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Pain and Injury in Sport Social and Ethical Analysis
Ethics and Sport 1st Edition Sigmund Loland Digital
Instant Download
Author(s): Sigmund Loland, Berit Skirstad, Ivan Waddington
ISBN(s): 9780415357036, 0415357039
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.57 MB
Year: 2006
Language: english
Pain and Injury in Sport

For elite athletes, pain and injury are standard. In a challenge to the orthodox
medical model in which pain, injury and physical suffering are largely under-
stood in terms of physiology alone, the text examines the in¯uence of social
and cultural processes on athletes' experiences of pain and injury, and goes on
to raise important social and ethical questions about the culture of pain and
`playing hurt'.
The authors examine pain in sport from a range of theoretical perspectives
including medical, psychological, philosophical, historical and sociological, and
the text provides comprehensive discussion of key themes including:

. pain, injury and sports performance

. the deliberate in¯iction of pain
. management of pain and injury
. the role of sports coaches and medical staff
. the meaning of pain and injury.

Drawing on the contributions of leading international researchers, Pain and

Injury in Sport's multidisciplinary approach provides a uniquely broad basis for
discussion. This is essential reading not just for students and those with a profes-
sional interest in managing injuries, but for all those who wish to understand
more about the culture of sport and, in particular, about the culture of risk so
integral to elite sport.

Sigmund Loland is Professor and Head of Section of Sport, Culture and Society
at the Norwegian School of Sport Sciences, Oslo. Berit Skirstad is Associate
Professor and responsible for Sport Management at the Norwegian School of
Sport Sciences, Oslo. Ivan Waddington is Visiting Professor at the Norwegian
School of Sport Sciences, Oslo; the Centre for Research into Sport and Society,
University of Chester, UK; and the Centre for Sports Studies, University
College Dublin, Ireland.
Ethics and Sport
Series Editors
Mike McNamee
University of Wales Swansea
Jim Parry
University of Leeds

The Ethics and Sport series aims to encourage critical re¯ection on the practice of sport,
and to stimulate professional evaluation and development. Each volume explores new
work relating to philosophical ethics and the social and cultural study of ethical issues.
Each is different in scope, appeal, focus and treatment but a balance is sought between
local and international focus, perennial and contemporary issues, level of audience,
teaching and research application, and variety of practical concerns.
Also available in this series:

Ethics and Sport

Edited by Mike McNamee and Jim Parry
Values in Sport
Elitism, nationalism, gender equality and the scienti®c manufacture of winners
Edited by TorbjoÈrn TaÈnnsjoÈ and Claudio Tamburrini
Spoilsports
Understanding and preventing sexual exploitation in sport
Celia Brackenridge
Fair Play in Sport
A moral norm system
Sigmund Loland
Sport, Rules and Values
Philosophical investigations in the nature of sport
Graham McFee
Sport, Professionalism and Pain
Ethnographies of injury and risk
David Howe
Genetically Modi®ed Athletes
Biomedical ethics, gene doping and sport
Andy Miah
Human Rights in Youth Sport
A critical review of children's rights in competitive sports
Paulo David
Genetic Technology and Sport
Ethical questions
Edited by Claudio Tamburrini and TorbjoÈrn TaÈnnsjoÈ
Pain and Injury in Sport
Social and ethical analysis

Edited by Sigmund Loland,

Berit Skirstad and Ivan Waddington
First published 2006 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
& 2006 Selection and editorial matter, Sigmund Loland,
Berit Skirstad and Ivan Waddington;
individual chapters, the contributors
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2006.
“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN 10 0±415±35703±9 (hbk)

ISBN 10 0±415±35704±7 (pbk)
ISBN 13 978±0±415±35703±6 (hbk)
ISBN 13 978±0±415±35704±3 (pbk)
Contents

Contributors vii
Series editors' preface xii
Acknowledgements xiv

Introduction 1
IVAN WADDINGTON, SIGMUND LOLAND AND BERIT SKIRSTAD

SECTION I
Pain and injury in sports: Three overviews 15

1 The sociology of pain and injury in sport: Main perspectives

and problems 17
MARTIN RODERICK

2 Sport and the psychology of pain 34

KIRSTEN KAYA ROESSLER

3 Three approaches to the study of pain in sport 49

SIGMUND LOLAND

SECTION II
Pain, injury and performance 63

4 The place of pain in running 65

JOHN BALE

5 Pains and strains on the ice: Some thoughts on the

physical and mental struggles of polar adventurers 76
MATTI GOKSéYR
vi Contents
6 Injured female athletes: Experiential accounts from
England and Canada 89
HANNAH CHARLESWORTH AND KEVIN YOUNG

SECTION III
The deliberate in¯iction of pain and injury 107

7 Sport and the systematic in¯iction of pain: A case study

of state-sponsored mandatory doping in East Germany 109
GISELHER SPITZER

8 Pain and injury in boxing: The medical profession divided 127

KEN SHEARD

9 The intentional in¯iction of pain in sport: Ethical

perspectives 144
JIM PARRY

SECTION IV
The management of pain and injury 163

10 Sports medicine: A very peculiar practice? Doctors and

physiotherapists in elite English rugby union 165
DOMINIC MALCOLM

11 Ethical problems in the medical management of sports

injuries: A case study of English professional football 182
IVAN WADDINGTON

12 The ontology of sports injuries and professional medical

ethics 200
YOTAM LURIE

13 The role of injury in the organization of Paralympic sport 211

P. DAVID HOWE
 Contents vii
SECTION V
The meaning of pain and injury 227

14 Suffering in and for sport: Some philosophical remarks on

a painful emotion 229
MIKE McNAMEE

15 Pain, suffering and paradox in sport and religion 246

JEFFREY P. FRY

Index 261
Contributors

John Bale is a teacher and researcher at the University of Aarhus, Denmark and
Keele University, UK. He has been a visiting professor at the University of
Jyvaskyla (Finland), the University of Western Ontario, and Queensland
University. His main areas of research have focused on geographical dimen-
sions of sports. Recent publications include Imagined Olympians (University
of Minnesota Press) and Running Cultures (Routledge). Among his current
projects is a study of sport and slowness.
Hannah Charlesworth gained her MA from the University of Leicester in 2000
and carried out her doctoral research into the sports-related pain and injury
experiences of female university athletes at Loughborough University. She
is currently employed by the Institute of Youth Sport at Loughborough Uni-
versity as a Research Associate. Her research interests include sports-related
risk, injury, pain and gender. She was co-author, with Dr Kevin Young, of
`Why English Female University Athletes Play with Pain: Motivations and
Rationalisations', a chapter published in Sporting Bodies, Damaged Selves:
Sociological Studies of Sports-related Injury (Elsevier, 2004).
Dr Jeffrey P. Fry is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Philosophy and
Religious Studies and Director of the Center for Sport, Ethics & Culture at
Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana, USA. He has served on the Execu-
tive Council of the International Association for the Philosophy of Sport
and is a member of the Editorial Board of the Journal of the Philosophy of
Sport. He holds a double major PhD in Philosophy and Religious Studies
from Indiana University. His recent publications have focused on ethical
issues in sports, especially the ethics of coaching.
Matti Goksùyr, Cand. polit. in History 1982 at the University of Bergen, he
completed his doctorate in 1991 at the Norwegian School of Sport Sciences,
where he is now Professor of History. Goksùyr has published books and articles
both nationally and internationally. Recent research topics include sport and
national identity, sport and politics, polar history and football history. Recent
publications include Fotball! Norges Fotballforbund 100 aÊr. Oslo 2002 (co-
written with Finn Olstad); `Norway: Neighbourly Neutrality', in The Nazi
 Contributors ix
Olympics: Sports, Politics and Appeasement in the 1930s (eds. Arnd KruÈger
and Bill Murray), University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago, 2003;
`Kapplùp i gamle spor', in Norsk Polarhistorie, vol. 1 (eds. E. A. Drivenes
and H. D. Jùlle), Oslo 2004.
Dr P. David Howe is a medical anthropologist at the University of Brighton.
His scholarly interests include, but are not limited to, the professionalization
of sports medicine, particularly as this relates to issues of injury and risk. He is
the author of Sport, Professionalism and Pain: Ethnographies of Injury and Risk
(Routledge 2004). Equity related issues are central to his other research
focus, the Paralympic Games. Currently he is completing a manuscript
entitled The Cultural Politics of the Paralympic Movement: Through the Anthro-
pological Lens.
Sigmund Loland is Professor and Head of Department of Cultural and Social
Studies at The Norwegian School of Sport Sciences. His research interests
include ethics in sport, epistemological issues, and sport and ecology. He
has published extensively on these issues both nationally and internationally.
His most recent book is Fair Play: A Moral Norm System (London: Routledge
2002).
Yotam Lurie is a Senior Lecturer in Philosophy and Ethics in the School of
Management at the Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva,
Israel. His degrees include a BA from Tel-Aviv University and an MA and
PhD in Philosophy from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
His primary research interests are in applied ethics in general and business
and professional ethics in particular. In addition, he does research and teaches
in the ®elds of sport philosophy, ethical theory and social and political philo-
sophy. His research has been published in a variety of journals.
Mike McNamee is Senior Lecturer in the Centre for Philosophy, Humanities
and Law in Healthcare, at University of Wales Swansea, UK. He has broad
interests in applied philosophy and particularly in ethics. His latest edited
work is Philosophy and the Sciences of Exercise, Health and Sport (Routledge,
2005). He is the inaugural Chair of the British Philosophy of Sport Associa-
tion and a former President of the International Association for the Philoso-
phy of Sport. He co-edits the Ethics and Sports Series (Routledge).
Dominic Malcolm is Lecturer in the Sociology of Sport, Loughborough Univer-
sity. His research interests include cricket and race relations, cricket spec-
tator and player violence, and the commercialization of sport. He has also
recently published a number of journal articles stemming from his research
with Ken Sheard on the management of injury in elite rugby union. His
recent co-edited books include Sport: Critical Concepts (with Eric Dunning,
Routledge 2003) and Sport Histories: Figurational Studies in the Development
of Sport (with Eric Dunning and Ivan Waddington, Routledge 2004). He is
currently writing The Sage Dictionary of Sports Studies for publication in 2007.
x Contributors
Dr Jim Parry is Senior Lecturer and former Head of the School of Philosophy at
the University of Leeds, England, working in applied ethics and social and
political philosophy as well as philosophy of sport. He is a quali®ed coach
of basketball, soccer and rugby, and has also taught English and PE in second-
ary schools. He now enjoys undergraduate teaching of PE and sport students
outside the University of Leeds, and is an external examiner with Leeds
Metropolitan and Loughborough Universities. He is former chair of the British
Universities PE Association, Founding Director of the British Olympic
Academy, has been a collaborator of the International Olympic Academy
for 20 years, and he held the International Chair in Olympic Studies at the
Autonomous University of Barcelona for 2003.
Martin Roderick spent several years at the University of Leicester before
moving to the University of Durham in 2004, where he is a Lecturer in
Sociology. In 2003 he completed his PhD examining the careers of profes-
sional footballers. He has worked with Ivan Waddington on research focus-
ing speci®cally on the management of injuries in professional football. His
other research interests concern the sociology of emotions and sport, and
the problems of participating in sport at elite levels.
Kirsten Kaya Roessler, PhD and MSc in Psychology and BA in Sport Science,
is Associate Professor at the University of Southern Denmark. She is a former
member of the Sport Research Council, a member of the Danish Forum of
Sport Psychology and a co-editor of the Danish Journal Sport & Psyke. She
has published in the areas of sport and health, sport and pain, movement
and culture.
Ken Sheard has ®rst-hand experience of pain and injury, having played rugby
for over 30 years at various levels. This sporting interest found academic
expression with research into the development of rugby football published,
with Eric Dunning, as Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players (1979; 2005). His
doctorate, Boxing in the Civilizing Process (1992), and subsequent publications,
continued this interest in violent sports. Recently, with ex-colleagues at the
Centre for Research into Sport and Society, University of Leicester, UK, he
has published on the management of pain and injury in rugby football. He is
former Research Director of the CRSS.
Associate Professor Berit Skirstad has been responsible for Sport Management
Studies at the Norwegian School of Sport Sciences and at the EMDAPA in
Leuwen for the past six years. She is the acting president of the European
Association of Sport Management (EASM). Her books include Hvem er
hvem i norsk idrett (1986), Worldwide Trends in Youth Sport (co-edited with
P. DeKnop, L.-M. EngstroÈm and M. R. Weiss (1996) and Idretten som del av
tredje sektor (co-edited with K. Felde and F. Thomassen). She has also con-
tributed to K. Heinemann (ed.), Sport Clubs in Various European Countries
(Hofmann Verlag, Stuttgart, 1999), to T. TaÈnnsjoÈ and C. Tamburrini,
Values in Sport (Ethics and Sport series), (E. & F. N. Spon, London, 2000),
 Contributors xi
and to é. Seippel (ed.), Idrettens bevegelser: sosiologiske studier av idrett i et
moderne samfunn, (Novus forlag, Oslo, 2002).
Giselher Spitzer works as Privatdozent at Potsdam University and Humboldt
University Berlin. Dr Spitzer is also a Visiting Professor at the University
of Southern Denmark, Odense. He is a member of the Steering Committee
of the International Network on Humanistic Doping Research, established
in 2001 at the University of Southern Denmark. In 2003 he was awarded
the Heidi Krieger Medal for his work against doping and assistance to victims
of doping. His most recent books include Doping in der DDR, Sport und Buch
Strauss, Cologne 1998 (2nd edition 2000, 3rd edition 2004); Fussball und
Triathlon. Sportentwicklungen in der DDR, Aachen, Meyer & Meyer 2004;
Sicherungsvorgang Sport. Das Ministerium fuÈr Staatssicherheit und der DDR-
Spitzensport, Schorndorf, Hofmann Verlag, 2004; he is also a co-author of
Sport ohne Doping! Argumente und Entscheidungshilfen fuer junge Sportlerinnen
und Sportler sowie in deren Umfeld, 2004.
Ivan Waddington is Visiting Professor at the Norwegian School of Sport
Sciences, Oslo; at the Chester Centre for Research into Sport and Society,
University of Chester, UK; and at the Centre for Sports Studies, University
College Dublin. His major research interests lie at the interface between
the sociology of sport and the sociology of health. He is the author of
Sport, Health and Drugs (Spon 2000) and a co-author of the British Medical
Association report, Drugs in Sport: the Pressure to Perform (British Medical
Journal Books, 2002). He has recently co-edited Fighting Fans: Football
Hooliganism as a World Phenomenon (University College Dublin Press, 2002)
and Sport Histories: Figurational Studies of the Development of Modern Sports
(Routledge, 2004).
Kevin Young is Professor of Sociology at the University of Calgary in Canada.
He has published on a variety of sports-related topics, including violence,
gender and sub-cultural identity. His books include Theory, Sport & Society
(Elsevier Press 2002) and Sporting Bodies, Damaged Selves: Sociological Studies
of Sports-related Injury (Elsevier Press 2004). He has served on the editorial
boards of several journals, including the International Review for the Sociology
of Sport, Sociology of Sport Journal, Soccer and Society and Avante, as well as
on the Executive Board of the North American Society for the Sociology
of Sport. He is currently serving a second four-year, elected term as Vice
President of the International Sociology of Sport Association.
Series editors' preface

