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Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
not have her for either; but, as God made us separate, we can
leave one another alone, and do one another much good
thereby. There are white men enough to marry all the white
women, and enough black men to marry all the black women,
and in God’s name let them be so married. The Judge regales
us with the terrible enormities that take place by the mixture of
races; that is the inferior race bears the superior down. Why,
Judge, if you do not let them get together in the Territories they
won’t mix there.
“Now, it happens that we meet together once every year,
some time about the Fourth of July, for some reason or other.
These Fourth of July gatherings I suppose have their uses. If
you will indulge me, I will state what I suppose to be some of
them.
“We are now a mighty nation; we are thirty, or about thirty
millions of people, and we own and inhabit about one-fifteenth
part of the dry land of the whole earth. We run our memory
back over the pages of history for about eighty-two years, and
we discover that we were then a very small people in point of
numbers, vastly inferior to what we are now, with a vastly less
extent of country, with vastly less of every thing we deem
desirable among men​—w ​ e look upon the change as exceedingly
advantageous to us and to our posterity, and we fix upon
something that happened away back, as in some way or other
being connected with this rise of posterity. We find a race of
men living in that day whom we claim as our fathers and
grandfathers; they were iron men; they fought for the principle
that they were contending for; and we understood that by what
they then did it has followed that the degree of prosperity which
we now enjoy has come to us. We hold this annual celebration
to remind ourselves of all the good done in this process of time,
of how it was done and who did it, and how we are historically
connected with it; and we go from these meetings in better
humor with ourselves​—w ​ e feel more attached the one to the
other, and more firmly bound to the country we inhabit. In
every way we are better men in the age, and race, and country
in which we live, for these celebrations. But after we have done
all this, we have not yet reached the whole. There is something
else connected with it. We have, besides these​—​men descended
by blood from our ancestors​—​those among us perhaps, half our
people, who are not descendants at all of these men; they are
men who have come from Europe​—​German, Irish, French, and
Scandinavian​—​men that have come from Europe themselves, or
whose ancestors have come hither and settled here, finding
themselves our equals in all things. If they look back through
this history to trace their connection with those days by blood,
they find they have none; they cannot carry themselves back
into that glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are
part of us; but when they look through that old Declaration of
Independence, they find that those old men say that ‘we hold
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,’
and then they feel that that moral sentiment, taught on that
day, evidences their relation to those men, that it is the father
of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right to
claim it as though they were blood of the blood and flesh of the
flesh of the men who wrote that Declaration, and so they are.
That is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts
of patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link those
patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the
minds of men throughout the world.
“Now, sirs, for the purpose of squaring things with this idea
of ‘don’t care if slavery is voted up or voted down,’ for
sustaining the Dred Scott decision, for holding that the
Declaration of Independence did not mean any thing at all, we
have Judge Douglas giving his exposition of what the
Declaration of Independence means, and we have him saying
that the people of America are equal to the people of England.
According to his construction, you Germans are not connected
with it. Now I ask you in all soberness, if all these things, if
indulged in, if ratified, if confirmed and indorsed, if taught to
our children and repeated to them, do not tend to rub out the
sentiment of liberty in the country, and to transform this
Government into a government of some other form. These
arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be
treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying;
that as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow​
—​what are these arguments? They are the arguments that
Kings have made for enslaving the people in all ages of the
world. You will find that all the arguments in favor of King-craft
were of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the
people, not that they wanted to do it, but because the people
were better off for being ridden. That is their argument, and
this argument of the Judge is the same old serpent that says:
You work, and I eat, you toil and I will enjoy the fruits of it.
Turn it whatever way you will​—w ​ hether it come from the mouth
of a King, an excuse for enslaving the people of his country, or
from the mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving
the men of another race, it is all the same old serpent, and I
hold if that course of argumentation that is made for the
purpose of convincing the public mind that we should not care
about this, should be granted, it does not stop with the negro. I
should like to know if, taking this old Declaration of
Independence, which declares that all men are equal upon
principle, you begin making exceptions to it, where you will
stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why not
another say it does not mean some other man? If that
declaration is not the truth, let us get the statute book, in which
we find it, and tear it out! Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not
true, let us tear it out! [cries of ‘no, no,’]; let us stick to it then;
let us stand firmly by it then.
“It may be argued that there are certain conditions that
make necessities and impose them upon us, and to the extent
that a necessity is imposed upon a man, he must submit to it. I
think that was the condition in which we found ourselves when
we established this Government. We had slaves among us; we
could not get our Constitution unless we permitted them to
remain in slavery; we could not secure the good we did secure
if we grasped for more; and having, by necessity, submitted to
that much, it does not destroy the principle that is the charter of
our liberties. Let that charter stand as our standard.
“My friend has said to me that I am a poor hand to quote
Scripture. I will try it again, however. It is said in one of the
admonitions of our Lord: ‘As your Father in heaven is perfect, be
ye also perfect.’ The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any
human creature could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but
He said: ‘As your Father in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect.’
He set that up as a standard, and he who did most toward
reaching that standard, attained the highest degree of moral
perfection. So I say in relation to the principle that all men are
created equal, let it be as nearly reached as we can. If we
cannot give freedom to every creature, let us do nothing that
will impose slavery upon any other creature. Let us then turn
this Government back into the channel in which the framers of
the Constitution originally placed it. Let us stand firmly by each
other. If we do not do so we are turning in the contrary
direction, that our friend Judge Douglas proposes​—​not
intentionally​—a
​ s working in the traces tends to make this one
universal slave nation. He is one that runs in that direction, and
as such I resist him.
“My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desired
to do, and I have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling
about this man and the other man​—​this race and that race and
the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed
in an inferior position​—​discarding our standard that we have left
us. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people
throughout this land, until we shall once more stand up
declaring that all men are created equal.
“My friends, I could not, without launching off upon some
new topic, which would detain you too long, continue to-night. I
thank you for this most extensive audience that you have
furnished me to-night. I leave you, hoping that the lamp of
liberty will burn in your bosoms until there shall no longer be a
doubt that all men are created free and equal.”
 * * * * *

