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Reckoning
 T R A N S G R E S SI N G B OU N DA R I E S
Studies in Black Politics and Black Communities
Cathy Cohen and Fredrick Harris, Series Editors

The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women’s Struggles against Urban Inequality
RHONDA Y. WILLIAMS
Keepin’ It Real: School Success Beyond Black and White
PRUDENCE L. CARTER
Double Trouble: Black Mayors, Black Communities,
and the Call for a Deep Democracy
J. PHILLIP THOMPSON, III
Party/​Politics: Horizons in Black Political Thought
MICHAEL HANCHARD
In Search of the Black Fantastic: Politics and Popular Culture
in the Post-​Civil Rights Era
RICHARD ITON
Race and the Politics of Solidarity
JULIET HOOKER
I Am Your Sister: Collected and Unpublished Writings of Audre Lorde
RUDOLPH P. BYRD, JOHNNETTA BETSCH COLE, AND
BEVERLY GUY-​SHEFTALL, EDITORS
Democracy Remixed: Black Youth and the Future of American Politics
CATHY J. COHEN
Democracy’s Reconstruction: Thinking Politically with W. E. B. Du Bois
LAWRIE BALFOUR
The Price of the Ticket: Barack Obama and the Rise and Decline of Black Politics
FREDRICK HARRIS
Malcolm X at Oxford Union: Racial Politics in a Global Era
SALADIN AMBAR
Race and Real Estate
ADRIENNE BROWN AND VALERIE SMITH, EDITORS
Despite the Best Intentions: How Racial Inequality Thrives in Good Schools
AMANDA LEWIS AND JOHN DIAMOND
London is the Place for Me: Black Britons, Citizenship, and the Politics of Race
KENNETTA HAMMOND PERRY
Black Rights/​White Wrongs: The Critique of Racial Liberalism
CHARLES W. MILLS
Despite the Best Intentions
AMANDA E. LEWIS AND JOHN B. DIAMOND
The Power of Race in Cuba
DANIELLE PILAR CLEALAND
London is the Place for Me
KENNETTA HAMMOND PERRY
Reckoning: Black Lives Matter and the Democratic Necessity of Social Movements
DEVA R. WOODLY
 Reckoning
Black Lives Matter and the Democratic
Necessity of Social Movements

D EVA R . WO O D LY

1
 3
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For my family, blood and chosen
 Contents

fUu,5tmt1ons ix
Pre/nu: Who Am l 10 Write JhisMm•ement?
Ad.'l1owl�dg,,1e11ts ..•
xi
X\ii

PART ONE. DEMOCRATIC PRECJPJCE

lnl roduction: The Democratic NecessilyofSodal MO\remenls 3
l. Emergence: A Contemporary History 20

PART TWO. DEMOCRATIC NECESSITY

2. Polit-ical Philosophy: Radical Black rcminist Pragmati.sm 49
3. The Politics ofCare and the Jdcaof Healing )uslkc 89
4. Tb•ArtofOrganizing 127

PART THREE. DEMOCRATIC POSSIBILITY

5. Movement Means Changing Politics: Discourse, Tactics, Policy,
and a New Political Ecosystem 161
Conclusion: On Futurity 206

Appe,id;x A: £xamplts cf8ailouts and Regular 8nil�0,,1 Aaio,is 217

Appc11dix B: Ongoing Ba,I Fu11d.1 22.l
Apptndix C; Police Oversight Boards /11 the li11ittd Slatt"S 231
Appendix D: Progw�iw find Reform />ro$eeu10,1 237
Appendix F.: Movemenl Syllabi 2,15
Bibliograplry 247
hulrx 271
 Illustrations