The Ethics and Sport series aims to support and contribute to the development
of the study of ethical issues in sport, and indeed to the establishing of Sports
Ethics as a legitimate discipline in its own right. It does this by identifying
issues of practical concern and exploring them systematically in extended
discussion.
Given the logical basis of ethics at the heart of sport as a practical activity,
every important and topical issue in sport necessarily has an ethical dimension ±
and often the ethical dimension is of overwhelming signi®cance. The series
addresses a variety of both perennial and contemporary issues in this rapidly
expanding ®eld, aiming to engage the community of teachers, researchers and
professionals, as well as the general reader.
Philosophical ethics may be seen both as a theoretical academic discipline
and as an ordinary everyday activity contributing to conversation, journalism
and practical decision-making. The series aims to bridge that gap. Academic
disciplines will be brought to bear on the practical issues of the day, illuminating
them and exploring strategies for problem-solving. A philosophical interest in
ethical issues may also be complemented and broadened by research within
related disciplines, such as sociology and psychology.
The series aims to encourage critical re¯ection on the practice of sport, and to
stimulate professional evaluation and development. Each volume explores new
work relating to philosophical ethics and the social and cultural study of ethical
issues. Each is different in scope, appeal, focus and treatment, but a balance is
sought within the series between local and international focus, perennial and
contemporary issues, level of audience, teaching and research application and
variety of practical concern. Each volume is complete in itself, but also comple-
ments others in the series.
In the ®rst two edited volumes of this series, a range of issues is explored,
addressing issues central to the philosophical exploration of sports ethics as a
discipline. Subsequent volumes were planned to develop individual themes in
depth, as well as to pose general questions about the evolving signi®cance of
sport in contemporary society. Our aims are both to encourage and contribute
to the debate and to sport's ethical development.
 Series editors' preface xiii
This volume is a prime example of what the series aims to achieve. Until very
recently, the study of pain and injury had been almost exclusively the preserve
of biomedical researchers. Only in the past 10±15 years has serious attention
been given to the ethical and social signi®cance of pain and injury in the context
of sporting activity.
The editors of this volume have brought together discussions from a number
of disciplines and perspectives, across a variety of sports and dealing with a wide
range of issues and concerns. They present us with theoretical frameworks from
philosophy, sociology and psychology, and case studies and examples from many
different contexts. This, then, is a rich blend of state-of-the-art knowledge
and expertise across the humanistic disciplines, and a rich resource for anyone
interested in the outcomes of recent empirical studies of pain and injury in
sport.
Speci®cally the book comprises philosophical enquiry into the meanings of
pain and injury in sport, and the rationales and justi®cations for undergoing
the associated risks and dangers, or for subjecting others to them; socio-political
and ethical analysis of the deliberate in¯iction of pain, both on oneself and on
others; psychological research into the self-perceptions of athletes; sociological
accounts of the clinical management of pain; anthropological work with dis-
abled athletes; and many detailed and illuminative case studies from various
sports and perspectives.
Mike McNamee, University of Wales Swansea
Jim Parry, University of Leeds
Acknowledgements

This book is the outcome of a workshop on `Pain and Injury in Sport' which was
organized by Sigmund Loland, Berit Skirstad and Ivan Waddington and held
in Oslo on 12±13 February 2004. Both the workshop and the preparation for
publishing the book have been kindly supported by the Norwegian School of
Sport Sciences. The authors have had the chance to work on their manuscript
after the workshop and we gratefully acknowledge their contributions. Without
their efforts and thoughtful work this book would not have been possible. Each
author contributed her or his valuable expertise and experience to create a book
which we hope provides useful insights in the ®eld of pain and injury in sport.
We are further grateful to PhD student Petter Kristiansen who helped in orga-
nizing the workshop and tracking the manuscripts. Anne Kristi RimeslaÊtten
has done an excellent job in formatting the manuscripts and checking the last
details.
 Introduction
Pain and injury in sport
Ivan Waddington, Sigmund Loland and
Berit Skirstad

In recent years, researchers in the social and human sciences have begun to make
a signi®cant contribution to our understanding of the ways in which athletes
experience pain and injury and the ways in which injuries are managed within
the sporting context. Several authors in this volume have already made notable
contributions to this area of study (see for example Howe 2001, 2004; Malcolm
and Sheard 2002; Malcolm et al. 2004; Roderick 1998, 2004; Roderick et al.
2000; Waddington 2000, 2002, 2004; Waddington et al. 2001; Waddington and
Roderick 2002; Young 1993, 2004; Young et al. 1994; Young and White, 1995).
Prior to the1990s, however, issues associated with sports injuries seemed to be
of little concern to social scientists for, as Roderick notes in his chapter in
this volume, the study of sports injuries was considered to be the more or less
exclusive domain of those involved in the bio-medical sciences, such as sports
medicine specialists, physiotherapists and exercise physiologists.
In some respects, the fact that researchers in the social and human sciences
have only entered this ®eld in the past few years may not seem surprising and
might not appear to merit any special comment; or, to put the issue another
way, it is perhaps not surprising that the bio-medical model should have enjoyed
for so long what amounted almost to a monopolistic position in terms of the
explanation of pain and injury. In this regard it is important to note that,
although social science researchers have in recent years become increasingly
critical of a perspective which regards pain as ± to use Roderick's words ±
merely `a matter of nerves and neurotransmitters', it is also important to bear in
mind that, as Loland points out in Chapter 3 of this volume, the bio-medical
model has provided the basis for impressive advances in both the understanding
and the treatment of injury (and also, of course, of illness more generally).
There is little doubt that the ± until recently ± almost unquestioned dominance
of the bio-medical model has been strongly underpinned by the very consider-
able therapeutic payoff which it has generated. However, and notwithstanding
the therapeutic success and associated dominance of the bio-medical model,
in some respects the relatively late entry of social scientists into this ®eld is
still worthy of comment not least because, outside the sporting context, social
scientists have for more than half a century been involved in the study, and
have made important contributions to our understanding, of the ways in which
2 Ivan Waddington et al.
people respond to pain and other symptoms of illness. Let us explore these issues
a little further.
As Armstrong (2003: 24) has noted:

At the end of the eighteenth century a new explanatory model of illness

emerged in Parisian hospitals . . . This new model replaced the constantly
shifting symptoms of humoral medicine with the novel idea that illness
was a product of a speci®c localized pathological lesion within the body.