OPENING PASSAGES OF HIS SPEECH AT

FREEPORT.

“Ladies and Gentlemen:​—​On Saturday last, Judge Douglas and

myself first met in public discussion. He spoke one hour, I an
hour and a half, and he replied for half an hour. The order is
now reversed. I am to speak an hour, he an hour and a half,
and then I am to reply for half an hour. I propose to devote
myself during the first hour to the scope of what was brought
within the range of his half-hour speech at Ottawa. Of course
there was brought within the scope of that half-hour’s speech
something of his own opening speech. In the course of that
opening argument Judge Douglas proposed to me seven distinct
interrogatories. In my speech of an hour and a half, I attended
to some other parts of his speech, and incidentally, as I
thought, answered one of the interrogatories then. I then
distinctly intimated to him that I would answer the rest of his
interrogatories on condition only that he should agree to answer
as many for me. He made no intimation at the time of the
proposition, nor did he in his reply allude at all to that
suggestion of mine. I do him no injustice in saying that he
occupied at least half of his reply in dealing with me as though I
had refused to answer his interrogatories. I now propose that I
will answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he
will answer questions from me not exceeding the same number.
I give him an opportunity to respond. The judge remains silent.
I now say that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he
answers mine or not; and that after I have done so, I shall
propound mine to him.
 “I have supposed myself, since the organization of the
Republican party at Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound as a
party man by the platforms of the party, then and since. If in
any interrogatories which I shall answer, I go beyond the scope
of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no
one is responsible but myself.
“Having said thus much, I will take up the judge’s
interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times, and
answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake
about it, I have copied the interrogatories in writing, and also
my answers to them. The first one of these interrogatories is in
these words:
Question 1. “‘I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day
stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of
the Fugitive Slave law?’
Answer. “I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the
unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law.
Q. 2. “‘I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged
to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more
slave States into the Union, even if the people want them?’
A. “I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the
admission of any more slave States into the Union.
Q. 3. “‘I want to know whether he stands pledged against
the admission of a new State into the Union with such a
Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make?’
A. “I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new
State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of
that State may see fit to make.
Q. 4. “‘I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to
the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?’
A. “I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia.
 Q. 5. “‘I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to
the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States?’
A. “I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-
trade between the different States.
Q. 6. “‘I desire to know whether he stands pledged to
prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, North
as well as South of the Missouri Compromise line?’
A. “I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the
right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the United
States Territories.
Q. 7. “‘I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the
acquisition of any new territory unless slavery is first prohibited
therein?’
A. “I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of
territory; and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose
such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisition
would or would not agitate the slavery question among
ourselves.
“Now, my friends, it will be perceived upon an examination
of these questions and answers, that so far I have only
answered that I was not pledged to this, that or the other. The
judge has not framed his interrogatories to ask me any thing
more than this, and I have answered in strict accordance with
the interrogatories, and have answered truly that I am not
pledged at all upon any of the points to which I have answered.
But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his
interrogatory. I am rather disposed to take up at least some of
these questions, and state what I really think upon them.
“As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave law, I
have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate to say,
that I think, under the Constitution of the United States, the
people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional
Slave law. Having said that, I have had nothing to say in regard
to the existing Fugitive Slave law, further than that I think it
should have been framed so as to be free from some of the
objections that pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And
inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an
alteration or modification of that law, I would not be the man to
introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general
question of slavery.
“In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged
to the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, I
state to you very frankly that I would be exceedingly sorry ever
to be put in a position of having to pass upon that question. I
should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be
another slave State admitted into the Union; but I must add,
that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the
Territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the
people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they
come to adopt the Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing
as to adopt a slave Constitution, uninfluenced by the actual
presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative if
we own the country, but to admit them into the Union.
“The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the
second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second.
