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Henry IV
CHRIS GIVEN-WILSON
H E N RY I V

i
ii
H E N RY I V

Chris Given-Wilson

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NEW HAVEN AND LONDON

iii
Copyright © 2016 Chris Given-Wilson

All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form
(beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and
except by reviewers for the public press) without written permission from the publishers.

For information about this and other Yale University Press publications, please contact:
U.S. Office: [email protected] www.yalebooks.com
Europe Office: [email protected] www.yalebooks.co.uk

Set in Baskerville by IDSUK (DataConnection) Ltd

Printed in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Given-Wilson, Chris.
Henry IV / Chris Given-Wilson.
pages cm
ISBN 978–0–300–15419–1 (cl : alk. paper)
1. Henry IV, King of England, 1367–1413. 2. Great Britain—Kings and rulers—
Biography. 3. Great Britain—History—Henry IV, 1399–1413. I. Title.
DA255.G58 2016
942.04´1092—dc23
[B]
2015023658

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

iv
For Alice and all our family

v
vi
 TA BL E O F C O N TENT S

LIST OF PLATES ix
LIST OF MAPS AND TABLES xi
ACKNOWLEGEMENTS xii
ABBREVIATED REFERENCES xiii

Introduction 1

Part One: The Great Duchy 1267–1399

1 The House of Lancaster and the Crown (1267–1367) 11
2 Father and Son I (1367–1382) 24
3 The Making of a Dissident (1382–1387) 36
4 Lords of the Field (1387–1389) 48
5 The Making of a Hero (1390–1393) 61
6 Family and Lands (1391–1394) 77
7 The Two Duchies and the Crown (1394–1396) 88
8 Richard Resurgent (1397–1398) 100
9 ‘A Manifest Miracle of God’ (1398–1399) 119
10 The Making of a King (1399) 138

Part Two: A King at War 1399–1405

11 ‘In This New World’ (1399–1400) 157
12 The Parliament of 1401 174
13 The Percy Ascendancy (1401–1402) 190
14 Piracy, Rumour and Riot (1401–1402) 202
15 From Humbleton Hill to Hateley Field (1403) 216
16 Louis of Orléans and Owain Glyn Dŵr (1403–1405) 233

vii
viii ta b l e o f c o n t e n t s

17 An Empire in Crisis: Ireland and Guyenne (1399–1405) 245

18 The Death of an Archbishop (1404–1405) 262

Part Three: Recovery and Reform 1404–1410

19 The Search for Solvency (1404–1406) 281
20 Archbishop Arundel and the Council (1407–1409) 302
21 Between War and Peace (1405–1410) 317
22 Aliens, Merchants and Englishness 332
23 England, the Papacy and the Council of Pisa (1404–1409) 348
24 Heresy, Piety and Reform 366

Part Four: Lancastrian Kingship

25 The King and his Image 385
26 Council, Court and Household 406
27 The Royal Affinity and Parliamentary Politics 424
28 Nobles, Rebels and Traitors 439
29 War and Diplomacy 451

Part Five: The Pendulum Years 1409–1413

30 The Prince’s Administration (1409–1411) 465
31 ‘The Greatest Uprisings’ (1409–1412) 479
32 Burgundians, Armagnacs and Guyenne (1411–1413) 493
33 Father and Son II (1412–1413) 513

Conclusion 526

EPILOGUE 535
APPENDIX: HENRY IV’s ITINERARY, 1399 –1413 542
BIBLIOGRAPHY 546
INDEX 563

viii
 P L AT E S

1. Alabaster effigy of Henry IV on his tomb in Canterbury Cathedral,

commissioned by his widow, c.1425. Photo: author.
2. The ‘Coronation Portrait’ of Richard II, commissioned c.1395.
Westminster Abbey. Copyright © Dean and Chapter of Westminster
Abbey.
3. Opening of Psalm 1 from the Lichtenthal Psalter, Lichtenthal Abbey,
Baden-Baden, commissioned by Joan, countess of Hereford, to cele-
brate Henry IV’s marriage to Mary de Bohun in February 1381.
Copyright © Lichtenthal Abbey and Lucy Freeman Sandler.
4. The remains of the Gascoigne Tower, Pontefract Castle, West
Yorkshire. Photo: author
5. The keep of Warkworth castle, Northumberland, built by the earl of
Northumberland at the end of the fourteenth century. Photo: author.
6. Lancastrian livery collar of linked SS, silver, fifteenth century.
Copyright © Museum of London
7. Sycharth, Powys. Photo: Alice Curteis.
8. John Bradmore’s description of his cure of the prince of Wales after
the battle of Shrewsbury in July 1403. British Library Ms Sloane 2,272,
fo. 137r. Copyright © The British Library Board.
9. a and b. (a) Statue of John of Gaunt, the Gatehouse, Lancaster castle,
Lancashire. Photo: author; (b) the gatehouse of Lancaster castle, the
construction of which was begun on Henry IV’s orders in 1399 and
completed under Henry V. Photo: Alice Curteis.
10. ‘Saint’ Richard Scrope, archbishop of York. York Minster Library,
The Bolton Hours, Ms Add. 2, fo. 202v. Copyright © The Chapter of
York.
11. King James I of Scotland (1406-37), sixteenth-century anonymous oil
painting on panel. Scottish National Portrait Gallery. Copyright ©
National Galleries of Scotland.
12. Tomb effigy of Thomas, duke of Clarence (1387–1421), second son of
Henry IV. Photo: author.

ix
x plates

13. a and b. Second Great Seal of Henry IV (c.1406): (a) obverse; (b) reverse.
Courtesy of the Society of Antiquaries. Photos: Michael Bennett.
14. Petitions to the king: from Robert Hallum, archdeacon of Canterbury;
Sir Matthew Gournay; and Garcius Arnald of Salins in Guyenne.
British Library Add. Ms. 19,398, fo. 23. Copyright © The British
Library Board.
15. The Chapel in the Crag, Knaresborough, North Yorkshire, carved by
John the Mason in thanksgiving for his young son being miraculously
saved from falling rock. Henry IV granted permission for the shrine in
1407. Photo: author
16. Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, Lambeth Palace.
Nineteenth-century portrait. By permission of the Archbishop of
Canterbury and the Church Commissioners.
17. a and b. (a) Battlefield Chapel, near Shrewsbury, dedicated to St Mary
Magdalene and founded by Henry IV, c.1409, on the site of the battle
of Shrewsbury; (b) statue of Henry IV on the east gable of the Chapel.
Photos: author.
18. Illustration from Thomas Hoccleve, De Regimine Principum, written in
1410–11. British Library Arundel Ms 38, fo. 37. Copyright © The
British Library Board.
19. From Henry IV’s Great Bible. British Library Royal Ms 1 E IX, fo.
63v. Copyright © The British Library Board.

x
1 Henry IV, alabaster effigy on his tomb in Canterbury Cathedral, commissioned by his widow in
circa 1425. Joan of Navarre’s effigy was added after her death in 1437.
2 Richard II, the ‘Coronation Portrait’, Westminster Abbey, shows him in full
regal attire with crown orb, sceptre, robes and slippers. Although commissioned
c.1395, it presents a youthful Richard, perhaps intended to suggest his
appearance at his coronation in 1377.
3 The Lichtenthal Psalter, Lichtenthal Abbey, Baden-Baden, commissioned by Henry’s mother-
in-law Joan, countess of Hereford, to celebrate his marriage to Mary de Bohun in February 1381.
This is the opening to Psalm 1. The arms of Lancaster and Bohun in the left margin are linked by
tendrils to symbolize their union.
4 Pontefract castle, West Yorkshire: the remains of the Gascoigne Tower, where Richard II was
imprisoned following his deposition in 1399, and where he died in February 1400, probably on
Henry’s orders.

5 Warkworth castle, Northumberland: the keep, built by the earl of

Northumberland at the end of the fourteenth century. Henry IV besieged it
in July 1405, when ‘seven shots’ from the king’s cannon forced the captain to
surrender it.
6 Lancastrian livery collar of linked SS, silver, fifteenth century. The SS collar was the chief
livery badge of the Lancastrian dynasty, and hundreds were worn by its supporters both before and
after 1399.
7 Sycharth, Powys: the mound beyond the farmhouse was the site of Owain Glyn Dwr’s moated
mansion, ‘utterly destroyed’ in a raid led by Prince Henry in May 1403.
8 The royal surgeon John Bradmore’s description of his ‘cura domine principis wallie’ (cure of the
lord prince of Wales) and his drawing (centre right) of the instrument he designed to extract from
Prince Henry’s face an arrow-head which, he said, had penetrated ‘the bone of the skull for the
depth of six inches’ at the battle of Shrewsbury in July 1403.
 9a Lancaster castle: the
gatehouse, statue of John of
Gaunt flanked by shields of the
arms of Henry IV and Henry
V as prince of Wales, erected
by Henry IV as a monument to
Lancastrian dynastic power.

