Instant Ebook Access, One Click Away – Begin at ebookgate.

com

Reading Culture Writing Practices in Nineteenth

Century France Studies in Book and Print Culture
1st Edition Lyons

https://ebookgate.com/product/reading-culture-writing-
practices-in-nineteenth-century-france-studies-in-book-and-
print-culture-1st-edition-lyons/

OR CLICK BUTTON

DOWLOAD EBOOK

Get Instant Ebook Downloads – Browse at https://ebookgate.com

Click here to visit ebookgate.com and download ebook now
Instant digital products (PDF, ePub, MOBI) available
Download now and explore formats that suit you...

Suburban Plots Men at Home in Nineteenth Century American

Print Culture 1st Edition Maura D'Amore

https://ebookgate.com/product/suburban-plots-men-at-home-in-
nineteenth-century-american-print-culture-1st-edition-maura-damore/

ebookgate.com

Cartographic Expeditions and Visual Culture in the

Nineteenth Century Americas Ernesto Capello

https://ebookgate.com/product/cartographic-expeditions-and-visual-
culture-in-the-nineteenth-century-americas-ernesto-capello/

ebookgate.com

Teaching Transatlanticism Resources for Teaching

Nineteenth Century Anglo American Print Culture 1st
Edition Linda K Hughes
https://ebookgate.com/product/teaching-transatlanticism-resources-for-
teaching-nineteenth-century-anglo-american-print-culture-1st-edition-
linda-k-hughes/
ebookgate.com

Womanhood in Anglophone Literary Culture Nineteenth and

Twentieth Century Perspectives 1st Edition Robin Hammerman

https://ebookgate.com/product/womanhood-in-anglophone-literary-
culture-nineteenth-and-twentieth-century-perspectives-1st-edition-
robin-hammerman/
ebookgate.com
Esquisses e bauches projects and pre texts in nineteenth
century French culture Stephens

https://ebookgate.com/product/esquisses-e-bauches-projects-and-pre-
texts-in-nineteenth-century-french-culture-stephens/

ebookgate.com

1960s Gay Pulp Fiction The Misplaced Heritage Studies in

Print Culture and the History of the Book 1st Edition
Drewey Wayne Gunn
https://ebookgate.com/product/1960s-gay-pulp-fiction-the-misplaced-
heritage-studies-in-print-culture-and-the-history-of-the-book-1st-
edition-drewey-wayne-gunn/
ebookgate.com

Encarnación s Kitchen Mexican Recipes from Nineteenth

Century California California Studies in Food and Culture
9 1st Edition Encarnación Pinedo
https://ebookgate.com/product/encarnacion-s-kitchen-mexican-recipes-
from-nineteenth-century-california-california-studies-in-food-and-
culture-9-1st-edition-encarnacion-pinedo/
ebookgate.com

Reading in Law and Popular Culture Routledge Series in Law

Society and Popular Culture 1st Edition Guy Osborn

https://ebookgate.com/product/reading-in-law-and-popular-culture-
routledge-series-in-law-society-and-popular-culture-1st-edition-guy-
osborn/
ebookgate.com

The Cosmopolitan Lyceum Lecture Culture and the Globe in

Nineteenth Century America 1st Edition Tom F. Wright

https://ebookgate.com/product/the-cosmopolitan-lyceum-lecture-culture-
and-the-globe-in-nineteenth-century-america-1st-edition-tom-f-wright/

ebookgate.com
R E A D I NG C U LTU R E A ND W RI T I N G P RA C T I C E S
I N NI NE T E E NT H - C E N T U R Y F R A NC E
This page intentionally left blank
Reading Culture and
Writing Practices in
Nineteenth-Century France

MARTYN LYONS

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS

Toronto Buffalo London
© University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2008
Toronto Buffalo London
www.utppublishing.com
Printed in Canada

ISBN 978-0-8020-9357-8

Printed on acid-free paper

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Lyons, Martyn
Reading culture and writing practices in nineteenth-century France /
Martyn Lyons.

(Studies in book and print culture)

Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8020-9357-8

1. Books and reading -- France -- History -- 19th century. 2. Written

communication -- France -- History -- 19th century. 3. Book industries and
trade -- France -- History -- 19th century. I. Title. II. Series.

Z1003.5.F7L96 2008 028c.9094409034 C2008-900102-8

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its

publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario
Arts Council.

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its

publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book
Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).
 TO
M.N.R.
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

Tables, Maps, Images ix

Acknowledgments xi
Abbreviations xiii

1 Introduction: The Importance of the Nineteenth Century 3

The Statistical Approach

2 In Search of the Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–
1850 15
3 Towards a National Literary Culture in France: Bookshops and the
Decline of the Colporteur 43

Censorship and Commemoration

4 Fires of Expiation: Book-Burnings and Catholic Missions in
Restoration France 65
5 Literary Commemoration and the Uses of History: The Gutenberg
Festival in Strasbourg, 1840 92

Readers
6 The Reading Experience of Worker-Autobiographers in Nineteenth-
Century Europe 111
7 Oral Culture and the Rural Community: The Veillée d’Hiver 139
viii Contents

8 Why We Need an Oral History of Reading 151

Writers
9 Reading Practices, Writing Practices: Intimate Writings in
Nineteenth-Century France 167

10 French Soldiers and Their Correspondence: Towards a History of

Writing Practices in the First World War 184

Appendix Calculating Bestsellers in Early Nineteenth-Century

France 201
Notes 207
Select Bibliography 231
Index 239
Tables, Maps, Images

Table 2.1 French bestsellers, 1811–15 20

Table 2.2 French bestsellers, 1816–22 21
Table 2.3 French bestsellers, 1821–5 21–2
Table 2.4 French bestsellers, 1826–30 22–3
Table 2.5 French bestsellers, 1831–5 23–4
Table 2.6 French bestsellers, 1836–40 24–5
Table 2.7 French bestsellers, 1841–5 25–6
Table 2.8 French bestsellers, 1846–50 26–7
Table 2.9 Place of publication of selected titles, 1846–50 41

Map 3.1 Density of bookshops in provincial France, 1841 53

Map 3.2 Density of bookshops in provincial France, 1881 54

Table 4.1 Book-burnings, 1817–29 68

Table 4.2 Publishing history of Voltaire’s Complete Works, 1816–30 80
Table 4.3 Publishing history of Rousseau’s Complete Works,
1816–30 81

Fig. 5.1 The Gutenberg statue in Strasbourg 98

Fig. 5.2 The Gutenberg Monument – the frontal frieze 99
Fig. 5.3 The Gutenberg Monument – the American panel 100
Fig. 5.4 The Gutenberg Monument – a contemporary
postcard 103
This page intentionally left blank
Acknowledgments

Chapter 2, ‘In Search of the Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France,

1815–1850,’ is a reshaped and updated version of chapter 5 of my Le
Triomphe du Livre: une histoire sociologique de la lecture dans la France du 19e
siècle (Paris: Promodis and Cercle de la Librairie, 1987).
Chapter 4, ‘The Fires of Expiation: Book-Burning and Catholic Mis-
sions in Restoration France,’ was first published in French History, 10.2
(June 1996): 240–66. I have translated the citations into English for this
edition, and added the stories about Lamartine’s mother, and the
inflammable edition of Voltaire.
Chapter 6, ‘The Reading Experience of Worker-Autobiographers in
Nineteenth-century Europe’ is adapted from ‘La Culture Littéraire des
Travailleurs: Autobiographies ouvrières dans l’Europe du 19e siècle,’
Annales – Histoires, Sciences Sociales, 4–5 (2001): 927–40, and from ‘La expe-
riencia lectora y escritora de las mujeres trabajadoras en la Europa del
siglo XIX,’ Cultura Escrita y Sociedad 1.1 (2005): 158–76.
Chapter 7, ‘Oral Culture and the Rural Community: The Veillée d’Hiver,’
appeared in Australian Journal of French Studies 23.1 (1986): 102–14.
Chapter 8, ‘Why We Need an Oral History of Reading,’ includes some
material which appeared in Martyn Lyons and Lucy Taksa, Australian
Readers Remember (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1992).
Chapter 10, ‘French Soldiers and Their Correspondence: Towards a
History of Writing Practices in the First World War,’ appeared in French
History 17.1 (2003): 79–95. A Spanish version was published as a chapter
in La Conquista del Alfabeto: Escritura y clases populares (Madrid: TREA,
2002), 225–46, and appears here with the kind permission of the editor,
Antonio Castillo Gómez. I have translated the citations into English for
this edition.
This page intentionally left blank
Abbreviations

AD Archives départementales
AESC Annales – économies, sociétés, civilisations
AN Archives Nationales
BN Bibliothèque Nationale de France
FH French History
JMH Journal of Modern History
Naf Nouvelles acquisitions françaises
Rfhl Revue française d’histoire du livre
Rhmc Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine
SHAT Service historique de l’Armée de la Terre
This page intentionally left blank
R E A D I NG C U LTU R E A ND W RI T I N G P RA C T I C E S
I N NI NE T E E NT H - C E N T U R Y F R A NC E
This page intentionally left blank
1 Introduction: The Importance of
the Nineteenth Century

This book brings together a series of studies on the history of reading

and writing practices, written over a twenty-year period. Some have been
published in places relatively inaccessible to book historians (for exam-
ple, chapters 4, 7, and 10). Some have never been published before in
English (for example, chapters 2 and 6), and three recent studies have
never been published at all (chapters 5, 8, and 9). All the previously pub-
lished work has been brought up to date, thoroughly revised, and some-
times expanded. The result is a book of essays revolving around common
concerns and approaches to the history of reading and writing. Its unity
and coherence lies in its principal focus on nineteenth-century Europe,
and in two themes in particular that define this era in the history of the
book. The first of these is the development of a mass market in fiction
publishing, brought about by technological changes which industrial-
ized book production, by economic changes which allowed publishing
entrepreneurs to flourish as never before, and by social and cultural
changes which expanded the reading public. From at least the 1830s,
book production in western Europe was experiencing a revolution which
led by the 1890s to the emergence of a mass literary culture. This revolu-
tion was driven by the press. It went hand in hand with the appearance of
daily newspapers with wide circulation and of early illustrated magazines,
which attracted advertising revenue and were no longer exclusively
dependent on expensive subscriptions. Until this period, the essential
conditions of publication had changed very little since Johannes Guten-
berg invented the printing process in the fifteenth century. The industri-
alization of production in the early nineteenth century, however, marked
a watershed: in political terms, the Old Regime had ended in 1789, but
the typographical Old Regime expired in the 1830s.
4 Reading Culture and Writing Practices

The rate of book production increased rapidly. In Britain, between

2000 and 3000 titles were published annually in the 1840s, surging to
over 5000 titles annually in the 1850s. Not only did more titles appear,
but the size of print-runs increased as well. At the beginning of the nine-
teenth century, the average print-run for a novel was only 1000 or 1500
copies. The first edition of Stendhal’s Le Rouge et le Noir appeared in Paris
in 1831 in only 750 copies. A second edition quickly followed, but it too
had a run of only 750 copies. By the 1840s, however, some bestselling
authors like Victor Hugo appeared in editions of 5000. The French pub-
lisher Charpentier pioneered a revolution in the 1830s, by producing
novels in small in-18o (octodecimo) format, rather than the customary
larger and multi-volume in-octavo format, which had been designed for
sale to circulating libraries.1 Charpentier made the text more compact,
and reduced novels to one instead of three volumes, thereby reducing
the price and expanding the clientele of purchasers. This was an impor-
tant early breakthrough in the expansion of a mass reading public for
cheap fiction. It was followed by the progressively cheaper fiction series
produced by Lévy in the 1850s and by Flammarion and Fayard in the
1890s.
The second great theme of the nineteenth century is the acquisition
of mass literacy in the advanced Western world. By the last decade of the
century, over 95 per cent functional literacy had been achieved in the
West, before national systems of free, primary education had been estab-
lished in Britain and France. The influence of formal education in this
process was no more than intermittent in Western countries until the
1880s. Without formal schooling, the beginners used a multiplicity of
extra-curricular avenues to reading, which enabled them to start their
apprenticeship in literacy with family members, neighbours, workmates,
priests, and employers, to name just a few resources available. New cate-
gories of readers joined the reading public, which expanded to include
first the lower middle class of shopkeepers, clerical workers, artisans and
craftsmen, but eventually unskilled workers as well. By the end of the
century, even the European peasantry was learning to use the instru-
ments of written culture.
Mass culture, however, had its critics and prophets of doom. The
appearance of ‘new readers,’ such as workers and peasants, not to men-
tion the increase in the number of female readers at all social levels, was
regarded as a social problem. The masses were considered easily suscep-
tible, and it was feared they could be manipulated by unscrupulous pub-
lishers and propagandists. Conservatives blamed the Revolutions of 1848
 The Importance of the Nineteenth Century 5

on the distribution of dangerous socialist literature. Today we are some-

times worried that people do not read enough; in the nineteenth cen-
tury, the problem was the opposite – people were reading too much, and
too unwisely. Political elites, social conservatives, and the churches saw
mass readership as a dangerous social innovation. New readers, in their
view, needed guidance, control, and censorship if social stability was to
be maintained.2
While a mass reading public developed, so too, ordinary people
enjoyed improved access to writing. With new readers came new writers,
and this, too, was part of the nineteenth-century transition to a modern
mass society. Research over the last twenty years has exposed the myth
that writing was unknown to peasants and workers. In fact it was a very
generalized practice, and the explosion of popular writing in the First
World War, discussed in chapter 10, was clear evidence of this. There was
never a clear separation between the literate and illiterate. In fact the
border between the two was very fluid, as was the boundary between the
oral and the written: many everyday writings were produced by people
who were partially illiterate or at least imperfectly able to master writing
skills. Nevertheless, the Western world was learning to write as well as
read, and access to written culture in general forms the essential context
for the essays which follow.
I treat the ‘long nineteenth century’ in European history, which began
in 1815 with the fall of the Napoleonic Empire and extended up to and
including the First World War. Occasionally, as in chapter 8, I have
strayed further into the early twentieth century. My geographical focus is
principally on France and occasionally it widens to include Western
Europe more generally. As a cultural historian I believe that national
frontiers sometimes impose artificial constraints, and international com-
parisons are often instructive. I make such comparisons not only to con-
trast different national trajectories, but also and more importantly to
stress the cultural practices common to the Western world as a whole.
National contexts remain important but changes in the shared cultural
practices of the West rarely respect national borders.