“The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. In relation to that, I have my mind very
distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly glad to see slavery
abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe that Congress
possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet as a
member of Congress, I should not with my present views, be in
favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions: First, that
the abolition should be gradual; second, that it should be on a
vote of the majority of qualified voters in the District; and third,
that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With
these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to
see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and, in
the language of Henry Clay, ‘sweep from our Capital that foul
blot upon our nation.’
“In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, that as
to the question of the abolition of the slave-trade between the
different States, I can truly answer, as I have, that I am pledged
to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I have not given that
mature consideration that would make me feel authorized to
state a position so as to hold myself entirely bound by it. In
other words, that question has never been prominently enough
before me to induce me to investigate whether we really have
the Constitutional power to do it. I could investigate it if I had
sufficient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject;
but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to
Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I should be of
opinion that Congress does possess the Constitutional power to
abolish slave-trading among the different States, I should still
not be in favor of the exercise of that power unless upon some
conservative principle as I conceive it, akin to what I have said
in relation to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
“My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be
prohibited in all Territories of the United States, is full and
explicit within itself, and can not be made clearer by any
comments of mine. So I suppose in regard to the question
whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any more territory
unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such that
I could add nothing by way of illustration, or making myself
better understood, than the answer which I have placed in
writing.
“Now in all this, the judge has me, and he has me on the
record. I suppose he had flattered himself that I was really
entertaining one set of opinions for one place and another set
for another place​—​that I was afraid to say at one place what I
uttered at another. What I am saying here I suppose I say to a
vast audience as strongly tending to Abolitionism as any
audience in the State of Illinois, and I believe I am saying that
which, if it would be offensive to any persons and render them
enemies to myself, would be offensive to persons in this
audience.”

* * * * *

LETTER TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.

“Washington, April 9, 1862.

“My Dear Sir: Your dispatches, complaining that you are not
properly sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me
very much.
“Blenker’s division was withdrawn from you before you left
here, and you know the pressure under which I did it, and, as I
thought, acquiesced in it​—​certainly not without reluctance.
“After you left, I ascertained that less than twenty thousand
unorganized men, without a single field battery, were all you
designed to be left for the defence of Washington and Manassas
Junction, and part of this even was to go to Gen. Hooker’s old
position. General Banks’ corps, once designated for Manassas
Junction, was diverted and tied up on the line of Winchester and
Strasburgh, and could not leave it without again exposing the
Upper Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This
presented, or would present, when McDowell and Sumner
should be gone, a great temptation to the enemy to turn back
from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order
that Washington should, by the judgment of all the commanders
of army corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected. It
was precisely this that drove me to detain McDowell.
 “I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement
to leave Banks at Manassas Junction: but when that
arrangement was broken up, and nothing was substituted for it,
of course I was constrained to substitute something for it
myself. And allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit
the line from Richmond, via Manassas Junction, to this city, to
be entirely open, except what resistance could be presented by
less than twenty thousand unorganized troops? This is a
question which the country will not allow me to evade.
“There is a curious mystery about the number of troops now
with you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had
over a hundred thousand with you, I had just obtained from the
Secretary of War a statement taken, as he said, from your own
returns, making one hundred and eight thousand then with you
and en route to you. You say you will have but eighty-five
thousand when all en route to you shall have reached you. How
can the discrepancy of twenty-three thousand be accounted for?
“As to General Wool’s command, I understand it is doing for
you precisely what a like number of your own would have to do
if that command was away.
“I suppose the whole force which has gone forward for you
is with you by this time. And if so, I think it is the precise time
for you to strike a blow. By delay, the enemy will relatively gain
upon you​—​that is, he will gain faster by fortifications and
reinforcement than you can by reinforcements alone. And once
more let me tell you, it is indispensable to you that you strike a
blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to
remember I always insisted that going down the bay in search
of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only
shifting, and not surmounting a difficulty; that we would find
the same enemy, and the same or equal intrenchments, at
either place. The country will not fail to note, is now noting, that
the present hesitation to move upon an intrenched enemy is but
the story of Manassas repeated.
 “I beg to assure you that I have never written you or
spoken to you in greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with
a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far as, in my most anxious
judgment, I consistently can. But you must act.
“Yours, very truly,
“A. Lincoln.
“Maj.-Gen. McClellan.”