9b Lancaster castle: the gatehouse, construction of which was begun on Henry IV’s orders in 1399
and completed under Henry V.
10 ‘Saint’ Richard Scrope, archbishop of York, executed by Henry for treason
in June 1405, holding the windmill under which he was beheaded. The
popularity of his martyr-cult obliged the king to forbid access to his tomb
within a few months of his death.
 11 King James I of Scotland
(1406–37), captured in the
North Sea in March 1406,
remained a prisoner of the
English until 1424. This
sixteenth-century anonymous oil
painting on panel in the Scottish
National Portrait Gallery is
said to have been based on a
fifteenth-century original.

12 Thomas, duke of Clarence, second son

of Henry IV, born 1387, died 1421, his
tomb effigy with SS collar in Canterbury
cathedral. Next to him lay the effigy of his
wife, Margaret Holand, whom he married in
1412; on Margaret’s other side was the effigy
of her first husband, John Beaufort, earl of
Somerset (d.1410).
13a and b Second
Great Seal of
Henry IV (c.1406),
(a) obverse.
‘Iconographically the
finest great seal of
the late middle ages
in England’, it shows
Henry in the centre
of a perpendicular
screen flanked by SS
Michael, George,
Edward and Edmund,
and above him the
Virgin and Child. It
also incorporated the
change in the French
arms from France
Ancient to France
Modern and Prince
Henry’s arms as
prince of Wales, duke
of Cornwall and earl
of Chester.

(b) reverse: the

king as warrior.
14 Petitions to the king from (top) Robert Hallum, archdeacon of Canterbury; (middle) Sir
Matthew Gournay; (bottom) Garcius Arnald of Salins in Guyenne. Each one is endorsed at the top
in Henry’s hand. On the petition from Hallum, he has written ‘H. R. volons et avons grante toute
ceste bille qil soit fet’ (‘We King Henry wish and have granted this entire bill so that it be done’).
 15 The Chapel in the Crag,
Knaresborough, North
Yorkshire, a wayside shrine
carved out of the cliff above
the River Nidd by John the
Mason in thanksgiving for his
young son being miraculously
saved from falling rock. Henry
IV granted permission for the
shrine in 1407.

16 Thomas Arundel,
archbishop of Canterbury,
Lambeth Palace. This
nineteenth-century portrait is
said to be based on a fifteenth-
century original, but is unlikely
to have pre-dated Holbein and
may be even later. Arundel was
vilified for his ‘heretic-burning’
during the Reformation,
but this more sympathetic
portrayal suggests a revival of
his reputation.
17a Battlefield Chapel, near
Shrewsbury, dedicated to St
Mary Magdalene and founded
by Henry IV c.1409 on the site
of the battle of Shrewsbury as
a house of prayer for the souls
of those who had died at the
battle.

17b Statue of Henry IV on the

east gable of the church.
18 Thomas Hoccleve, poet and clerk of the privy seal, presents his Regement of Princes, written in
1410–11, to Henry, Prince of Wales, ‘hye noble and myghtty prince excellent/My lord the prince
and my lord gracious’.
19 Henry IV’s Great Bible, at 63 x 43 cm. the largest illuminated bible made in medieval England.
The illuminated initial portrays St Jerome in his study, showing desks similar to the ‘great desk’ on
two levels built for the king’s study at Eltham, in which he kept his books.
 M A P S AN D TABLES

MAPS
1 Principal holdings of the duchy of Lancaster 14
2 Crusading in the Baltic 67
3 The revolution of 1399 128
4 Wales and the Glyn Dŵr Revolt 193
5 The battle of Shrewsbury 222
6 Ireland in Henry IV’s reign 248
7 The duchy of Guyenne 254

TABLES
1 The House of Lancaster and the Crown 8
2 Descendants of John of Gaunt 10
3 Episcopal translations in the reign of Henry IV 355

xi
 AC K N OW L E D GEMENT S

Many people have helped me to write this book, some by alerting me to

references, some by reading sections, some in fruitful discussions. I hope
I have remembered to thank them all at the appropriate point, and if not
I apologize.
I have had the good fortune to spend my career in the Department of
Medieval History at the University of St Andrews, surrounded by stimu-
lating friends and colleagues, teaching able and interested students, in an
environment which, for a medievalist, could hardly be bettered. I am
grateful to them all. In 2013–14 I also spent a year working on this book at
Fordham University in New York; thank you to Maryanne Kowaleski and
her colleagues for making me so welcome there. I am very grateful to Nora
Bartlett for her help in compiling the index. The many librarians and
archivists who have helped me during the course of researching this book
have also been unfailingly helpful; I would especially like to thank the staff
of The National Archives at Kew, London, where the majority of the
manuscript research for this book was done.
Whenever I go to London, I stay with my sister Rosalind in her house in
Clapham, where she and her husband Paul invariably greet me with
warmth, good food, good wine and good conversation. I have thought
many times how much less pleasant my research would have been without
their decades of generous hospitality.
This book is dedicated to Alice, Rachel, Hannah, Paul, Polo, Roxana,
Neko, Luna and Cody, in the hope that they will always be safe and happy.
Chris Given-Wilson
St Andrews, March 2015

xii
 A B B R E V I AT E D R E F ERENC ES

Titles are given in full in the Bibliography.

All manuscript references are to documents in The National Archives, Kew, London,
unless otherwise indicated.

ANLP Anglo-Norman Letters and Petitions

Annales Annales Ricardi Secundi et Henrici Quarti
BIHR Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Brut Brut, or Chronicles of England
BL British Library, London
CAD Calendar of Ancient Deeds
CChR Calendar of Charter Rolls
CCR Calendar of Close Rolls
CDS Calendar of Documents Relating to Scotland
CE Eulogium Historiarum sive Temporis, vol. 3
CFR Calendar of Fine Rolls
CGR Calendar of Gascon Rolls
CIM Calendar of Inquisitions Miscellaneous
CIPM Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem
CIRCLE CR Calendar of Irish Chancery Letters, Close Rolls
CIRCLE PR Calendar of Irish Chancery Letters, Patent Rolls
Concilia Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, 3 vols
CP Complete Peerage
CPL Calendar of Papal Letters
CPR Calendar of Patent Rolls
CR Chronicles of the Revolution
De Illustribus Henricis Johannis Capgrave Liber De Illustribus Henricis
EETS Early English Text Society
EHR English Historical Review
Establishment The Establishment of the Regime
Foedera Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae, etc.
Giles Incerti Scriptoris Chronicon Angliae, ed. Giles
Hardyng Chronicle of John Hardyng
HOC House of Commons 1386–1421
HR Historical Research
JGR I and II John of Gaunt’s Registers
Knighton Knighton’s Chronicle 1337–1396
Monstrelet Chronique d’Enguerran de Monstrelet
Ms Manuscript

xiii
xiv abbreviated references

ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography

Original Letters Original Letters Illustrative of English History
Polychronicon Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, Monachi Cestrensis
POPC Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council
PROME Parliament Rolls of Medieval England
Rebellion and Survival Reign of Henry IV: Rebellion and Survival
RHKA Given-Wilson, Royal Household and King’s Affinity
RHL I and II Royal and Historical Letters of Henry IV, 2 vols
RS Rolls Series
SAC I and II St Albans Chronicle I (1376–94) and II (1394–1422)
Saint-Denys Chronique du Réligieux de Saint-Denys
SHF Société de l’Histoire de France
Signet Letters Signet Letters of Henry IV and Henry V
Traïson et Mort Chronique de la Traïson et Mort de Richart Deux
TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
Usk Chronicle of Adam Usk 1377–1421
VCH Victoria County History
Vita Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi
Westminster Chronicle Westminster Chronicle 1381–1394

xiv
 I N T RO D UC T I O N

On 20 March 1413, the feast of St Cuthbert, King Henry IV of England

lay dying in the Jerusalem chamber at Westminster abbey. On a couch
beside him was his crown, around him several attendants. Presently his
breathing grew so shallow that it was presumed he had died, so a sheet was
drawn over his face and the prince of Wales sent for. Believing himself now
to be king, the prince gathered up the crown and left the room, but scarcely
had he done so when a sigh was heard from under the sheet, and when
they drew it back the attendants realized their mistake. Looking about him,
the king asked what had become of his crown. ‘The prince your son has
taken it away,’ they replied. They were sent to summon him, and when
the prince reappeared Henry asked him to explain himself. ‘My lord,’ he
said, ‘these people assured me that you were dead, and since I am your
eldest son and it is to me that your crown and your kingdom will descend
after your death, I took it away’. ‘And how, my son,’ asked the king, ‘do you
have any right to it, for as you well know, I never had any?’ ‘You held it with
your sword, my lord, and for as long as I live I shall do the same,’ answered
the prince. ‘Very well then,’ replied the king, ‘The rest I leave to God, and
I pray Him to have mercy on me.’ These were Henry IV’s last words. The
prince now became King Henry V, and no man gainsaid his right to
the kingdom.1
Many tales were told of Henry IV’s deathbed, most of them, like this
one, by people who were not there but who saw it as an opportunity for
political point-scoring. Yet the fact that this fable was too good to be true
did little to discourage its circulation. Invented or perhaps retailed a quarter
of a century after the event by the Burgundian chronicler Enguerrand de
Monstrelet, it eventually found its way back to England and was taken up
in the sixteenth century by Edward Hall and Raphael Holinshed, through
whom it reached Shakespeare and achieved immortality. It was, after all,