Tables

Chap. 2 Table 1: The Elements of Radical Black Feminist Pragmatism 50

Chap. 3 Table 2: Values Underlying the Politics of Care 93

Figures

Chap. 4 Fig. 1: M4BL table structure (example) 149

Chap. 4 Fig. 2: M4BL ecosystem (example) 150
Chap. 5 Fig. 3: Number of Black people killed by police in the United States,
2013–​2019 182
Chap. 5 Fig. 4: Number of reform and/​or progressive prosecutors in each US state 186
Chap. 5 Fig. 5: Western regional map of progressive and reform prosecutors 186
Chap. 5 Fig. 6: Midwest regional map of progressive and reform prosecutors 187
Chap. 5 Fig. 7: Southern regional map of progressive and reform prosecutors 187
Chap. 5 Fig. 8: Northeast regional map of progressive and reform prosecutors 188
 Preface: Who Am I to Write
This Movement?

The timeline of my engagement in this project mirrors the timeline of the

movement itself. I am a scholar of political discourse, public meaning, and
political change. When I was in graduate school in the early 2000s, Black lib-
eration movements in the United States and most places in the world were
in what the social movement literature calls abeyance—​a state of temporary
disuse or suspension. The Black civil rights movement, which reached its ze-
nith in the 1960s, had been, for better and worse, fully incorporated into the
regular flow of common discourse and institutionalized politics, so it was not
my primary subject of study. Because I wanted to examine the ways that social
movements change our understandings of politics and create new political
possibilities in real time, I wrote about the then active and growing struggles
around the living wage and marriage equality in my first book, The Politics
of Common Sense. Later, as I was getting into research on what I planned to
be my second book, an empirical examination of popular understandings of
“the economy,” what it means to different segments of the American popula-
tion, and how it might be changing, videos of Black people being murdered
by police started circulating online in a terrifying proliferation. Without
making a conscious decision, my nascent mappings of American economic
discourse slowed, and I began researching and writing about the political
implications of the movement that was rising in defense of Black lives.
Of course, I had been primed to pay attention to the mass demonstrations
in Ferguson, Missouri, and other American cities because in 2013, I, like
most other Black Americans, had followed the trial of Trayvon Martin’s mur-
derer closely. I had engaged in online discussions about the details of the
case. I had talked to my parents, my colleagues, my friends. I was outraged
that the prosecution slandered the teenager—​a boy who died with Skittles
in his pocket—​after he had been hunted in the neighborhood where his fa-
ther lived. I had been upset at the way both the prosecution and some Black
people lambasted the testimony of Rachel Jeantel, critiquing her demeanor,
her speech, her clearly present anger and sadness, as though she were not a
human being, but instead a failed vessel for respectability. Even with these
xii Preface

foreshadowing pieces of evidence that the purpose of the trial was not to
judge the murderer, but to prove that Trayvon’s life didn’t matter, I was still
hopeful that the man who had stalked and murdered this teenage boy would
be found guilty.
But he wasn’t.
I am a Black woman, the wife of Black man, and the mother of Black chil-
dren. I was already aware that police could, would, and did harm Black,
brown, and poor people without cause and based on their own whims and
fears, but I had not understood the stultifying regularity with which po-
lice and vigilantes who believed themselves aligned with the state executed
Black people—​men, women, and children—​for minor alleged infractions
or no reason at all. And, more pointedly, I had not understood how easily
they would get away with these acts of racial terror even when they murdered
people on video and in plain view of the public. I was shocked by the excuses
that were made for wanton police violence in public discourse, the ways that
the Black victims of aggression and assault were demonized, always already
deemed terminally guilty of something, having once smoked marijuana or
being possessed of the gall to fight for the lives that vigilantes, police, and the
state clearly indicated did not matter. It was heartbreaking. I can hardly de-
scribe my furious grief.
Almost four years before that savage acquittal, I had stood in Chicago’s
Grant Park on the evening of November 4, 2008, surrounded by an ebul-
lient multiracial crowd of classmates, friends, and strangers as we waited
for the results of the presidential election. I will never forget the roar of the
tens of thousands of voices when, around nine o’clock, much earlier than
we expected to know the outcome, an Obama campaign aide walked to the
microphone on a raised stage facing the throng, and said into the hushed an-
ticipation, “Check, check. Mic check. Mic check for the president-​elect of the
United States of America.” The night seemed to explode with joy. We were
carried away. The first Black president. Such a stunning declamation to kick
off the second decade of the twenty-​first century. Reader, I was never under
any impression that the election of Barack Obama would usher in a so-​called
post-​racial society, but I did think, “We have come so far.” I did hope that it
would be the beginning of something good, the clearing of a path forward,
the sign that the American polity might be ready to become what it had al-
ways claimed to be.
But the next eight years showed that this hoped-​for future had not arrived
after all.
 Preface xiii