Although the studies which follow are not presented in chronological

order, they nevertheless tell a story. They mark the changing priorities
and concerns of l’histoire du livre, illustrating some important historio-
graphical developments since the 1970s. Book history, for example, has
moved since then from a search for statistical sources towards more qual-
itative assessments of reader responses. The first chapters illustrate a
6 Reading Culture and Writing Practices

statistical approach to book production, reflecting a historiographical

moment when quantitative methods seemed capable of opening up new
ground in many fields of historical inquiry, and not just in economic
history where sophisticated uses of statistical data were already well
advanced. The great French revolutionary historian Michel Vovelle quan-
tified the contents of wills and bequests in eighteenth-century Provence
to build a magisterial thesis about the decline of traditional religious
practices.3 In so doing he showed that quantification could make a con-
tribution even to cultural history. Historians used the signature test in
parish records to compile literacy figures and, in the examination of post-
mortem inventories, they counted the presence of books and of individ-
ual titles in private libraries.4 The fashion for quantitative methods was
vigorously promoted by the historians of the Annales school. My own cal-
culations of the bestselling titles of early nineteenth-century France (in
chapter 2) did not require any mathematical genius, but they answered a
need to know in numerical terms what was produced by the nineteenth-
century book trade. In chapter 3 I turn briefly from the statistics of book
production in France to a summary of numerical data on bookshop den-
sity. Like Robert Darnton on eighteenth-century France, I am interested
in the circuit of distribution, above all to libraries and bookshops.5
Unlike Darnton, my concern is not with the clandestine trade, but with
the mainstream and the everyday. Today the need for a statistical account
is felt less urgently, if indeed it is felt at all. Statistical studies, however,
were not an irrelevancy, but an essential preliminary phase in the study of
book production and distribution. They made possible a well-grounded
overview of the whole field of production. This was a necessary founda-
tion for future work. But it would be imperative at some point to go
beyond it.
The central chapters of this collection do go beyond it, taking us from
the study of production and distribution to the less tangible and often
unquantifiable study of reading history. The sequence thus reflects an
important switch in the focus of book historians. While many came to the
discipline from the important specializations of bibliography and
palaeography, and while others focused on the publishing industry as a
branch of economic history, my angle of approach – that of a cultural his-
torian – is different. To some extent the change of emphasis from pub-
lishing history to the history of reading reflected a change within the
Annales school itself in its post-Braudel era, away from quantification and
towards the new history of mentalités. Reading and reception, it seemed,
might offer clues about collective assumptions and profound cultural
 The Importance of the Nineteenth Century 7

shifts. In the search for such clues, the skills of the historical anthropol-
ogist seemed potentially more fruitful than the tools of demographers
and economic historians.
Admittedly, there was a difficulty here: how could the responses of
readers become accessible to the historian, when little obvious trace of
their responses survives in documentary form? I have emphasised two
approaches in answer to this question which are represented here. The
first is the study of what readers, or constituencies of readers in the past,
were encouraged to read or were discouraged from reading. These are
the ‘normative sources’ produced by elites, churches, trade unions, fem-
inists, and others to recommend desirable reading and to warn against
dangerous literary temptations. Chapter 5 shows how literary commem-
orations promote official and orthodox views, while chapter 4 examines
book-burnings in France under the restored Bourbon regime of 1815–
30. These are chapters on the literary canon and ways to promote and
defend it.
For a closer glimpse of readers’ responses, the historian of reading
and of reading practices needs to turn to a second set of valuable
sources: the autobiographies and personal accounts which are the basis
of chapters 6–8. In diaries, autobiographies, and oral testimonies, indi-
vidual readers describe their reading experiences and allow us to appre-
ciate their enormous diversity. The exponents of German reception
theory gave us the putative reader, whether ‘hidden’ or ‘implied,’ whose
presence was deduced from (usually canonical) literary texts, but they
failed to satisfy the social or cultural historian’s thirst for contact with
actual readers.6 Personal sources lead us to real flesh-and-bone readers,
who write or speak of their books, preferences, loves, and hates, and
inform us consciously or unconsciously about the status and function of
reading in different phases of their lives.
Reception theorists lacked a historical dimension. They tended to
assume that literary texts are static and immutable, whereas they are con-
stantly reedited over time, in different versions and formats and at differ-
ent prices. Each reincarnation of a text targets a new public, whose
participation and expectations are guided not just by authors but by pub-
lishing strategies, illustrations, and all the other physical aspects of the
book. My concern is not with the implications of canonical texts fossilized
in time but with real readers in specific historical circumstances, who can
provide us with what Janice Radway calls ‘an empirically-based ethnogra-
phy of reading.’7 Using the rich conceptual insights of Roger Chartier,
the book historian can investigate reading as a cultural practice, to exam-
8 Reading Culture and Writing Practices

ine what readers bring to their texts, and how they ‘appropriate’ meaning
through the act of reading.8
The autonomy of the individual reader is a fundamental principle
here. We can make no prior assumptions about the reader’s response.
The reader never comes to the text passively or empty-handed, and never
absorbs the text without resistance or criticism. Since the celebrated and
oft-quoted case of Menocchio, the sixteenth-century Friulian miller who
staggered the Inquisition with his version of the origins of the earth, we
have been warned: we predict the reader’s response at our peril. Nothing
apparently in Menocchio’s reading authorized his bizarre vision of the
world as a curdled cheese, harbouring large worms which transformed
themselves into angels.9 How had Menocchio acquired these notions?
His singular views cannot be directly connected to his reading of the
Koran, the Decameron, Mandeville’s Travels, or the medieval chronicles
which came briefly into his possession. For Carlo Ginzburg, his unpre-
dictable views were the result of a coming together of popular and
learned sources. On one hand, there was the contribution of an archaic,
oral tradition of peasant protest, rooted in a dim pagan past. On the
other hand, Menocchio had selected and reworked information received
from learned sources: the books which he told the Inquisition so much
about. It was the mutual imbrication of the oral with the printed, the pop-
ular with the erudite, which produced his very personal heresy.
In Michel de Certeau’s metaphor, the reader is a poacher.10 The
reader as consumer hides as it were in the text, but not in the sense
understood by the reception theorists. The reader is a trespasser, creep-
ing about the proprietor’s estate for his or her own nefarious purposes.
The estate is not his property; the landscape has been laid out by other
hands; but, undetected, he takes what he needs from it, a hare here, a
thrush there, even a deer if he’s lucky, and escapes without leaving a
trace on the page. In this way, the individual reader insinuates his own
meanings and purposes into another’s text. Each individual reader has
silent and invisible ways of subverting the dominant order of consumer-
ized culture. With these ideas in mind, we can bring together both the
normative and the autobiographical sources and elucidate the connec-
tions and disparities between the experiences of an individual reader
and the ideal reading models presented in a given sociocultural context.
The final chapters of this collection represent another shift towards
the history of writing practices. Sometimes known as écritures ordinaires or
‘ego-documents,’ the everyday writing practices of ordinary people are
increasingly under the microscope. Ordinary people have not been as
 The Importance of the Nineteenth Century 9

silent through historical time as has often been asserted – their written
traces can be uncovered and their voices are there if we make the effort
to listen. Their writings, whether in the form of correspondence, diaries,
autobiographies, written prayers, scrapbooks, or private notebooks, tend
to be ephemeral and respond to peculiar situations like emigration,
exile, war, and prison. ‘Ordinary writing’ is often infused with dialect, sit-
ting somewhere in-between the oral and the written, often combined
with drawings and portrait sketches. The untutored writer may commit
grammatical errors and have difficulty in holding the line straight.
This recent interest in writing practices, and in the history of popular
access to writing, is indebted to Philippe Lejeune, whose concept of the
‘autobiographical pact’ has informed much analysis of first-person writ-
ing.11 Whereas l’histoire du livre has a distinctively French ancestry, dating
back most notably to Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin’s L’Apparition
du livre, the history of writing practices is inspired by other sources.12
Spain and the Hispanic world currently lead the way in this field, with no
fewer than three Spanish journals publishing work on the history of writ-
ten culture, namely Litterae, Syntagma, and Cultura Escritura y Sociedad. It is
therefore fitting in a collection which traces the changing historiography
of written culture that the final chapter should have appeared in Madrid.

The framework for my examinations of the history of reading and writ-

ing practices owes a considerable debt to Chartier and de Certeau, Bour-
dieu and Lejeune, among other gurus of this interdisciplinary field. In
spite of the importance of their theoretical insights, however, my own
primary concern has always been with the individual, actual reader and
his or her perceptions and experiences. I have consistently exploited
autobiographical sources. These have included a range of genres, such
as nineteenth-century workers’ autobiographies, whether published in
journals or in books, or the journaux intimes produced by middle-class
women or by young girls anxiously facing the ordeal of marriage, or the
recorded oral testimonies solicited from elderly readers about their
childhood and family memories.
At this point, however, I run into a serious practical problem. If, as I
have argued, individual readers engage in a dynamic interaction with
what is read, and share in the production of meaning, and if, in addition,
they develop private interpretations which are not in any way predeter-
mined, then how are we to write their personal histories? The danger is
that we will be faced with a multiplicity of individual stories, all of them
unique. If we dissolve the history of reading into a myriad of free agents,
10 Reading Culture and Writing Practices

all arriving at unexpected conclusions, we have a state of subjective anar-

chy in which no generalizations are either possible or legitimate. The
notion of ‘interpretive communities’ of readers may offer a constructive
way out of this trap.
Stanley Fish, the American literary critic to whom we owe this idea,
offers a useful corrective to the anarchic tendencies of reading history
just mentioned.13 To adapt a much-used phrase, readers make their own
meanings, but they do not make them entirely as they wish. Readers do
so as members of a community which makes certain assumptions about
literature and what it constitutes. Members of a reading community may
not know each other or even be aware of each other’s existence, and this
fact alone stretches our conventional ideas of community. Members of a
reading community, however, have a common set of criteria for judging
what is ‘good’ and ‘bad’ literature, for categorizing texts as belonging to
certain genres, and for establishing their own genre hierarchies. Read-
ing communities may be readers of the same newspaper, they may have
an institutional basis like a literary society or a university faculty, or they
might be defined more loosely in terms of gender or social class. Perhaps
as women readers, or as militant workers, they employ similar interpre-
tive strategies in attributing meaning to their books. Individual readers
may of course belong to several reading communities at once.
In the nineteenth century, for example, self-educated and self-improv-
ing workers formed a distinctive interpretive community of readers. Jan-
ice Radway gave us another reading community in her study of female
romance readers in the American Midwest.14 They read as individuals,
but with common aims, and in a common sociocultural context for, as
Robert Darnton reminded us, ascribing meaning to texts is a social activ-
ity.15 The process is not wholly individual and random, but relies on
broader social and cultural conditioning factors. The expectations
brought to the book by readers are formed through shared social expe-
rience. These expectations may also be encouraged by publishers who
adopt marketing strategies aimed at particular communities of readers.
This already goes beyond Fish’s own formulations, but his ideas need a
broad interpretation if we are to extract most profit from them.
In a sense, the style of reading history demonstrated in this book is a
form of ‘history from below.’ Its main focus is the reading and writing
histories of ordinary people, and the ways they experienced and grap-
pled with the acquisition of literacy, reading and writing. The spread of
mass literary culture in the nineteenth century was neither smooth nor
uniform; it met resistance. The cultural homogeneity of any nation up to
 The Importance of the Nineteenth Century 11

1914 was mitigated by geographical and linguistic diversity and by the

imperfect integration of literacy skills by the lower classes. In examining
the advent of reading for all and of writing for all, a gendered dimension
also needs to be taken into account. Differences between male and
female cultural practices, as well as differences in the ways gendered
practices were represented, are indicated in the central chapters of the
book.
In conclusion, I hope to demonstrate that l’histoire du livre intersects
with historical issues of broad social or cultural significance. In their
studies of eighteenth-century Europe, Robert Darnton and Roger Chart-
ier made book history a key element in renewing old debates about the
impact of the Enlightenment and its possible connections to the out-
break of the French Revolution.16 Similarly, a study of bestsellers in nine-
teenth-century Europe has a direct bearing on our evaluation of the so-
called Romantic Movement, while the history of the ‘battle of the books’
in Restoration France takes us to the heart of political and intellectual
conflicts in post-revolutionary French society. The continuing vigour of
book history will depend on its ability to illuminate significant historical
issues in this way.
This page intentionally left blank
The Statistical Approach
This page intentionally left blank
2 In Search of the Bestsellers of
Nineteenth-Century France,
1815–1850

Today, lists of best-selling books and CDs, and audience ratings of televi-
sion programs are published weekly, for the benefit of retailers, manufac-
turers, publishers, and advertisers. Students of mass culture, who treat
the box office as their oracle, should find them invaluable. So, too,
should the cultural historians of the future. The book historian can only
dream of the enormous possibilities which would open up if he or she
could lay hands on accurate lists of best-selling fiction and non-fiction in
the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. We can construct such lists, but
only from indirect evidence. They can provide an invaluable guide to
popular preferences, and to the fluctuating tastes of an emerging mass
consumer market. Our evidence is based not on actual sales, but on pro-
duction statistics, details of print-runs and re-editions of individual titles.
Establishing from such sources which titles were bestsellers is an impor-
tant step towards defining the basic values and assumptions which form
the consensus of a whole society. With this idea in mind, I have attempted
here to compile approximate lists of the best-selling books in early nine-
teenth-century France.
It is dangerous to generalize about popular literary taste or about
French literary culture on the basis of novels chosen by literary critics on
purely aesthetic or stylistic grounds. For the cultural historian, a history
of French literary culture in the nineteenth century based on Stendhal,
Balzac, Flaubert, and Zola would have little to recommend it. The evi-
dence of popular taste would dictate a very different choice, made
according to the more mercenary criteria of sales and output. A more
representative choice of nineteenth-century French novelists would have
to include Walter Scott, Pigault-Lebrun, Eugène Sue, Alexandre Dumas,
Erckmann-Chatrian, Jules Verne, and Pierre Loti – a list of best-selling
authors comprising those who are, in the eyes of today’s reader, unfamil-
16 The Statistical Approach

iar, unread, and in some cases unreadable. To a historian, however, who

is trying to mine information about cultural patterns, these novelists
have their own legitimate claims to attention, based on frequent and
widely disseminated editions of their works. Placing early nineteenth-
century bestsellers on a solid, quantitative basis is an indispensable pre-
liminary for any social history of reading in the period.