1
La Chronique d’Enguerran de Monstrelet 1400–1444, ed. L. Douët-d’Arcq (SHF, 6 vols, Paris,
1858), ii.338–9.

1
2 h e n ry i v

a good story, and it fitted Shakespeare’s image of the king, for it reflected
an enduring moral truth of Henry’s reign, namely that it was his usurpa-
tion of the throne that defined his kingship. Neither at home nor abroad
would enemies and detractors permit him to escape from the shadow of
1399. A sense of the displacement of authority rattles around like a pinball
in contemporary literature. On the other hand, it does not validate
Shakespeare’s characterization of the king. The haunted, care-worn, at
times almost irrelevant monarch of Henry IV Parts I and II bears little resem-
blance to the man who ruled England between 1399 and 1413, although
the tactical ‘Bullingbrook’ of Richard II comes closer to the mark. Peerless
poet and dramatist that he was, historically Shakespeare has nothing to
contribute to an understanding of Henry or his reign, although his influ-
ence on later perceptions of the king was immense.2
Better guides are the contemporary chroniclers who, whether or not
they liked the king, whether or not they accepted his right to rule, feared
and respected his power. Thomas Walsingham, the St Albans monk who
wrote the fullest and most informative account of the reign, said that
Henry ‘reigned gloriously for thirteen-and-a-half years’. Adam Usk praised
his ‘powerful rule, during which he crushed all those who rebelled against
him’. An anonymous chronicler claimed that, despite constantly extorting
taxes, Henry was greatly loved by his people, but this was wishful thinking.
Most would have agreed with John Strecche, chronicler of Kenilworth
priory, who extolled the king’s military prowess, but admitted that by
breaking his promises he lost the people’s trust; nevertheless, he concluded,
‘few were his equal, many were his followers, and never was he defeated in
battle’. Even Monstrelet, no friend to the Lancastrian dynasty, called him
‘a valiant knight, fierce and cunning towards his enemies’.3 It is difficult to
think that they were all wrong.
Compared to the abundance of narratives for the reigns of Richard II
and Henry V, that of Henry IV was not well served by the chroniclers.
Only the first three years of his reign received comparable coverage, and
only Walsingham came close to attempting a consecutive record of its
events, although even his (or his assistants’) enthusiasm for the task waned as
the reign progressed.4 On the other hand, the fact that those chroniclers

2
Below (Epilogue), pp. 535–41.
3
SAC II, 618–19; Usk, 242–3; BL Add. Ms 35,295, fo. 262r; C. Kingsford, English Historical
Literature in the Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1913), 277; Monstrelet, ii.337.
4
J. Clark, ‘Thomas Walsingham Reconsidered: Books and Learning at Late Medieval
St Albans’, Speculum 77 (2002), 832–60, questions Walsingham’s authorship of the whole of
the St Albans chronicle.
 introduction 3

who saw the reign through from beginning to end, however cursorily,
wrote independently of each other, means that they provide complemen-
tary information and contrasting points of view. Usk, Strecche, ‘Giles’
and the Franciscan author of the Continuatio Eulogii were not expansive
chroniclers, but they were individualistic, opinionated and contemporary.
It was not until after the king’s death – and more busily after the implosion
of Lancastrian kingship in the mid-fifteenth century – that the memory
industry set about ironing out the creases to produce the enduring image
of the ‘unquiet times’ of Henry IV.5
Yet still Henry remains the most neglected of England’s late medieval
monarchs. There is, naturally, a contested historiography underlying the
opinions expressed in this book, which is discussed further in the Epilogue,
but a good number of historians, dazzled by the brilliance of Henry V and
the showy self-destruction of Richard II, have allowed their eyes to slip
rather hurriedly past the reign that bridged them, viewing Henry IV more
as a means (to Richard’s overthrow, to Henry V’s heroics) than as an end
in himself. Much the fullest account of the reign is J. H. Wylie’s omnivo-
rous four-volume History of England under Henry the Fourth, published between
1884 and 1898, but, despite the remarkable amount of information assem-
bled by Wylie, it is, as its title suggests, a history of early fifteenth-century
England rather than a biography of the king. Of modern biographies of
Henry, the most balanced is by J. L. Kirby (Henry IV of England, 1970), the
most readable by I. Mortimer (The Fears of Henry IV, 2007), though neither
deals adequately with the years after 1406. This imbalance is characteristic
of the historiography of the reign almost from the start. Shakespeare’s
Henry IV Part II moves directly from 1405 to 1413, and it was largely through
analysis of the parliaments of 1399 to 1406 that Stubbs formulated the
thesis that Henry was a constitutional monarch.6 A rough calculation indi-
cates that the twentieth- and twenty-first-century literature on the years
1399 to 1406 exceeds that on the years 1407 to 1413 by a factor of five or six.
It is not hard to see why: the risings of 1400, 1403 and 1405, the Welsh
rebellion, French and Scottish hostility and the difficult parliaments of
1401 to 1406 were the crucible of Lancastrian kingship. Moreover, key
sources dry up after 1406: 70 per cent of the surviving acts of the Privy
Council, three-quarters of Henry’s diplomatic correspondence and 85 per
cent of his known signet letters belong to the years 1399–1406; six

5
The phrase was coined by Edward Hall, The Union of the two Noble and Illustre Families of
Lancastre and York (1542).
6
Below (Epilogue), pp. 538–9.
4 h e n ry i v

parliaments were documented during this period, three between 1407 and
1413. Yet there was no slackening in the work of the main departments of
state – chancery, exchequer, law courts. Henry’s personal involvement may
have declined along with his health, but government did not, and in fact
the second half of the reign was a time when, secure in the possession
of the throne, the king and his ministers could begin to devise the policy
initiatives denied them by the relentless pressure of the early years.

This book is a political biography, not a history of England in the early

fifteenth century, but some background to the events it describes will
be helpful. England in 1400 was a land of around two-and-a-half million
people. Sixty years earlier the population had been at least double that,
perhaps even six or seven million, but the Black Death of 1348–50 had
halved it and recurrent visitations of the plague blunted recovery. In a
society in which 80 per cent or more of people worked the land for a living,
this demographic catastrophe led to economic and social adjustment: a
surplus of labour became a shortage; more land became available to enter-
prising peasants; rents, prices and serfdom declined; wages rose. Landlords,
eager to maintain their incomes, reacted with repressive measures, including
labour legislation, but coercion and expectation collided explosively in the
Peasants’ Revolt of 1381. Although quickly suppressed, the revolt left the
government and landlords wary of pursuing policies that might lead to
another uprising.
The pervasive sense of dislocation induced by plague and social unrest
was heightened by military failure and religious divisions. The triumphs of
Edward III and his son, the Black Prince, during the early decades of the
Hundred Years War were becoming a distant, if cherished, memory. Much
of what England had won by the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360 was lost in the
1370s, a decade which also saw the beginning of the Great Schism (1378–
1417), during which rival popes based at Rome and Avignon divided
Europe into opposing camps. It was also in the 1370s that Lollardy, the first
serious outbreak of heresy in England for a millennium, began to trouble
the authorities, as it would continue to do for the next four decades and
intermittently thereafter.
The fact that policies for the management of the labour force, the
conduct of the war, the healing of the Schism and the suppression of heresy
all came to be seen as the responsibility of royal government reflected the
centralized nature of the English polity by comparison with much of
Europe. The chancery and exchequer were now settled at Westminster,
employing hundreds of clerks who each year despatched thirty or forty
 introduction 5

thousand letters in the king’s name to all parts of the kingdom.7 Local
administration operated differently, staffed not by graded career officials of
the crown but by local men – knights, esquires, gentlemen, merchants –
who served limited terms or were appointed to undertake specific tasks such
as collecting a subsidy or arraying soldiers for war. Sheriffs, coroners and
escheators had for long been the principal royal agents in the shires, but as
the demands of the crown increased so did the number of functionaries
needed to enforce them, from Justices of the Peace to commissioners of
array, customs officers and tax-collectors. Taxation, a sine qua non of solvent
government by 1400, was deeply disliked and at times violently resisted, but
had become familiar enough to most Englishmen to be regularly and effi-
ciently collected. Royal justice by now enjoyed a virtual monopoly of major
civil and criminal cases throughout the realm, though not of ecclesiastical
or lesser ones. Around three thousand new suits a year were brought to the
central law courts, while legislation regulated not just crime and possessory
actions but also, increasingly, matters such as work, vagrancy, dress, leisure,
and religious and educational practice. Cities and boroughs, of which there
were over 600 in the kingdom, had greater licence to regulate their internal
affairs, but with the qualified exception of London they lacked the autonomy
or political influence of large towns in northern Italy, Flanders, southern
France or parts of Germany. Nor were English towns wont to league
together in order to achieve their aims, a familiar tactic elsewhere.8
Royal government, in short, was not something that Englishmen could
ignore, wherever they lived and however great they were. England was not
a polity in which kings could rule only by allowing great feudatories a virtu-
ally free hand in their own lordships, as was the case in some parts of
Europe. One reason for this was because English nobles lacked the large
and consolidated blocks of land which made a duke of Brittany or Saxony,
for example, the lord of all men within the confines of his duchy and
hence, potentially, an alternative rather than an intermediate source of
authority to that of the king or emperor. Most English nobles held estates
scattered throughout a number of counties, sometimes bearing little rela-
tion to the titles they bore.
England’s administrative precocity also meant that, generally speaking,
men of all sorts and conditions within the English kingdom tended to find
that the best way to augment their power was in tandem with the crown,