When Trayvon’s murderer was acquitted in Florida, I took to my Facebook

page and wrote the following:

I have been struggling with what to say. I’m a political scientist. And a po-
litical junky. I ought to say something politically productive. But my pre-
dominant response to this verdict—​the very need for the 45 days of protest
to even bring this vigilante to trial—​is pain. And fear. I am the mother of
Black children. The wife of a Black man. They are not safe. They are not safe.
They are not safe. I cannot keep them safe from eyes that have no capacity to
consider their humanity and no notion that they might be ordinary people,
innocent of any crime but walking around in their skin. My loves, my whole
life, everything we have built together, may be snuffed out by any armed
coward who takes it upon themselves to exercise their prejudice at any time
in any place. And there may be no recourse. And there will certainly be no
justice. Because all my pictures here of my beautiful, brilliant boy. My ebul-
lient, gifted girl. Of my talented and dedicated and hardworking husband.
They mean nothing to a stranger with a gun. I am overcome with sadness
that this is my America. And sadder still that this sentiment is not new.
This fear is a fear that has flooded the heart of every Black woman since the
nation’s inception. And the pity of it is, this fear recedes in moments. Many
moments. It recedes among my multi-​racial and multi-​cultural friends and
colleagues and associates. My family lives in a liberal, racially, and econom-
ically mixed artistic town on a beautiful river in a charmed valley. And it
is no accident that we do. Because here, this fear, this hurt, recedes. But
always, something like this brings that fear, that rage at being always out of
place, never ordinary, never innocent, back. And so I mourn. I mourn for
the life I wanted for my children. The country I wanted for them. Because that
world, that country is not to be. Listen, I am not naive, I know about prob-
abilities, I understand how rare justice is, how fundamental struggles are,
for all intents and purposes, unending. But I am an American. So I dream.
And my American dream, cherished and mostly unspoken, has been that
despite what I know of history, what I know of structural-​isms, what I know
of the stickiness of old paradigms in new days, despite all of that, perhaps,
in my children’s time, they could be free. Free of this fear and this rage. Free
to be an individual. Free. I have held this kernel of hope in my heart that
their generation would be gifted with struggles that were at least a little dif-
ferent. I know, I know. Impossible! Of course. But I am an American. So
I dream. Because honestly, how could I be who I am without the dreamers
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xiv Preface

who came before? The dreamers who worked and died for things the world
could barely fathom? It is my birthright to “dream a world,” as Langston
Hughes wrote. And yet, the reality of my American life, of my son’s and
my daughter’s, swirls down and down around the same narrow drain of
possibility that has sucked us—​all of us, every single American—​down
from the very beginning. So I turned my profile picture into a black box in
mourning. Soon I will think about politics. Soon I will think about reme-
dies. Soon I will think about struggle. Soon. Because these things give me
hope. And something productive to do in the face of this great sadness.
But today I mourn. Because though I should have known, though I did
know in every measurable way, even still, I am shocked and more hurt than
I thought I would be, that this is my America. Still.

