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Theory Construction and Model Building Skills A
Practical Guide for Social Scientists 1st Edition James
Jaccard Digital Instant Download
Author(s): James Jaccard, Jacob Jacoby
ISBN(s): 9781606233405, 1606233408
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 2.17 MB
Year: 2009
Language: english
Theory Construction and Model-Building Skills
Methodology in the Social Sciences
David A. Kenny, Founding Editor
Todd D. Little, Series Editor
This series provides applied researchers and students with analysis and research design books that
emphasize the use of methods to answer research questions. Rather than emphasizing statistical
theory, each volume in the series illustrates when a technique should (and should not) be used and
how the output from available software programs should (and should not) be interpreted. Common
pitfalls as well as areas of further development are clearly articulated.

SPECTRAL ANALYSIS OF TIME-SERIES DATA

Rebecca M. Warner

A PRIMER ON REGRESSION ARTIFACTS

Donald T. Campbell and David A. Kenny

REGRESSION ANALYSIS FOR CATEGORICAL MODERATORS

Herman Aguinis

HOW TO CONDUCT BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH OVER THE INTERNET:

A Beginner’s Guide to HTML and CGI/Perl
R. Chris Fraley

PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE OF STRUCTURAL EQUATION MODELING, Second Edition

Rex B. Kline

CONFIRMATORY FACTOR ANALYSIS FOR APPLIED RESEARCH

Timothy A. Brown

DYADIC DATA ANALYSIS

David A. Kenny, Deborah A. Kashy, and William L. Cook

MISSING DATA: A Gentle Introduction

Patrick E. McKnight, Katherine M. McKnight, Souraya Sidani, and Aurelio José Figueredo

MULTILEVEL ANALYSIS FOR APPLIED RESEARCH: It’s Just Regression!

Robert Bickel

THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF ITEM RESPONSE THEORY

R. J. de Ayala

THEORY construction and model-building skills:

A PRACTICAL GUIDE FOR SOCIAL SCIENTISTS
James Jaccard and Jacob Jacoby
 Theory
Construction and
Model-Building
Skills
A Practical Guide for Social Scientists

James Jaccard | Jacob Jacoby

Series Editor’s Note by David A. Kenny

THE GUILFORD PRESS

New York London
© 2010 The Guilford Press
A Division of Guilford Publications, Inc.
72 Spring Street, New York, NY 10012
www.guilford.com

All rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval

system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, microfilming, recording, or otherwise, without written
permission from the Publisher.

Printed in the United States of America

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Last digit is print number: 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Jaccard, James.
Theory construction and model-building skills : a practical guide for
social scientists / by James Jaccard and Jacob Jacoby.
    p. cm. — (Methodology in the social sciences)
   Includes bibliographical references and index.
   ISBN 978-1-60623-339-9 (pbk.) — ISBN 978-1-60623-340-5 (hbk.)
1. Social sciences—Research—Methodology. 2. Theory (Philosophy)
I. Jacoby, Jacob. II. Title.
H62.J29 2010
300.72—dc22
2009040114
For Marty Fishbein—a brilliant and inspiring theorist and
mentor
—James Jaccard

For Renee and Dana—in appreciation for the balance and joy
they create
—Jacob Jacoby
Series Editor’s Note

For the first time in my life, I feel a bit like a famous athlete. That athlete is the quarter-
back Bret Favre. As you may already know, Bret Favre was a Super Bowl-winning quar-
terback for many years with the Green Bay Packers. Two years ago, he tearfully retired
from football, but not long after that he came out of retirement to be the quarterback for
the New York Jets. I too retired as Series Editor of Methodology in the Social Sciences for
The Guilford Press. However, when I saw this project I gladly came out of retirement to
serve as the coeditor with Todd Little. I am happy to report that this project appears to
be much more successful than Favre’s controversial year with the Jets. This book prom-
ises to be a valuable resource to social and behavioral sciences students and faculty.
We all know that when we write a journal article, a dissertation, or grant proposal,
we need to have a theory. For many of us, this task is not so straightforward. I know
from over 40 years of reading student papers and reviewing articles that many research-
ers have a very difficult time framing their research theoretically. They do not know
where to start. I have had a difficult time trying to find a way to teach my students to
think in terms of theory. Most of the resources on theory building that I would send my
students to were dreadfully boring and, even worse, not very practical for the task that
faced them. Finally, now I have something that can help them.
The book gives clear suggestions to the reader on how to come up with a theory.
The two authors, who each have illustrious careers in two very different areas, one in
attitudes and the other in consumer decision making, have combined to provide a read-
able and practical discussion of theory construction. The book provides a useful source
for helping researchers come up with ideas for research and for fine-tuning the resultant
theories that emerge from such thinking. Thankfully, they choose not to provide an
abstract, formal guide to theory construction. Rather, they provide practical help illus-
trating cognitive heuristics and tricks of the trade that they have used in their careers.
I find it particularly interesting that the authors use ideas from a wide range of
research methods to assist the reader in theory construction. They are equally comfort-
able discussing randomized experiments, mathematical modeling, simulations, causal

vii
viii Series Editor’s Note

modeling, and qualitative methods in this endeavor. The authors adopt very much of a
“mixed methods” approach to theory development. Researchers should try out several
different approaches and eventually there will be one method that suits the research-
ers’ style and content. Although it may be impossible to teach people to be creative, this
book comes the closest to doing so. It certainly challenges the reader to become more
creative.
In sum, this book definitely scores a touchdown. In fact, it scores a good number of
touchdowns and I feel it deserves to win the equivalent of publishing’s Super Bowl!

David A. Kenny
Preface

Theory construction is at the heart of the scientific process. The strategies that social
scientists use to generate and develop ideas are important to understand and foster
in young academics and investigators as they prepare for a research-oriented career.
Although books have been written about theory construction, there are surprisingly few
books on the topic that tackle the problem of teaching students and young professionals,
in a practical and concrete way, how to theorize. Students, especially graduate students,
take one or more courses on research methods and data analysis, but few experience
more than a lecture or two, or read a chapter or two, on theory construction. It is no
wonder that students often are intimidated by the prospect of constructing theories.
This book provides young scientists with tools to assist them in the practical
aspects of theory construction. It is not an academic discussion of theory construction
or the philosophy of science, and we do not delve too deeply into the vast literature on
these topics. Rather, we take a more informal journey through the cognitive heuristics,
tricks of the trade, and ways of thinking that we have found to be useful in developing
­theories—essentially, conceptualizations—that can advance knowledge in the social
sciences. By taking this journey, we hope to stimulate the thinking and creative pro-
cesses of readers so that they might think about phenomena in new and different ways,
perhaps leading to insights that might not otherwise have resulted. The intent of this
book is to provide a practical, hands-on, systematic approach to developing theories and
fostering scientific creativity in the conceptual domain. Relative to the vast majority of
books on theory construction, this book is unique in its focus on the nuts and bolts of
building a theory rather than on an analysis of broad-based systems of thought.
Science is about understanding nature and the reasons for things. It is one of human-
ity’s greatest ongoing adventures. This book is intended to help propel two types of
readers along this exciting journey. First, the book is written for graduate and advanced
undergraduate students interested in pursuing careers as researchers in the social sci-
ences, as well as for newly minted PhD social scientists. Second, the book also should
benefit those who desire to pursue a professional career in the social sciences, but who