7
A. Brown, The Governance of Late Medieval England 1272–1461 (London, 1989), 52.
8
The Hanseatic and Lombard leagues and the Swiss confederation are the most striking
examples; leagues of towns were especially effective in the Empire.
6 h e n ry i v

its institutions, and its vast fund of patronage, rather than to set themselves
up as rivals to it. This is one reason why, despite dynastic strife, the public
authority of the crown expanded so markedly during the later Middle
Ages, though it also meant that this was not a public authority simply
imposed from above, but exercised in cooperation with the many thousands
of landholders and others who, in a myriad of different ways, acted as the
crown’s agents in the localities. The growth of the crown’s authority did
not therefore involve a diminution of the authority of lesser polities. The
power of noble lordship, the economic and to some extent political influ-
ence of merchant elites in the towns, and the control by the gentry of
affairs in their localities all increased during the fourteenth century.9 The
raising of contract armies to fight abroad, for example, augmented the
military power of the nobility as well as of the crown; the development of
the office of Justice of the Peace enhanced the judicial power of crown,
lords and gentry simultaneously. If, as is sometimes claimed, the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries witnessed the rise of the state in England (and
indeed Europe), it rose through interaction and participation as much
as through the stiffening of monarchical institutions, a process of widening
cooperation and continuous adjustment punctuated by violent struggle,
often for personal or dynastic advancement. That additional (typically
financial) impositions by the crown should invite closer scrutiny and
provide extra fuel for conflict is hardly surprising. Widening participation
in government was bound to throw up more occasions for disagreement,
but the only true ‘enemies of the state’ in late medieval England (as
opposed to rebels or adversaries of the king) were hostile foreigners, radical
heretics and, when they refused to accept their allotted place in society, as
in 1381, the lower orders. Faced with such threats, the establishment closed
ranks and entrenched its power.
Widening participation in government is reflected in the ever-expanding
role of parliament. Parliament was not an administrative department of
the crown, since parliaments were in session only for five or six weeks of
the year on average, but it was by now the clearing-house for the great
business of the realm, a roughly annual national health check, the outcome
of which was not easy to predict. There was always a fair amount of

9
See, for example, R. Davies, Lords and Lordship in the British Isles, passim; C. Given-Wilson,
‘The King and the Gentry in Fourteenth-Century England’, TRHS 37 (1987), 87–102. For
an analysis of this theme in a Europe-wide context, see J. Watts, The Making of Polities: Europe
1300–1500 (Cambridge, 2009); for England, see G. Harriss, ‘Political Society and the Growth
of Government in Late Medieval England’, Past and Present 138 (1993), 28–57, and
G. Harriss, Shaping the Nation: England 1360–1461 (Oxford, 2005).
 introduction 7

criticism, sometimes a great deal, and occasionally parliaments became

the stage for bitter infighting, but ideally, and in practice not infrequently,
the relationship between king and parliament functioned as a mutually
supportive partnership. So too (ideally) did the relationship between the
king and the Church, although this was becoming a less equal partnership.
The papacy’s move to Avignon in 1309, a cause of deep suspicion to a
nation engaged in a prolonged struggle with the French, had spawned a
more robust attitude to claims of papal sovereignty over Englishmen,
leading to increased control by the king and nobility of the large reserves
of patronage, from bishoprics downwards, at the Church’s disposal. By
and large the spiritual jurisdiction of the Catholic Church remained intact,
but deep inroads had been carved into what were still nominally its
resources. The eventual outcome of this process – the assumption by
Henry VIII of supremacy over the Ecclesia Anglicana – was far from certain
at this stage, but the building blocks were being put in place.
Nowhere did the aspiration of fifteenth-century rulers to act as ‘emperors
in their own kingdoms’ come closer to being realized than in England.
This was a functioning state, a vehicle for powerful, potentially predatory,
kingship. On the other hand, its dependence on active and cooperative
kingship and the power which it invested in the person of the monarch was
also its Achilles heel, for it relied disproportionately on the aptitude of each
king to make it function in a way that was acceptable to the polity, and
aptitude was not something that the lottery of heredity could guarantee.
 Table 1 The House of Lancaster and the Crown, 1272–1399 (selective)

Henry III
(1216–72)

Edward I Edmund,
(1272–1307) First Earl of Lancaster
(d. 1296)

Edward II Thomas, Henry,

(1307–27) Second Earl of Lancaster Third Earl of Lancaster
(d. 1322) (d. 1345)
(no issue)

8
Edward III Henry of Grosmont,
(1327–77) Duke of Lancaster
(d. 1361)

Edward, Lionel, John of Gaunt, = Blanche Maud

The Black Prince Duke of Clarence Second Duke of Lancaster (b. 1347) (b. 1341,
(d. 1376) (d. 1368) (b. 1340) d. 1362)

Richard II Philippa = Edmund Mortimer, Henry IV

(1377 –99) Earl of March (1399–1413)
(d. 1381)
 Part One

THE GREAT DUCHY

1267–1399

9
 Table 2 Descendants of John of Gaunt (selective)

Blanche of Lancaster (1) = John of Gaunt, = (3) Katherine Swynford

(d. 1368) Duke of Lancaster

= (2) Constanza of Castile

(d. 1394)

Katherine = Enrique,
King of Castile
(d. 1406)
Juan,
King of Castile
(d. 1454)
(the Beauforts)

10
Joao, = Philippa Elizabeth Henry IV = Mary de Bohun John Henry Thomas Joan = Ralph,
King of Portugal (1399–1413) (d. 1394) Earl of
(d. 1433) Westmorland

Duarte, Prince Henry

King of Portugal the Navigator
(d. 1438) (d. 1460)

Henry V Thomas, John, Humphrey,

(1413–22) Duke of Clarence, Duke of Bedford, Duke of Gloucester,
(d. 1421) (d. 1435) (d. 1447)

(no legitimate issue)

Henry VI
(1422–61)
 Chapter 1

TH E HO US E O F L A N CAST ER AND
T HE C ROW N (1 2 6 7– 1 3 6 7)

The future King Henry IV of England was born on or around 15 April

1367 at Bolingbroke castle, fifteen miles north of Boston on the southern
edge of the Lincolnshire wolds, the fifth-born child of John of Gaunt,
duke of Lancaster, fourth son of King Edward III, and Blanche, only
surviving daughter of Henry of Grosmont, first duke of Lancaster (d.
1361). However, since his older brothers John and Edward had died as
infants and his remaining siblings were both girls, he was, from the moment
of his birth, his parents’ sole and undisputed heir, and the patrimony which
he stood to inherit was the greatest in England bar the crown.1 A century
old in the year of Henry’s birth, the Lancastrian inheritance had, like most
noble estates, been assembled through a combination of aggressive acqui-
sition, royal favour and the misfortunes of others. The prerequisite for its
creation was the battle of Evesham in August 1265, at which the baronial
coalition that had challenged Henry III’s rule for the previous seven years
was defeated and its leader Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, killed.
Two months later the bulk of Montfort’s lands, including the castle and
honour of Leicester, were granted by the king to his younger son Edmund
‘Crouchback’, who in 1267 became earl of Leicester. Meanwhile Robert de
Ferrers, earl of Derby, who had not been at Evesham but had previously
opposed the king, rebelled once more and was defeated at Chesterfield in
May 1266; his lands too were granted to Edmund, and in 1267 Henry III
also granted his son the castle, honour and county of Lancaster, and the
honour of Pickering in Yorkshire.2 Two years on from Evesham, therefore,

1
For his date of birth, see I. Mortimer, The Fears of Henry IV (London, 2007), 364–5,
based on E 403/431, Tuesday 1 June, and Henry’s later household accounts which record
evidence of alms distributed on his successive birthdays. His sisters were Philippa, born in
1360, and Elizabeth, born in 1363/4. For ‘Henry of Bolingbroke’, see Brut, ii.341, and CE,
361, 366 (based on a common source).
2
In 1269 Ferrers was offered the chance to redeem his lands, but the terms demanded of
him were extortionate: R. Somerville, History of the Duchy of Lancaster (London, 1953), i.3–5;
J. Bothwell, Falling from Grace (Manchester, 2008), 58, 97; J. Maddicott, Thomas of Lancaster
1307–1322 (Oxford, 1970), 1, describes it as ‘a piece of legal chicanery’.

