunities provided by this extramural contact. Some students also stressed the
importance of improving and practicing their language skills in a natural setting
to prepare them for the future.
However, this awareness does not mean that the possible learning processes
are not incidental. Incidental language learning was defined as an unintentional or
unplanned process resulting as a by-product of another activity (see section 4.1).
It is unstructured learning resulting from daily life activities. Such a by-product
can result from implicit learning processes but might also be accompanied by
explicit learning processes, during which a person pays at least peripheral atten-
tion to certain language forms and engages in hypothesis forming and testing.
Therefore, incidental language learning is not marked by any lack of explicit
process or conscious knowledge of learning opportunities. Instead, the important
distinction is that in the case of incidental learning, the focus of the activity is
on understanding and decoding the message from the input and, in the case of
interactive activities, on interaction and communication (Elley, 1997; N. C. Ellis,
1994; R. Ellis, 2008; Hulstijn, 2001; Kekra, 2000; Rieder, 2003).
The fast pace of authentic media content, such as movies or games, makes it
unlikely that students have time to focus on much more than the content in the
moment. Written input and written interaction might provide students with more
time to employ certain learning strategies and explicit learning processes. Nev-
ertheless, students’ statements in the survey underlined the voluntary nature of
their activities and the strong focus on entertainment rather than active language
learning, even though they often were aware of possible learning gains. This is
in line with the definition of incidental and informal learning as applied in this
study.

When interpreting the results, it should be noted that the generalizability of

the findings is limited by the selected sample and the study design.
First, the high level of media-related extramural English contact found in
this study is most likely due to the older age group of the sample. The upper
secondary students in the sample could have been expected to have reached a
competence level in which input from more complex authentic media content
can be processed and understood. The higher language competence in the MEWS
7.1 Summary and Discussion of Forms and Frequency of Extramural … 177

sample was demonstrated by Keller et al. (2020). The paper shows that the major-
ity of students were found to have already reached the B2 level of the Common
European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) in writing at T1, and
15.9% of students reached C1 at T2 (see Keller et al., 2020 for an in-depth anal-
ysis of the two writing tasks and the overall writing performance). Köller et al.
(2019) also discussed the high language competences at T1 for the German sam-
ple in all three language skills. Thus, the older sample probably also allowed the
observation of a high level of engagement in demanding authentic material, such
as books and movies. As such, the findings of the present study are most likely
not representative for all age groups in Germany and Switzerland.
Studies have shown that for beginners, authentic media input is often too
overwhelming (d’Ydewalle, 2002; d’Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Huckin &
Coady, 1999; Neuman & Koskinen, 1992; Peters, 2018; Rankin et al., 2006;
Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015; Vidal, 2011). It is thus reasonable to assume that a
younger sample would have shown much lower levels of media-related extramural
English contacts, as not all authentic input might be suitable or comprehensible
for them.
Analysis of why students chose to engage in extramural English contact further
supports this. Many students have stated that they have no trouble understanding
and following everything they read, hear, and watch in English. By contrast, the
small number of students who reported that they do not engage in extramural
contacts all stated a lack of sufficient language competences as a reason, as they
do not understand enough to make it an enjoyable activity.
However, results from Sylvén and Sundqvist (2015) indicate that even children
as young as 11 or 12 might already be able to engage in extramural contact with
authentic media content. Future research should strive to close this research gap
for the German and Swiss populations.
Second, the present sample is also highly selective regarding socio-economic
background, as entrance into the Gymnasium is already dependent on family
background in both countries. As Section 6.2 has shown, this leads to a smaller
variance within the sample regarding technical equipment, an above-average level
of educational and cultural capital, and a conducive home environment. Conse-
quently, the results are most likely not representative of all students in Germany
and Switzerland. Future research should include a broader range of school tracks
and socio-economic backgrounds into their sample to capture their unique media
habits (for more details on the possible influence of socio-economic background,
see the next subchapter).
Last, it is important to mention that the present study can only capture a frac-
tion of an extremely complex leisure time activity. Given the lack of empirical
178 7 Summary and Discussion

data for Germany and Switzerland, the study aimed to provide a first overview of
media categories and preferred English-language content for both countries. For
that reason, the questionnaire included ten media categories designed to capture
the most popular media activities: music, radio/ podcasts, books, newspapers/
magazines, movies/ TV series, TV shows, online videos, surfing, and gaming.
However, even though the study included follow-up questions for eight of the
most relevant categories, the results have probably not captured every nuance
of this complex behavior. In addition, students were asked to rate their over-
all average extramural media exposure. This averaged measure may have been
challenging for some students.
Media diaries, as they were used in Sundqvist (2009a) and Olsson and Sylvén
(2015), would have been more suitable to gather in-depth information about stu-
dents’ everyday media activities. This would have also allowed an investigation
of the amount of passive language input and (inter)active language production in
more detail. Unfortunately, this strategy was not possible for the present study,
as students were only tested at two fixed measurement points. As a result, the
present study has only scratched the surface, and each category could and has
warranted entire studies dedicated to them.
Furthermore, due to logistic limitations, measures for media-related extramural
contact could only be implemented at the second measuring point. This makes
it impossible to discuss details about students’ development between the two
measurement points. Future research should aim to implement longitudinal study
designs to track students’ development over time.