My America. Some of you will read that cynically. During the course of
the writing and review of this book, many have asked me: Why not let go of
this American idea? It has never been. This place has always been a shining
city built upon the unmarked and unremarked-​upon graves of Black and
Indigenous people. And, if the slaughter were not bad enough, all of the
institutions of the country, and almost everybody who got rich under their
auspices, have traded in our bones.
My first impulse is to give an answer about ideas. That the audacity of the
American idea is worth nurturing, worth bringing into being, even if the ap-
paratus built to enact it was built to fail Black, brown, and Indigenous peo-
ples. But that answer is a dodge. Logically, a thing that is built to fail most
people ought to be scrapped. So let me be honest. My attachment to the
American idea is much more personal. Like most Black Americans who are
descendants of enslaved people, my family can’t trace all the generations that
have been born in this land, but as far as we can tell, my roots in this country
go back at least seven generations on both sides. Those generations include
the often forced but sometimes passionately defiant intermixture of Black,
white, and Indigenous bloodlines that make up most of the African diaspora.
Those generations toiled to build and serve this nation while being brutal-
ized, stolen from, disrespected, and disavowed. They built triumphantly,
tragically effervescent human lives in the face of systematic dehumaniza-
tion. They are owed—​for both their unpaid labor and their faith that this
American idea could one day justly serve the entire polity.
What that means to me is that this nation is mine. Mine to claim. Mine to
hold to account. Mine to participate in reshaping. So I tell an American story
 Preface xv

because it my story to tell. It is why I reflected, in 2015, shortly after the coa-
lescence of what had become the Movement for Black Lives:

Listen, the movement was born, as all beings are, in pain. But what made it
possible, what lets it live, is ecstatic, defiant, world-​beating, unconditional
love. The love of a people for our own breath. Our own raised hands. Our
own spoken names. Our own queerness. Our own magic.
Mine is the only story I can tell. I speak it. Sing it. Tweet it. Me and the
rest of we who figured out how to love us and turn up. And so there are a
million true tales whipping across the screen in real time. Vivid as fiction,
but instead a history. This is what it looks like not to despair.
We remember what every political animal has ever known: speech-​is-​
action-​that-​creates. And all these players slaying, giving life, unapologeti-
cally declaring their political love as power because survival is not enough.
We want to live.
Let me tell you, there is no “post-​”. There is the unmasking. The decon-
struction of grins and lies. The deferred dream of other possible worlds that
are not yet. The breach to which we return.
Listen, my grandmother was born to sharecroppers on a farm in North
Carolina in 1924. At two years old, she was run over by a horse and buggy.
Somehow, she stood up, unbroken, crying, ready. When she was grown,
she moved north so she could work, vote, live. But my mother, a dentist’s
daughter, spent her youth wiping the spittle of white children from her
face and learning not to let the word nigger knock her down. Later, I was
told, Black girls are never beautiful unless they look like white girls. Good
thing I was smart, “like Oprah.” Smart enough to walk the halls of one ivory
tower after another, not minding—​not too much, not enough to fall—​the
loud whispers wondering how such a Black girl could take up so much
white space.
And of course, along the way, there have been too many losses.
Unspeakable losses. In money and blood. Yet to mention reparation is not
polite. We are supposed to get up (pants pulled up, hoodie shed, respect-
able). Unbroken, crying, ready. They call us to forgive. But the movement
reminds us that the choice in answering is ours. That’s how I know the
movement loves us—​is us—​getting free.
Listen, this hearing will be no easier than any other trial. The outcome, as
uncertain. All I can report is what movements have long showed: together,
we are a reckoning.
xvi Preface