ix
x Preface

do not plan on becoming researchers. It will help them understand and evaluate the
theories they read in professional journals and identify gaps in those theories. It will
help them think about theories from different vantage points.
The book can be used in many different disciplines. We draw on examples from the
fields of anthropology, business, communications, education, economics, health, mar-
keting, organizational studies, political science, psychology, social work, and sociology,
to name a few. Some instructors may prefer more detailed examples in their particular
field of study, but we believe that using examples from multiple disciplines helps stu-
dents appreciate the commonalities and value of multidisciplinary perspectives.
We have used drafts of the book as both a stand-alone text in a course on theory
construction as well as one of several texts in graduate courses on research and research
methodology. In terms of the latter approach, almost all traditional research methods
books include a section or chapter on the nature of theory and/or theory construction.
However, the treatment of theory construction usually is brief and of limited practical
value. The present book is intended to provide the instructor with a useful source for
helping students come up with ideas for research and for fine-tuning the resultant theo-
ries that emerge from such thinking. It provides more detail and more practical knowl-
edge than what is typical of chapters in books on research methodology. The social
psychologist William McGuire often lamented about how research training with gradu-
ate students focuses at least 90% on teaching methods to test ideas, but no more than
10% on how to get those ideas in the first place. Despite this difference in emphasis, the
process of theory development is fundamental to successful scientific research. Indeed,
many would say that there can be no theory testing without prior theory. An objective
of this book is to move toward a much-needed balance in the emphases given to theory
construction and theory testing.
In our research methods courses, we assign this book to be read during the first
2–3 weeks of classes. We allow the book to stand on its own as a teaching device, and
we spend 1 or 2 weeks of lectures/discussion on the material. Obviously, not all of the
material can be covered in these sessions, so we select material to address based on the
needs of the students. Part of the in-class coverage includes providing students with a
verbal “road map“ to the book and an overview of each chapter. We stress that students
must read the entire book, and we test them on the assigned material with essay and
short-answer questions from a small sampling of the book. For some student cohorts,
we do not assign certain chapters, depending on the students’ areas of emphasis. For
example, students primarily oriented toward qualitative research might not be assigned
the chapters on mathematical modeling and/or simulations. However, we omit chapters
with reluctance, as our goal is to expand the theoretical toolbox of students.
In our courses on theory construction, we use the book as our main text and cover
each chapter during lecture/discussion sessions. We ask students to read one or more
chapters the week before class, then discuss those chapters the following week. After
a few weeks of class, we start to assign empirical articles in journals that the students
are to read. We ask one student to orally summarize in class the theory being espoused
in the assigned article and to critique it. After the student has done so, we open discus-
 Preface xi

sion to all class members, who add further commentary or analysis. It is not uncommon
for students to extract different interpretations and representations of the theory, and
it is instructive when the class then sets about the task of resolving the discrepancies.
Finally, we provide feedback relative to our own analysis and critique of the theory. The
level of analysis becomes increasingly sophisticated as students learn more of the mate-
rial covered in the book.
A major assignment in the theory construction class is for each student to construct
his or her own theory about a phenomenon of interest to him or her. We help students
select a topic in the first weeks of class and then direct them to the relevant literatures
to read and consider. Midway through the course, students present their initial theory,
and we help them refine it, expand it, and finalize it over the rest of the course. We do
this as part of an in-class exercise for each student, so that all students in the class can
observe the creativity and process of refinement for each project. Indeed, we encourage
other class members to contribute to and participate in the developmental process for
each project. This repetition across projects helps students better internalize the prin-
ciples of theory construction.
The book has several pedagogical features that enhance its use as a textbook and as
a source of learning. First, each chapter includes a section on suggested readings with
commentary, where we direct the reader to key references for further study on the topics
covered in the chapter. Second, each chapter has a list of key terms that highlights the
most important jargon and terminology. Third, each chapter has a set of exercises that
encourages the reader to think about the material that was presented in the chapter. We
include exercises to reinforce concepts and exercises to apply the concepts to problems
of interest. Finally, each chapter has a highlighted box that covers an interesting topic
that applies the concepts covered in the chapter or that shows important uses of them.
We bring a wide range of personal experience in diverse research settings to this
project, including laboratory studies, small-scale and large-scale surveys, simulations,
and studies in naturalistic settings. Our research has attempted to advance basic theory
as well as solve applied problems. We have worked with interdisciplinary teams, and
we have “gone it alone.” We have interacted extensively with advertising researchers,
anthropologists, biologists, communication theorists, demographers, economists, edu-
cationalists, epidemiologists, health researchers, historians, legal scholars, marketers,
political scientists, social workers, and sociologists, and we appreciate the perspectives
of these diverse disciplines. We have brought these perspectives to bear in this book.
Nevertheless, we recognize how limited and constraining our experience has been rela-
tive to the vast array of topics and perspectives that have been pursued in the social sci-
ences. As such, this book is best viewed as a somewhat limited personal account of our
own perspectives on the process of theory construction.
We appreciate that this book’s descriptions of theory construction may have more
to say to “quantitatively oriented” than to “qualitatively oriented” behavioral scientists
and to “variable-oriented” as opposed to “process-oriented” theorizing. In part, this is
because variable-oriented theories have been more dominant in the behavioral sciences,
at least in some disciplines (with the most notable exception being anthropology). That
xii Preface

said, we have tried to give both perspectives their due, and we believe that both are well
represented in these pages. In our opinion, good theories incorporate both process- and
variable-oriented perspectives, so it is important to consider both approaches without
preconceived biases for or against one or the other. We think that scientists should have
a broad theoretical toolbox from which to draw. Perhaps it is sometimes useful to think
about phenomena in terms of “variables,” and perhaps it is sometimes useful to think
about phenomena in terms of “processes.” This book encourages thinking from multiple
perspectives rather than from one school of thought. In this sense, readers committed to
a given method of thinking will need to keep an open mind.
When we have used the book with more qualitative, process-oriented students, we
omit the chapters on mathematical modeling and simulations, as noted, but all other
chapters are relevant. To be sure, we note to the students that some of the chapters are
more “variable oriented” (e.g., the chapters on clarifying relationships using thought
experiments and causal modeling), but we encourage the students to approach these
chapters with open minds that might provide them with a unique way of thinking about
matters as they adopt the more familiar grounded/emergent theory approach of Chapter
10. We alter the order in which we ask qualitatively oriented students to read chapters,
starting with Chapters 1–5 as introductions, then Chapter 10 on grounded theory, then
Chapter 6 on clarifying relationships, and then Chapter 7 (Causal Models), Chapter 11
(Historically Influential Systems of Thought), Chapter 12 (Reading and Writing about
Theories) and Chapter 13 (Epilogue).