1. The Methods
The Sources
Compiling lists of bestsellers in this period has required some method-
ological innovation, and a more detailed explanation of the approach
will be found in the appendix (see pp. 201–5). It relies substantially on
the official printers’ declarations, required in advance of publication by
Napoleonic legislation, which are the best available guide to consumer
habits. They are in fact the only source of print-runs we have, and impor-
tant inferences can be made from them. The evidence they provide, how-
ever, is not evidence of sales but of production output. Estimated
quantities sold over the counter in early nineteenth-century Paris can be
deduced from assessing editions and re-editions of the same titles. By
counting the number of editions published of any given title, and esti-
mating the print-runs of these editions, we can estimate how many copies
had been put into circulation. Proceeding in this way, I have tried to dis-
tinguish the contours of the book market and of the reading public. The
relative importance, for example, of fiction and non-fiction, of modern,
eighteenth-century and foreign novels, the legacies of seventeenth-cen-
tury classicism and the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, together with
the relative impact of romanticism are all themes which acquire a clearer
definition, when illuminated by the circulation figures for best-selling
works.
The main sources in my search for the historical bestseller are twofold:
the Bibliographie de la France gives the number of editions published of
any title and author, while the printers’ declarations give the print-runs
(tirages).1 The Bibliographie de la France was established by Napoleon in
1811 to codify production records, but also to facilitate government
supervision of undesirable literature. The Bibliographie listed all books
legally published in France, and deposited, according to regulations, in
the dépôt légal. Unfortunately, the Bibliographie is incomplete. In its early
years, before it became an established institution published at regular
intervals, many titles were omitted. During times of political and admin-
istrative upheaval, like the defeat of Napoleon in 1815 or the revolution-
 Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–1850 17

ary years of 1848–9, there was a similar tendency to under-report, as the

bureaucratic organs of the state ceased to function with their accus-
tomed consistency. Even in good years, some printers, out of negligence
or deliberate evasion, failed to make the statutory deposit in the dépôt
légal. In spite of these problems, however, the Bibliographie de la France
provides a basic starting point for any survey of what was actually pub-
lished in France. It is full of useful information, compiled with impres-
sive erudition. Without its list of editions published, my study of the
reading public could not have been undertaken.
The dusty, green-bound tomes of Series F18 in the Archives Nationales
contain the declarations which the government required all printers to
make in advance of the publication of any book. They detail the printer’s
name, the title of the proposed work, its format, the number of volumes
and folios, as well as the tirage. Its unique value lies in the fact that it gives
the intended print-runs. By matching these print-runs with the editions
listed in the Bibliographie de la France, I embarked on a quantitative study
of what was offered for literary consumption in early nineteenth-century
France. Taken separately, the Bibliographie de la France and the printers’
declarations would each be an invaluable historical source in its own
right. Used in tandem, they offer an incomparable opportunity to set the
architecture of French book consumption on firmer foundations than
have yet been attempted.
As well as the declarations of Parisian printers, I have also consulted the
declarations of some provincial printers, of which fragments are kept in
the Archives Nationales.2 Better provincial records exist on the spot, and
my data include printers’ declarations from the departments of the Vau-
cluse, the Nord, and the Maine-et-Loire.3 These departments include
some of the principal centres of publishing outside the capital: Avignon,
Lille, and Angers. Paris dominated the book trade, but a provincial angle
can enhance the value of the search for the bestseller.
My study concludes in 1850. The exact mid-point of the century may
seem an arbitrary moment at which to halt the investigation. In the sec-
ond half of the century, however, the sheer volume of material becomes
a deterrent for a single-handed researcher using the methods of an arti-
san. We enter a domain where so much is produced that even data-entry
specialists have not ventured there. This is not the main reason for clos-
ing in 1850. Even with the benefits of computerization, historians would
find their investment yielding diminishing returns in the latter part of
the century. The value of the printers’ declarations was already decreas-
ing. Novels were frequently first published in serialized form in the news-
paper press. They appeared later as novels, in complete bound editions,
18 The Statistical Approach

but only after the work’s first, fresh impact had been absorbed by the
public. In the mid-1840s, the printers’ declarations of runaway successes
by Eugène Sue and Alexandre Dumas only give a limited idea of their
total readership. For a more accurate picture, we would need to follow
Pierre Orecchioni’s advice, and consider published editions in conjunc-
tion with newspaper circulation figures.4 The printers’ declarations,
therefore, are at their most useful precisely in the period between the
First Empire and the eve of the 1848 Revolution. Beyond this point, the
declarations, although more voluminous, are less valuable as a measure
of commercial success.

Authors

I searched the sources just described to reconstruct the publishing histo-

ries, over half a century, of fifty-six different authors. Among them, these
authors were responsible for about 3000 relevant publications between
1813 and 1850, for which I made a search for the print-runs. Authors and
titles were selected on an essentially empirical and sometimes intuitive
basis. One group of authors was chosen for survey because modern
secondary sources have frequently and loosely described them as best-
sellers of their age. This applies, for example, to the works of Walter
Scott, Béranger, Lesage, Eugène Sue, and Pigault-Lebrun. The success of
Lamennais’s Paroles d’un Croyant in the early 1830s, and of Voltaire’s com-
plete works under the Restoration, are also well known, although this has
never been substantiated on a quantitative basis.
A second group of authors and titles was included because they seemed
possible indicators of the popularity of romantic literature. This consid-
eration dictated the choice of, for example, Byron, De Vigny, and the
Méditations of Lamartine. It soon emerged, however, that some authors
like Alfred de Vigny were not printed in sufficiently frequent editions or
in large enough print-runs to be ranked as bestsellers. The omissions
from the bestselling lists are sometimes as interesting as the literary suc-
cesses, especially when such omissions involve works highly valued by lit-
erary critics.
Literary critics are also responsible for a third category of authors sur-
veyed, consisting simply of those hallowed by posterity as the greatest cre-
ative geniuses of the epoch. This survey could not afford to neglect the
publishing histories of Balzac, Sand, Hugo, De Staël, Chateaubriand, or
Stendhal.
In 1866, the Minister for Education, Duruy, conducted a questionnaire
addressed to prefects, which investigated reading habits in the French
 Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–1850 19

countryside. This produced a further list of titles, compiled by the pre-

fects, which seemed potential candidates for the bestseller lists.5 A few
years later, the Franklin Society began to publish the reports of local
librarians on lending preferences all over France.6 The Bulletin de la
Société Franklin suggested some additional titles for the survey, even
though it was published thirty years after the period which directly con-
cerned me. These later sources were responsible for the inclusion in the
survey of works such as Mille et Une Nuits, the Contes of Canon Schmid,
and the histories of France by Anquetil and Madame de Saint-Ouen.
Finally, many authors were selected for inclusion on a purely empirical
basis. A reading of the printers’ declarations produced a further choice,
suggested by frequent encounters with repeated editions of the same
titles. Some works, therefore, were added during the course of the inves-
tigation itself, because constant reprints could not be ignored. This
method accounted for the inclusion of Madame Cottin, Bérenger, Fleury,
Massillon, and Tasso, to name only a few. This empirical method may not
be foolproof or exhaustive, but it was certainly the one which produced
the biggest surprises and the greatest sense of discovery. In this way, the
reading preferences of the contemporary public could be distinguished
from the preferences of later literary criticism. The popular tastes of
French men and women could be rescued from under the feet of those
plaster heroes erected by a subsequent academic tradition.

The Tables of Bestsellers

The data are summarized in the tables which follow. After the author
and title of the work detailed, the third column T shows the total num-
ber of editions recorded in the Bibliographie de la France, with some addi-
tions from the general catalogue of the Bibliothèque Nationale. The fourth
column P indicates how many of those editions were published in Paris.
The following column P/B shows the number of editions published
either in the provinces or in Belgium. This enables us to guess at the pro-
vincial readership of certain titles.
The final two columns give the ‘minimum known tirage’ and the ‘total
known or estimated tirage.’ I located the exact print-run in the printers’
declarations for between one-half and two-thirds of the editions recorded
in the Bibliographie de la France. The success ratio was higher for editions
published in Paris, lower for titles which regularly relied on provincial
sources of publication. The tirages are practically complete for the works
of Walter Scott, which have been analysed elsewhere.7 They are nearly
complete for the works of Stendhal, Reybaud’s novel Jérôme Paturot, and
20 The Statistical Approach

for Victor Hugo, for whom I located over 80 per cent of tirages. The suc-
cess ratio was below average, on the other hand, for Ducray-Duminil,
Canon Schmid, and for Don Quichotte. For these publications, I located
less than 40 per cent of tirages. The penultimate column of ‘minimum
known tirage’ consists of the aggregate number of copies for those edi-
tions for which I located the tirages. The last column is based on the
known minimum print-run plus a figure for the unknown editions, based
on a conservative but educated guess.
As already explained, this aggregate does not represent a sales figure,
but an estimate of the number of copies produced for sale. It is a safe
assumption, however, that a title which was regularly re-edited did not sit
for very long on a bookseller’s shelf. In spite of their lack of precision,
the figures allow the historian to assess the relative significance of each
author and genre within the book market as a whole. In the tables of
bestsellers which follow, print-runs have been added in five-year periods.
Statistics are available from 1811 onwards, and the breakdown of quin-
quennia from this starting date conveniently coincides with important
political turning points in 1815 and 1830. This chronological division
allowed a judgment on the degree to which the Empire, Bourbon Resto-
ration, and July Monarchy were culturally, as well as politically, distinct.

2. The Results

Table 2.1
French Bestsellers, 1811–15

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

La Fontaine Fables 24 = 11 + 13 35,600 40–45,000

Fénelon Télémaque 21 = 8 + 13 15,500 26–32,000
Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 15 = 4 + 11 21,250 23–25,000
Perrault Contes des fées 15 = 5 + 10 17,700 20–22,000
Florian Fables 10 = 6 + 4 8,600 11–15,000
Bérenger La Morale en action 6=1+5 10,000 12,000
Racine Théâtre/Oeuvres comp. 8=6+2 8,930 10,000
Massillon Petit Carême 8=4+4 6,000 9–11,000
Barthélemy Voyage du jeune Anacharsis 6=4+2 5,600 8,600
Molière Oeuvres complètes 6=5+1 4,000 6–7,000
Lesage Gil Blas 5=5+0 4,900 6,000
Buffon Le Petit Buffon des enfants 3=3+0 3,500 5,000

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

 Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–1850 21

Table 2.2
French Bestsellers, 1816–20

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

La Fontaine Fables 29 = 16 + 13 22,100 38–48,000

Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 16 = 9 + 7 29,000 36–42,000
Fénelon Télémaque 14 = 5 + 9 11,000 21–35,000
Mme Cottin Claire d’Albe 11 = 11 + 0 19,000 25–30,000
B de St-Pierre Paul et Virginie 3=3+0 18,000 20–30,000
Mme Cottin Elisabeth 10 = 10 + 0 14,500 20–25,000
Massillon Petit Carême 12 = 9 + 3 14,500 20–24,000
Perrault Contes des fées 14 = 7 + 7 13,000 19–24,000
Tasso La Jérusalem délivrée 9=7+2 17,650 20–22,000
Florian Fables 12 = 8 + 4 10,000 16–18,500
Anon La Cuisinière bourgeoise 7=5+2 15,000 18,000
Voltaire Oeuvres complètes 9=8+1 11,800 15–19,000
Rousseau Oeuvres complètes 8=8+0 13,200 14–15,000
Barthélemy Voyage du jeune Anacharsisb 8=5+3 8,500 11–12,000
Florian Estelle 9=5+4 5,800 10–12,000
Volney Les Ruines 5=5+0 10,000 10,000
Racine Théâtre/Oeuvres comp. 9=8+1 3,900 10,000
Lesage Gil Blas 6=5+1 4,750 8–10,000
Anquetil Histoire de France 5=5+0 7,600 8–9,600
De Staël Corinne 6=6+0 7,025 8–8,500

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

b Includes the abbreviated version, Abrégé du voyage du jeune Anacharsis.

Table 2.3
French Bestsellers, 1821–5

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

La Fontaine Fables 44 = 24 + 20 80,250 95–105,000

Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 32 = 3 + 29 38,100 58–80,000
Fénelon Télémaque 32 = 12 + 20 42,800 60–78,000
Florian Fables 21 = 10 + 11 38,000 47–55,000
Anon La Cuisinière bourgeoise 10 = 4 + 6 32,000 38–44,000
Massillon Petit Carême 19 = 16 + 3 25,800 35–42,000
Racine Théâtre/Oeuvres comp. 18 = 14 + 4 20,600 31–40,000
Molière Théâtre/Oeuvres comp. 21 = 21 + 0 20,200 28–35,000
22 The Statistical Approach

Table 2.3 (Continued)

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Rousseau Oeuvres complètes 15 = 15 + 0 20,935 25–32,000

Voltaire Oeuvres complètes 12 = 12 + 0 21,850 23–26,000
Béranger Chansons 4=4+0 18,300 20–25,000
Barthélemy Voyage du jeune Anacharsisb 13 = 9 + 4 18,400 22–24,000
Tasso La Jérusalem délivrée 9=6+3 15,000 18–22,000
Defoe Aventures de R Crusoé 9=7+2 4,000 18–25,000?
Bérenger La Morale en action 12 = 1 + 11 9,000 17–22,000
Cervantes Don Quichotte 6=6+0 17,300 19–21,000
Lesage Gil Blas 10 = 8 + 2 15,900 17–18,000
Perrault Contes des fées 6=2+4 12,200 13–16,000
Lamartine Méditations poétiques 7=7+0 9,000 12–16,000
Voltaire Théâtrec 6=6+0 6,000 10–18,000
Volney Les Ruines 5=5+0 15,000 15,000
Buffon Petit Buffon des enfantsd 7=4+3 11,500 12–14,000
Lascases Mémorial de Ste Hélène 4=4+0 9,000 12,000
Anon Lettres d’Héloïse et d’Abelard 6=4+2 8,000 10–12,000

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

b Includes the abbreviated version, Abrégé du voyage du jeune Anacharsis.
c Includes Voltaire’s Chefs-d’oeuvre dramatiques.
d Includes Le Buffon des enfants.