11
12 h e n ry i v

the foundations of the future greatness of the house of Lancaster had been
laid and the disposition of its principal holdings established. Leicester,
Kenilworth in Warwickshire (also a former de Montfort castle), and
Tutbury in Staffordshire (the Ferrers caput) for long remained the principal
Lancastrian residences in the Midlands; Pickering marked the first stage of
what would later become a dominant, if never unchallenged, interest in
Yorkshire; while Lancaster provided Edmund and his descendants with a
consolidated block of lands and rights which would one day lead to its
elevation to the status of Duchy and County Palatine – as well, of course,
as giving them the title by which they would almost invariably be desig-
nated. Why that was the case – why, that is, they came to be known as
earls of Lancaster rather than of Leicester or Derby – was probably
because their claims to the latter two earldoms were less secure, founded as
they were upon civil war, disinheritance and legal chicanery. Those whom
they supplanted, such as the Ferrers – still peers of parliament even if no
longer earls – did not forget this, and continued to nurture their hopes and
advance their claims.3
The annual value of the lands which Edmund passed on to his son
Thomas at his death in 1296 was in the region of £4,500, but more valu-
able still was Thomas’s marriage, arranged by Edmund in 1294, to Alice,
daughter and heiress of Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, whose inheritance
included the lands of the earldom of Salisbury and was worth a further
£6,500 per annum. Thus, following de Lacy’s death in 1311, Thomas
became the holder of a landed estate the size and value of which – some
£11,000 per annum – made him incomparably the richest and most
powerful lord in England after the king.4 Especially useful to Thomas was
the fact that the geographical distribution of the Lacy lands tended to
augment Lancastrian power in areas where it was already strong, as well as

3
CP, v.313. Since the twelfth century, the trend in England had been in favour of growing
security of tenure for landholders, so that many forfeitures proved to be temporary, and
those who had profited from political miscalculation knew that there was no certainty that
they would hold on to what they had gained. However, the baronial wars of the 1260s
proved to be the turning-point of this trend, with the crown henceforward taking a less
lenient stance towards treason and rebellion, and a growing number of landholding fami-
lies suffering forfeiture on a long-term or even permanent basis. Earl Edmund and his
descendants would be the first and most notable beneficiaries of this policy, yet neither he
nor his eldest son Thomas ever used the style ‘earl of Derby’. Thomas even went so far, fifty
years after Evesham, as to appoint a chaplain to say masses for Ferrers’s soul, apparently
some form of expiation or at least ‘the product of a guilty conscience’: Bothwell, Falling from
Grace, 92–8; Maddicott, Thomas of Lancaster, 320; Somerville, Duchy of Lancaster, i.9–10.
4
Maddicott, Thomas of Lancaster, 3, 22; by 1296, Edmund was the lord of 632 separate
units of property and 49 demesne manors: R. Davies, Lords and Lordship in the British Isles
(Oxford, 2009), 159.
 t h e h o u s e o f la n c a s t e r a n d t h e c row n ( 1 2 6 7 – 1 3 6 7 ) 13

to bring in new, often contiguous, centres of wealth and influence. The

honours of Clitheroe and Halton were added to Thomas’s sizeable posses-
sions in Lancashire; the castle and rich honour of Pontefract significantly
expanded his interests in Yorkshire, while the even richer honour of
Bolingbroke in Lincolnshire extended his already dominant position in the
Midlands towards the North Sea. The lordship of Denbigh in North
Wales, also acquired from his father-in-law, was followed seven years later
by further substantial lands in the Welsh Marches, for in 1318, following a
dispute with John de Warenne, earl of Surrey (who had abducted Thomas’s
wife Alice the previous year), Warenne was forced to grant him all his lands
in North Wales and Yorkshire, as well as some in East Anglia, in return for
a number of considerably less valuable manors in Wiltshire, Somerset and
Dorset which had come to him through the Lacy inheritance.5
Such an unequal exchange, the product of the political circumstances
of the moment, might be enforceable in the short term but, like the disin-
heritance of Robert de Ferrers, was unlikely to remain uncontested.
Edmund’s accumulation of lands and titles had been his reward for
consistent loyalty to the crown; so too had the favours shown to Thomas
during his teens and twenties. However, from the winter of 1308–9 (when
he was aged thirty), Thomas moved into opposition to the new king,
Edward II, a stance which he maintained for the rest of his life, the mistrust
and hatred between the two cousins growing ever deeper until, in the
autumn of 1321, the civil war which had threatened periodically during the
previous decade eventually erupted. The upshot was catastrophic: captured
at the battle of Boroughbridge, Thomas was taken to his favourite castle of
Pontefract – where, it was rumoured, he had planned to imprison the king
had he prevailed – put on trial and, on 22 March 1322, led out to a hillock
just below the castle walls and beheaded. Convicted of treason, he also
forfeited all his lands and chattels. The Lancastrian inheritance was no
more: decapitated and dismembered, it was parcelled out between the king
and his supporters, chief among them Lancaster’s bitterest enemies, the
two Hugh Despensers, father and son.
The road to recovery was not as slow as it might have been, but it
required both persistence and good fortune, especially since Thomas had
left no son to work his way back into royal favour. His heir was his brother
Henry, who had not taken part in the revolt of 1321–2. Yet, although he
was restored to the earldom of Leicester in 1324, Henry had to wait until
the overthrow of Edward II and the Despensers in 1326–7 before he could