7.2 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English

Contacts and the Digital Divide

The second research question asked how gender and socio-economic background,
as two important social factors, influence the pattern and frequency of media-
related extramural English contacts among German-speaking adolescents.
Drawing on findings from the field of gender and women studies and the the-
oretical framework of West and Zimmerman (1987) and Bourdieu (1987, 2005),
gender in the present study was understood as a social, cultural, and discur-
sive category that does not exist a priori and outside of people. Instead, it is
rooted in social interaction and is something people do rather than something
they are. Through socialization, existing gender structures are inscribed into peo-
ples’ perception, behavior, and evaluation. As a result, forms of doing gender
are deeply inscribed in all areas of behavior and everyday life (Bourdieu, 1987,
7.2 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English … 179

2005; Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004; Schneider, 2002;
West & Zimmerman, 1987).
As the media landscape is part of a given society, it does not stand outside
of this system. As a result, media production is highly influenced by the exist-
ing gender norms. The resulting media content therefore actively participates
in producing and reproducing gender definitions (what is considered feminine
and masculine) and gender positions (roles, tasks, activities, and opportuni-
ties ascribed to gender categories) in an existing power structure (Dorer, 2002;
Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Peil et al., 2020; Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe,
2007; Röser & Wischermann, 2004; Schneider, 2002). This is evident in the fact
that women are often still shown in traditional life contexts and are underrep-
resented as experts in science and technology in the media (Götz & Prommer,
2020; Peil et al., 2020). Newer media channels did not overcome these stereo-
typical gender representations (Götz & Prommer, 2020; Prommer et al., 2019).
Furthermore, certain media channels and media content are often defined as spe-
cific male or female domains, as is especially evident in terms of the internet and
the computer as typical male domains (Dorer, 2002; Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002;
Peil et al., 2020; Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007; Röser & Wischermann,
2004; Schneider, 2002).
However, the media does not simply impose gender norms on passive con-
sumers. Instead, people actively use media channels and content to claim and
reproduce a specific gender identity. Members of different gender groups claim
different media categories and different content as their field of expertise and
leisure-time activity and, by doing so, reproduce their membership in said gender
group (Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004; Straub, 2006).
The media is thus not only a gendered field but also a gendering field (Straub,
2006).
Following the theoretical framework, it can be assumed that male and female
students in the present study would thus differ in their frequency and preferences
for certain media channels and specific media content as they serve as means to
reproduce gender (H3.1 & H3.2). Looking at the results, the present study found
clear signs for gender-stereotypical behavior among German and Swiss ado-
lescents. Similar to findings from studies investigating German-language media
use, female students were shown to be more likely to choose communicative or
literacy-based activities and English-language media content. They not only read
more English books but also spent more time online on websites providing longer
written input, such as fan fiction and social media websites.
However, male students indicated that they read more magazines and newspa-
pers in English. At first, this might seem to contradict the research hypothesis,
180 7 Summary and Discussion

as studies have repeatedly found female adolescents to be more frequent readers.

However, studies have also found that this is not true for all forms of written con-
tent. While female adolescents and children can often be shown to have a higher
average for reading books and magazines, studies found a higher overall aver-
age for male adolescents and children in terms of comics and online newspaper
articles (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007).
In addition, the present study did not evaluate which newspapers and mag-
azines were read. It is therefore difficult to say what kind of content students
choose. Male students might read newspapers and magazines with a sports and
technology focus, which would once again be in line with previously identi-
fied stereotypical media patterns. These results call for further investigation and
underscore the fact that media channels can deliver a wide array of content and
topics. Consequently, media habits may not always appear as straightforward as
expected. This is also in line with other findings, which show that especially new
online media content covers a wide range of topics within one media channel
(Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007). It thus seems not only important to ask
which media channels students frequently use but also which content and topics
they engage with.
Male students in the present study also indicated that they watch more online
videos and were more active gamers. When engaged in gaming, more male
students indicated an interest in violent or sports-based gaming categories than
female students. In contrast, female students more often named simulation games
or quizzes as their preferred gaming genres. Effect sizes for gaming variables
were particularly strong.
In line with research hypothesis H3.1, the study found male students to have
a higher overall frequency of extramural English contact. Similar to the findings
from Sundqvist (2009a), this is mostly due to their high involvement in time-
consuming online content and computer games.

With respect to socio-economic background, the present study drew on

Bourdieu’s theory of social habitus to explain differences in students’ media
preferences. According to the theory, social classes differ in terms of economic,
social, and cultural capital, resulting in different life circumstances. These dif-
ferences lead to differences in behavior and (aesthetic) taste for things like
art, music, or movies. This so-called social habitus is passed down through
unconscious intergenerational transmission (Bourdieu, 1983, 1987, 2001 [1966])).
Consequently, taste for media channels, media content, and the affinity towards
technology should be understood as a form of learned social behavior. Parents
not only influence their children’s media behavior and attitude towards English
7.2 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English … 181

media content by imposing rules and restrictions but also do so through their own
attitudes in terms of aesthetic taste. Biermann (2009, 2013) used the term media
habitus for this part of the social habitus that specifically relates to the taste and
affinity for media content and technology.
For media contacts in the native language, empirical research has suggested
that adolescents from lower socio-economic backgrounds have a higher proba-
bility of owning their own television and gaming consoles, spending more time
online and with computer games, and spending less time reading books (MPFS,
2017; Waller et al., 2016). Research also suggests that adolescents from higher
socio-economic backgrounds are more likely to have grown up in an English
conducive home environment due to the high level of parental education, cul-
tural capital, and foreign language habits (Lindgren & Muñoz, 2013; Rolff et al.,
2008). As a result, they are more likely to show a higher overall engagement
in regular extramural English activities (H2.1), while they would differ from
children from lower socio-economic backgrounds in their preference for certain
media categories, genres, and content (H2.2).
While the results were somewhat complex, the overall findings supported these
hypotheses. Students from higher socio-economic backgrounds were found to
have a significantly higher overall frequency of extramural English contact. The
contact was mainly due to contact through books, newspapers and magazines,
movies, TV series, TV shows, and online content. In contrast, students from lower
socio-economic backgrounds were shown to surf on English-language websites
for more extended periods of time but had a lower overall frequency of extramural
English contact.
For most categories, the two structural factors (parents’ highest educational
level and objectified cultural capital) did not show significant effects. However,
objectified cultural capital had a significant effect on literacy-based activities.
This finding can be explained by the fact that objectified cultural capital was
operationalized by the number of books at home. Unsurprisingly, growing up in
a household with many books positively influences students’ likelihood of being
avid readers themselves.
The strongest and most stable predictor for extramural English contacts was
the use of English within the family. Students from homes in which English is
used regularly in daily life reported a higher frequency of extramural English
contacts for most media categories and a higher involvement in literacy-based
activities.
Surprisingly, however, this factor did not show a significant effect on the fre-
quency of extramural gaming activities. Indeed, the data did not show any effect
for socio-economic background factors for gaming in the model controlling both
182 7 Summary and Discussion