Acknowledgments

Many people have contributed to the development of this book, in the form of inspira-
tion, critical feedback, and/or in the tangible aspects of bringing the book to fruition.
First, we would like to thank students and colleagues who provided us with feedback
on earlier versions of the book, including Hart Blanton, David Brinberg, Jon Hobbs,
Peter Schultz, Wendy Silverman, Heather Taylor, Daniel Whitman, and Dan Wright. We
also received many helpful comments and suggestions from the reviewers: Elif Andac,
Department of Sociology, University of Kansas; Robert Bickel, Department of Education,
Marshall University; Thomas A. Cornille, Department of Family and Child Sciences,
Florida State University; Joseph Maxwell, Graduate School of Education, George Mason
University; Richard Tardanico, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Florida
International University; and Rob Turrisi, Department of Biobehavioral Health, Penn-
sylvania State University. Liliana Goldin shared invaluable perspectives and wisdom
both in the form of feedback and acting as a sounding board for many ideas. David
Kenny provided insightful and useful comments at many different levels, always in a
constructive way, proving to be adept at helping us think through issues. His focus on
the “big picture” also proved invaluable. At The Guilford Press, C. Deborah Laughton
was outstanding in her role as editor for this project. Every task she tackled was handled
in a professional and thoughtful manner that improved the book immensely. We are
 Preface xiii

grateful to her for her input and support. Although all of these individuals contributed
significantly to the book, we alone are responsible for any of its shortcomings.
We have been taught and inspired by so many professors and colleagues over the
years that we dare not list them all here, but we express sincere gratitude for their efforts,
both as teachers and scientists. I (Jaccard), however, would like to extend a special note
of appreciation to Marty Fishbein, to whom this book is dedicated. Marty has been a
one-of-a-kind role model as a scientist, teacher, professor, and mentor and has touched
the lives of his students in so many positive ways. This book never would have come to
be without his support, guidance, inspiration, and insights over the years. We also want
to thank our many students for their inquisitive minds, for allowing us the opportunity
to watch them grow into first-rate scientists, and for contributing to our own intellectual
development in ways they probably cannot begin to realize. It has been our good fortune
to learn so much from our students.
Jack Jacoby’s spouse, Renee, was, as always, supportive, patient, and understand-
ing throughout the many hours the project absorbed. Jim Jaccard’s spouse, Liliana, was
none of these. As a creative social scientist in her own right, she cajoled, encouraged,
criticized, and ultimately shaped core parts of this project, which has been typical of
past collaborations with him, both formal and informal alike. Their best collaborative
effort, however, has been their daughter, Sarita, who inspired ideas in this book in spe-
cial ways. It goes without saying that this book never would have seen the light of day
without Renee, Liliana, and Sarita being a central part of our respective lives.
Brief Contents

Part I. Basic Concepts

1. Introduction 3
2. The Nature of Understanding 6
3. Science as an Approach to Understanding 22

Part II. Core Processes

4. Creativity and the Generation of Ideas 39
5. Focusing Concepts 75
6. Clarifying Relationships Using Thought Experiments 91

Part III. Frameworks for Theory Construction

7. Causal Models 137
8. Mathematical Modeling 177
9. Simulation as a Theory Development Method 237
10. Grounded and Emergent Theory 256
11. Historically Influential Systems of Thought 295

Part IV. Concluding Issues

12. Reading and Writing about Theories 331
13. Epilogue 355

xv
Contents

Part I. Basic Concepts

1 • Introduction 3
Organization of the Book   4
Theories and Settings   5

2 • The Nature of Understanding 6

The Nature of Reality   7
Concepts: The Building Blocks of Understanding   10
Conceptual Systems: The Bases for Deeper Understanding   14
Communication   16
Summary and Concluding Comments   18

3 • Science as an Approach to Understanding 22

Socially Based Approaches to Understanding   22
The Essentials of Scientific Endeavor   26
The Process of Theory Construction   28
Characteristics of a Good Theory   31
Science and Objectivity   33
Summary and Concluding Comments   33

Part II. Core Processes

4 • Creativity and the Generation of Ideas 39
One Small Step for Science   40
Creativity   40
Choosing What to Theorize About   45
Literature Reviews   47
Heuristics for Generating Ideas   47
Scientists on Scientific Theorizing   68
Summary and Concluding Comments   71

xvii
xviii Contents

5 • Focusing Concepts 75
The Process of Instantiation   75
Shared Meaning, Surplus Meaning, and Nomological Networks   78
Practical Strategies for Specifying Conceptual Definitions   79
Multidimensional Constructs   82
Creating Constructs   84
An Example of Specifying Conceptual Definitions   85
Operationism   87
Summary and Concluding Comments   88

6 • Clarifying Relationships Using Thought Experiments 91

Thought Experiments for Relationships in Grounded and Emergent Theory   92
Describing Relationships with Different Types of Variables   93
Thought Experiments for Relationships between Categorical Variables   94
Thought Experiments for Relationships between Quantitative Variables   98
Thought Experiments for Relationships between Categorical
and Quantitative Variables   110
Thought Experiments for Moderated Relationships   114
Broader Uses of Hypothetical Factorial Designs in Thought Experiments   122
Summary and Concluding Comments   126
Appendix 6A. Thought Experiments for a Quantitative Cause 131
and Categorical Effect: A Hypothetical Contingency Table Method

Appendix 6B. Thought Experiments for Moderated Moderation 133

Part III. Frameworks for Theory Construction

7 • Causal Models 137
Two Types of Relationships: Predictive and Causal   138
Causality and Grounded/Emergent Theory   141
Types of Causal Relationships   141
Constructing Theories with Causal Relationships   145
Identifying Outcome Variables   145
Identifying Direct Causes   146
Indirect Causal Relationships   146
Moderated Causal Relationships   150
Reciprocal or Bidirectional Causality   153
Spurious Relationships   155
Unanalyzed Relationships   158
Expanding the Theory Further   159
Perspectives on the Construction of Causal Theories   169
Summary and Concluding Comments   172

8 • Mathematical Modeling 177

Types of Variables: Categorical, Discrete, and Continuous   178
Axioms and Theorems   179
Functions   179
Linear Functions   180
Deterministic versus Stochastic Models   185
Model Parameters   186
Rates and Change: Derivatives and Differentiation   187
 Contents xix

Describing Accumulation: Integrals and Integration   190

Just-Identified, Overidentified, and Underidentified Models   191
Metrics   192
Types of Nonlinearity   193
Functions for Categorical Variables   203
Advanced Topics: Manipulating and Combining Functions   205
Multiple Variable Functions   208
Phases in Building a Mathematical Model   209
An Example Using Performance, Ability, and Motivation   210
An Example Using Cognitive Algebra   214
An Example Using Attitude Change   217
An Example Using a Traditional Causal Model   220
Chaos Theory   222
Catastrophe Theory   225
Additional Examples of Mathematical Models in the Social Sciences   226
Emergent Theory Construction and Mathematical Models   227
Summary and Concluding Comments   227
Appendix 8A. SPSS Code for Exploring Distribution Properties   232