Table 2.4
French Bestsellers, 1826–30

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Béranger Chansons 16 = 15 + 1 135,000 140–160,000

Fénelon Télémaque 52 = 26 + 26 58,500 90–120,000
Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 39 = 6 + 33 55,000 80–130,000
La Fontaine Fables 33 = 22 + 11 65,100 80–110,000
Florian Fables 22 = 9 + 13 34,650 48–62,000
Defoe Aventures de R Crusoé 18 = 15 + 3 23,000 43–53,000
Perrault Contes des fées 11 = 0 + 11 13,000 27–40,000
Massillon Petit Carême 15 = 9 + 6 17,000 28–34,000
Voltaire Oeuvres complètes 16 = 16 + 0 20,850 25–33,000
Rouvière La Médecine sans médecin 9=9+0 4,000 20–36,000?
 Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–1850 23

Table 2.4 (Continued)

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Anon La Cuisinière bourgeoise 8=8+0 22,000 25–29,000

Racine Théâtre/Oeuvres comp 11 = 10 + 1 18,700 22–30,000
Bérenger La Morale en action 13 = 0 + 13 0 13–40,000?
Molière Oeuvres complètes 13 = 12 + 1 12,000 20–28,000
Scott Ivanhoé 10 = 8 + 2 20,800 20,800
Scott L’Antiquaire 10 = 8 + 2 20,800 20,800
Scott L’Abbé 9=9+0 20,000 20,000
Scott Quentin Durward 9=8+1 20,000 20,000
Buffon Histoire naturelleb 7=7+0 12,000 16–24,000
Rousseau Oeuvres complètes 8=8+0 9,000 17–21,000
B de St-Pierre Paul et Virginie 4=4+0 18,000 18,000
Chateaubriand Génie du christianisme 6=6+0 17,000 18–19,000
Lesage Gil Blas 12 = 11 + 1 4,600 15–20,000
Buffon Le Buffon des enfantsc 8=1+7 0 8–24,000
Young Les Nuits 5=3+2 14,500 14,500
Volney Les Ruines 3=3+0 10,000 12–16,000
Tasso La Jérusalem délivrée 2=1+1 10,000 11–15,000
Barthélemy Voyage du jeune Anacharsis 7=7+0 9,500 12–14,000
Byron Œuvres 4=4+0 10,500 10,500
Anquetil Histoire de France 6=6=0 8,500 10–11,500

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

b Includes Buffon’s Œuvres complètes.
c Includes Le Petit Buffon des enfants, Le Buffon de l’enfance, and Buffon de premier
âge.

Table 2.5
French Bestsellers, 1831–5

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 45 = 16 + 29 64,000 110–130,000

La Fontaine Fables 23 = 8 + 15 75,500 95–120,000
Fénelon Télémaque 28 = 13 + 15 33,700 60–80,000
Béranger Chansonsb 9=8+1 42,000 52–75,000
Saint-Ouen Histoire de France 5=5+0 46,000 52–66,000
Florian Fables 14 = 4 + 10 27,000 30–40,000
24 The Statistical Approach

Table 2.5 (Continued)

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Lamennais Paroles d’un croyant 10 = 10 + 0 28,300 29–30,000

Bérenger La Morale en action 15 = 3 + 12 8,000 34–50,000
Pellico Mes Prisons 15 = 11 + 4 17,450 22–30,000
Defoe Robinson dans son île 5=5+0 13,000 20–30,000
Jussieu Simon de Nantua 5=5+0 17,000 21–23,000
B de St-Pierre Paul et Virginie 8=7+1 16,000 21–26,000
Chateaubriand Oeuvres 9=9+1 12,000 18–23,000
Lesage Gil Blas 5=5+0 12,500 15–18,000
Rousseau Julie, ou la Nouvelle Héloïse 6=5+1 12,000 15,000
Hugo Notre-Dame de Paris 8=8+0 8,400 11–14,000
De Kock Le Cocu 5=4+1 9,600 11–14,000
Defoe Aventures de R Crusoé 7=7+0 0 14–22,000
Molière Œuvres 8=7+1 7,300 9–14,000
Scott Woodstock 4=4+0 13,000 13,000
Thiers Histoire de la Révolution
française 3=3+0 8,000 10–15,000
Tasso La Jérusalem délivrée 7=5+2 500 4–20,000?
Perrault Contes des fées 6=3+3 1,000 6–20,000?
Lamartine Œuvres 3=3+0 7,000 9–12,000
Anquetil Histoire de France 4=3+1 6,000 9–12,000
Scott Château périlleux 3=3+0 9,300 9,300
Barthélemy Voyage du jeune Anacharsisc 5=4+1 5,250 8–11,000

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

b Includes Béranger’s Œuvres complètes and Chansons nouvelles et dernières.
c Includes the abbreviated version, Abrégé du voyage du jeune Anacharsis.

Table 2.6
French Bestsellers, 1836–40

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Fénelon Télémaque 41 = 20 + 21 29,850 78–120,000

Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 38 = 14 + 24 27,300 70–110,000
La Fontaine Fables 32 = 14 + 18 23,500 58–85,000
Saint-Ouen Histoire de France 3=3+0 22,000 35–45,000
B de St-Pierre Paul et Virginie 22 = 12 + 10 13,000 30–55,000
Lamennais Paroles d’un croyant 4=4+0 30,000 30–33,000
 Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–1850 25

Table 2.6 (Continued)

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Pellico Mes Prisons 11 = 7 + 4 21,500 28–40,000

Chateaubriand Génie du christianisme 12 = 11 + 1 18,500 28–38,000
Bérenger La Morale en action 14 = 3 + 11 4,000 30–58,000
De Staël Corinne 11 = 5 + 6 13,000 22–35,000
Defoe Aventures de R Crusoé 15 = 11 + 4 4,500 19–40,000
Defoe Robinson dans son île 5=3+2 11,000 14–25,000
Schmid Contesb 13 = 4 + 9 7,500 20–38,000?
Chateaubriand Oeuvres complètes 7=7+0 13,500 16–24,000
Florian Fables 12 = 6 + 6 1,400 18–35,000?
Anquetil Histoire de France 10 = 9 + 1 7,000 12–30,000
Béranger Oeuvres complètes 3=3+0 10,000 15–25,000
Tasso La Jérusalem délivrée 15 = 8 + 7 2,000 15–30,000?
Perrault Contes des fées 8=4+4 500 8–24,000?
Mme Cottin Elisabeth 5=4+1 11,000 15–18,000
Anon Lettres d’Héloïse et d’Abelard 7=6+1 3,500 9–20,000?
Lesage Gil Blas 6=3+3 6,000 13–16,000
Thiers Histoire de la Révolution
française 4=4+0 3,300 9–18,000
Rousseau Julie, ou la Nouvelle Héloïse 4=2+2 8,000 11–15,000
Racine Œuvres 8=5+3 2,500 10–20,000?
Anon Mille et Une Nuits 4=3+1 7,000 9–14,000

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

b Includes Schmid’s Nouveaux petits contes, Sept nouveaux contes, Cent nouveaux
petits contes, Nouveaux contes, etc.

Table 2.7
French Bestsellers, 1841–5

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

La Fontaine Fables 31 = 17 + 14 53,400 88–125,000

Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 26 = 8 + 18 50,500 80–100,000
Fénelon Télémaque 27 = 16 + 11 62,200 82–98,000
Schmid Contesb 23 = 15 + 8 29,000 55–70,000
Saint-Ouen Histoire de France 5=5+0 26,400 48–96,000
Anquetil Histoire de France 6=6+0 39,000 40–43,000
Sue Le Juif Errant 8=4+4 23,000 32–46,000
26 The Statistical Approach

Table 2.7 (Continued)

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Bérenger La Morale en action 15 = 4 + 11 21,900 35–40,000

Lesage Gil Blas 9=9+0 22,000 30–42,000
Florian Fables 12 = 6 + 6 21,000 30–50,000
Sue Mystères de Paris 7=4+3 18,200 25–35,000
Pellico Mes Prisons 11 = 9 + 2 18,500 25–35,000
Defoe Aventures de R Crusoé 12 = 8 + 4 13,500 22–35,000
B de St-Pierre Paul et Virginie 11 = 7 + 4 15,500 25–30,000
Defoe Robinson dans son île 3=3+0 25,300 25,300
Ducray-Duminil Victor 9=7+2 14,000 24–30,000
Perrault Contes des fées 8=7+1 16,500 22–30,000
Molière Œuvres 8=8+0 22,300 24–26,000
Béranger Oeuvres complètes 4=3+1 20,000 22–30,000
Massillon Petit Carême 12 = 11 + 1 18,100 20–25,000
Racine Théâtre 12 = 11 + 1 3,500 13–30,000?
Lascases Mémorial de Ste Hélène 3=3+0 14,000 16–20,000
Defoe Robinson de 12 ansc 3=2+1 16,000 16,000
Cervantes Don Quichotte 6=6+0 6,000 11–20,000
Reybaud Jérôme Paturot 5=5+0 13,000 13,000
Tasso La Jérusalem délivrée 6=5+1 11,500 13–18,000
Anon Mille et Une Nuits 5=5+0 8,500 11–15,000
Scott Rob Roy 2=2+0 12,000 12,000
Jussieu Simon de Nantua 2=2+0 6,000 12,000
Scott Quentin Durward 2=2+0 11,500 11,500
Barthélemy Voyage du jeune Anacharsis 5=4+1 6,000 10–13,000

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

b Includes Schmid’s Nouveaux petits contes, Sept nouveaux contes, Cent nouveaux
petits contes, Nouveaux contes, etc.
c Includes Le Robinson du jeune âge.

Table 2.8
French Bestsellers, 1846–50

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Saint-Ouen Histoire de France 8=8+0 144,000 230–320,000

La Fontaine Fables 26 = 19 + 7 63,600 80–105,000
 Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–1850 27

Table 2.8 (Continued)

Total
No. of Minimum Known or
Editions Known Estimated
Author Title T = P + P/B Tirage Tirage

Florian Fables 18 = 15 + 3 40,600 60–80,000

Fleury Catéchisme historiquea 17 = 9 + 8 41,000 65–80,000
Béranger Chansonsb 8=7+1 62,000 65–80,000
Anon Mille et Une Nuits 8=8+0 35,500 45–60,000
Dumas Le Comte de Monte Cristo 11 = 11 + 0 11,000 24–44,000?
Dumas Les 3 Mousquetaires 7=6+1 15,500 24–35,000?
Fénelon Télémaque 16 = 7 + 9 5,500 20–35,000
Defoe Aventures de R Crusoé 14 = 11 + 3 2,000 15–40,000?
Lamartine Histoire des Girondins/
Oeuvres complètes 6=6+0 21,000 30,000
B de St-Pierre Paul et Virginie 4=4+0 23,000 25–28,000
Sue Mystères de Paris 2=2+0 20,000 22–28,000
Sue Le Juif Errant 2=1+1 20,000 25,000
Sue Mystères du peuple 4=2+2 11,600 20,000
Ducray-Duminil Victor 7=7+0 4,400 15–25,000?
Reybaud Jérôme Paturot 3=3+0 15,000 18–20,000
Dumas Le Chevalier de Maison-Rouge 5 = 5 + 0 14,000 16–19,000
Brillat-Savarin Physiologie du goût 5=5+0 14,000 15–17,000
Schmid Contesc 9=5+4 4,650 12–22,000?
Anquetil Histoire de France 5=5+0 11,000 13–16,000
Cabet Voyage en Icarie 4=4+0 14,000 14,000
Perrault Contes des fées 8=7+1 13,000 18–26,000
Racine Théâtre/Oeuvres 6=6+0 1,500 9–16,000
Hugo Notre-Dame de Paris 3=3+0 12,500 12,500
Michelet Le Peuple 3=3+0 9,000 11–12,000
Dumas La Reine Margot 4=4+0 7,400 9–12,000
Defoe Robinson dans son île 1=1+0 10,000 10,000

a Includes the abbreviated version, Petit catéchisme historique.

b Includes Béranger’s Œuvres complètes, Chansons choisies, Album Béranger, and
Stances aux mânes de Manuel.
c Includes Schmid’s Nouveaux petits contes, Sept nouveaux contes, Cent nouveaux
petits contes, Nouveaux contes, etc.

The Bestsellers of the Moment

By presenting the data in five-year periods, I have tended to obscure triv-

ial or topical successes, which have been swamped by the titles which
were regularly reprinted. An histoire événementielle of the transient bestsell-
28 The Statistical Approach

ers would include all kinds of short pamphlets and brochures on topical
subjects. Since the historian cannot afford to neglect the fait divers com-
pletely, and even the passing concerns of the reading public may be of
interest, some of them must be mentioned here.8
In 1815, for example, many ephemeral brochures appeared on the life
and death of the recently executed Marshal Ney. Although Ney was soon
forgotten by a fickle public, many other bestsellers of the moment illus-
trated popular interest in the Napoleonic saga. In the first years of the
Restoration, many brochures against Napoleon appeared, often in the
form of real or fictitious personal memoirs, or anecdotes about the
emperor, his marshals or members of his family. On the death of Napo-
leon, this ephemeral Bonapartiana acquired a more serious and less
scurrilous tone. In 1821, many pamphlets and odes to Napoleon or his
tomb were published, usually printed in editions of 500 copies per
broadsheet. Bonaparte was entering the ranks of myth in titles from 1821
such as Bonaparte devant Minos and Bonaparte, Alexandre et Pertinax. The
transfer of his ashes to France in 1840 inspired another brief torrent of
material. This was perhaps a kind of ‘literature of the boulevard,’ prefig-
uring the mass consumption of street literature in the 1880s and 1890s,
discussed by Jean-Yves Mollier.9
Many ephemeral successes can be classed as official or semi-official lit-
erature. In every election year, the Paris publishing trade busied itself
with the production of election addresses and candidates’ manifestos.
New pieces of legislation like the Forest Code of 1827 had to be publi-
cized and commented on in ways that made them intelligible to the
general public. There were polemical pamphlets too, such as Chateaubri-
and’s Opinion sur le projet de loi, a tract on press freedom published in 1827.
At least 30,000 copies appeared within two months. This genre hit a peak
in 1848, when demand for political tracts and election manifestos was so
intense that there was practically no time left in the Paris print-shops to
produce anything else.
Publishing fashions changed from year to year. Lamennais’s Paroles
d’un Croyant had such a rapid success in 1833 that it immediately sparked
a rush of imitators and parodists, producing titles such as the inevitable
Paroles d’un Voyant and other satirical variations on the same theme. For
a while there was a vogue for titles with medical metaphors. The number
of medical handbooks was probably on the increase, especially in the
cholera years of 1831–2. For publishers, 1841 was the year of physiology.
After Brillat-Savarin’s Physiologie du goût and Balzac’s Physiologie du mariage
came a range of similar titles.
Almanacs were of course annual productions, and a form of ephemera
 Bestsellers of Nineteenth-Century France, 1815–1850 29