* * * * *

LETTER TO GEN. SCHOFIELD RELATIVE TO THE

REMOVAL OF GEN. CURTIS.

“Executive Mansion, Washington, May 27, 1863.

“Gen. J. M. Schofield​—​Dear Sir: Having removed Gen. Curtis
and assigned you to the command of the Department of the
Missouri, I think it may be of some advantage to me to state to
you why I did it. I did not remove Gen. Curtis because of my full
conviction that he had done wrong by commission or omission. I
did it because of a conviction in my mind that the Union men of
Missouri, constituting, when united, a vast majority of the
people, have entered into a pestilent, factious quarrel among
themselves, Gen. Curtis, perhaps not of choice, being the head
of one faction, and Gov. Gamble that of the other. After months
of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it seemed to grow worse and
worse, until I felt it my duty to break it up somehow, and as I
could not remove Gov. Gamble, I had to remove Gen. Curtis.
Now that you are in the position, I wish you to undo nothing
merely because Gen. Curtis or Gov. Gamble did it, but to
exercise your own judgment, and do right for the public
interest. Let your military measures be strong enough to repel
the invaders and keep the peace, and not so strong as to
unnecessarily harass and persecute the people. It is a difficult
role, and so much more will be the honor if you perform it well.
If both factions, or neither, shall abuse you, you will probably be
about right. Beware of being assailed by one and praised by the
other.
“Yours, truly, A. Lincoln.”

* * * * *

THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN CALLED

FOR.

“Whereas, The term of service of part of the volunteer forces

of the United States will expire during the coming year; and
whereas, in addition to the men raised by the present draft, it is
deemed expedient to call out three hundred thousand
volunteers, to serve for three years or the war​—​not, however,
exceeding three years.
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof,
and of the militia of the several States when called into actual
service, do issue this my proclamation, calling upon the
Governors of the different States to raise and have enlisted into
the United States service, for the various companies and
regiments in the field from their respective States, their quotas
of three hundred thousand men.
“I further proclaim that all the volunteers thus called out
and duly enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium and
bounty, as heretofore communicated to the Governors of States
by the War Department, through the Provost-Marshal General’s
office, by special letters.
“I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this
call, as well as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly
credited and deducted from the quotas established for the next
draft.
“I further proclaim that, if any State shall fail to raise the
quota assigned to it by the War Department under this call;
then a draft for the deficiency in said quota shall be made in
said State, or on the districts of said State, for their due
proportion of said quota, and the said draft shall commence on
the fifth day of January, 1864.
“And I further proclaim that nothing in this proclamation
shall interfere with existing orders, or with those which may be
issued for the present draft in the States where it is now in
progress or where it has not yet been commenced.
“The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by
the War Department, through the Provost-Marshal General’s
office, due regard being had for the men heretofore furnished,
whether by volunteering or drafting, and the recruiting will be
conducted in accordance with such instructions as have been or
may be issued by that department.
“In issuing this proclamation I address myself not only to
the Governors of the several States, but also to the good and
loyal people thereof, invoking them to lend their cheerful, willing
and effective aid to the measures thus adopted, with a view to
reinforce our victorious armies now in the field and bring our
needful military operations to a prosperous end, thus closing
forever the fountains of sedition and civil war.
“In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the city of Washington, this seventeenth day of
October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States
the eighty-eighth.
“By the President: Abraham Lincoln.
“Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State.”