This book is an account of this ongoing reckoning. But let me be clear: I am

not an architect of this movement. That honor and labor belongs to others,
many, though not nearly all, named within these pages. I am not pretending
to offer a definitive history of the movement or an inside look at how things
unfolded. I cannot tell you what it was like to be a person on the ground,
making decisions about how to keep people safe during direct actions or
choosing what campaigns would be pursued, what policies written, or how
resources would be allocated. I was not in the rooms where these historical
decisions were taken. I do not know all the ins and outs of the conflicts that
resulted, the tensions that festered, the friendships that grew and broke, or
the sacrifices made. In the coming years, I hope that we have a plethora of
histories and analyses from those who were in the rooms where these things
happened.
For now, the task of this work is to shine a light on the sophistication and
significance of the political work organizers and activists in the Movement
for Black Lives have done to create the incredible change in common sense,
public opinion, and the policy environment of the twenty-​first-​century
American polity. I have done my best to report what has happened from a
variety of evidence—​most importantly, the accounts of people who were
willing to share their experiences and reflections with me. My goal in this
book is to present the implications, public meaning, and impact of this rad-
ical, innovative, and successful movement for our understanding of politics.
Additionally, I aim to articulate the political philosophy I have observed
animating the movement in a way that makes clear its complexity, depth,
and usefulness to political and social thought. Herein, I put movement
philosophers in conversation with canonical thinkers in political theory not
to authorize the movement, but to show how it should disrupt, challenge,
and revolutionize canonical thinking. I hope I have made legible the intellec-
tual gift that the movement has given us, in addition to the practical changes
that their work has enabled.
In sum, I assess and share what I believe the movement has to teach us
about democracy, radicalism, persuasion, power, and the pragmatic paths
toward making other worlds politically possible. My work is to make sense
of things—​to relate experience to concept and evaluate concepts in light of
experiences. And though I am neither architect nor visionary of this move-
ment, I am a witness. The movement made me a witness. And this book is my
testimony, an act of political care rendered by way of scholarship, because
that is the language I know best and the service I can render most faithfully.
 Acknowledgments

This book has been nearly five years in the making, and it is difficult to begin
to thank all the people who have contributed to its possibility, writing, and
completion. First, I must thank my husband, Anthony Davis, who is a true
partner in every sense of the word. He has provided the encouragement, lo-
gistical, and co-​parenting support that has been critical to my ability to bring
this long-​term project to fruition. You are my home, and I am yours. That
is a great gift. I would also like to thank our children, V and L Davis, who
teach me, by example, what it means to be a fully engaged, totally messy, ever
learning, immanently loving human in the world. My gratitude, also, to my
parents, Ann and Donnell Woodly, who always believed in me and taught me
to believe in myself—​an indispensable, soul-​saving armor for a person born,
as Lucille Clifton writes, “nonwhite and woman.”
There are those with whom I share no blood but who are, nevertheless,
my family. So, I must thank the Friendsgiving crew: Daniel Reid, my first
reader and longtime editor, who never fails to honor and lift up my voice
amid the stew of words I drop in his lap. I love you avidly. Aaron Carico,
who has processed every emotion with me since we were eighteen-​year-​olds
sitting on porches and back steps trying to make sense of growing up and
growing into who we wanted to be. Sarah Landres, who first taught me and
keeps teaching me the crucial, life-​giving difference between wasting time
and spending time.
I am also blessed with an irreplaceable community of mentors and
interlocutors who have helped to shape my mind and hone my thinking.
In this capacity, no one has been more dedicated to my intellectual thriving
than Danielle Allen, who possesses a colossal intellect, a kind soul, and a
heart for service that I strive to emulate. I am continuously astounded by
her capacious, heterodox mastery of so many subjects, which is neverthe-
less combined with an unfailing generosity. Cathy Cohen, who has always
cheered, pushed, and challenged me to say what I mean and mean what I say,
and who, with the appearance of this book in the series she co-​edits, has wel-
comed me back to my intellectual home. Iris Marion Young, who left all our
lives too soon but gifted me with a deep understanding of what it means to
xviii Acknowledgments