structural and process factors. Hours spent gaming per week was also not affected
by any of them. These findings are surprising, given that media studies for media
use in the native language have indicated that students from higher economic
backgrounds tend to engage less in computer gaming (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al.,
2016). The same apparently does not hold for extramural gaming contacts in the
present study. This might perhaps be due to the low variation in the data, as
not many students in the study engaged in extramural gaming activities overall.
It might also be because the questionnaire explicitly included smartphone-based
games in the entry question and the follow-up questions about gaming hours. As
most students have their own smartphone, engaging in mobile games might not
be as determined by social background as gaming on a console.
Apart from the frequency of gaming, the follow-up questions for the other
media categories supported the initial findings for each media category. Stu-
dents from a higher and more conducive socio-economic background are engaged
more often in online and offline literacy-based activities and use the internet for
entertainment as well as for reading and information.
Looking at preferred gaming genres, the expected effect of socio-economic
background on gaming was found, as students from higher and more language
conducive socio-economic backgrounds are not as likely to engage in violence-
based gaming. Instead, they are more likely to engage in literacy and knowledge-
based games and less likely to engage in other gaming genres.
It should be kept in mind that since filters were used for all follow-up ques-
tions, the results for these questions can only be interpreted within the specific
subsample of gamers, surfers, watchers, and readers. Effects for any given fac-
tor thus only indicate the significant or non-significant effect of socio-economic
background (or gender) within that subsample.
The effects of socio-economic background factors (as well as the effect of
gender) are, of course, not absolute. This is also evident in the present study, as
effect sizes usually range from small to medium.
One reason might be the overwhelming dominance of English online and in
the music industry, making it difficult to avoid extramural contact in everyday
life. This seems to hold especially true for music, as almost all students listen
to English-language music daily. It seems that music might transcend class and
gender boundaries alike.
Another reason is that the influence of any given social factor on human behav-
ior is complex and has to be understood as part of a complex interaction with
other factors. Furthermore, the weight of the influence for each factor might differ
from field to field. Bourdieu therefore emphasizes that the relationship between
7.2 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English … 183

socio-economic background (and by extension gender) and any form of social

habitus is statistical, not deterministic (Bourdieu, 1987).
In addition, adolescents also undergo important self-socialization processes −
which lead to the development of independent interests—and are influenced by
their peer network (Henrichwark, 2009; Kommer, 2008; Senkbeil & Wittwer,
2009; Straub, 2006). Still, social factors, such as family background and gender,
most likely influence the direction of these self-socialization processes and peer
networks, thus making certain developments more likely than others (Kommer,
2008).
Overall, the results support the theory that the class-specific media habitus,
to some extent, influences students. By passing down their media habits, atti-
tudes, and practices towards foreign media production, parents unconsciously
influence their children’s tastes and preferences for things such as books, movies,
or games. As a result, children from higher socio-economic backgrounds with a
more English conducive home environment have a higher chance of extramural
English contact. These findings are in line with results from other empirical stud-
ies (Henrichwark, 2009; MPFS, 2017; Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009; Stecher, 2005;
Waller et al., 2016).
Despite these interesting findings, it is important to discuss some limitations
in terms of research design and sampling. As already mentioned in Section 3.1,
the complicated nature of the individual dispositions of a given person is not
determined by one single factor, not even one as important as social class, and
can therefore not be measured by one (Bourdieu, 1987). Instead, the specific indi-
vidual dispositions result from more than one factor, each of which influences the
specific circumstances of life (social class, age, gender, place of residence). How-
ever, according to Bourdieu, even a system of factors would not be differentiated
enough, for although all these factors have explanatory power in all fields, the
weight of the factors varies from field to field. Thus, even within social classes,
class fractions will differ. This is also true for predicting the trajectory and devel-
opment a person will go through in life (Bourdieu, 1987). In order to understand
this complex structure for each field, more complex analyses would be necessary.
In addition, quantitative measures for analyzing the effect of socio-economic
background cannot fully reveal the entire complex structure of individual social-
ization conditions. According to Bourdieu, the individual habitus is produced and
reproduced in people’s actions, thoughts, and attitudes. Therefore, traces of it can
be found in what people do and say or leave out (Bourdieu, 1987). To fully
capture these traces, interpretative research methods are needed. Only then is it
possible to show the totality of the complex socialization conditions. Such an
analysis is not possible with quantitative data (Stecher, 2005). As a result, the
184 7 Summary and Discussion

present study was only able to approximate these conditions by applying surface
characteristics by which persons can be divided into broad social groups. Conse-
quently, the specific way in which parents consciously or unconsciously influence
their children’s extramural contacts or to what extent parents execute control over
age-appropriate media content cannot be conclusively determined in this study.
A similar argument can be made for the gender category used in the present
study, as the utilized dichotomous gender variable can be criticized for adhering to
the traditional binary male/female distinction. As was discussed in Section 3.2.3,
understanding gender as an interactive and discursive category would, in theory,
require the observation and analysis of gender identities in their performative
production, in which the produced gender identity is the result, not the starting
point of the analysis (Nentwich & Kelan, 2014). This would also allow for a
broader representation of gender fluidity and gender representation outside of the
heteronormative binary gender system. Unfortunately, such an in-depth analysis
was not possible for the present study due to economic reasons. Instead, gender
was categorized by a binary gender variable. Therefore, it is important to empha-
size that the found differences should not be understood as natural differences
between male and female students. Instead, the results must be seen as an effect
of the students’ deeper mechanisms of gender identification and reproduction.