5
Somerville, Duchy of Lancaster, i.26, 337; Maddicott, Thomas of Lancaster, 234–6.
 0 kilometres 100
0 miles 100

S C O T L A N D

N o r t h S e a

Dunstanburgh

Liddell
E

Tyne
D
N

Pickering
Hornby
A

Lancaster
Clitheroe Knaresborough
L

I r i s h S e a
G

Pontefract
E

Liverpool
Tickhill
Halton High Peak
R

Bolingbroke
L

Newcastle-
E S

under-Lyme Tutbury
en
I

Tr

Melbourne
Seve
L

Leicester
A
r

Higham Ferrers
n
A

Kenilworth
W

Carreg Grosmont
Kidwelly Cennen Hertford
N

Monmouth
Th

Ogmore Savoy
am

es
D

Pevensey

English Channel

Map 1 Principle holdings of the duchy of Lancaster

14
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 X. complained of no physical ailments except occasional
headache and vertigo. He greatly regretted his misfortune, his
abnormal impulse,—the evil spirit that impelled him to such criminal
acts. He had but one wish: that some one might help him. Objectively
there are mild neurasthenic symptoms, anomalies of the distribution
of blood, and unequal pupils.
It was proved that X. had committed his crimes in obedience to
an abnormal, irresistible impulse. Pardon.
Such cases of handkerchief-fetichism, where an
abnormal individual is driven to theft, are very
numerous. They also occur in combination with
contrary sexuality, as is proved by the following case,
which I borrow from page 125 of Dr. Moll’s
[100]
frequently-cited work :—
Case 86. Handkerchief-fetichism in a Case of Contrary Sexual
Instinct.—K., aged 38; mechanic; a powerfully built man. He makes
numerous complaints,—weakness of the legs, pain in the back,
headache, want of pleasure in work, etc. The complaints give the
decided impression of neurasthenia with tendency to hypochondria.
Only after the patient had been under my treatment several months
did he state that he was also abnormal sexually.
K. had never had any inclination whatever for women; but
handsome men, on the other hand, had a peculiar charm for him.
Patient had masturbated frequently until he came to me. He had
never practiced mutual onanism or pederasty. He did not think that
he would have found satisfaction in this, because, in spite of his
preference for men, an article of white linen was his chief charm,
though the beauty of its owner played a rôle. The handkerchiefs of
handsome men particularly excite him sexually. His greatest delight
is to masturbate in men’s handkerchiefs. For this reason he often
took his friend’s handkerchiefs. In order to save himself from
detection, he always left one of his own handkerchiefs with his friend
in place of the one he stole. In this way he sought to escape the
suspicion of theft, by creating the appearance of a mistake. Other
articles of men’s linen also excited K. sexually, but not to the extent
handkerchiefs did.
K. had often performed coitus with women, having erection and
ejaculation, but without lustful pleasure. There was also nothing
which could stimulate the patient to the performance of coitus.
Erection and ejaculation occurred only when, during the act, he
thought of a man’s handkerchief; and this was easier for the patient
when he took a friend’s handkerchief with him, and had it in his
hand during coitus. In accordance with his sexual perversion, in his
nightly pollutions with lustful ideas, men’s linen played the principal
rôle.
It is possible that, in this interest in (used)
handkerchiefs, elements of feeling in the sense of
masochism, group “c,” are also often at work.
Still far more frequent than the fetichism of
linen garments is that of women’s shoes. These cases
are, in fact, almost innumerable, and a great many of
them have been scientifically studied; but I have but
a few reports at second hand of the similar glove-
fetichism (concerning the reason for the relative
infrequency of glove-fetichism, vide p. 161).
In shoe-fetichism the close relationship of the
object to the feminine person, which explains linen-
fetichism, is absolutely wanting. For this reason, and
because there is a large number of well-observed
cases at hand, in which the fetichistic enthusiasm for
the female shoe or boot consciously and undoubtedly
arises from masochistic ideas, an origin of a
masochistic nature, even when it is concealed, may
always be assumed in shoe-fetichism, when, in the
concrete case, no other manner of origin is
demonstrable. For this reason the majority of the
cases of shoe- or foot-fetichism have been given
under “Masochism.” There the constant masochistic
character of this form of erotic fetichism has been
sufficiently demonstrated by means of transitional
conditions. This presumption of the masochistic
character of shoe-fetichism is weakened and removed
only where another accidental cause for an
association between sexual excitation and the idea of
women’s shoes—the occurrence of which is quite
improbable a priori—is demonstrable. In the two
following cases, however, there is such a
demonstrable connection:—
Case 87. Shoe-fetichism. Mr. v. P., of an old and honorable
family, Pole, aged 32, consulted me, in 1890, on account of
“unnaturalness” of his vita sexualis. He gave the assurance that he
came of a perfectly healthy family. He had been nervous from
childhood, and had suffered with chorea minor at the age of eleven.
For ten years he had suffered with sleeplessness and various
neurasthenic ailments. From his fifteenth year he had recognized the
difference of the sexes and been capable of sexual excitation. At the
age of seventeen he had been seduced by a French governess, but
coitus was not permitted; so that intense mutual sensual excitement
(mutual masturbation) was all that was possible. In this situation his
attention was attracted by her very elegant boots. They made a very
deep impression. His intercourse with this lewd person lasted four
months. During this association her shoes became a fetich for the
unfortunate boy. He began to have an interest in ladies’ shoes in
general, and actually went about trying to catch sight of ladies
wearing pretty boots. The shoe-fetichism gained great power over his
mind. He had the governess touch his penis with her shoes, and thus
ejaculation with great lustful feeling was immediately induced. After
separation from the governess, he went to puellis, whom he had
perform the same manipulation. This was usually sufficient for
satisfaction. Only seldom did he resort to coitus as an auxiliary, and
inclination for it grew less and less. His vita sexualis consisted of
dream-pollutions, in which women’s shoes played the exclusive rôle;
and of gratification with women’s shoes apposita ad mentulam, but
this had to be done by the puella. In the society of the opposite sex
the only thing that interested him was the shoe, and that only when it
was elegant, of the French style, with heels, and of a brilliant black,
like the original.
In the course of time the following conditions have become
accessory: A prostitute’s shoe that is elegant and chic; starched
petticoats, and black hose, if possible. Nothing else in woman
interests him. He is absolutely indifferent to the naked foot. Women
have not the slightest mental charm for him. He had never had
masochistic desires, in the sense of being trod upon. In the course of
years his fetichism had gained such power that when he saw a lady
on the street, of a certain appearance and with certain shoes, he was
so intensely excited that he had to masturbate. Slight pressure on the
penis sufficed to induce ejaculation, in his state of severe
neurasthenia. Shoes displayed in shops, and, of late, even
advertisements of shoes, sufficed to excite him intensely. In states of
intense libido he made use of onanism, if shoes were not at his
immediate command. The patient quite early recognized the pain
and danger of his condition, and, even when he was free from
neurasthenic ailments, he was morally very much depressed. He
sought help of various physicians. Cold-water cures and hypnotism
were unsuccessful. The most celebrated physicians advised him to
marry, and assured him that, as soon as he once really loved a girl, he
would be free from his fetichism. The patient had no confidence in
his future, but he followed the advice of the physicians. He was
cruelly disappointed in the hope which the authority of the
physicians had aroused in him, though he led to the altar a lady
distinguished by both mental and physical charms. The wedding-
night was terrible; he felt like a criminal, and did not approach his
wife. The next day he saw a prostitute with the required chic. He was
weak enough to have intercourse with her in his way. Then he bought
a pair of elegant ladies’ boots, and hid them in bed, and, by touching
them, while in marital embrace, after a few days, he was able to
perform his marital duty. He ejaculated tardily, for he had to force
himself to coitus; and, after a few weeks, this artifice failed, because
his imagination failed. He felt unspeakably miserable, and would
have preferred to make an end of himself. He could no longer satisfy
his wife, who was sensual, and much excited by their previous
intercourse; and he saw her suffering severely, both mentally and
morally. He could not, and would not, disclose his secret. He
experienced disgust in marital intercourse; he felt afraid of his wife,
and feared the coming of night and being alone with her. He could no
longer induce erection.
He again made attempts with prostitutes, and satisfied himself
by touching their shoes. Then the puella had to touch his penis, when
he would have ejaculation; but, if this did not take place, he would
attempt coitus with the lewd woman; without success, however, for
ejaculation would occur immediately. In absolute despair, the patient
comes for consultation. He deeply regretted that, against his inner
conviction, he had followed the unfortunate advice of the physicians,
and made a virtuous wife unhappy, having deeply injured her, both
mentally and morally. Could he answer God for continuing such a
marriage? Even if he were to discover himself to his wife, and she
were to do everything for him, it would not help him; for the familiar
perfume of the demi-monde was also necessary.
Aside from his mental pain, this unfortunate man presented no
remarkable symptoms. Genitals perfectly normal. Prostate somewhat
enlarged. He complained that he was so under the domination of his
boot-ideas that he would even blush when boots were talked about.
His whole imagination was given up to such ideas. When he was on
his estate, he often suddenly had to go a distance of ten miles to the
city, to satisfy his fetichism with shoe-stores or with puellis.
This pitiable man could not bring himself to take treatment; for
his faith in physicians had been greatly shaken. An attempt to
ascertain whether hypnosis and a removal of the fetichistic
association by this means, were possible, increased the mental
excitement of the unfortunate man, who was exclusively controlled
by the thought that he had made his wife unhappy.
Case 88. X., aged 24, from a badly-tainted family (mother’s
brother and grandfather insane, one sister epileptic, another sister
subject to migraine, parents of excitable temperament). During
dentition he had had convulsions. At the age of seven he was taught
to masturbate by a servant-girl. X. first experienced pleasure in these
manipulations when this girl occasionally stroked his penis with her
foot with her shoe on. Thus, in the predisposed boy, an association
was established, as a result of which, from that time on, merely the
sight of women’s shoes, and, finally, merely the idea of them, sufficed
to induce sexual excitement and erection. He now masturbated while
looking at women’s shoes, or while calling them up in imagination.
At school the teacher’s shoes excited him intensely, and in general he
was affected by shoes that were partly concealed by female garments.
One day he could not keep from grasping the teacher’s shoes,—an act
that caused him great sexual excitement. In spite of punishment he
could not keep from performing this act repeatedly. Finally, it was
recognized that there must be an abnormal motive in play, and he
was sent to a male teacher. He then reveled in the memory of shoe-
scenes with his former school-mistress, and thus had erections,
orgasm, and, after his fourteenth year, ejaculation. At the same time,
he masturbated while thinking of a woman’s shoe. One day the
thought came to him to increase his pleasure by using such a shoe for
masturbation. Thereafter he frequently took shoes secretly, and used
them for that purpose.
Nothing else in a woman could excite him; the thought of coitus
filled him with horror. Men did not interest him in any way. At the
age of eighteen he opened a general store, and, among other things
handled ladies’ shoes. He was excited sexually by fitting shoes for his
female patrons, or by manipulating shoes that they had worn. One
day, while doing this, he had an epileptic attack, and, soon after,
another, while practicing onanism in his customary way. Then he
recognized, for the first time, the injury to health caused by his
sexual practices. He tried to overcome his onanism, sold no more
shoes, and strove to free himself from the abnormal association
between women’s shoes and the sexual function. Then frequent
pollutions, with erotic dreams about shoes, occurred, and the
epileptic attacks continued. Though devoid of the slightest feeling for
the female sex, he determined on marriage, which seemed to him to
be the only remedy.
He married a pretty young lady. In spite of lively erections when
he thought of his wife’s shoes, in attempts at cohabitation he was
absolutely impotent; for his distaste for coitus, and for close
intercourse in general, was far more powerful than the influence of
the shoe-idea, which induced sexual excitement. On account of his
impotence, the patient applied to Dr. Hammond, who treated his
epilepsy with bromides, and advised him to hang a shoe up over his
bed, and look at it fixedly during coitus, at the same time imagining
his wife to be a shoe. The patient became free from epileptic attacks,
and potent so that he could have coitus about once a week. Too, his
sexual excitation by women’s shoes grew less and less. (Hammond,
“Sexual Impotence.”)
Following these two cases of shoe-fetichism,
which apparently depend merely upon accidental
association, and are not favored by any inner relation
between the things themselves, is given the very
strange case of a fetichist who was excited sexually
only by the idea of a night-cap on the head of an ugly
old woman; also a case arising apparently from
merely accidental association:—
 Case 89. L., aged 37, clerk, from tainted family, had his first
erection at five years, when he saw his bed-fellow—an aged relative—
put on a night-cap. The same thing occurred later, when he saw an
old servant put on her night-cap. Later, simply the idea of an old,
ugly woman’s head, covered with a night-cap, was sufficient to cause
an erection. Simply the sight of a cap, or of a naked woman or man,
made no impression, but the mere touch of a night-cap induced
erection, and sometimes even ejaculation. L. was not a masturbator,
and had never been sexually active until his thirty-second year, when
he married a young girl with whom he had fallen in love. On his
marriage-night he remained cold until, from necessity, he brought to