value clear, rigorous, and righteous thought and language. Because of her,
I know what it means to be a scholar, and much of my work is an homage to
her oeuvre, which still teaches me. I had no idea of my delirious good fortune
in attending the University of Chicago at a time when I could learn political
theory, American government, and Black politics from these women while
also learning statistics from Melissa Harris Perry, who somehow managed
to make this girl who had always thought she was bad at math, into a multi-​
method whiz. My thanks, also, to Patchen Markell and Jacob Levy, who each
carried on their advising duties long past the time when they ought to have
expired and made me feel smart and seen. I am also thankful to Barbara
Ransby, who trusted me to get her footnotes together on Ella Baker and the
Black Freedom Movement, giving me an exciting and educational sneak peek
at what Black feminist scholarship in-​progress looks like. She also contin-
ually shows what scholar-​activism is with inspiring grace and aplomb and
never fails to offer a thoughtful word of encouragement.
I also wish to offer my thanks to Shanelle Matthews, a blindingly talented,
keenly smart, and boldly visionary communications expert and educator in
the movement (and beyond), who just happened to be my very first inter-
viewee. Without her, this book likely would not have happened. She trusted
me and believed in this project enough to vouch for me in movement spaces
when people were overwhelmingly busy with urgent and sometimes dan-
gerous work and suspicions of outsiders were high. I will be forever grateful
that she took a chance on me.
All books are challenging to produce, but this one was deeply personal to
me in a way my first book was not; therefore, it took shape slowly and I was
privileged to participate in several workshops and symposia that were essen-
tial to its development. I want to acknowledge them all and thank my fellow
participants for their camaraderie and engagement. In chronological order
these are: Political Theory In/​As Political Science (May 2018) organized by
Jacob Levy at McGill University; The Democracy and Freedom Conference
(April 2019) organized by Neil Roberts at Williams College, including
fellow participants George Shulman, Lawrie Balfour, Angelica Bernal, Nick
Bromell, John Drabinski, Marisa Fuentes, Victor Muniz-​Fraticelli, Emily
Nacol, Keisha-​Khan Perry, and Michael Hanchard. The Seeing Beyond the
Veil Symposium (November 2018) organized by Melvin Rogers and Juliet
Hooker at Brown University, with fellow participants Baron Hesse, Michael
Hanchard, Michael Dawson, Ainsley Lesure, Alexander Livingston, Erin
 Acknowledgments xix

Pineda, Jasmine Syedullah, Neil Roberts, Candice Delmas, Charles Mills,

David McIvor, Shatema Threadcraft, and Stephen Marshall.
I would also like to acknowledge the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics
at Harvard University, which extended me a fellowship in 2019–​2020 that
was crucial for the completion of this manuscript. My thanks to my fellow
members of the 2019–​2020 Safra Center class: Anna Lewis, who gen-
erously extended an invitation to me to room with her during my time in
Cambridge, Roni Hirsh, Attila Mraz, Naomi Scheinerman, Allison Stanger,
Adom Getachew, Eric Beerbohm, Jacob Fay, John Basl, Greg Keating, Meira
Levinson, Rebecca Henderson, Josh Simmons, Leah Downey, and essential
staff members Emily Bromley and Vickie Aldin.
I also want to thank the Center for hosting my manuscript workshop,
allowing me to bring together Shanelle Matthews, Quincy Mills, Jenn
Jackson, Jasmine Syedullah, Shatema Threadcraft, Melvin Rogers, Neil
Roberts, and Danielle Allen for crucial and helpful commentary on the first
complete draft of the book.
In addition to these venues where I was gifted with more formal commen-
tary and critique of this project, I am also privileged to have a fantastic group
of scholar friends who push me and inspire me through their own work and
through regular engagement with mine. Let me extend my eternal thanks to
Jasmine Syedullah, my writing partner and soothsayer, who is full of bold,
poetic ideas, rare knowledge, and trenchant critiques. Melvin Rogers, whose
intellect is patient and profound. He always makes time to chat with me
and lend a word of advice, despite his busy schedule and full life. Shatema
Threadcraft, whose keen mind and good humor keeps me sharp, informed,
laughing, and connected to all the good stuff the academy has to offer. Neil
Roberts who has been sharing his intelligence and intellectual generosity
with me since graduate school. Andrew Dilts, who pushes and challenges
me with his unique combination of cranky determination and fierce love.
Sina Kramer, whose serene manner and loyal friendship is underpinned by
a ferocious and careful mind. Chris Harris, who is a passionate advocate for
and articulator of the Black radical tradition and whom I had the pleasure to
learn from and teach during his graduate studies at the New School. Thanks
also to Will McKeithen, who sat through the longest run-​through of the talk
based on this book and helped make it better. And, last but far from least,
buckets of gratitude to my research assistant Liam Bouquet, who provided
invaluable support.
xx Acknowledgments