Despite these limitations and the somewhat contradicting findings for gam-
ing, it can be concluded that overall, students’ extramural English contacts seem
to be influenced by a specific media habitus, i.e., class and gender-specific atti-
tudes and behavioral patterns. Being raised in a household with strong extramural
media habits and a higher educational background positively influences stu-
dents’ frequency of out-of-school contact with the English language. In addition,
male students seem to be more prone to frequent extramural contacts, especially
through online and gaming content.
The found differences in gender and socio-economic background might lead to
differences in incidental language learning outside the classroom, both for female
students and students from lower socio-economic backgrounds. This might be less
of a problem for female students, who usually outperform male students in test
achievement and school grades in English as a foreign language (Hartig & Jude,
2008). However, for students from lower socio-economic backgrounds, the results
are problematic, as they already have a lower probability of achieving higher
test scores and grades in school (Angelone & Ramseier, 2012; Buchmann et al.,
2016; Frank & Sliwka, 2016; Hußmann et al., 2017; Klemm, 2016; Konsortium
PISA.ch, 2019; Kuhl et al., 2013; OECD, 2016, 2020; Solga & Dombrowski,
2009). According to the results from this study, they might also benefit less from
the incidental language learning outside of school.
7.3 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English … 185

7.3 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English

Contacts and Language Learning

According to Krashen’s input hypothesis, a high amount of comprehensible

language input in a foreign language through natural settings will lead to lan-
guage learning similar to the way children acquire their native language. Input
is comprehensible if it is slightly more complex than a person’s current level
of competences (i + 1). Under such circumstances, learners can derive enough
unknown words from the surrounding context to understand and interpret the lan-
guage input. Such input can derive from contact through any form of written or
spoken content (e.g., books, movies, conversation) and will automatically lead to
language acquisition in the language acquisition device of the brain (LAD), given
the affective filter is low enough (Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989). According to this
theory, language input through media content will lead to a natural increase in
language competences.
Newer online-based media channels might also provide learners with an oppor-
tunity to interact and produce output, as well as receive immediate feedback from
other, often more advanced, learners or native speakers. This interaction will not
only help to make input more comprehensible but also assist learners in attain-
ing higher levels of language proficiency and being able to self-regulate their
use of language as a social tool (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Lantolf, 2000, 2005,
2011; Swain, 2005; Vygotsky, 1978). In addition to the input hypothesis, the
present study therefore drew on Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory and Swain’s out-
put hypothesis to underline the importance of interaction and output production
for incidental language learning.
Drawing on this theoretical framework, it was hypothesized that a higher
frequency of extramural English contact will be positively related to students’
language competences (H4). Overall, the analysis in the present chapter sup-
ported the research hypothesis. Almost all ten media channels revealed a positive
correlation to students reading, writing, and listening skills.
The results have shown the effects of extramural English contacts to be sim-
ilar for students’ listening, reading, and writing skills. This is interesting for
two reasons: first, one might have expected the effect for extramural contact
for audio(-visual) media content to be particularly strong on students’ listen-
ing skills, while written language input could have been suspected to be linked
especially closely to students’ reading comprehension. Second, as writing in a
foreign language is a demanding productive activity and composing a high-
quality argumentative or synthesis essay demands students to be familiar with
rules and conventions of the text genre, writing skills might be highly dependent
186 7 Summary and Discussion

on intentional learning and formal classroom instruction. It could thus have been
expected that this test score might show a weaker relationship with the frequency
of extramural English contacts. However, this was not the case.
Nevertheless, the findings are somewhat in line with other empirical findings.
Olsson (2011) and Sundqvist (2009a) also found a positive relationship between
extramural English contacts with the two productive skills. The authors attributed
this to the fact that students with frequent extramural contacts gain a more exten-
sive and diverse language register, which allows them to adapt their language
better to different text types (Olsson, 2011).
In addition, for the present study, overall text characteristics, such as vocabu-
lary, grammar, collocations, and prepositions, were important criteria for scoring
the essays. This was true for both the integrated and the independent writing task
(Keller et al., 2020; Rupp et al., 2019). Many of these criteria are also impor-
tant for reading and listening skills. This can be understood as an indication that
declarative linguistic and metacognitive knowledge of a foreign language provides
a critical source from which both receptive and productive skills draw (Schoonen,
2019). This is also in line with findings from Laufer and Nation (1995), which
provided evidence that vocabulary size and lexical richness are significant deter-
minants for successful written production and holistic scores in foreign language
writing.
If this is indeed the case, extramural English contact should have an espe-
cially large effect on those underlying macrofeatures of the writing scores, which
best capture these overall language criteria. Unfortunately, proprietary reasons
provided a detailed analysis of the macrofeatures for the present study. Future
studies will hopefully allow a rescoring of the student texts and thus enable a
more detailed evaluation of the relationship between extramural English contact
and different text criteria.

Structural equation models further supported the research hypothesis, showing

that extramural English contacts positively affect language learning for all three
language skills. Again, the path coefficients were similar in size for all three
skills. However, the models only explained a small portion of the variance for
the three skills. Model Fit indices showed an adequate to a good fit for all three
models, yet some uncertainty remains, and the results should be interpreted with
caution (Geiser, 2010; Schermelleh-Engel et al., 2003). Further methodological
limitations will be discussed below.
The effect of extramural contacts on the three language skills stayed signifi-
cant, even after controlling for language competence at T1, yet path coefficients
7.3 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English … 187