Appendix 8B. Additional Modeling Issues for the Performance, Motivation, 234
and Ability Example

9 • Simulation as a Theory Development Method 237

Defining Simulations   238
The Uses of Research Simulations   239
The Difference between Simulations and Laboratory Experiments   239
Basic Simulation Varieties   241
The Analysis of Criterion Systems as a Basis for Theory Construction   243
Simulations and Virtual Experiments   251
Agent-Based Modeling   251
Resources for Conducting Simulations   253
Summary and Concluding Comments   253

10 • Grounded and Emergent Theory 256

Grounded and Emergent Theory: An Overview   257
Positivism “versus” Constructivism   258
Framing the Problem   259
The Role of Past Literature   260
Collecting Qualitative Data   261
Memo Writing   268
Theoretical Sampling   269
Analyzing and Coding Data   269
The Statistical Exploration of Relationships   275
Process Analysis in Emergent Theorizing   276
Moving to Theoretical Statements: Using Principles of Rhetoric   277
Summary and Concluding Comments   281
Appendix 10A. The Limits of Information Processing 288

11 • Historically Influential Systems of Thought 295

Grand Theories   296
Frameworks Using Metaphors   307
Frameworks Emphasizing Stability and Change   312
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immediately contracted and brought under the edge of the ravine;
but meanwhile Ney, who had observed Crawfurd’s false disposition,
came down with the stoop of an eagle. Four thousand horsemen and
a powerful artillery swept the plain. The allied cavalry gave back, and
Loison’s division coming up at a charging pace, made towards the
centre and left of the position.
While the French were thus pouring onward, several ill-judged
changes were made on the English side, part of the troops were
advanced, others drawn back, and the forty-third most
unaccountably placed within an enclosure of solid masonry, at least
ten feet high, situated on the left of the road with but one narrow
outlet about half-musket shot down the ravine. While thus
imprisoned, the firing in front redoubled, the cavalry, the artillery, and
the caçadores successively passed by in retreat, and the sharp
clang of the ninety-fifth rifle was heard along the edge of the plain
above. A few moments later, and the forty-third would have been
surrounded; but that here, as in every other part of this field, the
quickness and knowledge of the battalion officers remedied the
faults of the general. One minute sufficed to loosen some large
stones, a powerful effort burst the enclosure, and the regiment, re-
formed in column of companies, was the next instant up with the
riflemen; there was no room to array the line, no time for any thing
but battle, every captain carried off his company as an independent
body, and joining as he could with the ninety-fifth or fifty-second, the
whole presented a mass of skirmishers, acting in small parties and
under no regular command; yet each confident in the courage and
discipline of those on his right and left, and all regulating their
movements by a common discretion and keeping together with
surprising vigour.
It is unnecessary to describe the first burst of French soldiers. It is
well known with what gallantry the officers lead, with what
vehemence the troops follow, and with what a storm of fire they
waste a field of battle. At this moment, with the advantage of ground
and numbers, they were breaking over the edge of the ravine, their
guns ranged along the summit, played hotly with grape, and their
hussars, galloping over the glacis of Almeida, poured down the road,
sabring every thing in their way. Ney, desirous that Montbrun should
follow this movement with the whole of the French cavalry, and so
cut off the troops from the bridge, sent five officers in succession to
urge him on, and so mixed were friends and enemies at the moment,
that only a few guns of the fortress durst open, and no courage could
have availed against such overwhelming numbers. But Montbrun
enjoyed an independent command, and, as the attack was made
without Massena’s knowledge, he would not stir. Then the British
regiments, with singular intelligence and discipline, extricated
themselves from their perilous situation. For falling back slowly, and
yet stopping and fighting whenever opportunity offered, they made
their way through a rugged country tangled with vineyards, in despite
of their enemies, who were so fierce and eager, that even the
horsemen rode in amongst the enclosures, striking at the soldiers as
they mounted the walls or scrambled over the rocks.
As the retreating troops approached the river, they came upon a
more open space; but the left wing being harder pressed, and having
the shortest distance, arrived while the bridge was still crowded and
some of the right wing distant. Major M’Leod, of the forty-third,
seeing this, rallied four companies on a hill just in front of the
passage, and was immediately joined by a party of the ninety-fifth,
and at the same time, two other companies were posted by brigade-
major Rowan, on another hill flanking the road, these posts were
thus maintained until the enemy, gathering in great numbers, made a
second burst, when the companies fell back. At this moment the right
wing of the fifty-second was seen marching towards the bridge,
which was still crowded with the passing troops, M’Leod, a very
young man, but with a natural genius for war, immediately turned his
horse round, called to the troops to follow, and, taking off his cap,
rode with a shout towards the enemy. The suddenness of the thing,
and the distinguished action of the man, produced the effect he
designed; a mob of soldiers rushed after him, cheering and charging
as if a whole army had been at their backs, and the enemy’s
skirmishers, astonished at this unexpected movement, stopped
short. Before they could recover from their surprise, the fifty-second
crossed the river, and M’Leod, following at full speed, gained the
other side also without a disaster.
 As the regiments passed the bridge, they planted themselves in
loose order on the side of the mountain. The artillery drew up on the
summit and the cavalry were disposed in parties on the roads to the
right, because two miles higher up the stream there were fords, and
beyond them the bridge of Castello Bom, and it was to be
apprehended that, while the sixth corps was in front, the reserves,
and a division of the eighth corps, then on the Agueda, might pass at
those places and get between the division and Celerico. The river
was, however, rising fast from the rains, and it was impossible to
retreat farther.
The French skirmishers, swarming on the right bank, opened a
biting fire, which was returned as bitterly; the artillery on both sides
played across the ravine, the sounds were repeated by numberless
echoes, and the smoke, rising slowly, resolved itself into an immense
arch, spanning the whole chasm, and sparkling with the whirling
fuzes of the flying shells. The enemy gathered fast and thickly; his
columns were discovered forming behind the high rocks, and a
dragoon was seen to try the depth of the stream above, but two
shots from the fifty-second killed horse and man, and the carcasses,
floating between the hostile bands, showed that the river was
impassable. The monotonous tones of a French drum were then
heard, and in another instant, the head of a noble column was at the
long narrow bridge. A drummer and an officer in a splendid uniform,
leaped forward together, and the whole rushed on with loud cries.
The depth of the ravine at first deceived the soldiers’ aim, and two-
thirds of the passage was won ere an English shot had brought
down an enemy; yet a few paces onwards the line of death was
traced, and the whole of the leading French section fell as one man!
Still the gallant column pressed forward, but no foot could pass that
terrible line; the killed and wounded railed together, until the heap
rose nearly even with the parapet, and the living mass behind melted
away rather than gave back.
The shouts of the British now rose loudly, but they were
confidently answered, and, in half an hour, a second column, more
numerous than the first, again crowded the bridge. This time,
however, the range was better judged, and ere half the distance was
won, the multitude was again torn, shattered, dispersed, and slain;
ten or twelve men only succeeded in crossing, and took shelter
under the rocks at the brink of the river. The skirmishing was
renewed, and a French surgeon coming down to the very foot of the
bridge, waved his handkerchief and commenced dressing the
wounded under the hottest fire; nor was his appeal unheeded: every
musket turned from him, although his still undaunted countrymen
were preparing for a third attempt. The impossibility of forcing the
passage was, however, become too apparent, and this last effort,
made with feebler numbers and less energy, failed almost as soon
as it commenced.
 Vol. 3, Plate 6.