* * * * *

REV. DR. M’PHEETERS​—​THE PRESIDENT’S

REPLY TO AN APPEAL FOR INTERFERENCE.

“Executive Mansion, Washington, December 23, 1863.

“I have just looked over a petition signed by some three
dozen citizens of St. Louis, and their accompanying letters, one
by yourself, one by a Mr. Nathan Ranney, and one by a Mr. John
D. Coalter, the whole relating to the Rev. Dr. McPheeters. The
petition prays, in the name of justice and mercy, that I will
restore Dr. McPheeters to all his ecclesiastical rights.
“This gives no intimation as to what ecclesiastical rights are
withdrawn. Your letter states that Provost Marshal Dick, about a
year ago, ordered the arrest of Dr. McPheeters, pastor of the
Vine-street Church, prohibited him from officiating, and placed
the management of affairs of the church out of the control of
the chosen trustees; and near the close you state that a certain
course ‘would insure his release.’ Mr. Ranney’s letter says: ‘Dr.
Samuel McPheeters is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, but
can not preach the gospel!’ Mr. Coalter, in his letter, asks: ‘Is it
not a strange illustration of the condition of things, that the
question who shall be allowed to preach in a church in St. Louis
shall be decided by the President of the United States?’
 “Now, all this sounds very strangely; and, withal, a little as if
you gentlemen making the application do not understand the
case alike​—​one affirming that this doctor is enjoying all the
rights of a civilian, and another pointing out to me what will
secure his release! On the second of January last, I wrote to
Gen. Curtis in relation to Mr. Dick’s order upon Dr. McPheeters;
and, as I suppose the Doctor is enjoying all the rights of a
civilian, I only quote that part of the letter which relates to the
church. It was as follows: ‘But I must add that the United States
Government must not, as by this order, undertake to run the
churches. When an individual, in a church or out of it, becomes
dangerous to the public interest, he must be checked; but the
churches, as such, must take care of themselves. It will not do
for the United States to appoint trustees, supervisors, or other
agents for the churches.’
“This letter going to Gen. Curtis, then in command, I
supposed, of course, it was obeyed, especially as I heard no
further complaint from Dr. Mc. or his friends for nearly an entire
year. I have never interfered, nor thought of interfering, as to
who shall or shall not preach in any church; nor have I
knowingly or believingly tolerated any one else to interfere by
my authority. If any one is so interfering by color of my
authority, I would like to have it specifically made known to me.
“If, after all, what is now sought is to have me put Dr. Mc.
back over the heads of a majority of his own congregation, that,
too, will be declined. I will not have control of any church on
any side.”
“A. Lincoln.”

* * * * *
 AN ELECTION ORDERED IN THE STATE OF
ARKANSAS.

“Executive Mansion, Washington, January 20, 1864.

“Maj. Gen. Steele: Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas
petition me that an election may be held in that State, at which
to elect a Governor; that it be assumed at that election, and
henceforward, that the Constitution and laws of the State, as
before the rebellion, are in full force, except that the
Constitution is so modified as to declare that there shall be
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except in the
punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly
convicted; that the General assembly may make such provisions
for the freed people as shall recognize and declare their
permanent freedom, and provide for their education, and which
may yet be construed as a temporary arrangement, suitable to
their condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class; that
said election shall be held on the 28th of March, 1864, at all the
usual places of the State, or all such as voters may attend for
that purpose; that the voters attending at 8 o’clock in the
morning of said day may choose judges and clerks of election
for such purpose; that all persons qualified by said Constitution
and laws, and taking the oath presented in the President’s
proclamation of December 8, 1863, either before or at the
election, and none others, may be voters; that each set of
judges and clerks may make returns directly to you on or before
the ​—​th day of ​—​— next; that in all other respects said election
may be conducted according to said Constitution and laws; that
on receipt of said returns, when five thousand four hundred and
six votes shall have been cast, you can receive said votes and
ascertain all who shall thereby appear to have been elected;
that on the ​—​day of ​—​— next, all persons so appearing to have
been elected, who shall appear before you at Little Rock, and
take the oath, to be by you severally administered, to support
the Constitution of the United States, and said modified
Constitution of the State of Arkansas, may be declared by you
qualified and empowered to immediately enter upon the duties
of the offices to which they shall have been respectively elected.
“You will please order an election to take place on the 28th
of March, 1864, and returns to be made in fifteen days
thereafter.
“A. Lincoln.”