decreased considerably in size. This indicates that the effect of extramural con-
tacts on actual language gains between the time points is significant but small.
The small effect sizes might seem unfortunate, yet it is not surprising for three
reasons: First, students had already reached a high level of language competences
at the first measurement point. Language gains between the time points were,
therefore, small in general. In addition, the two measurement points did not lie
that far apart. As discussed above, incidental language learning is a slow process
(R. Ellis, 1999; Letchumanan et al., 2015; Sok, 2014; Webb & Rodgers, 2009),
huge language gains could thus not have been expected to take place between the
two measurement points.
Second, as students probably choose a diverse set of topics and genres in
their extramural contacts, it is possible that the standardized test administered
to measure students reading, writing, and listening skills did not capture the
unique content students were exposed to through their extramural contacts. Media
content usually contains a high number of high-frequency words and phrases.
However, some students might engage in extramural contact that provides them
with a large amount of non-frequent and peripheral words. For example, students
engaged in extramural contact through playing fantasy games might have acquired
an extensive set of vocabulary related to the specific genre that would not have
factored into their test scores. This might explain both the only medium-sized
effect in model 1 and the small effects on language gain between measurement
points in model 2.
Third, as this was not an experimental study, the exact level of language com-
plexity provided by students’ extramural English contacts cannot be determined.
As already discussed in Section 4.1, lack of comprehensible input might lead to
fossilization, which will slow down the learning progress or stop it completely
(Krashen, 1985). As students’ extramural contact is guided by their personal
interests, they might not automatically progress to more complex and demanding
media content as they increase their language competences. Instead, they might
engage in the same type of media content for a long period of time, even though
they might have already reached the level of difficulty provided by the source.
Input that is too easy will then not provide learners with new syntax and only with
a limited range of vocabulary (Krashen, 1985). Extramural English input through
mainstream media at some point might even fail to provide more advanced stu-
dents with input complex enough to aid further language learning (although this
might be less of a risk with the upper secondary students in this study).
In addition, as the results from M. Peterson (2012) show, online communi-
cation often relies heavily on abbreviations and shortcuts, which can be easily
memorized and used for quick communication. As a result, language learners
188 7 Summary and Discussion

might develop strategies for successful online communication with memorized

phrases without real language learning taking place (Krashen, 1985).
By contrast, input that is too complex will provide learners with input
they cannot decipher (Krashen, 1985). As a result, students would be unable
to understand enough of the content to derive unknown words from the sur-
rounding context, and they might not even be able to use other-regulation or
object-regulation to work through their zone of proximal development. While
intermediate and advanced students might already feel comfortable enough to
seek extramural English contact, some learners in the sample might not have yet
been able to use the media to its full advantage because they have not yet reached
the required level of proficiency.
In conclusion, extramural English contacts hold the risk of unsuitable lan-
guage input and communication that is either too simple or too complex. For
future research, it would be valuable to control for or at least measure the quality
and difficulty of language input students receive in their free time. It would also
be interesting to see which strategies learners might employ to select comprehen-
sible input and communicative settings and how they progress from one level of
difficulty to the next.

With respect to the influence of gender and socio-economic background, the

results from the structural equation models confirm findings from Chapter 6. Male
students showed a significantly higher probability of engaging in media-related
extramural contact. As a result, they might benefit more from incidental language
learning. This might also be why this study failed to find a significant effect for
gender on the three language skills in M0. This would be in line with Sundqvist
(2009a), who concluded that the high test performance from the male students in
her sample might have been due to their high level of involvement in extramural
contacts.
In addition, the present study was able to demonstrate that the students’
socio-economic background influences the frequency with which they engage
in extramural English contact. Here again, structural factors were less relevant
than process factors. A positive and conducive home environment significantly
affected the frequency of extramural contacts, as did does parents’ perceived
importance of English as an investment into their children’s future. Interestingly,
parents’ own English competences negatively influenced students’ extramural
English contacts. As discussed in Section 6.2.1, this is most likely an effect of
educational background in general, as studies have revealed a negative effect for
educational background on media activities in the native language. Children from
higher educational backgrounds have been shown to spend less time watching
7.3 Summary and Discussion of Extramural English … 189

TV, surfing the internet, and gaming but more time reading than children from
lower educational backgrounds (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016).
All in all, the results for the socio-economic background indicate that by
including English in everyday life activities and placing value on language pro-
ficiency, parents directly influence their children in their choices to engage with
English media content voluntarily.

Despite these encouraging findings, the results should be interpreted with cau-
tion, as the present study design and resulting dataset has some limitations. First,
the hierarchical structure of the data posed a challenge for the analysis of the
structural equation models. As data was gathered in Germany and Switzerland
across different schools, students in the dataset are nested in classes, which are
nested in schools, which are nested in countries. In the Swiss dataset, schools
were also nested in different cantons. Since entrance into upper secondary educa-
tion is dependent on socio-economic family background in both countries, both
samples are most likely highly selective and not representative for all adoles-
cents in the two countries. In Switzerland, selectivity will most likely be even
higher since entrance into upper secondary education is even more restrictive in
the Swiss educational system (Keller et al., 2020). In addition, the sampling pro-
cedure differed between Germany and Switzerland. Therefore, it is advisable to
account for the hierarchical structure of the data in the analysis.
One option would be to compute a multiple group comparison. This would
have also made it possible to investigate possible differences in the effects
between the two countries. Unfortunately, given the overall significant Chi2 tests
of the SEM models in this study, it would not have been possible to determine if
any found differences were statistically significant.
Another option would have been to include country as a control variable on
the individual level. However, including cluster variables as a control variable
on the individual level also introduces uncertainty into the model (Snijders &
Bosker, 2012). Instead, it is advised to control for clustering on the appropriate
hierarchical level.
MPlus does allow for the computation of the standard errors and chi-square
test of model fit while taking into account the clustering structure of the data with-
out modeling specific effects on the higher hierarchical levels (Muthén & Muthén,
1998–2017). Such so-called sandwich estimators can yield robust standard errors,
accounting for the multilevel structure of the data, without specifically modelling
cross-level effects (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017; Snijders & Bosker, 2012).
MPlus currently allows for the control of two hierarchical levels, although one
has to choose which level the standard errors should be controlled for (Muthén &
190 7 Summary and Discussion