his aid the memory-picture of an ugly woman’s head with a night-
cap. Coitus was immediately successful. Thereafter it was always
necessary for him to use this means. Since childhood he had been
subject to occasional attacks of depression, with tendency to suicide,
and now and then to frightful hallucinations at night. When looking
out of windows, he became dizzy and anxious. He was a perverse,
peculiar, and easily embarrassed man, of bad mental constitution.
(Charcot and Magnan, Arch. de neurol., 1882, No. 12.)
In this very peculiar case, the simultaneous
coincidence of the first sexual excitation and an
absolutely heterogeneous impression seems to have
determined the association.
Hammond (op. cit.) also mentions a case of
accidental associative fetichism that is quite as
peculiar. A married man, aged 30, who, in other
respects, was healthy, physically and mentally, is said
to have suddenly lost his sexual power, after moving
to another house, and to have regained it as soon as
the furniture of the sleeping-room had been arranged
as it was before.
 (c) The Fetich is Some Special Material.—There
is a third principal group of fetichists who have as a
fetich neither a portion of the female body nor a part
of female attire, but some particular material which
is so used, not because it is a material for female
garments, but because in itself it can arouse or
increase sexual feelings. In many cases of this kind,
the act of feeling of such material during the sexual
act seems indispensable, in order to make the latter
possible, or at least satisfactory. Such materials are
furs, velvet, and silk.
These cases differ from the foregoing instances
of erotic dress-fetichism, in that these materials,
unlike female linen, do not have any close relation to
the female body; and, unlike shoes and gloves, they
are not related to certain parts of the person which
have peculiar symbolic significance. Moreover, this
fetichism cannot be due to an accidental association,
like that in the cases of the night-caps and the
arrangement of the sleeping-room; for these cases
form an entire group having the same object. It must
be presumed that certain tactile sensations (a kind of
tickling which stands in some distant relation to
lustful sensations?), in hyperæsthetic individuals,
furnish the occasion for the origin of this fetichism.
The following is a personal observation of a man
affected with this peculiar fetichism:—
 Case 90. N. N., aged 37; of a neuropathic family; neuropathic
constitution. He makes the following statement: “From my earliest
youth I have always had a deeply-rooted partiality for furs and velvet,
in that these materials cause me sexual excitement, and the sight and
touch of them give me lustful pleasure. I can recall no event that
caused this peculiarity (such as the simultaneous occurrence of the
first sexual excitation and an impression of these materials,—i.e.,
first excitation by a woman dressed in them); in fact, I cannot
remember when this enthusiasm began. However, by this I would
not exclude the possibility of such an event,—of an accidental
connection in a first impression and consequent association; but I
think it very improbable that such a thing took place, because I
believe such an occurrence would have deeply impressed me. All I
know is, that even when a small child I had a lively desire to see and
stroke furs, and thus had an obscure sensual pleasure. With the first
occurrence of definite sexual ideas,—i.e., the direction of sexual
thoughts to woman,—the peculiar preference for women dressed in
such materials was present. Since then, up to mature manhood, it
has remained unchanged. A woman wearing furs or velvet, or, better,
both, excites me much more quickly and intensely than one devoid of
these auxiliaries. To be sure, these materials are not a conditio sine
qua non of excitation; the desire occurs also without them, in
response to the usual stimuli; but the sight and, particularly, the
touch of these fetich-materials form for me a powerful aid to other
normal stimuli, and intensify erotic pleasure. Often merely the sight
of only a passably pretty girl, dressed in these materials, causes me
lively excitement, and overcomes me completely. Even the sight of
my fetich-materials gives me pleasure, but the touch of them much
more. (To the penetrating odor of furs I am indifferent—rather, it is
unpleasant—and it is endurable only by reason of the association
with pleasing visual and tactile impressions.) I have an intense
longing to touch these materials while on a woman’s person, to
stroke and kiss them, and bury my face in them. My greatest pleasure
is, inter actum, to see and feel my fetich on the woman’s shoulder.
 “Fur, or velvet alone, exerts on me the effect described, the
former much more intensely than the latter. The combination of the
two has the most intense effect. Too, female garments of velvet and
fur, seen and touched without the wearer, cause me sexual
excitement; indeed, though to a less extent, the same effect is exerted
by furs or robes having no relation to female attire, and also by the
velvet and plush of furniture and drapery. Merely pictures of
costumes of furs and velvet are objects of erotic interest to me;
indeed, simply the word “fur” has a magic charm for me, and
immediately calls up erotic ideas.
“Fur is such an object of sexual interest for me that a man
wearing fur that is effective (v. infra) makes a very unpleasant,
repugnant, and disgusting impression on me; such as would be made
on a normal person by a man in the costume and attire of a ballet-
dancer. Similarly repugnant to me is the sight of an old or ugly
woman clad in beautiful furs; because opposing feelings are thus
aroused.
“This erotic delight in furs and velvet is something entirely
different from simple æsthetic pleasure. I have a very lively
appreciation of beautiful female attire, and, at the same time, a
particular partiality for point-lace; but it is purely of an æsthetic
nature. A woman dressed in a point-lace toilette (or in other elegant,
elaborate attire) is more beautiful than another; but one dressed in
my fetich-material is more charming.
“But furs exercise on me the effect described only when the fur
has very thick, fine, smooth, and rather long hair, that stands out like
that of the so-called bearded furs. I have noticed that the effect
depends upon this. I am entirely indifferent not only to the common
coarse, bushy furs, but also to those that are commonly regarded as
beautiful and precious, from which the long hair has been removed
(seal, beaver), or of which the hair is naturally short (ermine); and
likewise to those of which the hair is over-long and lies down
(monkey, bear). The specific effect is exerted only by the standing
long hair of the sable, marten, skunk, etc. But velvet is made of thick,
fine, standing hairs (fibres); and its effect may be due to this. The
effect seems to depend upon a very definite impression of the points
of thick, fine hair upon the end-organs of the sensory nerves.
“But how this peculiar impression on the tactile nerves is related
to sexual instinct is a perfect enigma to me. The fact is, that this is
the case with many men. I would also state expressly that beautiful
female hair pleases me, but plays no more important part than the
other charm; and that while touching fur I have no thought of female
hair. The tactile sensation, also, has not the least resemblance to that
imparted by female hair. There is never association of any other idea.
Fur, per se, arouses sensuality in me,—how, I cannot explain.
“The mere æsthetic effect, the beauty of costly furs, to which
every one is more or less susceptible; which, since Raphael’s
Fornarina and Reuben’s Helene Fourment, has been used as the foil
and frame of female beauty by innumerable painters; and which
plays so important a rôle in fashion,—the art and science of female
dress,—this æsthetic effect, as has been remarked, explains nothing
here. Beautiful furs have the same æsthetic effect on me as on normal
individuals, and affect me in the same way that flowers, ribbons,
precious stones, and other ornaments affect every one. Such things,
when skillfully used, enhance female beauty, and thus, under certain
circumstances, may have an indirect sensual effect. They never have
a direct, powerful, sensual effect on me, as do the fetich-materials
mentioned.
“Though in me, and, in fact, in all ‘fetichists,’ the sensual and
æsthetic effect must be strictly differentiated, nevertheless, that does
not prevent me from demanding in my fetich a whole series of
æsthetic qualities in form, style, color, etc. I could give a very lengthy
description of these qualities that my taste demands; but I omit it as
not being essential to the real subject in hand. I would only call
attention to the fact that erotic fetichism is complicated with purely
æsthetic tastes.
“The specific erotic effect of my fetich-materials can be
explained no better by the association with the idea of the person of
the female wearing them, than by their æsthetic impression. For, in
the first place, as has been said, these materials, as such, affect me
when entirely isolated from the body; and, in the second place,
articles of clothing of a much more private nature, and which
undoubtedly call up associations, exert a much weaker influence over
me. Thus the fetich-materials have an independent sensual value for
me; why, is an enigma to me.
“Feathers in women’s hats, fans, etc., have the same erotic
fetichistic effect on me as furs and velvet (similar tactile sensation of
airy, peculiar tickling). Finally, the fetichistic effect, with much less
intensity, is exerted by other smooth materials (satin and silk); but
rough goods (cloth, flannel) have a repelling effect.
“In conclusion, I will mention that somewhere I read an article
by Carl Vogt on microcephalic men, according to which these
creatures, at the sight of furs, rushed for them and stroked them with
every manifestation of delight. I am far from any thought, on this
ground, to see in wide-spread fur-fetichism an atavistic retrogression
to the taste of our hairy ancestors. Every cretin, with that simplicity
belonging to his condition, touches anything that pleases him; and
the act is not necessarily of a sexual nature; just as many normal men
like to stroke a cat and the like, or even velvet and furs, and are not
thus excited sexually.”
In the literature of this subject, there are a few
cases belonging here:—
Case 91. A boy, aged 12, became powerfully excited sexually
when he chanced to put on a fox-skin. From that time there was
masturbation with the employment of furs, or by means of taking a
furry dog to bed. Ejaculation would result, sometimes followed by an
hysterical attack. His nocturnal pollutions were induced by dreaming
that he lay entirely covered up in a white skin. He was absolutely
insusceptible to stimuli coming from men or women. He was
neurasthenic, suffered with delusions of being watched, and thought
that every one noticed his sexual anomaly. He had tædium vitæ on
account of this, and finally became insane. He had marked taint; his
genitals were imperfectly formed, and he presented other signs of
degeneration. (Tarnowsky, op. cit., p. 22.)
 Case 92. C. is an especial lover of velvet. He is attracted in a
normal way by beautiful women, but it particularly excites him to
have the person with whom he has sexual intercourse dressed in
velvet. In this, it is remarkable that it is not so much the sight as the
touch of the velvet that causes the excitation. C. told me that stroking
a woman’s velvet jacket would excite him sexually to an extent
scarcely possible in any other way. (Dr. Moll, op. cit., p. 127.)
The following is a very peculiar case of material-
fetichism. It is combined with the impulse to injure
the fetich, which, in this case, represents an element
of sadism toward the woman wearing the fetich, or
impersonal sadism toward objects, which is of
frequent occurrence in fetichists (comp. p. 170). This
impulse to injure made this a remarkable criminal
case:—
Case 93. In July, 1891, Alfred Bachmann, aged 25, locksmith,
was brought before Judge I., in the second term of the criminal court,
in Berlin. In April, 1891, the police had had numerous complaints,
according to which some evil hand had cut women’s dresses with a
very sharp instrument. On April 25, they were successful in arresting
the perpetrator in the person of the accused. A policeman noticed
how the accused pressed, in a remarkable manner, against a lady in
the company of a gentleman, while they were going through a
passage. The officer requested the lady to examine her dress, while
he held the man under suspicion. It was ascertained that the dress
had received quite a long slit. The accused was taken to the station,
where he was examined. Besides a sharp knife, which he confessed
he used for cutting dresses, two silk sashes, such as ladies wear on
their dresses, were found on him; he also confessed that he had taken
these from dresses in crowds. Finally, the examination of his person
brought to light a lady’s silk neck-cloth. The accused said he had
found this. Since his statement in this case could not be refuted,
complaint was therefore made to rest on the result of the search; in
two instances in which complaint was made by the injured parties his
acts were designated as injury to property, and in two other instances
as theft. The accused, a man who had been often punished before,
with a pale, expressionless face, before the judge, gave a strange
explanation of his enigmatical action. A major’s cook had once
thrown him down-stairs when he was begging of her, and since that
time he had entertained great hatred of the whole female sex. There
was a doubt about his responsibility, and he was therefore examined
by a physician. The medical expert gave the opinion, at the final trial,
that there was no reason to regard the accused as insane, though he
was of low intelligence. The culprit defended himself in a peculiar
manner. An irresistible impulse forced him to approach women
wearing silk dresses. The touch of silk material gave him a feeling of
delight, and this went so far that, while in prison for examination, he
had been excited if a silk thread happened to pass through his fingers
while raveling rags. Judge Müller considered the accused to be
simply a dangerous, vicious man, who should be made harmless for a
long time. He advised imprisonment for one year. The court
sentenced him to six months’ imprisonment, with loss of honor for a
year.
The following case was communicated to me by
a physician:—
In a brothel a certain man was known by the name of “Velvet.”
He dressed a puella pleasing to him in a black velvet dress, and
excited and satisfied his sexual appetite simply by stroking his face
with a part of the velvet skirt, touching the woman in no other way.
I am assured by an officer that, among
masochists, a partiality for furs, velvet, and feathers,
is very frequent (comp. Case 44). In the novels of
Sacher-Masoch, fur plays an important part; indeed,
it furnishes a title to some of them. The explanation
given there seems far-fetched and unsatisfactory,—
that fur (ermine) is the symbol of royalty, and
therefore the fetich of the men described in the
novels.