The institutional basis of this development in medical science ± that is, the
development of the hospital system and the emergence within the hospitals of
a structure of medical dominance ± has been described elsewhere (Waddington
1973) and need not detain us here. What is important to note is that this new
explanatory model of illness, which was further developed in the nineteenth
century with the emergence of laboratory medicine (Jewson 1976), `provided
what must count as the most successful theory of health and illness, spreading
over the last two centuries to become the major formal explanatory framework
of illness in all countries of the world' (Armstrong 2003: 24). The success of
the bio-medical model also provided the basis, in the twentieth century, for a
process of medicalization involving the extension of medical intervention into
more and more areas of life (Zola 1972), one aspect of which has been the medi-
calization of sport which was given its clearest institutional expression in the
development of sports medicine (Waddington 1996).
Armstrong (2003: 24) has correctly noted that the `phenomenal success of
the biomedical theory of illness has constituted the essential backdrop for
social theorizing about health and illness'. However, and notwithstanding the
dominance of the bio-medical explanatory model, researchers in the sociology
and anthropology of health and illness began from the very beginnings of those
sub-disciplines to develop perspectives which at ®rst supplemented, and later
challenged, the bio-medical model. For example, in his classic paper, `Cultural
components in response to pain', published over half a century ago, Zborowski
([1952], 1958) investigated the ways in which hospital patients in the Bronx,
New York, responded to pain. All the patients were suffering from a similar
pathology, but Zborowski found signi®cant, culturally patterned, differences in
the ways in which members of three different ethnic groups ± Italians, Jews
and `Old Americans' ± responded to and coped with pain, and the ways in
which they interpreted the meaning of their pain. Zborowski noted that the
physiology of pain and the understanding of the biological function of pain do
not explain other key aspects of `the pain experience, which includes not only
the pain sensation and certain automatic reactive responses but also certain
``associated feeling states'' '. In this regard, he noted that the bio-medical model
would not explain, for example, the acceptance of intense pain in torture
which is part of initiation rites in some simple societies, nor would it explain
the strong emotional reactions of some people to the slight sting of a hypo-
dermic needle. He suggested that `the understanding of the signi®cance and
 Introduction 3
role of social and cultural patterns in human physiology is necessary to clarify
those aspects of human experience which remain puzzling if studied only
within the physiological frame of reference' (Zborowski [1952] 1958: 257).
Two years after the publication of Zborowski's study, another classic work in
medical sociology, Earl Koos's The Health of Regionsville (1954) recorded that
people from higher social classes were more likely than people from lower social
classes to view themselves as ill when they had particular symptoms, and when
they were questioned about speci®c symptoms, they reported more frequently
than lower-class people that they would seek medical advice. Koos's study thus
reinforced Zborowski's central ®nding that people with the same or similar
symptoms can perceive, respond to and seek to manage those symptoms in
very different ways; in other words, the way in which humans respond to symp-
toms, including pain and discomfort, is not just `a matter of nerves and neuro-
transmitters'.
These ®ndings were con®rmed by many other early studies in medical sociol-
ogy and anthropology. Largely because of its implications for health care, the
®nding by Koos and others that many people do not seek medical attention,
even when they have clear symptoms of illness, ushered in a major body of inves-
tigations into what became known as `illness behaviour', de®ned by Mechanic
(1966: 12) as:

the study of attentiveness to pain and symptomatology, the examination of

processes affecting how pain and symptoms are de®ned, accorded signi®-
cance and socially labelled, and the consideration of the extent to which
help is sought, changes in life regimen affected, and claims on others made.