CRAWFURD’S OPERATIONS
1810.
Published by T. & W. Boone 1830.
 Nevertheless, the combat was unnecessarily continued. By the
French, as a point of honour, to cover the escape of those who had
passed the bridge. By the English, from ignorance of their object.
One of the enemy’s guns was dismantled, a powder-magazine blew
up, and many continued to fall on both sides until about four o’clock;
when a heavy rain causing a momentary cessation of fire the men
amongst the rocks returned, unmolested, to their own party, the fight
ceased, and Crawfurd retired behind the Pinhel river. Forty-four
Portuguese, two hundred and seventy-two British, including twenty-
eight officers, were killed, wounded, or taken, and it was at first
supposed that lieutenant Dawson and half a company of the fifty-
second, which had been posted in the unfinished tower, were also
captured: but that officer kept close until the evening, and then, with
great intelligence, passed all the enemy’s posts, and, crossing the
Coa at a ford, rejoined his regiment.
In this action the French lost above a thousand men, the slaughter
at the bridge was fearful to behold; but Massena claimed to have
taken two pieces of artillery, and it was true; for the guns intended to
arm the unfinished tower, near Almeida, were lying dismounted at
the foot of the building. They, however, belonged to the garrison of
Almeida, not to the light division, and that they were not mounted
and the tower garrisoned was a great negligence; the enemy’s
cavalry could not otherwise have fallen so dangerously on the left of
the position, and the after-investment of Almeida would have been
retarded. In other respects, the governor, severely censured by
Crawfurd, at the time, for not opening his fire sooner and more
vigorously, was unblameable; the whole affair had been so
mismanaged by the general himself, that friends and enemies were
mingled together from the first, and the shots from the fortress would
have killed both.
During the fight, general Picton came up alone from Pinhel,
Crawfurd desired the support of the third division; it was refused;
and, excited by some previous disputes, the generals separated
after a sharp altercation. Picton was decidedly wrong, because
Crawfurd’s situation was one of extreme danger; he durst not retire,
and Massena might undoubtedly have thrown his reserves, by the
bridge of Castello Bom, upon the right flank of the division, and
destroyed it, between the Coa and the Pinhel rivers. Picton and
Crawfurd were, however, not formed by nature to act cordially
together. The stern countenance, robust frame, saturnine
complexion, caustic speech, and austere demeanour of the first
promised little sympathy with the short thick figure, dark flashing
eyes, quick movements, and fiery temper of the second; nor, indeed,
did they often meet without a quarrel. Nevertheless, they had many
points of resemblance in their characters and fortunes. Both were
inclined to harshness, and rigid in command, both prone to
disobedience, yet exacting entire submission from inferiors, and they
were alike ambitious and craving of glory. They both possessed
decided military talents, were enterprising and intrepid, yet neither
were remarkable for skill in handling troops under fire. This, also,
they had in common, that both, after distinguished services, perished
in arms, fighting gallantly, and being celebrated as generals of
division while living, have, since their death, been injudiciously
spoken of, as rivalling their great leader in war.
That they were officers of mark and pretension is unquestionable,
and Crawfurd more so than Picton, because the latter never had a
separate command, and his opportunities were necessarily more
circumscribed; but to compare either to the duke of Wellington
displays ignorance of the men and of the art they professed. If they
had even comprehended the profound military and political
combinations he was conducting; the one would have carefully
avoided fighting on the Coa; and the other, far from refusing, would
have eagerly proffered his support.
 C H A P T E R V.
During the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo, Mahi, coming down from the
Gallician mountains, menaced Astorga, and a detachment of his
army, under Toboado Gil, occupied Puebla de Senabria; acting in
concert with Silveira; and an expedition sailing from Coruña, under
Porlier, seized Santona, and dismantled that and other points on the
coast, near Santander. Mahi’s movements could not be well opposed
by either Kellerman or Serras, during the siege, because the former
had a strong detachment in Baños, and the troops of the latter were
spread over too great an extent of ground; but, when the place fell,
the eighth corps, being detached beyond the Tormes, to gather
provisions, enabled Serras to act against the Gallicians. The latter
were driven into the mountains, and Toboado Gil, removing his
stores from Puebla Senabria, drew closer to Silveira, in expectation
of an attack; but Serras, only placing a Swiss battalion and sixty
dragoons at Puebla, fell back to Zamora, and the eighth corps re-
occupied the country between the Tormes and the Agueda.
Bonet defeated the Spaniards at Sales, and entered Castropol, on
the frontier of Gallicia, but returned to Oviedo, on hearing of the
expedition to Santona. The Spaniards then re-embarked for Coruña,
the project of a larger armament, to be directed against Santander
itself, was adopted, and Mahi affirmed that, if more arms and
ammunition were sent to him from England, he would clear the
plains of Leon, as far as the Esla river. His demands were complied
with; sir Home Popham was appointed to superintend the naval
expeditions against the coast of the Asturias and Biscay, and a
serious interruption of the French communications was planned, but
never realised.
Meanwhile, general Reynier passed the Tagus with the second
corps, but it appears that this movement should have been executed
in June; for boats were collected at Barca de Alconete, in the middle
of that month, and the French only waited for a detachment from
Andalusia, when Mendizabel, taking the road of Zafra, attacked that
detachment, at Los Santos, on the 23d, and Reynier immediately
moved to its succour with one division of infantry and all his cavalry.
But, at this period, the insurrection caused by Lascy’s expedition
to the Ronda, had drawn all the troops of the fifth corps from Seville
to that side, the duke of Aremberg and general Remond had fallen
back behind the river Tinto, and Copons had advanced to collect
provisions on the Odiel. In this threatening state of affairs, instead of
returning to Merida, Reynier endeavoured to surprise Imas, at Xeres
de los Cavalleros, and failing in that, pushed across the Morena
against Ballasteros, the latter being at Campo Frio, beyond Araceña,
and, ignorant that Imas had retreated, could only save himself by a
hasty flight across the frontier of Portugal. Meanwhile, Lascy was
beaten in the Ronda, the fifth corps retired to Seville, D’Aremberg
and Remond re-occupied Huelva and Moguer; and Reynier, going
back to Merida, resumed his design of passing the Tagus.
His boats were still at Alconete, for the Spaniards had neglected
this opportunity of destroying them; but, as it was necessary to cover
the operations both from Hill’s division which was concentrated at
Campo Mayor, and from the Portuguese troops behind the Elga river,
a strong rear guard was placed on the Salor to watch the former, and
the French division at Baños advanced to Coria to awe the latter.
Reynier then quitting Merida the 10th of July, marched, by Truxillo
and Caceres, upon Alconete and Almaraz, and effected the
passage; his rear guard following on the 16th.
This cautious operation saved him from an attack meditated by
Hill, who had received orders to unite with Romana, and drive the
second corps back, with a view to gather the harvest for the
victualling of Badajos and the other frontier fortresses. But the
passage of the Tagus being thus effected by the French, general Hill
made a parallel movement, which, on his part, only required thirty-six
hours; and meanwhile, lord Wellington assembled a reserve at
Thomar, under the command of general Leith, consisting of eight
thousand Portuguese and two thousand British infantry, just arrived
from England.
 Soon after Reynier had reached Coria, he detached a force, by
Perales, upon Sabugal, but recalled it when he found that Hill,
having crossed the Tagus by Vilha Velha, was at Castello Branco on
the 21st. The two generals then faced each other. Hill, joined by a