Muthén, 1998–2017). The literature usually advises controlling for the highest
level cluster (Snijders & Bosker, 2012). Unfortunately, small sample sizes within
classes and schools, especially in the German data set, combined with missing
data, led to some higher-level clusters only having one valid observation on some
variables of interest. Consequently, the present data did not allow for simultane-
ous control of clustering at multiple hierarchical levels in MPlus. Even if this had
been an option, the data structure would still have made it necessary to disregard
either the class, school, or country level, as only two hierarchical levels can be
included simultaneously.
In addition, studies have also shown that controlling for the highest cluster
level is not always the best strategy if the number of elements on the highest
cluster is small. Under such circumstances, the sandwich estimation might not
provide the best model (Snijders & Bosker, 2012). Given the fact that the cur-
rent study only included two elements at the country level and overall differences
between countries were small for media use as well as for socio-economic back-
ground factors, the decision was made to control for students nested in classes
instead. This also accounts for variance at the class level due to class compo-
sition effects, which most likely also influence students peer group connections
(see Section 7.4. for a brief discussion about the effect of peer groups on adoles-
cents’ media use). However, the results should be interpreted with some caution,
as the complex hierarchical structure could not be fully accounted for.
In light of these challenges, future research should strive to carefully imple-
ment sampling and study designs that not only allow for a more thorough
statistical modeling of the hierarchical structure but also for a more detailed
investigation of cultural and national differences within the German-speaking
communities.
Second, the study design also does not allow for a conclusive determination of
the direction of the causal relationships between students’ language competences
and their media-related extramural English contacts. While it is reasonable to
assume that regular and intensive contact with the English language via media
content will lead to learning processes, a reverse causal effect is likely also
relevant. As a certain threshold needs to be reached to understand authentic
media content or to interact with others, it is most likely that students’ lan-
guage competences influence their ability to access media content or participate
in communication with other English speakers. Furthermore, students with a high
language competence might also feel more motivated to choose English media
content instead of content produced or dubbed in German. It is thus likely that
language competence and extramural English contacts have a reciprocal effect on
each other. Future research should strive to implement experimental study designs
7.4 Further Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research 191

to further investigate the causal relationship between extramural language contact

and language learning. This will also increase our understanding of the learn-
ing process and the learning gains that can be expected from extramural English
contact under different circumstances.

7.4 Further Limitations and Recommendations

for Future Research

Overall, the findings in the present study have revealed that extramural English
contacts might positively impact learners’ language competences, both for recep-
tive and productive skills. In addition, the results have indicated that the decision
to engage in these contacts is in part influenced by a learners’ socialization
process into gender norms and a specific form of social media habitus.
While the study has shed important light on out-of-school informal language
learning processes, the nature of the study design left some questions unanswered
and raised some new ones. The previous subchapters already discussed limitations
and possible biases, as they related directly to the results and the discussion of
each research question. In this section, some further limitations of the present
study and suggestions for future research will be mentioned.
First, the present study could not include other social factors such as the influ-
ence of peer networks and self-socialization processes. However, as Senkbeil and
Wittwer (2009) and Henrichwark (2009) have pointed out, children and espe-
cially adolescents develop interests independently of their parents and undergo
important self-socialization processes. Peer networks provide adolescents with
meaningful connections and opportunities to talk about shared interests in media
topics and genres, as friends often share the same interests. In addition, children
and adolescents often have their first contact with the computer and the inter-
net through their peer network (Henrichwark, 2009; Kommer, 2008; Senkbeil &
Wittwer, 2009; Straub, 2006).
Furthermore, the internet especially offers young people the possibility to
search for information and develop new values, identities, and interests inde-
pendently of their parents. Media, therefore, also provides adolescents with the
opportunity for self-socialization processes (Straub, 2006). These processes might
be amplified by the increased autonomy smartphones and computers give adoles-
cents. By using their personal devices, watching a movie might shift from a
family activity in the living room to a private activity with minimal parental
192 7 Summary and Discussion

supervision. Thus, while being rooted in social practice and media habitus, extra-
mural English contact through media channels is most likely also influenced by
individual development.
Second, it was also beyond the scope of this study to include psycholog-
ical factors such as interest or motivation, as they are a complex field of their
own. However, research has repeatedly demonstrated the positive moderating role
of motivation and interest for second and foreign language learning. The fact
that media-related extramural English contacts are engaged in voluntarily most
likely provides a strong intrinsic motivation for continued regular language con-
tact outside of the classroom (Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009). In addition, as interest
is defined as the “heightened attention and emotional engagement that emerges
when a person has a positive interaction with a content area or a task” (Hidi &
Renninger, 2006, p. 112), it is very likely that interest in the media content helps
to further increase and foster incidental learning processes.
Still, interest and motivation are part of Krashen’s input hypotheses (1982,
1985, 1989): According to him, input will only lead to acquisition if a person’s
affective filter is low enough. The filter will be low if the learner feels motivated,
self-confident, self-efficient, and not anxious. A high filter will prevent acqui-
sition, no matter how much input is provided. For students with a low level of
anxiety and a high level of motivation, self-efficacy, and a conducive self-concept,
extramural English contact will likely result in a higher level of incidental learn-
ing. Nevertheless, the exact nature of the relationship in the case of media-related
extramural English contacts should be investigated further.
Furthermore, it is very likely that a positive experience and positive feedback
in understanding the content of a movie or book, or from a successful interaction
with others, will positively influence these psychological factors. This, in turn,
can lead to a positive self-concept and self-efficacy as an English speaker and
help lower the affective filter. As students grow more accustomed and confident in
their role as language users in an international community, their learning revenues
might therefore increase. It would also be interesting to see how incomprehensible
input, unsuccessful interaction, or negative feedback might influence students’
motivation or self-efficacy.
In addition, a positive experience with English outside of the classroom might
also increase interest and strengthen students’ understanding of the personal rele-
vance of English for their personal future. Therefore, extramural English contacts
might help turn English from a school subject with general significance into an
object of personal significance (Tin, 2013).
Third, future research might also be interested in the interaction between psy-
chological and social factors, such as gender and socio-economic background,
7.4 Further Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research 193