It is interesting to note that this de®nition of illness behaviour, offered by

Mechanic almost 40 years ago, continues to serve as an acceptable statement
of the key issues in relation to pain and injury which have recently aroused
the interests of sociologists of sport.
From this brief outline of the early development of the sociology and anthro-
pology of health, it is clear that social scientists in these sub-disciplines were
researching key aspects of the perception, response to and management of
pain and other symptoms some three or four decades before researchers in the
sociology of sport recognized this as an important area for study. To revisit our
earlier question: how does one account for the fact that until relatively recently,
researchers in the social and human sciences showed little interest in the study
of pain and injury in sport?
One obvious reason why sociologists and other social scientists concerned
with the analysis of sport began to study pain much later than did their colleagues
working in the study of health more generally is that the sociology and anthro-
pology of sport, as sub-disciplines, developed much later than did the sociology
and anthropology of health. In the 1960s the sociology of sport hardly existed as
a sub-discipline; indeed, as Dunning (1992: 224) has noted, there was among
some sociologists at that time a `contemptuous dismissal of sport as an area of
4 Ivan Waddington et al.
sociological enquiry'. In the United States there were at that time only a hand-
ful of sociologists working in the area, while in Britain, two short papers by Eric
Dunning, published in 1963 and 1964, were probably the very ®rst published
pieces of research there to examine sport from a properly sociological perspec-
tive. In marked contrast, the sociology of health was already well established
at that time, both in Britain and in the United States. As we have noted,
there were in the 1950s several major studies in the United States which had
already laid the foundations for the study of illness behaviour. Moreover, medi-
cal sociology attracted the attention of some of the leading American social
theorists of that period. For example, Talcott Parsons, in his classic study of
modern medical practice in The Social System (1951), and Robert K. Merton
(1957) and Howard Becker et al. (1961) in their studies of medical education,
all made early and major contributions to the ®eld. At about the same time,
the ®rst edition of E. Gartley Jaco's Patients, Physicians and Illness (1958) sought
to bring together some key aspects of what Jaco (1958: 7) described as the
`many diversi®ed and multitudinous efforts in behavioral science and medicine
[which] have been going on during the past few years'. In Britain, medical
sociologists had, by the mid-1960s, already made a suf®ciently substantial
contribution to the study of health and illness for the Royal Commission on
Medical Education (1965±8) to recommend that the teaching of sociology
should be included in the curriculum of all medical schools. Thus while those
sociologists who studied sport were still involved in a struggle to establish the
legitimacy of their work, even within their parent discipline, the case for medi-
cal sociology had largely been established, not just within sociology but also
within the medical schools.
Not only was medical sociology ®rmly established as a sub-discipline long
before the sociology of sport enjoyed this status but, from the beginning, a central
focus ± perhaps the central focus ± of medical sociology and anthropology was on
illness behaviour. This was perhaps not surprising, for an understanding of why
patients reacted differently to pain and other symptoms of illness, and in parti-
cular why some patients did not consult a doctor even when they had clear
symptoms of illness, had obvious and important policy implications in relation
to the provision of medical care. In marked contrast, there were at that time
no obvious or compelling practical concerns which might have led social scien-
tists who were interested in the study of sport to focus on the ways in which
athletes respond to and manage injury and pain, rather than on the many other
aspects of sport which, quite legitimately, claimed their interest. For example,
one of the earliest texts in the ®eld, Eric Dunning's edited collection The Sociology
of Sport (1971), contained a section outlining some key concepts and theories in
the study of sport, followed by sections on the development of sports and games;
sports and socialization; class, race and sport; sport as an occupation; and con-
¯ict and social control in sport. There was nothing in the book on injuries in
sport, though at the time that would not have been seen as a signi®cant omis-
sion from a text in the sociology of sport. Despite a very longstanding, widely
accepted and very powerful ideology linking sport and health, for example in
 Introduction 5
the provision of sport in schools (Waddington 2000), it was to be some years
before sociologists and other social scientists became involved in the study of a
key aspect of the relationship between sport and health, namely injuries in sport.
As we noted earlier, social scientists began to take an interest in pain and
injury in sport from the 1980s and, more especially, from the 1990s. This may
have been associated, in part, with a slowly growing awareness of the economic
costs of sports injuries at both the mass and elite levels. For example, the grow-
ing awareness of the magnitude of the problems associated with sports injuries
was graphically conveyed in the subtitle of one American text on sports injuries:
`The Unthwarted Epidemic' (Vinger and Hoerner 1982). In Britain, the eco-
nomic costs of sports injuries were clearly brought out in a large-scale epidemio-
logical study which was carried out by researchers at Shef®eld University
Medical School and which sought to ascertain the direct health care costs and
bene®ts of participation in sport. The researchers came up with some surprising
results. The health bene®ts of exercise (for example, avoidance of certain
chronic illnesses such as cardiovascular disease and osteoporosis) were weighed
against the costs of treatment of exercise-related injuries. It was found that,
although there were clear economic bene®ts associated with exercise for adults
aged 45 and over, for younger adults (aged 15±44), the costs avoided by the
disease-prevention effects of exercise (less than £5 per person per year) were
more than offset by the medical costs resulting from participation in sport and
exercise (approximately £30 per person per year). In other words the study
found that for every person aged 15±44 who regularly participates in sport and
exercise, there is a net cost to the British taxpayer of £25 per year (Nicholl et al.
1994). It had for many years been taken for granted that participation in sport
was part of the solution to public health problems, but the Shef®eld research,
which echoed similar ®ndings in a Dutch study (Reijnen and Velthuijsen 1989,
cited in Nicholl et al. 1994) suggested that sporting participation and the asso-
ciated injuries were, at least in some respects, themselves part of a public health
problem.
But perhaps of greater importance has been the growing recognition of the
personal and social (including economic) costs of injuries at the elite level, for
it has become increasingly clear that injuries are of much more than just clinical
signi®cance. The increasing recognition of the social and economic signi®cance
of injuries in elite sport has been associated with a number of processes, one of
which is the growing competitiveness of modern sport. As Dunning (1986) has
noted, the growing competitiveness of modern sport is a long-term trend which
can be traced back over two or more centuries. This process has, however, been
especially marked in recent years and has been associated with the increasing
politicization and, especially, the commercialization of sport, both of which
have had the effect of greatly increasing the importance of, and the rewards
associated with, winning, while downgrading the traditional value associated
with taking part (Waddington 2000: 123±7).
The increase in the competitiveness of modern sport has had two important
consequences in relation to injuries. First, as Donohoe and Johnson (1986: 93)
Other documents randomly have
different content
time!”
This was a corker! We dared not ask Moïse for the name of the
owner of the treasure, and then reproduce it on the spook-board, for
he might give us a false name as a test. Nor did we wish to repeat
the hackneyed trick of pretending that Spooks have difficulties in
giving names, for our Spook had been cheerily naming Maule,
Gilchrist, and others right along. Of course, if the worst came to the
worst, the Spook could forget the name, and prove from an eloquent
and scientific passage in Raymond that this was a common failing
with spirits.[27] But we hoped to find a more original way out of the
difficulty.
Before the next treasure séance took place we had some success
in dealing with the camp’s business, which will be narrated later. We
met again for treasure-hunting from 8.15 to 11.30 p.m. on March
19th. There were the usual preliminaries. Then the Spook said—(I
again quote the record):
Spook. “Now, about OOO. I have found out a lot about him.”
Moïse. “Had you much work before you found out? And will you
tell us how you did it?”
Spook. “It is very hard, and it is difficult to tell you about him,
because he and his friends are struggling to control the mediums.”
(The glass here began to move jerkily, indicating OOO.) “Look out.
Stop!” (We stopped, in obedience to Moïse, who was greatly
excited.)
Spook. “When the glass begins jerking like that it means I have lost
control, and the mediums must stop at once, as OOO is in control.
Do you understand?”
Moïse. “We understand. Would you like to tell us what sort of a
struggle it is?”
Spook. “Mental struggle, but do not go into side questions to-night,
as there is much opposition.”
Moïse. “All right, Sir.”
Spook. “Keep cool, Moïse! You are too excited, and will influence
the mediums.”
Moïse. “Right, Sir. I will keep cool. Will you go on?”
 Spook. “OOO was a shrewd man. He was closely connected with a
certain secret organization[28] about which the Sup.[29] has heard. As
soon as Russia declared war he foresaw that Turkey would come into
it, and at once began quietly to——” (the glass began jerking again).
Moïse. “Stop, Jones! Stop, Hill! Stop! Stop! Stop!” (As Hill and I
were in a “half-trance” Moïse had to shout loudly to stop us. After a
pause the Spook continued)——“realize his wealth and convert it
into gold. Damn you! Go away!” (Glass jerked again.)
Moïse. “Stop, Jones! Stop, Hill! Stop! Stop!” (We stopped.)
Moïse (aside). “Why was he damning us?”
Spook. “I was talking to OOO.”
Moïse. “I understand.”
Spook. “Well, before Turkey declared war OOO began to bury his
gold.” (Jerks again, and a pause.) “He hid it in a place known only to
himself, nor did he ever tell anybody to his dying day. He was afraid
to tell his relations in case they might reveal the secret under
torture. Well, when Turkey entered the War, OOO contributed a large
sum of gold to the Armenian Association, and realized his debts as
far as possible. When the Armenians joined the Russians, he knew a
massacre was likely. His difficulty then was this: if he told nobody
where the money was hidden, then he might be killed and his family
would derive no benefit from his wealth. On the other hand, if he
told his family they might reveal the secret under pressure. Do you
know what he did? This is where I shall meet strong opposition. I
want to see if the mediums are in good tune. Tell them to rest a
moment, and we will see if they are in good tune.”
Moïse (to Jones and Hill). “Rest a moment. Rest a moment.” (We
took our fingers off the glass.)
Jones and Hill (absolutely simultaneously, and à propos of
nothing). “I say, Moïse, we want a walk tomorrow!”
Moïse. “How do you think they are? Do you think they are in tune?
Are you satisfied?”
Spook. “That was quite good. Don’t you think so, Moïse?”
Moïse. “Yes, I think so.”
Spook. “It was very nearly trance-talk—well——” (angrily to OOO)
——“Now see here, I am stronger than you! You may as well give
up. I am going to tell in spite of you! Moïse, if I am interrupted——”
Moïse. “Stop! Stop!” (Moïse was very excited and thought the
Spook had said ‘I am interrupted.’ After a pause we continued):
Spook. “I repeat, if I am interrupted, as the mediums are in tune,
let us fight it out with OOO.”
Moïse. “Yes, I understand.”
Spook. “Take down carefully! The opposition may sometimes
manage to get to the wrong letters, but take everything down.”
Moïse. “I will try. Try to write slowly because I could make
mistakes. I will do my best. I am ready.” (At this point the glass
began moving very slowly in evident effort, getting near a letter and
then being forced away. Moïse said afterwards that he could see the
whole fight going on, and that it was wonderful to watch. Both
mediums were affected, breathed heavily, and got very tired. The
struggle is indicated in the text by capitals where resistance was
greatest. The remarks in brackets are explanatory notes and
ejaculations by Moïse. The portions in brackets and italics were
those written by the opposition, when they succeeded in getting
control, though of course Moïse only discovered this afterwards.
Moïse, unfortunately, forgot the Control’s injunction to keep cool: he
got more and more excited, with disastrous results, as will be seen
below.)
Spook. “OOO therefore made THREE C-L-U-E-S A-L-L ALIKE.
(Asduidad! Asduidad!) One named the place from which to M-E-A-S-
U-R-E, one the DIS-T-ANCE, and the third gave the D-I-R-E-C-T-I-O-
N.” (Quickly.) “Rest—very good! Very good. Rest.” (Note: Mediums
exhausted.)
Spook (continuing after a rest). “Well, he wrote out these three
clues on three pieces of paper; each was written in a peculiar way so
that nobody would guess they were clues to treasure, if they were
found. He then took three pieces of paper and W-R-A-P-P-E-D a S-A-
M-P-L-E in each, enclosed each in a S-E-P-A-R-A-T-E R-E-C-E-P-T-A-C-
L-E AND B-U-R-I-E-D (Asduidad! Asduidad!) E-A-C-H separately,
having first covered each receptacle with a thick coating of fat to
prevent rust. Good. Very good. One more struggle, and that will be
enough for to-night. Rest.” (Mediums rested.)
 Spook (continuing). “Now his fear was if he told one man where all
these were buried that man might dig them up and then keep the
treasure; so he said nothing about treasure to anybody. His plan was
this: he selected three persons he knew were likely to remain alive;
let us call them by their names, WHICH W-E-R-E (Asduidad!
Asduidad!) Steady! they are beating me.” (Moïse, excitedly, “My
God!”) “Did THEY SAY THAT WORD, WORD WORD?”
Moïse. “Yes.”
Spook. “And why did you help them, Moïse? You called too, and
that has beaten me.” (Moïse, aside, “My God!”)
Spook. “There you go again. I am BEATEN. (What did you say,
Moïse, what did you say? Moïse! repeat those ejaculations!)”
Moïse. “I said ‘My God!’”
Spook. “(Ha! ha! ha! ha! ha!) Oh, Moïse, I can never give the
names now! Three times you called on your God. Three times they
succeeded in doing the same! I am beaten! Rest. I will explain.”
(Mediums, who were now utterly exhausted, rested.)
During the pause, Moïse accused himself, but could not
understand why the Control should have laughed. The Spook
apparently must have listened to Moïse’s remarks, for he gave the
following interesting explanation.
Spook. “No, no, Moïse, you do not understand. Owing to your
saying that ejaculation twice, I had lost control. They” (emphatically)
“took charge and made you say it a third time. Then they burst out
laughing. It does not matter much. It makes it a little harder for you,
because henceforth they can always stop me from giving the name.”
Moïse. “I am very sorry. I could not know that the fact of saying
‘My God!’ would make such a difference.”
Spook. “The mediums are not to blame. The reason why your
saying those words made such a difference was because They”
(OOO and his friends) “were saying the same thing. That puts you in
tune with them instead of with me. It was for this reason I warned
you at the beginning not to get excited. I never say anything without
cause!”
Moïse. “I am very sorry indeed, Sir.”
 Spook. “Never mind, listen! OOO went to each of the three
separately. What names shall we give them to distinguish them?”
Moïse. “I do not understand, Sir.”
Spook. “I” (emphatically) “cannot name them now.”
Moïse. “Call them AAA, YYY, and KKK.”
Spook. “Yes. OOO went to AAA secretly, and said to him, ‘I have
hidden a certain thing in a certain place.’ He described exactly the
place where the first clue is hidden. He said to AAA, ‘If I die, send
for YYY, and do what he says.’ Then he made AAA swear a great
oath never to reveal what had been told him. He then went secretly
to YYY and told him where the second clue was buried. He said, ‘If I
die, someone will send for you and show you a token. When that
happens send for KKK.’ He gave tokens to both AAA and YYY. Then
he went to KKK, and, putting him on oath, he told him where the
third clue was buried, and said, ‘If I die, two persons will send for
you. You will know them by their tokens. When this happens all
three of you go to my heir, and tell him what I have told you.’ YYY
and KKK are dead. I must stop, as the mediums are getting
exhausted.” (Mediums rested.) (Continuing): “No more about the
treasure tonight.”
Moïse. “I am sorry for what I said.”
Spook. “All right. It does not matter. We can get round it. What
else do you want to ask?”
Moïse. “Mr. Jones wants to know if he and Mr. Hill can have a little
more food tomorrow.”[30]
Spook. “Certainly. And listen! They may have anything they want
for 24 hours. I give them a complete holiday because they have
done very well to-night. After 24 hours they must begin living on
bread alone—no cooked food. This is necessary to counter-balance
the mistake made by the sitter to-night. Twenty-four hours’ freedom
to do what they like, then semi-starvation till first clue is found.
Tomorrow at noon I shall give some advice to the Sup. Next treasure
séance after five days. Good-night.”
Moïse. “Good-night, Sir.”
 Moïse was almost in tears at the failure. Over and over again he
abused himself for having forgotten the Spook’s injunction to keep
calm. He explained, pitifully, that he had not intended to name the
Divinity. “Mon Dieu!” is a common, everyday expression of surprise
in France, where he had been educated, and he had merely used the
English equivalent. Besides, he did not know that “Asduidad” was
the Armenian for God, as the local Armenians pronounced the word
“Asdvad.” How was he to know he was getting into tune with the
opposition? If he had only kept silence, we would have got the
names, and it would not have taken long to make their owners tell
what they knew! Now the names were hidden for ever! And so on.
We consoled him, and saw him to the gate, for he was very
excited and very nervous as to what the Spook might do to him.
Then Hill and I waltzed together in the little yard, for we had got out
of the difficulty as to the name of the hider of the treasure, and the
blame lay not with the Spook, nor with us, but with the Turks. We
had also created a most useful “opposition” and taught the Turks—
by experience—that the Spook depended largely for its success on
our conduct, and on that of the Pimple, the Cook, and the
Commandant. Lastly the Pimple’s only criticism of our Stevensonian
treasure story had been to marvel at the cleverness of OOO. He had
swallowed the yarn whole.
From our window we could see South hill gleaming white in the
moonlight. Beside a rock in the snow the first clue lay buried. With
luck, we’d dig it up quite soon, and photograph the Commandant in
the process. Hill took extra pains in his practice at palming the
camera that night.
And next morning the poor little Pimple came to us more nearly in
tears than ever. His face was very red. The Commandant, he told us,
had just smacked it because he had called three times upon his God.
“And indeed,” wailed the Pimple, “perhaps I should have known,
for three is a mystic number!”
But all the same he shook his fist in the direction of Kiazim Bey’s
office.
 CHAPTER XV