strong body of Portuguese cavalry, under general Fane, encamped,
with sixteen thousand men and eighteen guns, at Sarzedas, just in
front of the Sobreira Formosa; his advanced guard in Castello
Branco; his horsemen on the line of the Ponçul; and a brigade of
Portuguese infantry at Fundao, to keep up the communication with
Guarda, and to cover the Estrada Nova. Behind him, Leith occupied
the line of the Zezere: and thus twenty-six thousand men, besides
the militia, were in observation between the Estrella and the Tagus.
Reynier first made demonstrations on the side of Salvatierra; but
being repulsed by some Portuguese cavalry, divided his forces
between Penamacor and Zarza Mayor, established a post of one
hundred and fifty men on the left bank of the Tagus, near the mouth
of the Rio Del Monte, and, by continual movements, rendered it
doubtful whether he meant to repass the Tagus or to advance upon
Sarzedas, or to join Massena. Meanwhile, Ballasteros returned to
Araceña, Imas to Xeres de los Cavalleros, O’Donnel entered Truxillo,
and Carlos d’España cut off the French post on the Rio del Monte.
Romana was, however, soon obliged to concentrate his troops
again; for Mortier was on the Guadalquivir, with a view to re-enter
Estremadura. Such was the situation of the armies in the beginning
of August; and when Massena was assured that Reynier had
crossed the Tagus, he directed the sixth corps and the cavalry upon
Almeida, which led, as we have seen, to the combat on the Coa;
during which, Loison, imagining the governor to be a native, pressed
him to desert the cause of the English: “that vile people, whose
object was to enslave the Portuguese.”
Lord Wellington’s situation was critical. Ciudad Rodrigo furnished
the French with a place of arms; they might disregard Almeida: and
their tardy investment of it, viewed in conjunction with the great
magazines collecting at Ciudad Rodrigo, indicated an intention of so
doing. But Massena’s dispositions were such as rendered his true
designs difficult to be discovered. The sixth corps and the reserve
cavalry were, indeed, around Almeida; but, by telegraphic
intercourse with the garrison, it was known that the investment was
not real, and the heads of the columns pointed towards Celerico.
Loison’s advanced guard was in Pinhel the day after Crawfurd’s
action; the second corps, divided between Zarza Mayor and
Penamacor, and with boats, near Alcantara, on the Tagus, menaced
equally the line of that river and the line of the Zezere; and it was as
likely that Massena would join Reynier as that Reynier would join
Massena. The eighth corps and the divisions of Serras and
Kellerman were between the Tormes and the Esla, and might break
into the northern provinces of Portugal, while the sixth and second
corps should hold the allies in check: and this was undoubtedly the
surest course; because the taking of Oporto would have furnished
many resources, stricken the natives with terror, opened the great
coast-road to Lisbon, and enabled Massena to avoid all the difficult
country about the Mondego. The English general must then have
retired before the second and sixth corps, unless he attacked Ney;
an unpromising measure, because of the enemy’s strength in horse:
in fine, Massena had one hundred and sixteen thousand men and
the initial operations in his power, and lord Wellington was obliged to
wait upon his movements.
The actual position of the allies was too extended and too forward;
yet to retire at once would have seemed timid: hence lord Wellington
remained quiet during the 25th, 26th, and 27th of July, although the
enemy’s posts were thickening on the Pinhel river. But the 28th, the
British cavalry advanced to Frexadas, and the infantry withdrew
behind the Mondego, except the fourth division, which remained at
Guarda. The light division occupied Celerico; the other divisions
were posted at Penhancos, Carapichina, and Fornos; the
Portuguese troops being a day’s march behind. The sick and
wounded men transferred daily to the rear, and the line of retreat
kept free from encumbrance. The enemy then made a demonstration
towards St. Joa de Pesquera, and defeated some militia at Fosboa,
on the Douro, but finally retired across the Coa, and, after a few
skirmishes with the garrison on the 3d of August, left the
communication with Almeida again free. At the same time, a
detachment of Reynier’s horse was encountered at Atalaya, near
Fundao, and beaten by the Portuguese cavalry and ordenança, with
a loss of fifty killed or taken.
On the side of Gallicia, Kellerman advanced from Benevente to
Castro Contrijo, and detachments from Serras’s division penetrated
towards Monterey, ordering provisions for ten thousand men on the
road to Braganza. But Silveira, marching on Senabria, defeated the
enemy’s cavalry there on the 6th; invested the Swiss on the 7th; and,
on the 10th, obliged them to capitulate at the moment when Serras
was coming to their relief. Five hundred men and an eagle were
taken, and Silveira, who did not lose a man, would have given battle
to Serras also, if Beresford, alarmed at such rashness, had not sent
him imperative orders to retreat; an operation he effected with some
difficulty.
This advantage in the north was balanced by a disaster in
Estremadura. The Spanish generals, never much disposed to
respect lord Wellington’s counsels, were now less so than before,
from the discontent engendered by the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo. He
had pressed upon Romana the policy of avoiding battles; had
procured permission that Campo Mayor should be given to him as a
place of arms, with leave to retire into Portugal when overmatched
by the enemy; and he had shewn him that Hill’s departure greatly
augmented the necessity of caution. Nevertheless, Romana joined
Ballasteros; and, as their united force amounted to fourteen
thousand infantry and fifteen hundred horse, the English general
immediately foresaw that they would offer battle, be defeated, and
lay open the whole frontier of the Alemtejo; he, therefore, directed
Hill to send Madden’s brigade of Portuguese cavalry to their
assistance.
Madden reached Campo Mayor the 14th of August, but Romana’s
advanced guard had been already intercepted at Benvenida, and
having lost six hundred men, was going to lay down its arms, when
fortunately Carrera arrived with the Spanish cavalry and disengaged
them. The whole then retreated across the Morena to Monte Molin
and Fregenal, but the French pursued and slew or took four hundred
more. The following day Mortier entered Zafra, and Romana retired
to Almendralejos. The enemy did not, however, press this
advantage, because Lascy with three thousand men from Cadiz
convoyed by Capt. Cockburn of the British navy, had landed near
Moguer and driven the duke of Aremberg towards Seville, while
Copons drove Remond upon Zalamea; and although the French
soon rallied and obliged Lascy to re-embark, Mortier was withdrawn
towards the Morena, and Romana again advanced to Zafra. This
affair at Moguer was very trifling, but a tumid description in
Cockburn’s despatches obtained for it a momentary celebrity.
It would appear that Massena had been waiting for Mortier’s
movements to develope his own plans, for on the day that the latter
entered Zafra, the sixth corps formally invested Almeida; and lord
Wellington immediately bringing up the Portuguese, recrossed the
Mondego; the British being at Pinhel, Frexadas, and Guarda, and the
Portuguese at Celerico, Govea, Melho, and Trancoso. In this
situation, expecting a vigorous defence from Almeida, he had good
hopes to delay the enemy for six weeks or two months, when the
rains setting in would give him additional advantages in the defence
of the country. He had intended to keep the light division on the
Cabeça Negro overhanging the bridge of the Coa, and thus secure a
communication with the garrison, or force the French to invest the
place with their whole army: Crawfurd’s rashness marred this plan,
and he himself was so dispirited by the action on the 24th, that the
commander-in-chief did not think it prudent to renew the project. Yet
Massena’s tardiness and the small force with which he finally
invested the place, led lord Wellington to think of assembling secretly
a large and chosen body of men behind the Cabeça Negro, with the
view of suddenly forcing the bridge and the fords and taking the
French battering train, or at least bringing off the garrison; but while
revolving this great stroke in his mind, an unexpected and terrible
disaster broke his measures.