I would also like to shout out my thanks to the Geek crew, who buoyed my
spirits and provided invaluable community, especially during the plague year
2020: Chris Lebron, Chris Robichaud, Utz McKnight, Daniel Silvermint,
Elizabeth Barnes, Ross Cameron, Marisa Parham, Zachary Callen, Nolan
Bennett, and Tilda Cvrkel.
My heartfelt and humble thanks to organizer and artist Kei Williams for
agreeing to design the beautiful cover of this work. I am in awe of your many
talents and so grateful you agreed to share them with me and the world.
To anyone I have omitted, please accept my apologies. It is a failure of
my brain and not my heart. I am full of gratitude for every person who has
touched my life during this process because I know, as Octavia Butler writes,
that “all that you touch, you change and all that you change, changes you.” My
cup overflows. Selah.
 PART ONE
DE MO C R AT IC PR E C I PIC E

The whole history of the progress of human liberty shows that all
concessions yet made to her august claims, have been born of ear-
nest struggle . . . If there is no struggle, there is no progress. . . . Power
concedes nothing without demand. It never did and it never will.
—​Frederick Douglass, 1857

The cause of freedom is not the cause of a race or a sect, a party or a

class—​it is the cause of humankind, the very birthright of humanity.
—​Anna Julia Cooper, 1892

We who believe in freedom cannot rest.

—​Ella Baker, 1964

It is our duty to fight for our freedom.

It is our duty to win.
We must love each other and support each other.
We have nothing to lose but our chains.
—​Assata Shakur, 1987

There is no end to what a living world will demand of you.

—​Octavia Butler, 1993
 Introduction
The Democratic Necessity of Social Movements

In 2016, three years after the emergence of the Movement for Black Lives,
President Barack Obama chided the movement by saying that it had been
“really effective at bringing attention to problems,” but claiming that “once
you’ve highlighted an issue and brought it to people’s attention . . . , and
elected officials or people who are in a position to start bringing about change
are ready to sit down with you, then you can’t just keep on yelling at them.”
As reported in the New York Times, he went on to say that “the value of social
movements and activism is to get you at the table, get you in the room, and
then to start trying to figure out how is the problem to be solved” (Shear and
Stack 2016).
Obama’s view is a common one, but it is also incorrect. The value of
movements is something much more profound. They are necessary, not
only to address the concerns of those engaging in public interest, nor only
for the ethical purpose of achieving more just conditions for all, but also for
the health and survival of democracy, as such. Movements are what keep de-
mocracy from falling irrevocably into the pitfalls of oligarchy and the bu-
reaucratic iron cage described by Max Weber, chiefly dehumanization,
expropriation, and stagnation. Democracy demands a broad political ori-
entation toward participation and citizenship from “the people” who are to
govern. A democracy where people have come to believe that voting is the
only kind of participation that matters, that their vote, in any case, doesn’t
count, that the system is fundamentally “rigged,” and that those who govern
are not “like them” and, worse, are unresponsive is a polity that will struggle
(and perhaps fail) to bear the burden and responsibility of self-​governance. If
citizens, from whose authorization the legitimacy of democratic government
arises, come to believe that their capacity to act as authors of their collective
fate is a fiction, then what follows is what I call a politics of despair.
In this book, I argue that the force that counteracts the Weberian pitfalls
of bureaucratization and oligarchy and that can counteract the politics of
4 Reckoning