IN WHICH THE SPOOK PUTS OUR COLONEL ON PAROLE IN HIS

TURN, SAVES THE HUNT CLUB, AND WRITES A SPEECH
In the interval between the treasure séances we interfered as
much as possible with the administration of the camp, the Spook
butting in wherever an occasion offered with suggestions for the
amelioration of the lot of our comrades. Our most successful effort
was in connection with the Hunt Club.
Shortly before we had got ourselves locked up, some fifteen or
twenty officers had decided to form a Hunt Club. The idea was to
purchase greyhounds, and, with Kiazim’s permission, to hunt once or
twice a week over the hills in the neighbourhood. The membership
of the Club was strictly limited, for it was thought that Kiazim would
not allow more than a few officers to be out at the same time, as
the number of spare sentries at his disposal was small.
Hill and I knew no more of the matter than that the idea was
being entertained by a select few, and was being kept secret. A few
days after we had been imprisoned the Pimple informed us that the
Commandant had granted permission for the Club to be formed, that
a couple of long dogs had been bought, and that there was a good
deal of ill-feeling in the camp amongst the eighty odd officers who
had been left out in the cold and were not members of the combine
which had made this “corner” in cross-country exercise. We decided
to try to get Kiazim to extend his permission not only to members
but to anyone who wanted to hunt. But we could not see how to
interfere.
On the 15th March we were informed by the Pimple, in the course
of his usual daily visit, that the Commandant was “what you say in a
hole.” It appeared that, when he gave permission for the formation
of a Hunt Club, he had overlooked a standing order which strictly
forbade such organizations. Communications had now been received
from Constantinople drawing his attention to the order and
reiterating the prohibition of all hunting for prisoners.
Constantinople orders must be obeyed, so Kiazim was going to the
camp next day to withdraw his permission and close down the Club.
That night Hill and I discussed the matter and formed our plans. We
must interfere to save the Hunt Club. We decided to pit the authority
of the Spook against that of the Turkish War Office.
On the 16th we sent the Cook with a note to the Pimple telling
him that the spook-board had been rapping and tapping and making
curious noises all night, and we thought the Spook wanted to
communicate something. The Pimple came at once, and we began
our sitting.
The Spook began by warning Moïse not to tell the mediums what
the glass was writing, because if he did so the mediums would
refuse to go on, as the information concerned their fellow-officers. If
Jones or Hill questioned him afterwards about the séance, he was to
say that the Spook had been arranging for him an introduction to a
certain beautiful lady, and that the matter was private.
Then we settled down to it. The glass wrote steadily, Moïse getting
more and more excited, but keeping silent except for an occasional
studiously innocent ejaculation. He thought, of course, that we did
not know what was being written.
The Spook said It wanted to save the Commandant from disgrace.
He had made a bad mistake in giving permission for a Hunt Club,
but he would make a much worse one if he carried out his intention
of prohibiting it. Such action would make the camp exceedingly
angry with Kiazim Bey, and the thought-waves they generated
against him would be of the greatest assistance to OOO and the
opposition. They would “block” the treasure messages! Further, at
present the prisoners were happy and contented. Nobody wanted to
escape. But, as sure as Kiazim lived, his one hope of preventing
escape (which would disgrace him) lay in keeping his promise. The
best way of angering an Englishman was to break your promise to
him, and if the breaking of the promise touched his pocket[31] as well
as his comfort, the Englishman became quite madly unreasonable,
while the Scotsmen (and the camp was full of them) turned into wild
beasts. They could no more stop the prisoners from breaking out
than they could stop the sea. Therefore it behoved Kiazim Bey to be
careful. If he riled the camp many would run away, not so much with
the idea of reaching England, which was hopeless, as in order to
secure the removal of the Commandant from his post; and the most
likely of all to do this was Colonel Maule, who—as he knew from
experience—was a nasty, vicious, spiteful fellow where his physical
exercise was concerned.
“Now,” said the Spook, “what you fear is that one or more of these
fellows will escape while out hunting, and then you will get into
trouble with the War Office for allowing them to hunt in the face of
orders. If you take my advice, nothing of this will happen.
Constantinople will not know. I shall arrange everything for you. You
need only concern yourself with Maule—I shall see to the rest. Go to
Maule AT ONCE. Tell him of the standing order. Say you had
overlooked it when you gave permission for the Club, but that you
will not go back on that permission now, although it may get you
into trouble, if he will meet you halfway. Then ask him for his parole
not to escape while out hunting, and tell him you expect him to hold
himself responsible that none of the others in the Hunt Club will use
it as a means to escape. If you do this I guarantee everything will be
all right. But if you persist in your decision to withdraw your promise,
you will be helping OOO & Co. and will have extra difficulty in finding
the treasure.”
The séance ended about 3.30 p.m. The Pimple said he had no
time to tell us anything. He went off hotfoot to the Commandant. By
6.30 he was back. He burst into our room in great excitement as we
were starting dinner, and cried out:
“It is all over! Wonderful! Wonderful! It is marvellous!”
“What is wonderful?” we asked.
Then Moïse remembered that he had been forbidden to tell us of
the Spook’s advice. His face was a study.
“What is wonderful?” we repeated.
 “The—the beautiful lady,” he stammered. “She—she was very kind
to me! The Spook—the Spook introduced us.” He plunged into a long
and confused story, to which we listened with the utmost solemnity,
of a superlatively beauteous damsel whom he said he had
discovered under the Spook’s guidance in one of the back streets of
Yozgad.
At a later séance he asked for permission to tell us the whole
story. The Spook gave it. We then learned that the Commandant had
gone to Colonel Maule at once, and carried out the Spook’s
instructions. The Colonel had gladly given his own parole not to
escape whilst out hunting, and had added that as President of the
Club he had already taken a similar parole from all other members of
the Hunt, and therefore the Commandant might be quite easy in his
mind that the privilege he had granted would not be abused!
This was one of a number of coincidences which greatly added to
the renown of our Spook. Colonel Maule had taken these paroles
from our fellow-officers after we had left the camp, and neither Hill
nor I knew anything about them. We could almost equally well have
persuaded Kiazim Bey to let his promise stand without sending him
to Maule at all, and our object in sending him was to get a playful
smack at our Senior Officer by putting him on parole as a quid pro
quo for the paroles he had taken out of us. Indeed, this was why the
Spook limited Kiazim’s attentions to the Colonel, who we knew had
no intention of escaping, and forbade interference with the rest of
the camp. But after Maule’s statement, following so naturally on the
Spook’s promise, nothing on earth would have convinced Kiazim that
it was Maule himself (and not the Spook acting through him) who
had put the others on parole. The incident became for the Turks one
more marvellous example of our Spook’s power of controlling the
minds of others, and in the face of this experience Kiazim readily
believed that the Spook would keep Constantinople in ignorance of
his disobedience to orders. So permission was graciously granted,
and the Hunt Club became one of the institutions of Yozgad. The
authors of “450 Miles to Freedom” called it “the most useful” of the
concessions granted at Yozgad. “Some of the happiest recollections
of our captivity,” they say, “are those glorious early mornings in the
country, far away from the ugly town which was our prison. Here, for
a few brief hours, it was almost possible to forget that we were
prisoners of war.” Hill and I are very glad of that!
It is of course possible that the Commandant would have
disobeyed his own Government without the interference of Hill and
myself. Perhaps the camp could have saved the position off its own
bat. Perhaps the parole not to escape would have been sufficient of
itself to induce the Commandant to disobey his own War Office. But
we doubt it very much. There were other factors that counted more
in his decision. These were, his belief that Constantinople would
never know, his fear that if he angered the camp escapes would
certainly take place, and his dread lest the Spook communication
about the treasure be “blocked” by ranging the thought-waves of the
camp against himself and on the side of OOO.
So elated were we by our success that four days later, on the 20th
March, we laid a plot to commit Kiazim to an open declaration of a
friendly policy towards the camp. That night, in recognition of his
kindness in having given permission for ski-ing during the past
winter, he was to be the guest of the Ski Club at a dinner in Posh
Castle.
We guessed that someone was likely to make a speech thanking
him for the privilege he had granted. It was easy enough to
prophesy the sort of thing that would be said, and we thought it
would be a good stroke to write his reply. Therefore, towards the
close of a séance held at noon on the 20th March, the Spook
suddenly said:
“Would the Superior like to make a very popular speech tonight? I
can help him, though I know he can do it quite well himself.”
Moïse. “Certainly. He would like to make a very popular speech.”
Spook. “Well, begin by saying what he already intends to say about
the pleasure it has given him to meet with the officers on so friendly
a footing. Then let him go on as follows;—‘That our respective
countries are at war is no reason why there should be any personal
rancour between us. It rejoices my heart to think that the past
winter has done so much to create a better understanding. I for my
part have learned through your Ski Club that you Englishmen will not
necessarily abuse any privilege granted to you. You, on your part,
have, I hope, realized that I am anxious to concede every possible
liberty I can to add to your happiness. The only condition I set
before you is that no special concession I grant should be abused. I
feel now, after this winter, that there is none of you who will abuse
my confidence. Since the days of your Crusades, Turks and English
have mutually admired one another: let us do nothing in Yozgad to
lessen that admiration. Gentlemen, I sympathize with you in your
misfortune of war, and I shall try to make your stay in Yozgad as
pleasant as possible. As soldiers you know that regulations are
regulations, and must be obeyed. But sometimes it may be possible
to grant you little extra privileges. As officers I know your great
desire is to get back to fight for your country. As gentlemen I know
none of you would abuse my confidence or use any extra liberty I
give you, for the purpose of getting away. Gentlemen, I ask you to
drink to our better friendship, and I couple the toast with the name
of the officer who has done so much to improve our mutual
understanding—Lieut. Spink.’”[32]
Moïse. “Has he to say that in Turkish or get the English copy and
present it at the end of the dinner?”
Spook. “A very good suggestion, Moïse.”
Moïse. “Anything more, Sir?”
Spook. “This should be given as a reply to a speech. He can add
anything he likes in answer to other speeches. Note, this is only a
suggestion. I am anxious to help the Sup. when I can.”
Moïse. “That is very kind of you. What about YYY and KKK?”
Spook. “No treasure business today. Good-bye.”
Several hours later, about 5 p.m., Moïse came to us in a state of
great excitement, and said, “Major Gilchrist has just given me a
speech to translate into Turkish. It is to be given to the Commandant
tonight. I am sure the Spook has written this also. Let us ask him.”
We got out the Ouija, and Moïse read the speech aloud to the
Control. The speech was as follows:
 “M. le Commandant, and Gentlemen. We are assembled here to-
night by the kind permission of the Commandant to celebrate the
end of the Ski season. During the past three and a half months we
have been very fortunate in having had excellent snow and suitable
weather for ski-ing, but this would have availed us nothing if the
Commandant, with a truly sporting spirit, had not stretched a point
and allowed us full vent for our energies. If the Commandant looks
at those assembled here, I am sure he will agree that we all show by
our fitness the great benefit he has conferred on us by allowing us
so much freedom to get exercise and plenty of fresh air. Gentlemen,
I ask you to rise with me and drink the health of the Commandant
according to our usual custom, with musical honours. ‘For he’s a jolly
good fellow, etc.’”
Moïse (to Control). “Is your speech in reply to this?”
Spook. “Of course it is, you might have guessed it.”
Moïse. “We did guess it, Sir. Thank you very much indeed. It is
wonderful.”
What really was wonderful was the fact that Gilchrist should have
hit upon the idea of getting his speech written out in Turkish to be
handed to Kiazim Bey at the dinner—and that the very same idea
should have cropped up in our séance a few hours earlier. For
Kiazim, with the Spook’s approval, was to hand in an English copy in
the same way! So far as I am aware the handing over of a written
translation of a speech had never been thought of at a previous
function in Yozgad. It was another of those coincidences which may
help the reader to sympathize with our victims’ belief in the powers
of the Spook. Indeed, it is not a bad parallel to the “Honolulu
incident” in Raymond, and I may be considered wrong in calling it a
“coincidence.” Spiritualists would no doubt find an easy explanation
in “telepathy.” Pah!
Bimbashi Kiazim Bey spent the afternoon in learning his speech by
heart, and delivered it in great style at the dinner that night, to the
accompaniment of uproarious cheering, which we could hear from
our room. Next day the English copy of it was posted up on the
camp notice-board. A good many people thought the English too
idiomatic to be the Pimple’s composition, but no one knew who had
written it, and the general impression was that the Commandant
was showing signs of being a reformed character.
The five courses of the Ski Club dinner were sent over to us by
our good friends in Posh Castle, and a bottle of raki with them. The
Spook, it will be remembered, had luckily given us a complete
holiday to eat what we liked on this day. (This was not a coincidence
but the reverse.) We knew it was likely to be our last decent meal for
many a long day, and we did full justice to it. For in response to
repeated and urgent secret signals from us, Price had at last
consented to send us no more food, and henceforward, until we had
beaten the doctors, our diet was to be bread and tea. In the lean
days that lay ahead, in misery and sickness and starvation, that
dinner was to be a very joyous memory to both of us.
Indeed, from the soup to the raki liqueur, it was a notable feast,
and it heartened us. When we had finished we stood at our window,
listening to the songs and laughter and cheering from across the
way, and peppered the Posh Castle windows with our pea-shooters
by way of accompaniment. One of the guests, who had drowned his
sorrows with some thoroughness, staggered out into Posh Castle
yard for a little fresh air, and sat him against the wall, his head in his
hands, close beside a large tin bath. We collected snow and snow-
balled him from our retreat. When we missed him, we hit the bath,
till it boomed like a 4·7. The poor fellow was too far gone to realize
what was happening. He apostrophized the bath as a “noisy
blighter,” and every time he was hit called the empty world to
witness that it was a “dirty trick, a dirty trick to shtop a f’low
shleeping.” A particularly nasty smack finally brought him to his feet
and he rushed back into Posh Castle roaring out something about
the “neshessity for instant action by counter attacksh.” An hour later
the company broke up and as the sentries marshalled them under
our windows, preparatory to marching them to their respective
homes, we thrust out our heads and sang them a lullaby:
 “We’ll all go thought-reading to-day,
In prison it’s not very gay;
But a raki or two makes a difference to you,
So we’ll all go thought-reading to-day.”