SIEGE OF ALMEIDA.

This fortress, although regularly constructed with six bastions,

ravelins, an excellent ditch, and covered way, was extremely
defective. The ramparts were too high for the glacis, and from some
near ground, on the side of the attack, the bottom of the ditch might
be seen. An old square castle, built on a mound in the centre of the
town, contained three bomb proofs, the doors of which were not
secure; but with the exception of some damp casements in one
bastion, there was no other magazine for the powder. Colonel Cox
was governor, and his garrison composed of one Colonel Cox’s
regular and two militia regiments, a body of artillery Narrative.
and a squadron of cavalry, amounted to about four thousand men.
On the 18th, the trenches were begun under cover of a false
attack, and in the morning of the 26th (the second parallel being
commenced) sixty-five pieces of artillery mounted in ten batteries
opened at once. Many houses were soon in flames and the garrison
was unable to extinguish them; the counter fire was, however, briskly
maintained, little military damage was sustained, and towards
evening the cannonade slackened on both sides; but just after dark
the ground suddenly trembled, the castle bursting into a thousand
pieces, gave vent to a column of smoke and fire, and with a
prodigious noise the whole town sunk into a shapeless ruin! Treason
or accident had caused the magazines to explode, and the
devastation was incredible. The ramparts were breached, the
greatest part of the guns thrown into the ditch, five hundred people
were struck dead on the instant, and only six houses left standing;
the stones thrown out hurt forty of the besiegers in the trenches, and
the surviving garrison, aghast at the horrid commotion, disregarded
all exhortations to rally. Fearing that the enemy would take the
opportunity to storm the ramparts, the governor beat to arms, and,
running to the walls with the help of an artillery officer, fired off the
few guns that remained; but the French shells fell thickly all the night,
and in the morning of the 27th, two officers appeared at the gates,
with a letter from Massena, offering terms.
Cox, sensible that further resistance was impossible, still hoped
that the army would make a movement to relieve him, if he could
impose upon the enemy for two or three days; and he was in act of
refusing the prince of Esling’s offer, when a mutiny, headed openly
by the lieutenant-governor, one Bernardo Costa, and secretly by
José Bareiros, the chief of artillery, who had been for some time in
secret correspondence with the French, obliged him to yield. The
remainder of the native officers disturbed by fear, or swayed by the
influence of those two, were more willing to follow than to oppose
their dishonourable proceedings, and Costa expressed his resolution
to hoist the white flag. The governor seeing no remedy by force,
endeavoured to procrastinate, and, being ignorant of Bareiros’
treason, sent him to the enemy with counter propositions. Bareiros
immediately informed Massena of the true state of garrison, and
never returned; and the final result was a surrender upon agreement
that the militia should retire to their homes, and the regulars remain
prisoners of war.
While the treaty was pending and even after the signature of the
articles, in the night of the 27th, the French bombarded the place.
This act, unjustifiable and strange, because Massena’s aide-de-
camp, colonel Pelet, was actually within the walls when the firing
commenced, was excused, on the ground of an error in the
transmission of orders; it, however, lasted during the Justification of
whole night, and Cox also asserts that the terms of the Colonel W. Cox.
capitulation with respect to the militia were violated. Pelet indignantly
denies this, affirming that when the garrison still Note by Gen. Pelet.
amounting to three thousand men perceived the Appendix to Vol.
XII. Victoires et
marquis d’Alorna amongst the French generals, the Conquestes des
Français.
greatest part immediately demanded service, and
formed a brigade under general Pamplona. Yet, so easily are men’s
minds moved by present circumstances, that the greater number
deserted again, when they afterwards saw the allied armies.
Bareiros, having joined the enemy, escaped punishment, but De
Costa, being tried, was afterwards shot as a traitor, by the orders of
marshal Beresford. His cowardice and mutiny merited this
chastisement, yet the principal evidence against him was an
explanatory letter, written to lord Liverpool, by Cox, while a prisoner
at Verdun.
The explosion, the disappearance of the steeple, and cessation of
fire, proclaimed the misfortune of Almeida in the allied camp; but the
surrender was first ascertained by lord Wellington on the 29th, when,
with a telescope, he observed many French officers on the glacis of
the place. The army then withdrew to its former position behind the
Mondego; and while these things were passing on the Coa, the
powder-magazine in Albuquerque, being struck with lightning, also
exploded and killed four hundred men; and, on the 1st of September,
general Reynier, after several demonstrations towards Castello
Branco, in one of which he lost a squadron of horse, suddenly
reached Sabugal. The British piquets on the Pinhel were attacked
the following day by the horsemen of the sixth corps, the enemy’s
plans seemed to be ripe for execution; and lord Wellington
transferring his quarters to Govea, withdrew his infantry behind
Celerico, and fixed his cavalry at that place with posts of observation
at Guarda and at Trancoso. Reynier, however, suddenly returned to
Zarza Mayor, and, throwing a bridge over the Tagus at Alcantara,
again involved the French projects in obscurity.
Massena experienced considerable difficulty in feeding his forces,
and he seemed at first, either disinclined to commence the invasion
or undecided as to the mode. Two months had elapsed since the
surrender of Ciudad Rodrigo, Almeida had only resisted for ten days,
the French army was still behind the Coa, and it would seem, by an
intercepted letter, dictated by Napoleon, in September, that he
expected further inaction: “Lord Wellington,” he observed to
Massena, “has only eighteen thousand men, Hill has only six
thousand; and it would be ridiculous to suppose that twenty-five
thousand English can balance sixty thousand French, if the latter do
not trifle, but fall boldly on after having well observed where the blow
may be given. You have twelve thousand cavalry, and four times as
much artillery as is necessary for Portugal. Leave six thousand
cavalry and a proportion of guns between Ciudad Rodrigo,
Alcantara, and Salamanca, and with the rest commence operations.
The emperor is too distant, and the positions of the enemy change
too often, to direct how you should attack; but it is certain that the
utmost force the English can muster, including the troops at Cadiz,