which is impossible to ignore. Perhaps the largest circulation was

achieved by Stahl’s Double Liégeois, printed in annual runs of 150,000
between 1820 and 1833. Stahl’s competitor Eberhart had Le Vrai Mathieu
Laensberg which attained runs of 25,000 or 30,000 in the late 1820s.
Almost every provincial centre produced its own almanac. In Angers,
three different printers together contributed about 50,000 copies of the
Almanac de Maine-et-Loire in the 1840s.10 In the Doubs, Deckherr pro-
duced the Messager boiteux de Berne in print-runs of 100,000 copies in the
1820s.11 During the nineteenth century, such traditional forms of popu-
lar reading were ceasing to be the only type of literary consumption avail-
able in the countryside, but they still enjoyed massive sales.
The songs of Béranger have their place, too, in this brief survey of
short-term successes. The popularity of his songs is a reminder that print
had not yet eliminated all forms of popular oral culture; in fact print and
oral culture could strengthen each other. The Chansons of 1830 were
composed and published in order to be sung aloud, in public, on musi-
cal evenings, at clubs, goguettes and private gatherings. They included
drinking songs, patriotic songs, and satires on the clergy. The dominant
presence of Béranger at the head of table 4 is a clear example of literary
output reinforcing traditional forms of cultural expression.
His father had called himself ‘de Béranger’ in aristocratic style, but
in fact the poet’s family were modest tailors from the Faubourg Saint-
Antoine in the heart of revolutionary Paris. Béranger worked as a
printer before getting a secretarial job in Napoleon’s University. He
began writing social satire under the Directory, and Napoleon’s brother
Lucien Bonaparte briefly gave him financial support. Béranger remained
staunchly pro-Bonapartist and his poetry did much to nurture the Napo-
leonic legend in the years after 1815. Béranger was a nationalist trouba-
dour whose songs expressed hatred of the English and supported liberal
causes like Greek independence. He idealized poverty and the grape,
treated the clergy with irreverence, and answered the Holy Alliance of
the monarchs with La Sainte Alliance des peuples. He was twice imprisoned
under the Bourbon Restoration, which made him a popular hero. ‘My
Muse,’ he would say, ‘is the people.’ His populism and Bacchic tenden-
cies, which belong to a continuing tradition of French popular song-
making, were a little embarrassing to liberal intellectuals as well as to
royalists. Alfred de Vigny detested Béranger’s success as that of vulgar,
bourgeois mediocrity. Béranger, however, reached a national audience,
which included artisans and shopkeepers as well as eminent admirers
like Michelet, Lamartine, and Chateaubriand.12
It is difficult to count Béranger editions: works entitled Chansons were
30 The Statistical Approach

sometimes reeditions but sometimes new collections. Some margin for

error must be allowed, but print-runs seemed so large on the eve of 1830
that the Revolution of that year must have been a rich musical experi-
ence. Sales were boosted by the publicity of legal prosecution and
Béranger’s prison sentences, especially the nine months and huge fine
he received in 1828. The July Revolution set him free from jail, but after
1830, Béranger was no longer the troubadour of the opposition. The
wheel turned full circle in 1848 when Béranger was elected against his
will as one of the deputies he had earlier lampooned in songs like Le Ven-
tru. He soon resigned.
The Bonapartist flavour of many of his songs (for example, Le Vieux
Drapeau) adds weight to David Pinckney’s thesis that a Bonapartist
revival, rather than the promise of republicanism, lay at the heart of the
1830 Revolution.13 His print-runs subsided under the July Monarchy, but
experienced a moderate resurgence at the time of the 1848 Revolution.
Béranger was a best-selling author who literally had his moments, and
those moments were revolutionary ones. He was a songster of the revolu-
tionary conjonctures of 1830 and 1848.
There can be little doubt about the most gripping titles of the 1840s
which ensured short-term publishing success. In the wake of Eugène
Sue’s Le Juif errant, the best-selling topics of 1845 were firstly the Jews and
secondly the Jesuits. In 1847, the death of O’Connell, the grievances of
the Poles, and the unpopular missionary, Pritchard, in the Pacific all cap-
tured the attention of readers. In 1849 and 1850, the sudden but short-
lived fascination with California gold contrasted with the intense politici-
zation of the revolutionary years of 1848–9.

Contemporary Novelists

The impact of bestselling novels is apparent in the tables. Table 2 sug-

gests that Sophie Cottin was extremely popular after 1816, but that her
popularity was limited to the early years of the Restoration. Her fre-
quently reedited Claire d’Albe was a partly autobiographical love story,
told in the eighteenth-century epistolary style. The heroine, like the
author, entered a marriage of convenience at the age of twenty-two with
a considerably older man. She fell in love with a passionate nineteen-
year-old, their affair was consummated and Claire died of remorse for
her infidelity. Cottin’s most popular title, however, was Elisabeth ou les
exilés de Sibérie, in which the pure and devoted daughter of a Polish noble-
man finds rehabilitation at the hands of a merciful tsar. This legitimist
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
censurar á los Censores; pero en verdad que llevó brava tunda en
cierta Aprobacion del tercero tomo.» — «En la substancia, respondió
el Maestro, del mismo parecer soy, y hallo, que tiene mucha razon
en lo que dice: el modo puede ser que no huviesse agradado á
todos, porque le oí notar de pomposo, arrogante, y satisfecho; y á
algunos tampoco les pareció bien, que reservasse esta crítica para
aquel lugar, en que no venia muy al caso, adelantándose tal qual á
argüirle de ménos consiguiente, pues, protestando en la misma
Censura, que no se hallaba con ánimo de ayudar fructuosamente al
Autor del Theatro en el arduo y mal recibido oficio de Desengañador,
él mismo le está exercitando en la misma Censura: con esta
diferencia, que el Autor del Theatro exerce el officio de
Desengañador de Sabios y de ignorantes, pues á todos
comprehenden los errores comunes; pero el Censor exerce el de
Desengañador únicamente de Sabios, porque á solos estos, ó en la
realidad, ó en la estimacion, se fian por lo comun las Aprobaciones
de los Libros.»
13. «Sobre la zurra, que le da todo un Colegio de Padres
Aprobantes del tercer tomo, tambien he oído variedad de opiniones.
Convienen todos en que la correccion fraterna está discreta, bien
parlada, y con mucha sal, sin que la falte su granito de pimienta;
pero, como los Autores de ella son de la misma estameña que el
Autor del Theatro, algunos desearan que esta comission se la
huvieran encargado á otro de diferente paño, en quien caeria mejor.
Dicen, que esto de salir á la defensa de uno de su ropa, solo porque
no se le alaba, no suena bien: otra cosa seria, si positivamente se le
huviera injuriado sin razon, que entónces á ningunos tocaba mas
immediatamente sacar la cara por él, que á los de Casa. Pero este
reparo me parece poco justo, y aun poco reflexionado; porque
aquellos Padres Maestros no impugnan directamente al Censor,
porque no alaba al Autor del Theatro, sino porque censura á los que
le alaban á él, y á todos los demas Autores; con que no tanto es
defensa del Autor como de los Censores, y en esta todo el mundo
tiene derecho á meterse, con especialidad aquellos, á quienes se les
ha encomendado este oficio.»
14. «Algunos maliciosos aun se adelantan á mas: paréceles á
ellos, que ven una gran diferencia de estilo en lo restante de la
Aprobacion, y en el párrafo en que se censura al Censor de los
Censores: con esta aprehension se les figura por otra parte, que el
estilo de este párrafo es muy parecido al nobilíssimo, perspicuo, y
elegante, que gasta el Autor del Theatro. Y qué quieren inferir de
aquí? Lo que se está cayendo de su peso, que este parrafillo le dictó
el mismo Autor, pues se hallaba dentro de casa; y, sin explicarse
mas, hacen un gesto, y tuercen el hocico. Pero esta me parece
demasiada temeridad y sobrada delicadeza. Conocer en pocos
renglones añadidos á otros muchos la diversidad de estilo, es para
pocos ó para ninguno, sin exponerse á juzgar erradamente, salvo
que aquella sea tan visible, que luego salte á los ojos; pues claro
está, que, si en un Sermon del Padre Vieyra se mezclaran solos
quatro renglones del Autor del Florilegio, un topo veria al instante la
diferencia, y aun la disonancia; mas no estamos en el caso. El estilo
de los Aprobantes no es tan dessemejante del Autor del Theatro,
que diste infinito de él. Fuera de que á los buenos Escritores nunca
los puede faltar un buen estilo, dice Quintiliano: Bonos nunquam
honestus sermo deficiet; y, assí como no es impossible, sino muy
regular, que uno dé en el mismo pensamiento que otro, assí
tampoco lo es, que le explique de una misma manera. Mas
supongamos, que el párrafo en question sea del mismo Autor del
Theatro: quid inde? No veo en ella cosa, que me disuene, porque en
él nada se le elogia, y ántes se me representa un rasgo de su
moderacion y de su prudencia. Finjamos por un poco (y es una cosa
bien natural), que los Reverendíssimos Aprobantes huviessen dexado
correr la pluma en este punto con algun mayor calor y libertad de lo
que pedia la materia. Demos por supuesto, (y no es ménos natural
que lo primero,) que confiassen al Autor su censura, para que la
viesse ántes que se estampasse. Como la leyó á sangre fria, notó
que estaba un poco acalorada, y tomó de su quenta templarla,
dictando un párrafo, en que se dice lo que basta, y en realidad á
ninguno saca sangre. Esto es lo que yo concibo que pudo ser; pero,
si fué otra cosa, todo ello importa un bledo.»
15. «En lo que no convengo, ni convendré jamas, es en que las
Censuras de los libros, especialmente las que se hacen de oficio,
esto es, por comission de Tribunal legítimo, se conviertan en
Panegýricos; y perdónenme los Reverendíssimos Censores del
Censor de todos ellos, que no me hace fuerza la razon, con que
intentan defender la práctica contraria. Dicen, que el Panegýrico,
que se introduce en la Censura, siendo el mérito del Autor
sobresaliente, es deuda; siendo mediano, urbanidad; y, solo siendo
ninguno, será adulacion. Yo diria, con licencia de sus
Reverendíssimas, que el Panegýrico que se introduce en la Censura,
aunque el Autor le merezca, siempre es impertinente; y, si no le
merece, no solo es una adulacion indigna, sino una mentira, un
engaño sumamente perjudicial al progresso de las Ciencias, al honor
de toda la Nacion, y á la utilidad comun. Al Censor solamente le
mandan, que diga sencillamente su parecer sobre el mérito de la
obra, aprobándola ó desaprobándola, sin que se detenga en alabar
al Autor, sino que sea indirectamente por aquel elogio, que
necessariamente le resulta, de que se apruebe su produccion; con
que, pararse muy de propósito á hacer un gran Panegýrico del Autor,
aunque sea el de mayor mérito, sin dexar epítheto que no le aplique,
renombre con que no le proclame, ni erudicion que no ostente el
Aprobante para exornar su encomio, no solo no es deuda, sino una
obra muy de supererogacion.»
16. «Ya se entiende, que hablo solamente de aquellos largos
panegýricos, que de propósito se introducen en las Censuras,
adornados de todo género de erudicion, los quales son los que
únicamente se pueden llamar Panegýricos. Y de estos digo, que,
aunque los Autores los tengan muy merecidos, son fuera del assunto
en las Aprobaciones, digámoslo assí, judiciales; y en este sentido, á
mi ver, habló tambien el Censor de los Censores. Pero aquellos
elogios, que resultan del breve y sencillo juicio, que se forma del
mérito de la obra, como de su utilidad, de su inventiva, de su
solidez, de su buen estilo, etc., estos, assí como no merecen el
nombre de panegýricos, assí tampoco deben condenarse en los
Censores, ántes apénas pueden cumplir con su oficio, sin que digan
algo de esto; y en este sentido convengo tambien, en que los
elogios pueden ser deuda, y pueden ser urbanidad.»
17. «Pero, quien ha de tener paciencia para sufrir otros diferentes
rumbos, que siguen los Aprobantes? Todos, ó casi todos, son
panegyristas, y de estos ya he dicho bastante. Algunos añaden á
este oficio el de Glossadores, ó Addicionadores de la obra que
aprueban; otros se meten á Apologistas del assunto, especialmente
si este es de materia crítica, ó de algun punto contencioso: quando
la obra es apologética, las Aprobaciones por lo comun se reducen á
una apología de la misma apología, y aprobacion bien larga he visto
yo, que, sin tocar en la substancia de la obra hasta el último párrafo,
gasta el Aprobante muchas hojas en alabar la Patria del Autor, la
nobleza de su orígen, las glorias de su Religion, y de todo esto
infiere, que el libro es una cosa grande, y que no puede contener
ápice ni punto, que se oponga á los dogmas de la Fé ni á la mas
severa disciplina. Digo, y vuelvo á decir, que todas estas me parecen
unas grandíssimas impertinencias, dignas de ser desterradas de
nuestra Nacion, como lo están de casi todas las demas del mundo,
cuyos Censores se ciñen precisamente á lo que se les manda,
diciendo en breves y graves palabras su dictámen, y dexando á los
Lectores, que hagan de la Obra y del Autor todos los panegýricos,
que se les antojaren.»
18. Muy enfrascado estaba el Maestro Prudencio en la
conversacion, quando advirtió que Fray Gerundio se havia quedado
dormido en la silla como un cepo, y que el Predicador bostezaba
mucho, cayéndosele los párpados, de manera que cada instante
necessitaba apuntalarlos. Hízose cargo de la razon, y dispertando á
Fray Gerundio, no sin mucha dificultad, se fueron todos á la cama,
quedando despedido el Predicador Fray Blas desde la noche, porque
pensaba madrugar mucho el dia siguiente, para marchar á Jacarilla,
en compañía de su Mayordomo el Tio Bastian, que para entónces ya
le suponian perfectamente convalecido del accidente, que le havia
acometido de sobre-comida ó sobre-bebida.
 CAPITULO V.
Estrena Fray Gerundio el oficio de Predicador
Sabatino con una Plática de Disciplinantes.