There was a second’s silence down below, a silence with

something of consternation in it: then Winnie Smith bellowed out:
“It’s Bones and Hill! Good lads! Keep your tails up! Three cheers
for the criminals!”
A yell of greeting went up from the crowd. The sentries, alarmed
at this disobedience of the Commandant’s orders, began to hustle
them, but Winnie shouted again.
“Hush, Winnie,” said a voice we recognized. “Do you want the
whole camp hanged? Come away and leave ’em.” And Winnie was
dragged off by his mentor. But at the corner he drowned all
expostulation in a cheery “Good-night” to us. Thank you, Winnie!
Everybody knows you are a happy-go-lucky, impulsive, generous,
and most injudicious young rascal, but you have a heart of gold to a
friend in trouble. Hill and I weren’t in trouble, of course, but you
thought we were.
On the 21st March, in accordance with the Spook’s orders, our diet
was reduced to toast and tea. To begin with our allowance was one
pound of dry bread a day. Later we reduced it to eight ounces. Our
diet had to be lowered more suddenly than was intended by the
Spook originally, “in order to counteract Moïse’s mistake at the last
séance.”[33] On this day we were taken for our first (and only) walk.
We felt very empty.
22nd March.—“On his morning visit,” my diary reads, “Moïse told
us that the Commandant’s wife cannot sleep for thinking of the
treasure. With a view to explaining their coming access of wealth,
she and her husband have started a rumour that they have sold
some property in Constantinople. Moïse has started a similar rumour
about himself. He tells us that relations between the treasure-
hunters are getting strained, and unless the Spook apportions shares
in the treasure, there will be trouble. The Cook says he will not be
put off with a small share, and unless the Commandant gives him at
least a quarter he will report the whole business to the War Office.”
23rd March.—“A quiet day. Affairs still strained between the
Commandant and the Cook, who is a man of one idea,—money! The
Spook refuses to interfere or to apportion the shares.”
24th March.—“The low diet is working wonders. Hill and I are
getting beautifully into tune. Several times during his visit Moïse
noticed that we both made the same remark in the same words at
the same moment. ‘Your two minds,’ said he, ‘are obviously rapidly
becoming one mind.’”
Of course they were! But the Pimple never knew what a lot of
practice it took to do it naturally.

IN THE PINE WOODS.—“WINNIE” AND NIGHTINGALE

ON SKIS
 CHAPTER XVI

HOW WE FELL INTO A TRANCE AND SAW THE FUTURE

Our next séance, held on the 24th March, purported to be an

explanation of and an introduction to that special species of trance
talk which appeals to all superstitious minds—the reading of the
future. The real lesson which we wished the Turk unconsciously to
assimilate was the fact that a “ray” exists—called by the Spook the
“telechronistic ray”—which preserves both the past and the future in
the present for anyone who can get into touch with it, and that
Jones and Hill were developing the power to get into touch with it.
At the time, the Turks paid very little attention to the telechronistic
ray. Their interest was centred in the trance-talk description of the
future finding of the treasure. But later on, when the Spook offered
to disclose, under proper conditions, the whereabouts of all hidden
treasures, the Turks remembered their lesson and themselves
quoted the “telechronistic ray” séance as an argument in favour of
the Spook being able to fulfil its offer.
Further, the trance-talk picture of the future was intended to be a
very gentle introduction of the idea that when the treasure was
discovered the mediums would be away from Yozgad, because they
would send news of its whereabouts by letter.
The séance is no doubt poor stuff from a metaphysical point of
view, but it was good enough for the Turks, and I quote it in full as
an example of the way in which we entangled our victims in a
labyrinth of confused reasoning. For it must always be borne in mind
that a medium can have no more valuable asset in his sitter than a
theory of spooking, and the more ill-defined, tortuous and confused
that “theory” may be, the easier it becomes to hoodwink its
exponent. The really dangerous man to a medium is not at all the
gentleman possessed of a vast knowledge of spooks and their ways,
and consequently prepared to explain phenomena in the light of that
knowledge, but the ordinary everyday man, without any theories of
the supernatural and preferably with a good knowledge of conjuring,
of logic, and of the tricks of the cross-examiner, who will apply to
what he sees and hears the tests of his everyday experience.
Confusion, in one form or another, is the alpha and omega of the
medium’s stock in trade.
The séance opened with a little speech by Moïse. We encouraged
him—or rather, the Spook did—to make these speeches, and
gradually he formed the habit of writing them beforehand so as to
make sure of omitting nothing of importance. In time, they
amounted to a report of everything that had happened in connection
with ourselves or with the rest of the camp since the last séance. In
this way our knowledge was kept up to date, and we gained much
important information. The speeches were delivered—not to us, but
to the piece of tin which was our spook-board, and which Moïse
always addressed as “Sir.” It contained for him as real a personality
as the idol does for the savage, and he treated it with similar
reverence. He lied to us, in our capacity as ordinary mortals, with a
face of brass, but he never lied to his sacred piece of tin. Picture
him, then, leaning over the board with paper and pencil ready to
take down the Spook’s answer while we set our fingers on the glass,
and as wooden as possible an expression on our faces, and listened
to his oration.

Seance in Colonels’ House, 24th March, 5 p.m. to 7.45 p.m.