Later, the President wrote the following letter:

“William Fishback, Esq.: When I fixed a plan for an election in

Arkansas, I did it in ignorance that your Convention was at the
same work. Since I learned the latter fact, I have been
constantly trying to yield my plan to theirs. I have sent two
letters to Gen. Steele, and three or four dispatches to you and
others, saying that he (Gen. Steele) must be master, but that it
will probably be best for him to keep the Convention on its own
plan. Some single mind must be master, else there will be no
agreement on anything; and Gen. Steele, commanding the
military, and being on the ground, is the best man to be that
master. Even now citizens are telegraphing me to postpone the
election to a later day than either fixed by the Convention or
me. This discord must be silenced.
“A. Lincoln.”

* * * * *

CALL FOR FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN.

 “Whereas, By the Act approved July 4, 1864, entitled ‘An Act
further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out
the National Forces, and for other purposes,’ it is provided that
the President of the United States may, at his discretion, at any
time hereafter, call for any number of men as volunteers, for the
respective terms of one, two, or three years, for military service,
and ‘that in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town,
township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a
county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of
fifty days after such call, then the President shall immediately
order a draft for one year to fill such quota, or any part thereof,
which may be unfilled.’
“And whereas, The new enrollment heretofore ordered is so
far completed as that the aforementioned Act of Congress may
now be put in operation for recruiting and keeping up the
strength of the armies in the field, for garrisons, and such
military operations as may be required for the purpose of
suppressing the rebellion and restoring the authority of the
United States Government in the insurgent States.
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do issue this, my call, for five hundred thousand
volunteers for the military service; provided, nevertheless, that
all credits which may be established under Section Eight of the
aforesaid Act, on account of persons who have entered the
naval service during the present Rebellion, and by credits for
men furnished to the military service in excess of calls
heretofore made for volunteers, will be accepted under this call
for one, two, or three years, as they may elect, and will be
entitled to the bounty provided by the law for the period of
service for which they enlist.
“And I hereby proclaim, order, and direct, that immediately
after the fifth day of September, 1864, being fifty days from the
date of this call, a draft for troops to serve for one year, shall be
held in every town, township, ward of a city, precinct, election
 district, or a county not so subdivided, to fill the quota which
shall be assigned to it under this call, or any part thereof which
may be unfilled by volunteers on the said fifth day of
September, 1864.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the
city of Washington, this eighteenth day of July, in the year of
our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the
independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: Abraham Lincoln.
“William H. Seward, Secretary of State.”

* * * * *

LETTER TO MRS. GURNEY.

This letter was written by the President prior to his re-election to
Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney, an American lady, the widow of the late well-
known Friend and philanthropist, Joseph John Gurney, one of the
wealthiest bankers of London.

“My Esteemed Friend: I have not forgotten, probably never

shall forget, the very impressive occasion when yourself and
friends visited me on a Sabbath forenoon two years ago. Nor
had your kind letter, written nearly a year later, ever been
forgotten. In all it has been your purpose to strengthen my
reliance in God. I am much indebted to the good Christian
people of the country for their constant prayers and
consolations, and to no one of them more than to yourself. The
purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must prevail, though
we erring mortals may fail to accurately perceive them in
advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible war,
long before this, but God knows best, and has ruled otherwise.
We shall yet acknowledge His wisdom and our own errors
therein; meanwhile we must work earnestly in the best lights He
gives us, trusting that so working still conduces to the great
ends He ordains. Surely, He intends some great good to follow
this mighty convulsion which no mortal could make, and no
mortal could stay.
“Your people​—​the Friends​—​have had, and are having very
great trials, on principles and faith opposed to both war and
oppression. They can only practically oppose oppression by war.
In this hard dilemma, some have chosen one horn and some
the other.
“For those appealing to me on conscientious grounds I have
done and shall do the best I could, and can, in my own
conscience under my oath to the law. That you believe this, I
doubt not, and believing it, I shall still receive for our country
and myself your earnest prayers to our father in Heaven.
“Your sincere friend,
“A. Lincoln.”

* * * * *

THE TENNESSEE TEST OATH.

“Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C.,

Saturday, October 22, 1864

“MESSRS. WM. B. CAMPBELL, THOMAS A. R. NELSON,

JAMES T. P. CARTER, JOHN WILLIAMS, A.
BLIZZARD, HENRY COOPER, BAILIE PEYTON, JOHN
 LILLYETT, EMERSON ETHERIDGE, AND JOHN D.
PERRYMAN.

“Gentlemen: On the fifteenth day of this month, as I

remember, a printed paper manuscript, with a few manuscript
interlineations, called a protest, with your names appended
thereto, and accompanied by another printed paper, purporting
to be a proclamation by Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of
Tennessee, and also a manuscript paper purporting to be
extracts from the code of Tennessee, were laid before me.”

[The protest is here recited, and also the proclamation of Gov.

Johnson, dated September 30, to which it refers, together with a list
of the counties in East, Middle, and West Tennessee; also extracts
from the code of Tennessee in relation to electors of President and
Vice President, qualifications of voters for members of the General
Assembly, and places of holding elections and officers of popular
elections.]

“At the time these papers were presented as before stated,

I had never seen either of them, nor heard of the subject to
which they relate, except in a general way, only one day
previously.
“Up to the present moment, nothing whatever upon the
subject has passed between Gov. Johnson, or any one else
connected with the proclamation and myself.
“Since receiving the papers, as stated, I have given the
subject such brief consideration as I have been able to do, in
the midst of so many pressing duties.
“My conclusion is, that I can have nothing to do with the
matter, either to sustain the plan as the Convention and Gov.
Johnson have initiated it, or to modify it as you demand. By the
Constitution and laws the President is charged with no duty in
the Presidential election in any State. Nor do I, in this case,
perceive any military reason for his interference in the matter.
“The movement set a-foot by the Convention and Gov.
Johnson does not, as seems to be assumed by you, emanate
from the National Executive.
“In no proper sense can it be considered other than as an
independent movement of at least a portion of the loyal people
of Tennessee.
“I do not perceive in the plan any menace, or violence, or
coercion toward any one.
“Gov. Johnson, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee has
the right to form any political plan he chooses, and as Military
Governor it is his duty to keep the peace among and for the
loyal people of the State.
“I cannot discern that by his plan he purposes any more​—​
but you object to the plan.
“Leaving it alone will be your perfect security against it. It is
not proposed to force you into it.
“Do as you please on your own account peaceably and
loyally, and Gov. Johnson will not molest you, but will protect you
against violence so far as in his power.
“I presume that the conducting of a Presidential election in
Tennessee, in strict accordance with the old code of the State, is
not now a possibility.
“It is scarcely necessary to add, that if any election shall be
had, and any votes shall be cast in the State of Tennessee for
President and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong
not to the military agents nor yet to the Executive Department,
but exclusively to another department of the Government, to
determine whether they are entitled to be counted in conformity
with the Constitution and laws of the United States.
 “Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to
interfere in any way with any Presidential election.
“Abraham Lincoln.”

THE END.
 Transcriber’s Notes
The original book contained many unprinted
characters. Those omissions are too numerous to
enumerate here, and have been silently corrected unless
more than one alternative existed. Those exceptions are
noted below.
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when
a predominant preference was found in this book;
otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected.
Unbalanced and mismatched single- and double-
quotation marks remedied only when the correction was
unambiguous.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were
retained. Inconsistent hyphenation retained unless there
was a predominant preference for one form.
Text mostly uses “any thing” but sometimes uses
“anything”.
Text uses both “Chancelor” and “Chancellor”.
Page 44: “the tenth commandment” probably should
be “amendment”.
Page 195 does not have a “Second” order.
 Page 256: “rule of political action.” should end with a
question mark, not with a period.
Page 244: “acknowledgment” in “as a grateful
acknowledgment” was misprinted. It was spelled
correctly in Lincoln’s original handwritten letter and that
spelling is used here.
Page 376: “reportively replied” was incompletely
printed with empty space before “portively”. Transcriber
added “re” as it seemed to be the best fit.
Page 386: “homely often” was incompletely printed
with empty space before “omely”. Transcriber added “h”
as it seemed to be the best fit.
Page 409: “wholly good; almost every” originally had
a period after “good”. Changed here to a semi-colon, but
perhaps the following word should have been capitalized
instead, as “Almost”.
Page 413: “[Here Mr. Meade ... every
improvement?]” was missing a closing square bracket.
Added by Transcriber based on context.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF ABRAHAM
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