Aún no bien havia amanecido el dia siguiente, quando llegó un

Mozo del Convento con una Carta del Prelado, en que mandaba á
Fray Gerundio, que quanto ántes se retirasse, porque le hacia saber,
que la Villa havia votado una Procession de Rogativa por el agua, de
que estaban necessitados los campos, en la qual havia determinado
salir la Cofradía de la Cruz, y que era menester disponerse para
predicar la Plática de Disciplinantes. Mucho se holgó nuestro
Predicador Sabatino con esta noticia, por quanto estaba ya
rebentando por darse á conocer en el público, y se le hacian siglos
los dias, que tardaba una funcion. Pero fué tan desgraciado, que,
media hora ántes que llegasse el Propio, havia partido para Jacarilla
su grande amigo Fray Blas, y esto no dexó de contristarle algun
tanto, porque le podia dar alguna idéa, ó algunas reglas propias de
su buen gusto, para disponer aquella especie de funcion, de la qual
nunca havian tratado en particular: y, siendo la primera, le
importaba mucho salir de ella con el mayor lucimiento. Ya se le
ofreció consultar el punto con el Maestro Prudencio, pero dixo allá
para consigo: «Este viejo me dirá alguna de las que acostumbra;
aconsejaráme, que encaje á los Cofrades un trozo de mision, que
diga, como las calamidades públicas siempre son castigo de los
pecados públicos y secretos, que lo confirme con exemplos de la
Sagrada Escritura y de la Historia profana, de los quales me contará
un rimero de ellos, porque el viejo sabe mas que Merlin;
prevendráme, que despues me dexe naturalmente caer sobre la
necessidad de aplacar á la Divina Justicia por medio de la penitencia,
porque no hay otro; y por fin y postre querrá, que los espete, que
de este único medio se valió el mismo Jesu-Christo, derramando
toda su Sangre por nuestros pecados, para satisfacer á su Eterno
Padre y aplacar la justa indignacion contra todo el linage humano; y,
al llegar aquí, querrá que me afervorice y que los exhorte á
despedazar primero su corazon, y despues sus espaldas, no con
espíritu de vanidad, sino con espíritu de compuncion. Esta retahila
me encajará el Padre Maestro, como si la oyera, y me querrá
persuadir, que á esto, y no á otra cosa, se debe reducir este género
de Pláticas; pero á otro perro con esse huesso. Cierto, que quedaria
yo bien lucido, en la primera funcion en que me estreno de puertas á
fuera, con predicar como pudiera un carcuezo, y con decir lo que
diria qualquiera vieja. Yo me guardaré de preguntarle nada á su
Paternidad, y compondré mi Plática como Dios me diere á entender,
sin ayuda de vecinos.»
2. Con este pensamiento se entró en el quarto, donde estaba el
Maestro Prudencio todavía recogido, porque con la conversacion de
sobre-cena se le havia encendido la cabeza, y havia passado mala
noche. Dióle parte de la carta, con que se hallaba del Prelado, el
qual le havia embiado mula al mismo tiempo, para que se retirasse,
y díxole, que si mandaba algo para el Convento. El Maestro, puesto
que no dexó de sentir este incidente, porque havia consentido en
que, ya que no le quitasse del todo la bodoquera, podria quitarle
algunos bodoques en los passéos y conversaciones de la Granja;
pero al fin, viendo que no tenia remedio, huvo de conformarse, y
solamente le previno, que tratasse de platicar con juicio y con
piedad, porque el assunto lo pedia, advirtiéndole que, mediante
Dios, esperaba oírle. «Bien está, Padre Maestro, le respondió Fray
Gerundio; pierda cuydado V. Paternidad, que por esta vez pienso,
que he de acertar á darle gusto»; y con esto se despidió.
3. Dice una leyenda antigua de la Orden, que en todo el camino
que havia desde la Granja al Convento, que no era ménos que de
quatro leguas largas, iba nuestro Fray Gerundio tan pensativo y tan
dentro de sí mismo, que no habló ni siquiera una palabra al mozo,
que iba delante de la mula, y lo que mas admiracion causó á todos
los que le conocian, fué, que no solo no se paró á echar un trago en
una Venta, que havia en la mitad del camino, pero que ni siquiera
reparó en ella. Esto consistió, como él mismo lo confessó despues,
en que iba totalmente preocupado en hacer apuntamientos
mentales, y en buscar especies y materiales allá dentro de su
memoria, para disponer una Plática de rumbo, que diesse golpe y
que de contado le acreditasse.
4. Desde luego se le ofrecieron á la imaginacion, como en tropel,
las confusas idéas de esterilidad, Rogativa, Cofradía, Cruz,
Penitentes, pelotillas, ramales, sangre, Penitentes de Luz, etc.; y
todo su cuydado era, como havia de encontrar en la Mythología ó en
la Fábula algunas noticias, que tuviessen alusion con estas especies,
pues, por lo que toca á la coordinacion y al estilo, esso no le daba
maldita la pena, pues siguiendo el mismo, que havia usado en el
Sermon de Santa Ana, y procurando imitar el inimitable del
Florilegio, estaba seguro del aplauso del Auditorio, que era el único
obgeto, que por entónces se le proponia.
5. Para hablar de la esterilidad, al instante se la ofreció la edad de
plata y la edad de hierro; porque hasta la primera los hombres eran
unos Angelitos, y la tierra producia por sí misma todo género de
frutas y de frutos para su sustento y regalo, sin necessitar de cultivo,
el que enteramente ignoraban; pero, como en la edad de plata
comenzassen á ser un poco bellacos, tambien la tierra comenzó á
escasearles sus frutos, y se empeñó en que no les havia de dar
alguno, sin que les costasse su trabajo. Mas aquí estaba la dificultad;
porque los pobres hombres, acostumbrados á la abundancia y al
ocio, no sabian como havian de beneficiarle, hasta que compadecido
Saturno baxó del Cielo y los enseñó el uso del azadon y del arado,
para que en fin, costándolos su trabajo y sudor, la tierra los
sustentasse. Pero luego le ocurrió, que esto no venia muy á quento,
porque aquí no se trataba de esterilidad nacida de falta de cultivo,
sino de falta de agua, y para esta havia de menester una Fábula,
como el pan para comer.
6. Dichosamente se le vino en aquel punto á la memoria la edad
de hierro, en la qual nada producia absolutamente la tierra, ni
cultivada ni por cultivar; y es que los Dioses la negaron enteramente
la lluvia, en castigo de las maldades de los hombres, que se havian
hecho muy taymados y solo trataban de engañarse los unos á los
otros, como dice el doctíssimo Conde Natal. No se puede ponderar la
alegría que tuvo, quando se halló, sin saber como, con una
introduccion tan oportuna; y, apuntándola allá en el
desenquadernado libro de su memoria, passó á revolver en su
imaginacion algunas especies de Mythología, que se pudiessen
aplicar á cosa de rogativa.
7. A pocas azadonadas se le vino oportunamente á ella aquel
famoso caso de Bacco, quando, hallándose en la Arabia desierta, por
donde caminaba á cierto negocio de importancia, y muriéndose de
sed, por no encontrar una gota de agua enmedio de aquellos
adustos arenales, juntó los pastores de la Comarca, y, formando en
ellos una devota Procession ó rogativa en honra del Dios Júpiter,
ofreció que le fabricaria un Templo, si le socorria en aquella
necessidad; y al punto se apareció el mismo Júpiter en figura de un
Carnerazo fornido y bien actuado de puntas retorcidas, que,
escarvando con el pié en cierta parte, brotó una copiosa fuente de
agua dulce; y Bacco agradecido cumplió su voto, edificando al Dios
Carnero el primer Templo, con el título de Júpiter Amon. Dióse mil
parabienes por este hallazgo, especialmente quando supo despues,
que el Mayordomo de la Cofradía de la Cruz en aquel año se llamaba
Pasqual Carnero, y propuso en su ánima hacerle Júpiter Amon, con
lo que le pareció haver encontrado un thesoro, para tocar la
circunstancia principal, y tuvo por sin duda allá para consigo, que
desde aquel punto no havria Sermon de Cofradía, que no le
pretendiesse con empeño.
 8. Remachóse en este buen concepto que hizo de sí mismo y de
su grande suficiencia, quando, para hablar de la misma Cofradía,
compuesta por la mayor parte de Labradores, se le vinieron al
pensamiento los Sacrificios Ambarvales, que se hacian en honor de
la Diosa Céres, Tutelar de los Campos y de las Cosechas; á los
quales sacrificios presidia cierta especie de Cofradía, compuesta de
doce Cofrades, que se llamaban los Hermanos Arvales, esto es los
Cofrades del Campo, derivando su denominacion de arvus arvi, que
le significa; porque, aunque es verdad, que estos no eran mas que
doce, y los Cofrades de la Cruz passaban de ciento, esse le pareció
chico pleyto, pues, si el número siete en la Sagrada Escritura
significa multitud, mas significará el número doce en la Mythología.
9. Donde se halló un poco apurado, fué en tropezar con alguna
erudicion de buen gusto, que pudiesse aludir á Cofradía de la Cruz; y
despues de haverse aporreado por algun tiempo la cabeza, sin
encontrar cosa que le satisfaciesse, su buena fortuna le deparó una
admirable especie, que á un mismo tiempo le sirvió para cumplir
gallardamente con la circunstancia agravante de la Cruz y con la de
los Penitentes de Sangre, que no le daba ménos cuydado que la
otra. Acordóse haver leído en un extraordinario libro, que se intitula:
Idéa de una nueva Historia general de la América Septentrional,
como en honor del Dios Izcocauhqui, que era el Dios del Fuego, iban
los Indios al monte por un grande árbol, que con mucho
acompañamiento, música, y aparato conducian al patio del Templo:
allí le descortezaban con extraordinarias ceremonias; le elevaban
despues á vista de todo el Pueblo, para que constasse á todos que
tenia la altura, que prescribia la ley; despues le baxaban, y cada uno
le adornaba con ciertos papeles teñidos en sangre propia; hecho lo
qual, volvian á levantarle con gran tiento, devocion, y reverencia.
Entónces los Amos tomaban acuestas á sus Esclavos, y, baylando al
rededor de una grande hoguera, que estaba encendida junto al
árbol, quando los pobres esclavos estaban mas descuydados, daban
con ellos en las llamas, y se hacian ceniza.
 10. No cabe en la imaginacion, quanto se regocijó el bendito Fray
Gerundio con este, á su parecer, felicíssimo y oportuníssimo
hallazgo, porque en solo él tenia quanto havia menester para lo que
le restaba que ajustar. Havia árbol trahido del monte con mucho
acompañamiento, y elevado con grande devocion en el patio del
Templo. Qué sýmbolo mas propio del Arbol de la Cruz? Y mas que,
por descortezarle despues, no perdia nada para el intento. Havia
papelitos teñidos en sangre de los Cofrades, que levantaban el árbol;
cosa ajustadíssima y pintiparada á los Penitentes de Sangre, pues,
que esta tiñesse papeles ó tiñesse faldones, es question de nombre,
particularmente quando ya se sabe, que de los faldones se hace el
papel. Havia Amos, que baylaban al rededor del árbol y de la
hoguera con los Esclavos acuestas, á los quales echaban despues en
la lumbre, y ellos se quedaban riendo; metáphora muy natural de los
Penitentes de Luz, que son como los Amos de la Cofradía, los quales
se contentan con alumbrar á los Penitentes de Sangre, para que
estos se quemen y se abrasen á azotes, ya entre los manojos de los
ramales, ya entre las ascuas de las pelotillas.
11. Mil parabienes se dió á sí mismo por haver encontrado con
una provision de materiales, los mas exquisitos y mas adequados
para el intento, que, á su modo de entender, se podian juntar; y ya
quisiera él, que la Plática fuesse el dia siguiente, para darse quanto
ántes á conocer, pues, una vez juntos los materiales, en dos horas le
parecia que podria disponerla, particularmente haviéndose de
reducir á una exhortacion muy breve, como él mismo lo havia
observado en las Pláticas de aquella especie, que havia oído, por
quanto se comenzaba á platicar al mismo tiempo que se iba ya
formando la Procession; y en órden á tomarla de memoria, esso le
daba poco cuydado, porque realmente era de una memoria feliz y,
como dicen, burral.
12. No obstante, haciendo un poco mas de reflexion sobre todas
las circunstancias de esta última erudicion mythológica, no podia
enteramente aquietarse, pareciéndole, que la aplicacion de los
papelitos teñidos en sangre á los Penitentes de la Cofradía era un
poco violenta; y, aunque juzgó, que en caso de necessidad y en un
lance forzoso ya pudiera passar, mayormente en una Aldéa, donde
no huviesse mas Críticos ni mas Censores, que el Barbero y el Fiel
de Fechos, pero bien quisiera él hallar otra cosa mas terminante, y
como en propios términos de Penitentes de Sangre, para assegurar
mas su lucimiento, sin exponerse á melindrosos reparos de gentes
escrupulosas, de las quales havia algunas en su Comunidad y en el
Pueblo, que, como llevamos significado, era una Villa de media
braga, ni tan desierto como Quintanilla del Monte, ni tan poblado
como Cádiz y Sevilla.
13. Con este cuydado se iba ya acercando al Lugar, asaz
pensativo y no poco pesaroso, quando de repente dió un alegre
grito, acompañado de una gran palmada sobre el albardon de la
mula; y prorrumpió diciendo: «Hay borracho como yo! Vaya, que soy
un mentecato. En el mismo admirable libro intitulado: Idéa de una
nueva Historia general de la América Septentrional, pocas hojas mas
allá donde se refiere lo del árbol y lo de los papelitos de sangre en
honor del famoso Dios Izcocauhqui, me acuerdo haver leído dos
especies, que luego las apunté para estas ocasiones, y son tan
nacidas para ellas, que, aunque yo mismo las huviera fingido, no
podian venir mas á pelo. Ambas especies se encuentran en el §. X,
que trata de los sýmbolos de los meses Indianos, segun Gemelli
Carreri; y la primera dice assí, porque la tengo en la memoria, como
si la estuviera leyendo:»
14. «Tozoztli, sýmbolo del segundo mes, quiere decir sangría ó
picadura de las venas; porque assimismo en el segundo dia de este
mes los Indios, ó fuesse con las puntas del maguey, ó con navajas
de pedernal, en señal de penitencia se sacaban sangre de los
muslos, espinillas, orejas, y brazos, y ayunaban al mismo tiempo...
Era esta fiesta de Penitentes dedicada al Dios Tlaloc, Dios de las
lluvias. Y mas abaxo. Los que tenian el oficio de hacer Xuchiles ó
ramilletes entre año, llamados Xochimanque, festejaban en la
tercera edad[35] á la Diosa Chivalticue, que es lo mismo que decir,
enaguas de muger, ó por otro nombre Coatlatona, Diosa de los
Mellizos. La segunda especie es como se sigue, sin faltarle tilde.»
15. «Hueytozoztli, superlativo de Tozoztli, sýmbolo del tercer mes,
quiere decir punzadura ó sangría grande; porque en deteniéndose
las aguas, que no comenzaban hasta este tiempo, correspondiente á
nosotros por Abril, se aumentaban las penitencias, crecia la saca de
la sangre, y eran mayores los ayunos, y aun los sacrificios. La fiesta
se hacia al Dios Citeolt, Dios de el Maiz, etc.». Estas dos especies
tengo apuntadas en mi quaderno y encomendadas á mi memoria, y
me andaba yo aporreando los cascos por encontrar otras, que se
adaptassen á las circunstancias principales del assunto? Donde las
havia de hallar mas exquisitas? donde mas nuevas? donde mas
cortadas al talle del intento? Aquí tengo esterilidad de la tierra por
falta de agua: aquí tengo á Tlaloc Dios de las lluvias: aquí tengo una
Procession de Penitentes de Sangre, y no ménos que en el mes de
Hueytozoztli, que es el mismíssimo mes de Abril, en que nos
hallamos, y en que se ha de celebrar nuestra Procession: aquí tengo
Xuchiles y Xochimanques, esto es los que hacian ramilletes ó
ramales, que allá se va todo, y es bien corta la diferencia: aquí tengo
Coatlatona ó enaguas de muger, cosa tan precisa para que se vistan
los Penitentes: y, en fin, aquí tengo una India, y ya no me trueco, ni
por quarenta Fray Blases, ni por quantos Autores de Florilegios
puedan producir las dos Estremaduras. Ola! pero esto no quita, que
yo los venere siempre, como á mis dos Maestros, como á los dos
modelos, como á mis originales en la facultad de la carrera, que
emprendo.»
16. Embelesado en estos pensamientos y casi loco de contento,
nuestro Fray Gerundio llegó á la puerta reglar de su Convento;
apeóse, fué á la Celda del Prelado, dió su benedicite, tomó la venia,
retiróse á la suya, desalforjóse, desocupó, echó un trago, y sin
detenerse un punto puso manos á la obra; trabajó su Plática, que
aquella misma noche quedó concluída; y llegado el dia de la
Procession, á que concurrió mucho gentío de la Comarca, Anton
Zotes, y su muger, á quienes el mismo hijo havia escrito, para que
viniessen á oírle, sin faltar tampoco el Maestro Prudencio, que la
noche ántes se havia retirado de la Granja, con gentil denuedo
representó su papel, que, copiado fielmente del original, decia assí,
ni mas ni ménos:
17. «A la aurífera edad de la innocencia, lavabo inter innocentes
manus meas, en trámite no interrupto sucedió la argentada estacion
de la desidia: Argentum et aurum nullius concupivi. No llegó la
ignavia de los mortales á ser lethálica culpa: pero se arrimó á ser
borron nigricante de su nivea candidez primeva:

Pocula tartareo haud aderant nigrefacta veneno.

Sobresaltados los Dioses, ego dixi: Dii estis, determinaron prevenir el

desórden con admonicion benéfica. Admirablemente el Symbólico:
Ante diem cave; y paralogyzaron la correccion en preludios de
castigo: Corripe eum inter te, et ipsum solum.»
18. «La Madre Cýbeles (ya sabe el docto, que en el Ethnico
fabuloso Léxicon se impone este cognomento á la Tierra: Terra
autem erat inanis et vacua): la Madre Cýbeles, Cybeleia mater, que
dixo oportuno el Probóscide Poeta: la Madre Cýbeles, que hasta
entónces espontaneaba sus fruges, resolvió negarlas, miéntras no la
reconviniesse por ellas el penoso afan del mádido Colono: In
Columna nubis. Mas, ó Cielos! Como havia de elaborar el infeliz
Agrícola, si le faltaba la causa instrumental para el cultivo, y si del
todo ignoraba la causa material, y la eficiente para el instrumento?
Quæcumque ignorant, blasphemant: quomodo fiet istud?
Commiserado Saturno, baxó de lo alto del Olympo: Descendit de
Cœlis, y enseñó al hombre el uso del azadon tajante y del arado
escindente: Terra scindetur aratro. Haveislo entendido, mortales?
Luego, bien decia yo, que siempre son los pecados ocasion de los
castigos: Et peccatum meum contra me est semper. Pero aún no
estamos en el caso.»
19. «A la argentada estacion sucedió el século ferrugineo:
Sæculum per ignem, y, aunque en él havia instrumentos para el
cultivo, y posseían los hombres scientífica comprehension de su
manejo, possedit me in initio viarum suarum, obstruída la Cybélica
Madre, correspondia con esterilidades á los afanes del agrícola: Et
pater meus agricola est. Aquí el reparo. Si la reconvenia con sus
sulcos el corvo hierro, si la llamaba con sus golpes la afilada plancha,
por qué no se daba por entendida? por qué no producia la tierra
verdigerantes frutos? Germinet terra herbam virentem. Qué
oportuno Lyra? Porque el Cielo empedernido la negaba la lluvia: Non
pluit menses septem. Pero, qué motivo pudo tener essa tachonada
techumbre para tan cruel duricie? Díxolo Cartario muy á mi intento:
porque los hijos de los hombres havian multiplicado las nequicias: Et
deliciæ meæ esse cum filiis hominum. Pues qué remedio? Oíd al
sapientíssimo Mythólogo.»
20. «Despréndase el gran Bacco de essa bóbeda celeste; enseñe
á los hombres á compungirse y á implorar la clemencia del Tonante
con una Rogativa penitente: Te rogamus, audi nos: ofrézcale cultos y
sacrificios en futuras aras, y baxará el mismo Júpiter Amon, que es
lo mismo que Carnero, y con una sola patada ó debaxo de la planta
de su pié, a planta pedis, hará que broten aguas, que apaguen la
sed y fertilizen los Campos: Descendit Jesus in loco campestri. Para
el docto no es menester aplicacion; vaya para el ménos entendido.
No es assí, que ha siete meses, que las nubes nos niegan sus
salutíferos sudores? No es assí, que á esta denegacion se han
seguido los sýmptomas de una tierra empedernida? Pues institúyase
una devota Rogativa; vayan en ella los Cofrades de la Cruz de
Penitentes; presídala su digno Mayordomo Júpiter Amon, Pasqual
Carnero, que debaxo de sus piés, de sub cujus pede, brotarán aguas
copiosas, que fecunden nuestros Campos:
 Horrida per Campos bam, bim, bombarda sonabant.

Mas es muy celebrado en las Sagradas Letras el Cordero Pasqual:

Agnus Paschalis. Sabe el discreto, que de los Corderos se hacen los
Carneros. Luego nuestro insigne Mayordomo Pasqual Carnero seria
quando niño Cordero Pasqual. La ilacion es innegable. Pero aún no
lo he dicho todo.»
21. «A la frugífera Céres, Diosa Tutelar de los Campos y de las
Cosechas, se ofrecian aquellos Sacrificios, que se llamaban
Ambarvales, y se hacia una solemne Procession al rededor de los
Campos, para ofrecerla estos Sacrificios: Ambarvales hostiæ. Y
quienes eran los que principalmente la formaban? Unos devotos
Cofrades, que se llamaban Arvales: Arvales fratres; los quales, en
sentir de los mejores Intérpretes, eran todos Labradores. No lo
levanto yo de mi cabeza: dícelo el profundíssimo Caton: Ambarvalia
festa celebrabant Arvales fratres, circumeuntes campos, et litabant
Ambarvales hostias. Y á quien se ofrecian? Ya lo he dicho, á la Diosa
Céres, que se deriva de cera, para denotar tambien á los Cofrades
de Luz: Vos estis lux mundi.»
22. «Mas, porque el Crítico impertinente ó escrupuloso no eche
ménos á los Penitentes de Sangre, id conmigo y vereis, que esto de
los Penitentes no es invencion de modernos, como quieren algunos
ignorantes, sino una Cofradía muy antigua, establecida en todos los
Siglos y en todas las Naciones. Ea, dad un salto á la América
Septentrional.»
23. «Allí vereis al Dios Tlaloc, Superintendente de las lluvias,
haciéndose de pencas y no querer desatarlas en el mes de Tozotli,
que es el de marzo. Allí vereis, que, para moverle á piedad, se
arman los Indios de magueys ó puntas de pedernal, y se sacan
copiosa sangre de todas las partes de su cuerpo. Allí vereis, que el
irritado Tlaloc continúa las señas de su enojo en el mes de
Hueytozotli, que corresponde al de abril, en que nos hallamos, y
negando en él la agua, por los pecados de aquellos infelices,
arrepentidos estos, aumentan las penitencias y se sacan sangre
hasta correr por el suelo al rigor de los Xuchiles, esto es, á la
violencia de los ramales, empapando en ella á la Diosa Chivalticue,
que es tanto como la Diosa de las Enaguas, y dirigiendo la penitente
Procession al Templo de Citeolt, Dios del Maiz ó Trigo de Indias, para
que, intercediendo con Tlaloc y uniéndose con él, los franqueasse los
frutos de la tierra.»
24. «Ea, hermanos, á vista de tan oportunos como eficaces
exemplares, qué haceis? en qué os deteneis? Quid facis in paterna
domo, delicate miles? A qué aguardais para empuñar con brioso
denuedo essos cándidos Xuchiles, y, convocando primero el humor
purpureo á las dos carnosidades postergadas, no le sacais despues
con los cerosos magueys, hasta dexar empapadas las alvicantes
Chivalticues, y corra por ellas la sangre á regar la dura tierra: Guttæ
sanguinis decurrentis in terram? Mirad, Fieles, que está enojado
nuestro Divino Tlaloc; mirad que el benéfico Citeolt se pone de parte
de su ceño. Corred, corred á aplacarlos; volad, volad á satisfacerlos;
empuñad, vuelvo á decir, essos Xuchiles; tomad bien la medida á
essos magueys; brote de vuestras espaldas el roxo licor á
borbotones. Assí aplacareis la ira de los Dioses; assí satisfareis por
vuestras culpas; assí conseguireis para vuestros campos epitalamios
de lluvia, y para vuestras almas epiciclos soberanos de gracia,
prenda segura de la Gloria: Quam mihi et vobis, etc.»
25. No bien havia pronunciado la última palabra, quando
resonaron en el Templo unos gritos, que salian por entre los
caperuces, á manera de voces encañonadas por embudo ó por
cervatana, que decian: Vítor el Padre Fray Gerundio, vítor el Padre
Fray Gerundio; y lo que mas es, que quedaron los Penitentes tan
movidos con la desatinada Plática, no obstante que los mas, y
aunque digamos ninguno de ellos havia entendido ni siquiera una
palabra, que al punto arrojaron las capas con el mayor denuedo, y
comenzaron á darse unos azotazos tan fuertes, que ántes de salir de
la Iglesia ya se podian hacer morcillas con la sangre, que havia caído
en el pavimiento. Las mugeres, que estaban junto á la Tia Catanla,
la dieron mil abrazos y aun mil besos, dexándola al mismo tiempo
bien regada la cara de lágrymas y de mocos, todos de pura ternura,
y diciéndola, que era mil veces dichosa la madre, que havia parido
tal hijo. Un Cura viejo, que se hallaba por casualidad immediato á
Anton Zotes, y que, sin embargo de haver llevado tres veces
calabazas para Epístola, una para Evangelio, y dos para Missa,
todavía por sus años y por su bondad era hombre respetable,
dándole un estrecho abrazo, le dixo: Señor Anton, cinquenta y dos
Pláticas de Disciplinantes he oído en esta Iglesia, desde que soy
indigno Sacerdote (en buena hora lo diga); pero Plática como esta,
ni cosa que se la parezca, ni la he oído, ni pienso jamas oírla. Dios
bendiga á Gerundito, y no me mate su Magestad, hasta que le vea
Presentado.
26. Déxase á la consideracion del pio y curioso Lector, como
quedarian el Tio Anton y la Señora Catuja, quando oyeron estas
alabanzas de su hijo, y fueron testigos oculares de sus aplausos; y
tambien es mas para considerado que para referido, el gozo, la
vanidad, y la satisfaccion propia, que en aquel punto se apoderaron
del corazon de Fray Gerundio, al escuchar él mismo tan grandes
aclamaciones. Pero, como son poco duraderos los contentos de esta
vida, y siempre dispone Dios, que enmedio de los mayores triunfos
sucedan algunos acaecimientos tristes, que nos acuerden que somos
mortales, quiso la mala trampa, que al baxar del Púlpito y en la
misma Sacristía de la Iglesia le dieron al bueno de Fray Gerundio un
humazo de narices, que, á ser otro, que no fuera de tan buena
complexion, le huviera trastornado.
27. Fué el caso, que se hallaba de Recluta en aquella Villa un
Capitan de Infantería, capaz, despejado, muy leído, y haviendo oído
la Plática, luchando á ratos con la cólera, y á ratos con la risa,
determinó finalmente holgarse un poco á costa del Predicador, y
entrando en la Sacristía, despues de darle un abrazo ladino, pero
muy apretado, le dixo con militar desenfado: «Vamos claros,
Padrecito Predicador, que, aunque he rodado mucho mundo, y en
todas partes he sido aficionado á oír Sermones, en mi vida he oído
cosa semejante. Plática mejor de Carnestolendas, y Exhortacion mas
propia para una Procession de mogiganga, ni Quevedo!» Algo
cortado se quedó Fray Gerundio al oír este extraño cumplimiento; y,
como en punto de desembarazo no podia medir la espada con el
despejo del señor Soldado, le preguntó con alguna turbacion y
encogimiento: «Pues, qué ha tenido la Plática de mogiganga, ni de
cosa de antruidos?»
28. — «No es nada lo del ojo, y llevábale en la mano, le replicó el
Oficial. Ahí es un grano de anis las Fabulillas con que V. Paternidad
nos ha regalado para compungirnos. La de Saturno vale un millon; la
de Bacco se debe engastar en oro; lo de Júpiter Amon y Pasqual
Carnero, con aquel retoquecillo del Cordero Pasqual, no hay
preciosidades con que compararlo; y en fin, todo aquel passage de
los Penitentes Americanos con enaguas, ramales, y pelotillas; los
Dioses en cuyo obsequio hacian las penitencias, con sus pelos y
señales; el motivo de ellas, y hasta la oportunidad de los meses en
que las hacian, todo es un conjunto de divinidades; y V. Paternidad,
aunque tan mocito, puede ser Predicador en Gefe, ó á lo ménos
mandar un destacamento de Predicadores, que, si son como V.
Paternidad, pueden acometer en sus mismas trincheras á la
melancolía, y no solo desalojarla de su campo, sino desterrarla del
mundo.» Y sin decir mas, ni dar tiempo á Fray Gerundio á que
replicasse, le hizo una reverencia y se salió de la Sacristía.
 CAPITULO VI.
Donde se refiere la variedad de los juicios humanos,
y se confirma con el exemplo de nuestro famoso
Predicador Sabatino, que no hay fatuidad, que no
tenga sus protectores.