II. Great Diminution or Complete Absence of

Sexual Feeling for the Opposite Sex, with
Substitution of Sexual Feeling and Instinct
for the Same Sex. (Homo-sexuality, or
Contrary Sexual Instinct).

After the attainment of complete sexual

development, among the most constant elements of
self-consciousness in the individual, are the
knowledge of representing a definite sexual
personality and the consciousness of desire, during
the period of physiological activity of the
reproductive organs (production of semen and ova),
to perform sexual acts corresponding with that sexual
personality,—acts which, consciously or
unconsciously, have a procreative purpose.
The sexual instinct and desire, save for indistinct
feelings and impulses, remain latent until the period
of development of the sexual organs. The child is
generis neutrius; and though, during this latent
period,—when sexuality has not yet risen into clear
consciousness, is but virtually present, and
unconnected with powerful organic sensations,—too
early excitation of the genitals may occur, either
spontaneously or as a result of external influence,
and find satisfaction in masturbation; yet,
notwithstanding this, the psychical relation to
persons of the opposite sex is still absolutely wanting,
and the sexual acts during this period partake more
or less of a reflex spinal nature.
The fact of innocence, or of sexual neutrality, is
the more remarkable, since very early, in education,
employment, dress, etc., the child undergoes a
differentiation from children of the opposite sex.
These impressions, however, remain destitute of
mental meaning, because they apparently are without
sexual coloring; for the central organ (cortex) of
sexual emotions and ideas is not yet capable of
activity, owing to its undeveloped condition.
With the inception of anatomical and functional
development of the generative organs, and the
differentiation of form belonging to each sex, which
goes hand in hand with it in the boy or girl,
rudiments of a mental feeling corresponding with the
sex are developed; and in this, of course, education
and external influences in general have a powerful
effect upon the individual, who is now all attention.
If the sexual development is normal and
undisturbed, a definite character, corresponding with
the sex, is developed. Certain definite inclinations
and reactions in intercourse with persons of the
opposite sex arise; and it is psychologically worthy of
note with what relative rapidity the definite mental
type corresponding with the sex is evolved.
While modesty, for example, during childhood,
is essentially but an uncomprehended and
incomprehensible exaction of education and
imitation, and in the innocence and näiveté of the
child but imperfectly expressed; in the youth and
maiden it becomes an imperative requirement of self-
respect; and, if in any way it is offended, intense
vasomotor reaction (blushing) and psychical emotion
are induced.
If the original constitution is favorable and
normal, and factors injurious to the psycho-sexual
development exercise no influence, then a psycho-
sexual personality is developed that is so
unchangeable, and corresponds so completely and
harmoniously with the sex the individual represents,
that subsequent loss of the generative organs (as by
castration), or the climacteric or senility, cannot
essentially alter it. But this, of course, is not to
declare that the castrated man or woman, the youth
and the aged man, the maiden and matron, the
impotent and the potent man, do not differ
essentially from one another mentally.
 An interesting and important question for what
follows is, whether the peripheral influences of the
generative glands (testes and ovaries), or central
cerebral conditions, are the determining factors in
psycho-sexual development. The fact that congenital
deficiency of the generative glands, or removal of
them before puberty, has a great influence on
physical and psycho-sexual development, so that the
latter is distorted and assumes a type more closely
resembling the opposite sex (eunuchs, certain
viragoes, etc.), betokens their great importance in
this respect.
But that the physical processes taking place in
the genital organs are only co-operative, and not the
exclusive factors in the process of development of the
psycho-sexual character, is shown by the fact that,
notwithstanding a normal anatomical and
physiological state of these organs, a sexual instinct
may be developed which is the exact opposite of that
characteristic of the sex to which the individual
belongs.
In this case, the cause is to be sought only in an
anomaly of central conditions,—in an abnormal
psycho-sexual constitution. This constitution, as far
as its anatomical and functional foundation is
concerned, is absolutely unknown. Since, in almost
all such cases, the individual subject to the perverse
sexual instinct displays a neuropathic predisposition
in several directions, and the latter may be brought
into relation with hereditary degenerate conditions,
this anomaly of psycho-sexual feeling may be called,
clinically, a functional sign of degeneration. This
perverse sexuality appears spontaneously, without
external cause, with the development of sexual life, as
an individual manifestation of an abnormal form of
the vita sexualis, and then has the force of a
congenital phenomenon; or it develops upon a
sexuality the beginning of which was normal, as a
result of very definite injurious influences, and thus
appears as an acquired anomaly. Upon what this
enigmatical phenomenon of acquired homo-sexual
instinct depends is still inexplicable, and only a
matter for hypothesis. Careful examination of the so-
called acquired cases makes it probable that the
predisposition also present here consists of a latent
homo-sexuality, or, at least, bi-sexuality, which, for
its manifestation, requires the influence of accidental
exciting causes to rouse it from its slumber.
In so-called contrary sexual instinct there are
degrees of the phenomenon which quite correspond
with the degrees of predisposition of the individuals.
Thus, in the milder cases, there is simple
hermaphroditism; in more pronounced cases, only
homo-sexual feeling and instinct, but limited to the
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