Moïse. “Good evening, Sir. Before starting the treasure business,
let me first thank you for the speech you made for the Commandant
to say at the Ski Club dinner. I think everybody was pleased. I did
not come before to thank you because you gave us the order not to
trouble you before five days; but I do it now. Second, I beg your
pardon again for having so étourdiment ejaculated in the last
séance, and I am ready, if possible, in order to correct the wrong I
may have done, to share the hardships and restrictions you have
inflicted on the mediums, if you think it convenient.”
Spook. “Thank you. Later on I may require your help. Not now.”
Moïse. “I am ready at any time.”
Spook. “I am going to prepare you for trance-talk. I am going to
explain a very difficult thing. First, what time is it?”
Moïse. “It is ten minutes past five, according to camp time, ten
minutes past ten by Turkish time.”
Spook. “When eleven o’clock comes will the present time be dead
and gone?”
Moïse. “Will you explain, please?”
Spook. “Is yesterday still here or not? Is to-morrow here yet?”
Moïse. “We think that to-morrow is not here yet. We don’t quite
understand.”
Spook. “It is difficult. Is last year here now?”
Moïse. “No, it is not. We are in 1918 now.”
Spook. “Is next year here now?”
Moïse. “No, we think it is not here.”
Spook. “Quite so. You think the past is one thing, and the future is
another, and the present a third. Is it not so?”
Moïse. “I will say there are three things altogether.”
Spook. “I will try and show that you are wrong—that both the
future and the past exist together now. But it is hard to explain
because all human languages are deficient in the words I require.
For instance, the phrase ‘in tune’ does not express exactly what I
mean by it, nor does the French phrase ‘en rapport,’ nor the Greek
‘συμπά θεια’; nor any phrase in any human language. Well, you
know sound can be trapped, for you have a clumsy method of doing
it. Do you understand?“
Moïse. “The phonograph method?”
Spook. “Quite so. A past sound existing in the present. Is it not
so?”
(Moïse consulted the mediums, and after a discussion, went on.)
 Moïse. “Jones says that the phonograph is only a record of a
sound, it is not a sound existing at the present.”
Spook. “Stupid, the sound is there. All that is required is the proper
instruments and conditions to bring it out. Do you understand?”
Moïse. “Yes, we understand that.”
Spook. “Now, look at the fire.”
Moïse. “Yes, I am looking.”
Spook. “Would you say it is burning now, or would you not?”
Moïse. “Yes, we would.”
Spook. “Why do you say it is blazing now—at present?”
Moïse. “Because we see it.”
Spook. “Quite so. Again, say something, Moïse.” (Moïse spoke.)
“You are talking now, now, now, are you not?”
Moïse. “Yes, I am.”
Spook. “How do the mediums know?”
Moïse. “Because they hear me.”
Spook. “Because you see and hear a thing you say it is happening
in the present. Is it not so?”
Moïse. “Yes. It is so.”
Spook. “If you saw one star collide with another star you would
say, ‘Look, that star is at present colliding with that other star’; is
that so?”
Moïse. “Yes, I would.”
Spook. “Then do you think you would be talking sense?”
Moïse. “We think we are.”
Spook. “Ha! ha! ha! ha! ha! ha!! Listen! It takes what you call a
hundred years for the light of some of the stars to reach the sphere
you live in. So when you see a collision you may be watching a thing
which really happened what you call a hundred years ago. For you it
is the present time, because the rays of light have preserved it for
you for all those things you call years. But you are looking at the
past. Do you understand?”
Moïse. “I shall say, ‘I see the present,’ but if I know astronomy, by
thinking a little I will be persuaded that I am not looking at a present
thing but a past thing, because the rays have taken a long time to
reach my eyes.”
 Spook. “What I am trying to prove is this: even to your imperfect
senses, the past can exist in the present, also the future can exist in
the present.”
Moïse. “How? An example about the future, please, Sir.”
Spook. “Bless you! Your mathematicians, as you call them, can fix
the next eclipse of the sun to the nearest second. Because they
happen to have discovered the laws ruling that little portion of the
field of knowledge, that portion of the future is known and is laid
bare in the present. So, in a sense, past, present, and future co-
exist.”
Moïse. “No, the knowledge of them co-exists.”
Spook. “Silly. Is the fire existing now, or merely your knowledge of
it?”
Moïse. “The fire is existing now.”
Spook. “Because you see it?”
Moïse. “Yes.”
Spook. “Silly. What about the stars?”
Moïse. “You are right! I understand now!”
Spook. “Time is an artificial division. All time is one. Do you
understand?”
Moïse. “I know.”
Spook. “Past, present, and future all co-exist.”
Moïse. “Yes.”
Spook. “You do not know all the past—why? Because you have not
yet discovered the—there is no word for it—call it the ‘telechronistic
ray.’ You do not know all the future, for the same reason. Do you
understand?”
Moïse. “Give further explanation, please.”
Spook. “As you have seen, light rays and sound rays can preserve
the past for your ears and eyes. The mathematical sense can know
the future. In the same way the telechronistic rays preserve both the
past and the future, for those who can develop the faculty to get
into touch with the rays. This is what I am aiming at with the
mediums. To-night I shall test them. They will trance-talk if I am
successful, and the simple food and solitude have had the desired
effect. It must be done after dark. You must not interrupt or touch
the mediums. The unfortunate thing is that as regards the past it is
always possible for what you call a spirit to interpose between the
mediums and the ray, like a man standing between you and a
candle; but as regards the future, it is harder to interfere because
the future ray is strong, and single, and distant like the sun. Do you
understand?”
Moïse. “Not understood.”
Spook. “The future is a complete whole, a single blaze. It is all
existing now, but it exists for you as an undivided entity. The past,
however, exists for you as a series of small telechronistic rays. If I
tried to show you a particular event in the past, it being a small
event like the candle, it would be easy for OOO to interpose
between you and the beam, especially if he knows the particular
candle I want to show. Now, do you understand?”
Moïse. “Yes.”
Spook. “Do not touch the mediums or interrupt.”
Moïse. “No, I will not.”
Spook. “Be in the dark. Take down carefully everything they say.
Then come back to me after they have recovered. Also note: it will
not be me talking through the mediums; it will be the mediums
themselves interpreting the ray. Au revoir, until after dark.”
Moïse. “May we have a lamp?”
Spook (angrily). “No!”
Moïse. “How can I write?”
Spook. “Make a small beam of light—a—small—beam—of—light.”
Moïse. “Yes. How?”
Spook (angrily). “Do it! Or I will not help. Blow your own nose!
Don’t worry me with trifles!”
Moïse. “A candle covered with paper?”
Spook (interrupting angrily). “In a tin, in a tin!”
Lest he should make any mistake over the “beam of light” Moïse
decided to write in the dark. He sat at a table at one side of the
room, while Hill and I sat at the other side. For some time there was
dead silence. Then Hill and I began to grunt, and make strange
noises in unison. The noises changed gradually from grunts to
groans, and from groans to guttural sounds, thence to some
unknown tongue, and finally into English. When we had practised
together in private (it took a lot of practice to get grunt-and-groan
perfect) we had never been able to proceed very far without
laughing. Indeed it was the most ridiculous farmyard concert that
mortal man ever listened to, and Hill had objected that we ran a
great risk of laughing or being laughed at and spoiling everything.
But what is ridiculous in daylight may be intensely eerie in the dark.
And so it proved. The unhappy Pimple nearly fainted with fright, but
he stuck to his post and his note-taking with a courage that roused
our unwilling admiration. He showed us his notes afterwards—the
paper was wet from the clamminess of his hands, and the writing
showed clear traces of his jumpiness.
We pretended to be describing a scene before our eyes. We were
following a man who carried a letter. We described how the
messenger passed through a door into a garden. He had great
difficulty in closing the door, for something was wrong with the latch.
We followed him through the garden—past the trees and flowers
and well, all of which we described—into a house with a curious
window that stood out four-square to the right of the door. Thence
up the steps, inside, through a small hall, up a staircase and into a
bedroom, detailing the furniture and the pictures as we passed each
article. We gave a minute description of the bedroom, the red
carpet, the two ottomans, the position of the bed and the cupboard,
and we were much struck by the enormous footstool on the right of
the door, the wicker bag on the floor near the bed, and the sword on
the wall between two pictures. The messenger gave the letter to
someone on the bed, whom we could not see clearly. We heard him
call, and a lady came in—a lady with very beautiful hands. They
went out together, carrying a lantern. Another man joined them,
with pick and shovel. Then everything turned black. There was a
pause in the trance-talk for perhaps a minute. Then we cried out
that we saw the group again. They had been digging. We could see
the hole by the lamplight. They were pulling things out of the hole—
boxes they looked like! Yes, boxes! The man with the pick raised it
above his head and smashed open a box, and—“Gold! Gold! Gold!”
(so loud and so suddenly did we shout together that the Pimple
leapt to his feet). Then blackness again, and a reversal of the
opening proceedings—we lapsed first into the unknown tongue, and
thence through the guttural sounds to the groans and the little
farmyard grunts with which we had begun. A few minutes’ silence,
and Hill spoke in his natural voice:—
“I am afraid it’s no good!” he said, “nothing is going to happen.”
The Pimple struck a match with shaking fingers, and lit the lamp.
“Something has happened,” he said, “you’ve both been in a
trance. It was terrible!”
“Have we?” said I, and looked as dazed as I could. (It is easy to
look dazed in a sudden glare of light.) “I feel just as usual, only very,
very tired.”
At the Pimple’s request we got out the spook-board and he read
over the record to the Spook.
“That was the future,” the glass explained; “did you recognize the
picture, Moïse?”
Moïse. “No, Sir.”
Spook. “Stupid! What did they find? Who were they? What was the
house? Don’t be silly! You know it well. Read it again!”
(Moïse re-read the record.)
Moïse (in excitement). “Yes, Sir! I recognize it now. May I tell the
mediums what the picture was?”
Spook. “Yes. Then no more to-night. Mediums are much improved,
but this strains them.”
Moïse. “Good-night, Sir. And many thanks.”
Turning to Hill and myself, Moïse explained that in our trance-talk
we had given a perfect description of the Commandant’s house. He
was half crazed with excitement and nervous strain. It was
“wonderful,” “marvellous,” “undoubted clairvoyance.” He
congratulated us “from the base of his heart.” It was a “beautiful
word-picture.” It was more—a “word-photograph”—and of a house
we had never seen! It beat the photograph incident in Raymond
(Moïse, by the Spook’s orders, had just finished translating Raymond
to the Commandant), “for it was much more detailed.” He believed
we were greater spiritualists than Sir Oliver Lodge. “Was it so?” “Was
it not so?”
“Oh no, Moïse,” said Hill. “We are only mediums. He is in your
position, you know—an investigator and recorder. But I suppose it is
not unlike the photograph incident, as you say.”
“It is better—far better,” said the Pimple.
I believe it was better. Only it spoils a conjuring trick or a psychical
phenomenon to explain how it is done, and unfortunately I have
already told the reader how Doc. O’Farrell described Kiazim’s house
to me. So the photograph incident in Raymond will remain a
“marvel” while our word-picture is simply a fraud.
 CHAPTER XVII