and their effect on incidental learning. The present study did not hypothesize that
socio-economic background would affect the actual incidental learning process
arising from extramural contacts. Drawing on Krashen’s theory, for the socio-
economic background to affect the learning process itself, students from different
backgrounds would have to systematically differ in their affective filter. However,
unlike classroom instructions, extramural English contacts are not mandatory.
Students can choose the media category and content they are most interested in.
As a result, it can be argued that the affective filter should generally be low for
students who decide to engage in extramural contact, thus creating an ideal basis
for incidental language learning. Thus, while socio-economic background might
influence the probability of engaging in extramural contact, it was not expected to
play a moderating role in the learning effect for students who do decide to engage
in said contact. The same can be said for gender. However, empirical evidence in
this area is still limited, and future research should examine the interactions of
these various factors more closely.
Fourth, this study could not include students’ actual communication and
interaction strategies with extramural English content. Nevertheless, for a full
understanding of the benefits of interactive media use it is important to under-
stand how students interact online and how learners might use other-regulation
and object-regulation to work through their zone of proximal development. Some
studies have demonstrated that native speakers and more advanced language
learners might provide novices with explanations, co-construction, positive and
negative feedback (Rankin et al., 2009; Thorne, 2008). However, research in this
area is undoubtedly still at the beginning.
In addition, little is known about if and how students employ explicit learning
strategies as they engage in extramural contact. Given the fact that students in
the present study have indicated that they are aware of the learning potentials
deriving from the extramural English contacts, future research should examine
which explicit learning strategies students might employ and how these strategies
might differ between fast-paced media content such as movies or computer games
and the slower activity of online and offline reading.
Fifth, it was also beyond the scope of this study to investigate the effect of
extramural English contact on students’ speaking skills. Sundqvist (2009a) was
able to show that extramural contact can have a positive influence on learners’
oral skills. This might be especially true for extramural contacts from listening to
and watching English content, as it provides direct auditory examples of pronun-
ciation. Anecdotal evidence, for example, links the frequent contact to English
music, movies, and TV series with the fact that Dutch and Flemish children are
often able to pronounce English words perfectly (Koolstra et al., 2002). It would
therefore be interesting to see how regular extramural English contact might lead
to different proficiency levels in certain dialects. Due to the dominance of the
194 7 Summary and Discussion

United States, it could be expected that learners with a high level of extramural
English contact might have a special inclination to reproduce the most represented
American accents.
Last, the present study did not address the topic of media or ICT literacy, i.e.,
students ability to access, analyze, and evaluate images and sounds, as well as
their ability to communicate with and through these media channels and use the
necessary technology appropriately (Henrichwark, 2009). As studies have shown,
and as Thorne (2008) points out, the media is a stable part in the lives of most
adolescents, and the internet is much more a social fact than a technological
one, yet this does not mean that adolescents automatically have a high level of
ICT literacy. The present study assumed that students who engage in media-
related extramural English contact at least had a high enough media literacy to
access the content of interest. However, results from the ICIL study show that
not all young people have the same level of ICT literacy. Although the study
focused on school and work-related ICT skills, the findings raise doubts about
equal access to online and computer-based media content and the competence
to navigate and evaluate the found information. The study also revealed that
media and ICT literacy strongly depend on social background factors and gender
(Fraillon et al., 2014; Lorenz et al., 2014). Similarly, Henrichwark (2009) also
provided evidence that not all students have the same ability to understand and
evaluate content presented to them via media channels and that students’ media
literacy is dependent on socio-economic background.
Results like these are worrisome, especially given that children and adoles-
cents have increasingly autonomous control over their media intake through their
own technical devices. Therefore, the competence to understand and evaluate con-
tent and information is a crucial skill to navigate the online world and not fall
prey to misinformation and radical ideas. Future research should include media
literacy and ICT literacy measures to capture their selective effect on extramural
English contact and investigate how students process and evaluate the information
they receive online.

7.5 Pedagogical Implications

The high frequency of extramural English contacts among adolescents in this

study poses new challenges for the educational system. In an ever-changing media
landscape, teachers and parents should be aware of the frequency with which ado-
lescents might engage in extramural English contacts and the benefits and risks
7.5 Pedagogical Implications 195

arising from them. Ignoring these influences means ignoring students’ increas-
ingly heterogeneous language backgrounds. Some students might participate in a
complex net of extramural activities and are part of a stable online community
where they take on the role of a self-sufficient language user. They may have a
highly specialized vocabulary, which might not be recognized or valued in the
school context. For these students, classroom instruction might even be frustrating
or boring.
Other students might be hesitant to engage in any out-of-school contact, rely-
ing solely on the input from their teachers. Therefore, these students might be
less able to self-regulate their language output or interact with members of the
target language community in an informal and natural context. For these students,
parents and teachers can serve as important motivators and inspiration.
By the time of this study, results from Grau (2009) suggested few teachers
took students’ extramural English contacts seriously. They also seemed to be
mostly unreflective about their own role in providing students with appropriate
listening and viewing strategies for their out-of-school language contact (Grau,
2009) or encouraging students to find their own voice in the international online
community. One reason for this might be missing knowledge and expertise on
the teachers’ side (Sundqvist & Sylvén, 2012a). It seems crucial for teachers to
be better informed of the newest developments in media and technology.
In addition, to encourage students to seek extramural English contacts, the
educational system should also strive for a stronger incorporation of students’
interests and prior knowledge into the classroom. The modern English classroom
should strive to build bridges between students’ in- and out-of-school language
contacts, without necessarily making them a homework assignment. Doing so can
link formal instructions to students’ interests and activate prior knowledge. Learn-
ers’ extramural English contacts should be seen as an opportunity to increase
in-school motivation and interest in English as a subject and as a fruitful addition
to the language classroom. Ignoring the interests and language backgrounds stu-
dents bring to the classroom means to deepen the rift between students’ in-school
and out-of-school lives and leaves students to their own devices when it comes
to choosing, consuming, evaluating, and reflecting on media content.
Of course, incidental language learning should not be understood as a replace-
ment for thorough and well-structured language instruction within the educational
setting. Especially not since incidental language learning has been shown to be
a slow and error-prone process and can be especially overwhelming for begin-
ners (e.g., Letchumanan et al., 2015; Sok, 2014; Webb & Rodgers, 2009). It is
important to teach learners the basic linguistic principles and lexical system of
the target language, as well as to make them aware of (vocabulary) learning tasks
196 7 Summary and Discussion