Assí se despidió el bellacon del Capitan del bueno de Fray

Gerundio, haviendo echado un jarro de agua á todas las
complacencias, con que se hallaba el Santo Varon por los vítores y
aplausos de la Iglesia, y dexándole triste, desconsolado, y pensativo.
Pero, como en esta vida ni los gustos ni los disgustos son muy
duraderos, el que le causó la satyrilla viva y desenfadada del señor
Oficial, le duró poco; porque apénas subió de la Sacristía á la Celda,
quando se le entró en ella toda la mosquetería del Convento, es
decir la gazapina de Colegiales, Choristas, Legos, y gente moza.
Como este, por lo comun, es uno de los vulgos mas atolondrados del
mundo, y por lo mismo uno de los mas perjudiciales, no es
ponderable el porrazo, que dió á casi todos la tal Plática; porque, no
distinguiendo de colores, y governándose solo por el boato y por el
sonsonete, á los mas les pareció un milagro del ingenio.
2. Entraron, pues, de tropel en la Celda de Fray Gerundio, con tal
zambra, gresca, y algazara, que parecia venirse á tierra el Convento;
y, como todos havian sido sus Condiscípulos, siendo, con corta
diferencia, de una misma edad, aunque él era ya Sacerdote y
Predicador, no acertaban á mirarle con respeto, con que dexaron
correr las expressiones de su gozo con toda la libertad de una
familiaríssima llaneza. Unos le abrazaban, otros le vitoreaban; estos
le hablaban por un lado, aquellos por el otro; algunos le tiraban por
el Hábito y por las mangas, para que les contextasse, y no faltaron
otros, que le levantaban en el ayre, aclamándole ya por el mayor
Predicador, que tenia la Orden; tanto que uno, que era segundo
Vicario de Choro, exclamó con voz gruesa y corpulenta: Hasta ahora
creía yo, que en el mundo no havia otro Fray Blas; pero bien puede
aprender otro oficio, porque todo quanto predica, aunque tan
exquisito, tan conceptuoso, y tan raro, es bazofia respecto de lo que
hoy hemos oído á Fray Gerundio. A un Lego anciano, sencillo, y
bondadoso, que havia sido refitolero mas de quarenta años, y le
estaba mirando de hito en hito, se le caían las lágrimas de puro gozo
y ternura. El despensero le dixo, que tenia á su disposicion todo el
vino de la Despensa, porque á quien tanto honraba el Santo Hábito,
era razon que todo se le franqueasse; el Cocinero se le ofreció muy
de veras á su servicio; y hasta el Procurador, que no suele ser gente
muy bizarra, le regaló desde luego in voce con dos barriles de
sardinas escavechadas, y esto sin perjuicio de regalarle con otros
dos de otras, quando las tuviesse, en prendas de su amor y
complacencia.
3. Déxase á la consideracion del pio y curioso Lector quanta seria
la de nuestro Fray Gerundio al oírse alabar con tantas aclamaciones,
por quanto no era hombre insensible á sus aplausos, ni tampoco era
de parecer, como el otro Orador afilosophado, que el grito de la
muchedumbre inducia fuertes sospechas de grandes desaciertos.
4. Pero ves aquí, que, quando la gente del chilindron estaba en lo
mejor de su trisca, y el bendito Fray Gerundio mas engolfado en sus
glorias, entraron en su celda el Prelado, el Maestro Fray Prudencio, y
los demas Padres graves á darle la que llaman la acenoria, esto es,
la enhorabuena de la funcion, como loablemente se estila en todas
las Religiones. Al punto cessó la algazara de los mozos, y cada qual
se compuso lo mejor que pudo, metiendo las manos debaxo del
Escapulario, y arrimándose hácia las paredes con los ojos baxos y
con reverente silencio. El Prelado se contentó con decirle, que
descansasse, y haviéndose detenido un breve rato, sin hablar mas
palabra, se retiró luego: de los demas Maestros, unos solo hicieron
el ademan de baxar un poco la cabeza, murmullando entre dientes
una especie de enhorabuena estrujada, que no se entendia; otros se
la dieron con palabras claras, pero tan equívocas, que algun
malicioso podia interpretarlas con poca benignidad, como el que le
dixo: Fray Gerundio, cosa grande! por el término no la he oído
mayor, ni espero oírla igual, sino que sea á tí. Dos ó tres de ellos,
que eran algo encogidos, y un si es no es taciturnos, solamente le
dixeron: Dios te lo pague, Fray Gerundio, que lo has trabajado
mucho; y el bueno del Fraylecito quedó muy solazado, pareciéndole
que era lo mismo trabajarlo mucho, que trabajarlo bien.
5. A todo esto callaba el Maestro Prudencio, sin hacer mas que
mirarle de quando en quando con unos ojos entre compasivos y
severos; mas, luego que se retiraron los otros Padres Maestros,
viendo que los Colegiales amagaban hacer lo mismo, los dixo:
«Esténse quietos, que ahora tengo yo que platicar á nuestro Padre
platicante, y mi plática tambien puede ser provechosa para ellos.»
Sentóse en una silla, hizo á Fray Gerundio, que se sentasse en otra,
y, volviéndose hácia él, le habló de esta manera:
6. «Fray Gerundio, has perdido el juicio? Estabas en él quando
compusiste una sarta de tanto disparate, y quando tuviste valor para
predicarla? Es esto lo que me ofreciste al despedirte de mí en la
Granja, diciéndome, que perdiesse cuidado, que por esta vez
pensabas, que havias de acertar á darme gusto? Pues qué? piensas
que podia yo gustar del mayor texido de locuras y de despropósitos,
que he oído en los dias de mi vida, sino que le exceda ó le compita
la desatinada Salutacion del Sermon de Santa Ana. Y esto en una
funcion de suyo tan seria, tan tierna, tan dolorosa, en que todo
debiera respirar compuncion, lágrimas, gemidos, y penitencia! Estoy
por decir, que, quando no se huviera cometido otro pecado que el de
tu Plática, él solo merecia que nos castigasse Dios con el terrible
azote de la sequedad y de la esterilidad, que padecemos. Pero no
me atrevo á decir tanto, porque conozco, que no pecas de malicia,
sino de ignorancia ó de innocencia.»
 7. «Ven acá, hombre; tu Plática se ha reducido á otra cosa que á
atestarnos los oídos de Fábulas ridículas, insulsas, é impertinentes,
verificándose á la letra lo que ya dixo en profecía el Apóstol por tí y
por otros Predicadores como tú, que huirian de la verdad y
convertirian toda su atencion á las Fábulas, transcendiendo este
depravado gusto á los oyentes: A veritate quidem auditum avertent,
ad fabulas autem convertentur? Qué fuerza han de tener estas para
movernos á hacer penitencia por nuestras culpas, y aplacar por este
medio el rigor de la Divina Justicia, tan justamente irritada contra
ellas?»
8. «No tendrian mas eficacia los exemplos verdaderos de la
Sagrada Escritura y de la Historia Eclesiástica, una y otra atestada de
los horrendos castigos temporales, con que Dios en todos tiempos
ha escarmentado los pecados de los hombres, sin dexar el azote de
la mano, hasta que se le diesse satisfaccion por medio del dolor, de
la emienda, y de la penitencia? Los dilubios, las inundaciones, las
guerras, las hambres, las pestes, las esterilidades, los terremotos,
los volcanes, y todos los demas movimientos extraños de la
naturaleza, governados por el Supremo Autor de ella, han nacido
jamas de otro principio, ni han tenido otro fin?»
9. «Qué siglo de oro? ni qué siglo de estaño? ni qué siglo de
hierro? ni qué embustes de mis pecados? No ha havido mas siglo de
oro que la estrechíssima duracion del estado de la innocencia,
reducida, segun los mas á pocos dias, y segun algunos á pocos
instantes. Entre la innocencia y la malicia no huvo medio. Desde que
comenzaron á multiplicarse los hombres, comenzaron á multiplicarse
los pecados, de suerte que estos solamente fueron pocos, miéntras
fueron pocos los que podian pecar. Y desde entónces comenzó Dios
sus amorosos avisos, castigando á unos para escarmentar á otros,
hasta que extendida la maldad, sin dexarse reconvenir del
escarmiento, fué tambien menester que se extendiesse el castigo.»
10. «Si el tiempo, que has perdido miserablemente en leer
ficciones, le huvieras dedicado á ojear, aunque no fuesse mas que de
passo, la Sagrada Biblia, en ella encontrarias historias infalibles en
que fundar tu exhortacion, sin el ridículo y aun sacrílego recurso á
patrañas fabulosas. Esterilidad, nacida de falta de agua y de sobra
de pecados, encontrarias en Egypto en tiempo de Pharaon y de
Joseph. Esterilidad, procedida del mismo principio, encontrarias en
Israel, en tiempo del Profeta Elias. Esterilidad, originada de la misma
causa, encontrarias en el Reyno de Judá, en tiempo de los dos
Joranes cuñados. Y si, despues de la Historia Sagrada, huvieras
siquiera passado los ojos por la Eclesiástica y por la Profana, apénas
hallarias Siglo, que no te ofreciesse á docenas los exemplares en
diversos Reynos y Provincias, con la circunstancia de que no cessó el
castigo, miéntras no cessaron ó se disminuyeron los pecados. Pues,
á que fin el recurso á los sueños, á las Fábulas?»
11. «No quiero decir, que el estudio ó la noticia de estas sea
inútil, y que no tenga su uso. Tiénele, y muy loable, assí para la
inteligencia de los Autores Gentiles, especialmente Poetas, como
para la comprehension de la Theología Pagana, que toda estaba
reducida al systema fabuloso. Pero en el Púlpito no debe tener otro
uso, que el de un altíssimo desprecio. Si tal vez se toca alguna, que
fuera mejor no hacerlo, debe ser tan de passo y con tanto desden,
que el Auditorio conozca la burla que el mismo Predicador hace de
ella. Es bueno que los Gentiles, como escribe Tertuliano, hacian
tanta de nuestros Sagrados Mysterios, que solamente los tomaban
en boca en los Theatros, para hacer irrision de ellos; y ha de haver
Predicadores Christianos, que hagan tanto aprecio de sus Fábulas,
que apénas se valgan de otros materiales en los Púlpitos, para
engrandecer nuestros Mysterios, ó para persuadir las verdades mas
terribles y mas ciertas de nuestra Religion! Como se puede persuadir
con solidez una verdad por medio de una mentira? Ni qué
parentesco pueden tener los Mysterios de Jesu-Christo con los
embustes de Belial? Quæ conventio Christi ad Belial?»
12. «Pero supongamos, que en la Fábula se halle algun remedo,
como en muchas de ellas se halla en realidad, de nuestras verdades
ó de nuestros Mysterios: qué fuerza añade á unas, ni qué explendor
aumenta á otros este ridículo remedo? Adelanto mas: quiero
suponer, que la Fábula tenga la mayor semejanza imaginable con
algunos de los Mysterios, que creemos y adoramos, como por
exemplo: el nacimiento de Minerva, Diosa de la Sabiduría, que se
fingió haver nacido del cerebro de Júpiter, con la generacion del
Verbo, que es Sabiduría Eterna, que fué engendrado desde la
eternidad de la mente del Padre. Y qué sacamos de esso? Se nos
hace mas creíble ó mas respetable esta verdad, porque encontremos
un borron ó una obscuríssima sombra suya en aquella disparatada
mentira?»
13. «Ya sabemos todos, que el Demonio, á quien llama no sé qué
Santo Padre perniciosíssima Mona, para confundir mas los Mysterios
de la Fé, ó para hacerlos ridículos, introduxo algunos rasgos ó como
algunos vislumbres de ellos en las supersticiones Paganas, pero tan
embueltos entre estas, y tan mezclados de hediondeces,
despropósitos, y extravagancias, que se conoce el diabólico artificio
con que tiró á obscurecerlos, ó á hacerlos enteramente risibles. Y es
possible, que lo que el Diablo inventó para burlarse de lo que
creemos, y de lo que él mismo cree con fé tan experimental, ha de
servir para que nosotros lo apoyemos!»
14. «Pero, si el valerse de Fábulas en el Púlpito para persuadir
nuestras verdades, siempre es cosa intolerable, y en cierta manera
especie de sacrilegio, lo es mucho mas, quando se predica á gente
vulgar y sencilla. El Auditorio discreto da á la Fábula el valor, que se
merece, recíbela por su justo precio, y en fin sabe, que la Fábula es
mentira. Respecto de él, no hay mas inconveniente, que mezclar lo
Sagrado con lo Profano, y lo fabuloso con lo verdadero: sobrada
monstruosidad es esta mezcla, pues hasta en los Pintores y los
Poetas, cuyas licencias son tan amplias, la calificó de intolerable el
mejor de los Satýricos:
Welcome to Our Bookstore - The Ultimate Destination for Book Lovers
Are you passionate about books and eager to explore new worlds of
knowledge? At our website, we offer a vast collection of books that
cater to every interest and age group. From classic literature to
specialized publications, self-help books, and children’s stories, we
have it all! Each book is a gateway to new adventures, helping you
expand your knowledge and nourish your soul
Experience Convenient and Enjoyable Book Shopping Our website is more
than just an online bookstore—it’s a bridge connecting readers to the
timeless values of culture and wisdom. With a sleek and user-friendly
interface and a smart search system, you can find your favorite books
quickly and easily. Enjoy special promotions, fast home delivery, and
a seamless shopping experience that saves you time and enhances your
love for reading.
Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and
personal growth!

ebookgate.com