will be twenty-eight thousand men.”
This letter was accurate as to the numbers of the English army,
but Napoleon was ignorant how strongly lord Wellington was
thrusting Portugal forward in the press.
 Massena had commenced the invasion before these instructions
reached him; but to understand his operations it is essential to have
a clear idea of the country in which they were conducted. The
advanced positions of the allies extended from Almeida over the
Sierra de Estrella, by Guarda to Fundao, Sarzedas, and Castello
Branco: no enemy could penetrate that line unless by force, and a
serious attack on any one point was to be the signal for a gradual
retreat of the whole, in concentric directions towards the Lines. But, if
Guarda were evacuated, the enemy while menacing Celerico, could
move either by Belmonte or Covilhao and separate general Hill from
lord Wellington, the distance between those generals being twice as
great as the enemy’s perpendicular line of march would be.
To balance this disadvantage, the road from Covilhao was broken
up, a Portuguese brigade placed in Fundao, and general Leith’s
corps was stationed at Thomar, between two entrenched positions,
which formed the second temporary line of resistance. The first of
those positions was behind the Zezere, extending from the Barca de
Codies to the confluence of that river with the Tagus. The second
behind the Alva, a strong and swift stream descending from the
Estrella and falling into the Mondego some miles above Coimbra.
Both were strong, the rivers deep and difficult of access, and the
Sierra de Murcella closely hugs the left bank of the Alva.
Hill’s line of retreat from Sarzedas to the Zezere, has been already
noticed, and from that river to the Alva, there was a military road
constructed through the mountains to Espinhal. But the country from
Celerico to the Murcella, a distance of about sixty miles, is one long
defile, lying between the Sierra Estrella and the Mondego. The ridge
upon which Celerico stands, being a shoot from the Estrella, and
encircled by a sweep of the Mondego, closes this defile in front. In
like manner the Sierra Murcella, covered by the Alva river, closes it
in the rear, and the intermediate parts are but a succession of
smaller streams and lower ridges. The principal road was repaired
and joined to the road of Espinhal, and a branch was also carried
across the Mondego to Coimbra. Thus an internal communication
was established for the junction of all the corps. Nevertheless,
between Celerico and the Alva, the country was not permanently
tenable, because, from Guarda and Covilhao, there were roads over
the Estrella to Gouvea, Cea, and Gallices, towns in rear of Celerico;
and the enemy could also turn the whole tract by moving through
Trancoso and Viseu, and so down the right bank of the Mondego to
Coimbra.
But lord Wellington keeping the head of his army one march
behind Celerico, in observation of the routes over the Estrella, and
his rear close to the Alva, was master of his retreat; and as the
Mondego was fordable in summer and bridged at several points, he
could pass it by a flank movement in a few hours. Now the right bank
was also one great defile, lying between the river and the Sierra de
Alcoba or Caramula. This mountain stretching with some breaks
from the Douro to Coimbra, separates the valley of the Mondego
from the coast line, and in approaching Coimbra sends out a lofty
transverse shoot, called the Sierra de Busaco, exactly in a line with
the Sierra de Murcella, and barring the way on the right bank of the
Mondego in the same manner that the latter Sierra bars it on the left
bank. Moreover this route to Coimbra was the worst in Portugal, and
crossed by several deep tributaries of the Mondego, the most
considerable of which were the Criz and Dao. The Vouga, however,
opened a passage through the Alcoba near Viseu, and that way the
French could gain the great road from Oporto, and so continue their
movement upon Coimbra.
Such being the ground on both sides of the Mondego, the weakest
point was obviously towards the Estrella, and lord Wellington kept
the mass of his forces there. But Massena was ill-acquainted with
the military features, and absolutely ignorant of the lines of Torres
Vedras. Indeed, so circumspectly had those works been carried on,
that only vague rumours of their existence reached the bulk of the
English army; and many British officers imagined that the campaign
was only to cloak the general’s intention of embarking when he
reached Lisbon. In England the opposition asserted that he would do
so: the Portuguese dreaded it; the French army universally believed
it; and the British minsters seem to have entertained the same
opinion; for at this time an officer of engineers arrived at Lisbon,
whose instructions, received personally from lord Liverpool, were
unknown to lord Wellington, and commenced thus:—“As it is
probable that the army will embark in September.”
 CHAPTER VI.

T H I R D I N VA S I O N O F P O RT U G A L .

Massena’s command, extended from the banks of the Tagus to the

Bay of Biscay, from Almeida to Burgos, and the number of his troops
present under arms exceeded one hundred and ten thousand men.
From these must be deducted thirteen thousand in the Asturias and
province of Santander, four thousand in the government of
Valladolid, eight thousand under Serras at Zamora and Benevente,
and lastly, the reserve of Bayonne under general Drouet, nineteen
thousand strong, which, organized as a ninth corps had only entered
Spain in August, being replaced at Bayonne by a fresh reserve
under general Caffarelli. Thus, the active army of invasion did not
much exceed seventy thousand; and as every man, combatant or
non-combatant, is borne on the strength of a French army, not more
than fifty-five thousand infantry and about eight thousand horsemen
were with the eagles. The ninth corps had however orders to follow
the traces of the prince of Esling, and the void thus left at Burgos
and Valladolid was supplied by sixteen thousand of the young guard.
This arrangement shows how absurdly Napoleon has been called
a rash warrior, and one never thinking of retreat. No man ever made
bolder marches, but no man ever secured his base with more care.
Here he would not suffer any advance to fresh conquests until his
line of communication had been strengthened with three additional
fortresses,—namely, Astorga, Ciudad, and Almeida; and while he
employed sixty-five thousand men in the invasion of Portugal, he
kept more than eighty thousand in reserve. Thus, even the total loss
of the army destined to make what is technically termed “a point”
upon Lisbon, would, as a mere military disaster, have scarcely
shaken his hold of Spain.
Massena’s instructions were to convert, Ciudad Rodrigo and
Almeida, into places of arms for the conquest of Portugal, and to
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