and to teach them explicit strategies for doing so. This ensures that learners start
their language journey by studying a base vocabulary, grammar, and a robust con-
nection between form and meaning (d’Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Hulstijn,
2001; Neuman & Koskinen, 1992).
Thus, when integrating students’ out-of-school interests into the classroom, in-
classroom activities should strive to make genre- and context-specific linguistic
structures and vocabulary of contemporary media content explicit to the learn-
ers. In addition, the classroom should endeavor to equip students with learning
strategies for out-of-school language use and promote active language use in and
outside of the classroom. In this way, it can be possible to incorporate media
content from outside the classroom and allow learners a space to develop their
personal interests. This can then help young learners to navigate and guide their
own journey on their way to becoming self-sufficient within a media world that
is governed by English as its dominant mode of communication.
This will also enable learners to reach a level of proficiency in which a broad
range of authentic input will be comprehensible and but help learners to estab-
lish a monitor that helps to regulate and check the output before it is uttered
(Krashen, 1985). Once these requirements are met, and a base is established,
incidental learning deriving from extramural English contacts can be a helpful
and interesting additional way of language learning.

Open Access This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use,
sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you
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The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the chapter’s
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is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain
permission directly from the copyright holder.
Conclusion
8

While a growing number of empirical findings reveal the high level of media-
related extramural English contacts in smaller European countries, reliable
empirical data for Germany and Switzerland has been scarce. The present study
aimed to close this research gap by providing insight into the frequency and
forms of extramural English contact by students in their penultimate year in
upper secondary education.
To achieve this goal, the large-scale assessment study ‘Measuring English
Writing at Secondary Level’ (MEWS) included a catalog of questions concerning
the frequency of extramural English contact through 10 media categories (music,
radio/podcasts, audiobooks, books, newspapers/magazines, movies/TV series, TV
shows, online videos, surfing the internet and gaming). In addition, follow-up
questions measured in-depth information about the students’ media behavior for
the most relevant categories. Students were also tested on their reading, listening,
and writing skills and given an extensive background questionnaire. The study
collected data from 2,847 students from Germany and the German-speaking part
of Switzerland.
The results from the present study demonstrate that, on average, older ado-
lescents in upper secondary education in Germany and Switzerland come into
intensive and regular contact with English as a foreign language outside of
the classroom. Students regularly engage in several activities, with listening to
English music being the most popular. For most students, videos, online posts,
and websites in English are also a constant presence in their lives. The contact
is mostly passive. If students engage in active behavior, it is mostly via shorter
posts on social media platforms.

© The Author(s) 2023 197

M. Krüger, Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and
Switzerland, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_8
198 8 Conclusion

Students stressed the omnipresence of English online and the possible learning
and practice opportunities as important reasons for their media-related extramural
English contact. Nevertheless, they also reported choosing to engage in such
contacts for their entertainment value, earlier availability, easier access, and the
high quality of English media productions.
The frequency and preference for extramural English contacts via various
media channels could be shown to run along stereotypical gender lines, with
male students being more active on online video platforms and in gaming activ-
ities, and female students more likely to be engaged in communication and to
read online and offline content in English.
Regarding the socio-economic background, the present study found mixed
effects. While for media content in the native language, a high socio-economic
background is usually associated with less frequent online and computer-based
media exposure (e.g., MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016), a positive effect was
found for media content in English (except for computer games). These effects
can be attributed to a higher level of cultural resources and a more conducive
home environment, which form a specific media habitus that encourages extra-
mural English contacts. However, English-language media content from some
media categories, namely the internet in general and social media platforms in
particular, were popular among members of all social groups.
In line with the hypothesis, the results also provided evidence for the positive
relationship between extramural English contacts and students’ reading, writing,
and listening skills. However, some methodological limitations concerning sam-
pling procedure and hierarchical structure in the dataset could not be completely
controlled for in the present study. The results should therefore be read with
caution.
Despite these limitations, the results are encouraging, as they reveal media-
related extramural English contacts to be a valuable additional source for English
learning and practice. The effects suggest an advantage for male students and
children from higher socio-economic backgrounds in terms of possible learning
benefits. Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds and female students
might benefit less from these incidental learning effects.
Future research should focus on the specific nature and quality of language
input deriving from different media channels. In addition, future research should
strive to implement experimental study designs to better understand the nature
of the causal relationship between media-related extramural English contacts and
incidental language learning processes. Future studies should also be interested
in including different age groups and learners from diverse family backgrounds
and different school tracks. The unique and complex influence of socio-economic
8 Conclusion 199

background and gender categories should also be investigated further. Last, more
empirical research is needed to investigate the influence of prior knowledge on
successful extramural English contact and incidental language learning, as well
as the learning strategies students might employ while engaging in extramural
contacts.
Overall, the findings of the present study challenge the way we might think
about the English language in both Germany and Switzerland. Traditionally,
English has been a foreign language for students in both countries, and until
recently, contact was mainly facilitated through the educational system, with lim-
ited contact to native speakers. The internet has changed that. This omnipresence
might also impact peoples’ identities as language users. As Kohn (2011) points
out, the increased communication between natives and non-natives challenges our
perspective of what using and knowing English is all about. In an international
environment, native speakers are not the sole owners of the language anymore,
and young language users in Germany and Switzerland will likely find themselves
being part of an ever-growing global community that regularly uses English as
a lingua franca to communicate. Indeed, even though several adolescents in the
present sample chose not to engage with English outside of school, the results
suggest that English has become an increasingly important part of most students’
everyday lives in Germany and Switzerland. Not all students favored all available
media channels, but not many seem to be able to escape the impact the English
language has on our media landscape completely.

Open Access This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use,
sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you
give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative
Commons license and indicate if changes were made.
The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the chapter’s
Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If
material is not included in the chapter’s Creative Commons license and your intended use
is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain
permission directly from the copyright holder.
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