HOW THE SPOOK TOOK US TREASURE-HUNTING AND WE

PHOTOGRAPHED THE TURKISH COMMANDANT

For the past fortnight Hill and I had known that a number of new
prisoners were coming to Yozgad—44 officers and 25 men. These
were the “Kastamouni Incorrigibles.” After the escape by Keeling,
Tipton, Sweet, and Bishop from Kastamouni in 1917, their comrades
of Kastamouni Camp had been badly “strafed.” The whole camp was
moved to Changri, where it was housed in the vilest conditions
imaginable.[34] In despair a number of officers gave the Turks their
parole not to escape, in order to get reasonable quarters. The Turks
accepted the parole and sent these to Gedos. Then Johnny Turk
began to wonder why the rest would not give parole, and very
naturally concluded they must be intending to escape. The safest
place in Turkey for restless gentlemen of this description was
Yozgad, in the heart of Anatolia. So to Yozgad they were sent.
But at Yozgad the accommodation for prisoners was very limited.
To make room for all 44 incorrigibles the Turkish War Office decided
to send 20 of the Yozgad officers to Afion Kara Hissar. As soon as
this order arrived, Moïse came across and told us about it. The
Commandant wanted the Spook to tell him which of the officers at
present in Yozgad he should send away. Here was a great
opportunity. It would have been the easiest thing in the world for us
to send any twenty men we chose to select. We were much tempted
to despatch to Afion the score whom we considered to be most
vehemently opposed to all plans of escape. But we held our hand.
We advised Moïse that we thought it wiser not to trouble the Spook
with details, as the treasure business was sufficient worry at
present. The Spook had several times told us to do as much as
possible for ourselves.
Accordingly the camp was informed of the order in the usual way,
but when we heard the result we were rather sorry we had not
exercised our option. Moïse told us that the Commandant, in answer
to enquiries, had said that Yozgad camp was in every way preferable
to Afion. (As a matter of fact it was not.) In Yozgad, he said, food
was cheaper, the climate better and the housing much superior.
Result: those officers who had at first been tempted by the idea of a
change refused to budge. Indeed, practically nobody wanted to go,
for what with the Hunt Club and the Ski dinner speech, and one
thing and another, Yozgad prospects looked decidedly rosy for the
summer. So, to a diapason of grousing by the victims, the fiat went
forth that the twenty junior officers should pack up, and our Senior
Officer did Hill and myself the honour of telling Kiazim Bey that, as
we were not only junior but also “the black sheep” of the camp, it
would be distinctly advisable to include us in the twenty. (That
“black sheep” phrase hurt a little—we had never done anybody any
harm—but it amused the Turks.) Kiazim, who wanted his treasure,
refused to move us. Amid much grumbling, the twenty made their
preparations for departure.
On the 26th March, at 6 p.m. Moïse brought the matter up in his
“report.” “I have some news for you, Sir,” he said to the board. “We
have got the order for twenty officers to leave for Afion. Their names
have been put down. You see we are trying to blow our own noses.”
(Moïse had got it into his head that this was an English idiom
meaning to be self-reliant.) “But perhaps you can give us some good
suggestions as you usually do. I told Colonel Maule we could not
move the mediums when he asked about them.”
“Quite right,” said the Spook, “that is all as I arranged it. But I
want one small addition. I want Maule to be told that the Superior
would like to be rid of these two officers, and that he would send
them away if he could, but he must await orders from
Constantinople, to whom a report of the trial has been sent.” (The
report was dictated by the Spook and sent to the Turkish War Office
on the 18th March.[35]) “This will explain why the Superior does not
seize the opportunity to get rid of them. It will also explain matters if
Constantinople wires to send these two away, as it may do. Do not
be alarmed at that possibility. It will be all my doing, and I know
what I am doing.”
The object of this was to keep open the possibility of our travelling
with the Afion party for part of the way. We hoped that by the time
they were ready to start, Kiazim would have been persuaded by us
that the treasure could best be found by sending us to the
Mediterranean coast. From Yozgad to Angora was 120 miles, and
transport was scarce. So we intended to avail ourselves of the
government carts provided for the Afion party if Kiazim agreed to
move us.
The Turks were now like children in the Hampton Court maze
when a fog has come down. They were properly lost in our
labyrinth, and appealed to the Spook to tell them what was
happening. That capable and inventive gentleman rose to the
occasion, and gave them a resumé of the position. The best chance
of finding the treasure quickly, the Spook said, had been when OOO
had offered to point it out if we could prove our friendship to him.
The Pimple had spoiled that chance by his ignorance of Armenian.
Indeed, he had done worse than spoil it—he had thrown OOO into
active opposition, and though OOO himself was not much to be
feared, being a comparatively young and inexperienced spirit, a
company had now been formed to help him, which contained some
of the best known organizers in the spirit-world. (Amongst them was
Napoleon Buonaparte.)
There remained, the Spook continued, three other plans for
finding the treasure. Of these the first was to find out everything
from Yozgad through the holders of the three clues—KKK, YYY and
AAA. This again the Pimple had nearly—though not quite—spoiled by
inadvertently strengthening the opposition. Fortunately KKK and YYY
were dead, and as they were keenly interested in helping to tear
aside the partition between this world and the next, our Spook had
been able to persuade them to assist in the search, and they were
prepared, as scientific investigators, to try and show themselves and
make themselves heard to the mediums. Success with them would
depend on whether or not the starvation diet had rendered the
mediums sufficiently clairvoyant and clairaudient. There remained
the holder of the third clue—AAA. AAA being still alive—we learned
that he was a business man in Constantinople, whose work
frequently took him to Adalia, Tarsus, Alexandretta, and Damascus—
was likely to be our chief difficulty, because his mind must be read
by telepathy and he was so far away that his thought-waves would
be weak, so the opposition might succeed in blocking them. Still, we
would try, and must hope for success.
But, the Spook warned us, the trance-talk had pointed to the fact
that this plan would not succeed in its entirety, and that the treasure
would be found by one of two other plans which were being held in
reserve. Both these plans involved moving the mediums nearer to
AAA—nearer, that is to say, to Constantinople, Adalia, Tarsus,
Alexandretta or Damascus, according as AAA might be in one or the
other.
“The details of these two plans,” said the Spook, “I do not want to
tell at present, because OOO has now got control over a medium in
Yozgad[36]; and as you humans cannot control your thoughts it is
unwise to tell you, lest that medium and OOO succeed in reading the
plan that is in your minds. They could then interfere with it.”
To our delight, the Turks took the news that we might have to
leave Yozgad with the utmost nonchalance. They realized that the
Spook was doing his utmost to find the treasure without moving us,
and in their hearts they were pretty confident he would succeed.
Therefore they regarded the move as unlikely—and forgot all about
it for the time being, by reason of the other things we provided to
occupy their attention. For, having mentioned the move, we at once
turned their attention away from it by bringing forward KKK.
KKK proved to be a most friendly spirit. Speaking through our own
Spook he offered to conduct us next day to the spot where his clue
was buried. But he laid down certain conditions:
Conditions laid down by KKK. Secret object of the conditions.
1. Only those who are present 1. To get Kiazim out and enable
at the digging up of the clue us to photograph him.
will be allowed to share in the
treasure.
Note.—The Commandant kicked very
hard against this condition, because
he was afraid of being seen in the
company of the mediums, but KKK
was adamant and Kiazim finally gave
way.

2. The mediums are to be 2. To enable me to pose the

prepared to carry out the Turks for Hill to photograph them.
treasure-test of the Head- If the first pose was unsuccessful,
hunting Waas. If that fails, the Red Karens’ test gave the
Jones is authorized to try the opportunity for a second pose.
secret Blood-test of the Red
Karens.

3. The Turks must not speak a 3. To prevent the Turks from

single word unless spoken to drawing each other’s attention to
by the mediums. any suspicious incident.

4. Mediums are to wear black. 4. We had black water-proof

capes. Hill found the folds useful
for concealing the camera.

5. Mediums are not to be 5. To ensure that Hill should not

touched at any time after KKK be interfered with when using the
has appeared. camera.

6. Mediums must hold hands 6. To enable us to signal to one

when following KKK. another without the Turks seeing
 it.

7. One, or both, of the 7. To enable Hill to get away from

mediums may collapse under the rest of us for the half-dozen
the strain. If they do, leave paces at which he was prepared
them quite alone. Do not touch to take the photograph, and to
them, or speak to them, or keep the attention of the Turks
even think of them without off Hill.
orders. Leave them alone and
they will recover.

8. All to carry sticks and 8. The articles were mostly

waterbottles. Cook to carry a camouflage, but some (the bread
pick and spade under his coat. and water in particular), were
Moïse to carry the following intended to form a precedent for
articles carefully hidden about the time when the Spook would
his person: scissors, knife, arrange our final escape.
adze, waterbottle, matches,
fire-wood, rags soaked in
kerosine, bread, and a clean
white handkerchief.

9. “Obedience! Obedience! 9. A general precaution.

Obedience!”
“The clue,” the Spook warned us, “was very clever. The casual
person on opening it would think he had found nothing and throw it
down where he found it. If the finder happened to look further, he
would find something to cause him surprise and a puzzle to make
him talk. When 000 buried the treasure he hoped if this happened
the talk would reach the ears of his heir. Therefore, do not be
disappointed when at first you find nothing but an emblem of death.
Go on looking carefully. The clue itself will puzzle you, but what one
man can invent another man can understand.”
 That night Hill gave me a final exhibition of his extraordinary
palming, and I went to bed with renewed confidence in his skill.
Tomorrow would settle our hash one way or another—we would get
that photograph or be found out and take the consequences,
whatever they might be.
To our disgust the 27th March turned out a dull, misty day, with
some rain, quite hopeless for photography. The Spook informed the
Pimple that KKK would find it difficult to appear in mist, as he was
pretty misty himself to human eyes, even under the best conditions,
and advised postponement. The Pimple cordially agreed that it
would be practically impossible to see a spook on such a day.
Next day, the 28th March, was overcast and stormy, with rain and
a high wind which would prevent Hill from managing his cloak
properly, and we again postponed by mutual consent.
At 9 a.m. on 29th March, Moïse came to us in some excitement.
There was trouble afoot. The Commandant and the Cook—the Major
of Turkish Artillery and his orderly—had “quarrelled”! The
Commandant had ordered the Cook to go to Angora (120 miles
away) “to fetch some stores.” At first he had ordered him to go
today, and then postponed until tomorrow: the Cook had seen
through the motive of this order. He knew that Kiazim wanted to
prevent him from attending the digging up of the first clue, in order
to make him forfeit his share in the treasure. So the Cook had flatly
refused to go—had mutinied! If Kiazim dared to punish him, he
would “blow the gaff” about the treasure-hunt.
The Cook was a man—and won. Kiazim gave way.
I find a note in my diary. It reads: “Considering that, as yet,
nothing has been found, things are pretty warm.” The diary goes on:
“30th March.—Another bad day. Hail and sleet. The starvation diet
has brought our belts in a couple of inches, and makes us feel very
floppy and weak, but otherwise we are all right. Our pulses jump
from 56 to 84, with extraordinary variations.”
We decided that next day, be it wet or fine, we must find the first
clue. The 31st March promised well. The sun shone brightly and
there was little wind. The Pimple was summoned, and the Spook
made him repeat his instructions for the search, in order to make
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