despair by “re-​politiciz[ing] public life” (I. Young [1990] 2011, 81) is social
movements. Social movements infuse the essential elements of pragmatic
imagination, social intelligence, and democratic experimentation into public
spheres that are ailing and have become nonresponsive, stagnant, and/​or
closed. However, this book is not only a theoretical exploration of the place
of social movements in democracy. If social movements help to repoliticize
public life, we should see some observable changes in the polity. Therefore,
I undertake an examination of the ideas and impacts of one of the most in-
fluential movements of our moment: the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL).
To be clear, I do not intend to claim that M4BL is the only movement
making a political difference in the second decade of the twenty-​first cen-
tury. In fact, I would assert that since 2009, the United States and, arguably,
the world have been in what social movements scholar Sydney Tarrow (1998)
calls a “cycle of contention,” which is a “phase of heightened conflict across
the social system.” Contentious cycles are characterized by the rapid diffu-
sion of collective action and mobilization; innovation in the forms of con-
tention; the creation or major change in collective action frames, discourses,
and frames of meaning; coexistence of organized and unorganized activists;
and increased interaction between challengers and authorities. In the United
States, the 2009 emergence of the Tea Party movement, followed by Occupy
in 2011, #BlackLivesMatter in 2014, #Me Too in 2017, and March for Our
Lives in 2018 evinces all the above.
In the following chapters I explore the Movement for Black Lives as a case
study, not only because it has had a measurable and dramatic political im-
pact on American (and, indeed, global) politics, but because as it persists
over time, it has the promise for effecting transformative, historically
unique change. This is because the movement has a peculiar political phi-
losophy that I call radical Black feminist pragmatism (RBFP). This philos-
ophy is new—​no historical corollary combines all of these elements—​and
it has struck an unusually resonant political chord, resulting in the trans-
formation of our understanding of racial justice and of the entire political
environment in 2020.
I undertake this study not only to outline the sophistication and sig-
nificance of the Movement for Black Lives, but also to explicate what so-
cial movements do for democracy in general. The importance of social
movements goes beyond the political claims they make on behalf of mar-
ginalized groups and cuts right to heart of what makes democracy, as such,
sustainable. Herein, I explain how movements can reinvigorate the public
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Wordsworth (Christopher). See Antiquary’s Books.
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Wordsworth (W.) and Coleridge (S. T.). See Little Library.
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Wright (C. Gordon). See Dante.
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Wyatt (Kate M.). See M. R. Gloag.
Wylde (A. B.). MODERN ABYSSINIA. With a Map and a Portrait.
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Wyndham (Rt. Hon. George), M.P. THE POEMS OF WILLIAM
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Young (Filson). THE COMPLETE MOTORIST. With 138 Illustrations.
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Zimmern (Antonia). WHAT DO WE KNOW CONCERNING
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Ancient Cities
 General Editor, B. C. A. WINDLE, D.Sc., F.R.S.
Cr. 8vo. 4s. 6d. net.
Chester. By B. C. A. Windle, D.Sc. F.R.S. Illustrated by E. H. New.
Shrewsbury. By T. Auden, M.A., F.S.A. Illustrated.
Canterbury. By J. C. Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. Illustrated.
Edinburgh. By M. G. Williamson, M.A. Illustrated by Herbert Railton.
Lincoln. By E. Mansel Sympson, M.A., M.D. Illustrated by E. H. New.
Bristol. By Alfred Harvey. Illustrated by E. H. New.
Dublin. By S. A. O. Fitzpatrick. Illustrated by W. C. Green.

The Antiquary’s Books

General Editor, J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A.
Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.
English Monastic Life. By the Right Rev. Abbot Gasquet, O.S.B.
Illustrated. Third Edition.
Remains of the Prehistoric Age in England. By B. C. A. Windle, D.Sc.,
F.R.S. With numerous Illustrations and Plans.
Old Service Books of the English Church. By Christopher Wordsworth,
M.A., and Henry Littlehales. With Coloured and other Illustrations.
Celtic Art. By J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A. With numerous Illustrations and
Plans.
Archæology and False Antiquities. By R. Munro, LL.D. Illustrated.
Shrines of British Saints. By J. C. Wall. With numerous Illustrations
and Plans.
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