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5. Cannibinol is only slightly soluble in methyl alcohol because the large
hydrocarbon component of cannibinol negates the fact that they belong to
the same family.

Experiment 2

CRYSTALLIZATION

TIME ESTIMATE: Parts A and B (3 hours), Parts C (about 1hour)

CHEMICALS AND SUPPLIES PER 10 STUDENTS:

Part A

Impure sulfanilamide (5% fluorenone as the impurity) 10 g

Grind thoroughly to make homogeneous.

95% Ethyl alcohol 250 mL

Filter paper for üchner funnel

Melting point capillary tubes

Waste container for non-halogenated organic wastes.

Part B

The appropriate solvent for crystallizing the impure fluorene is methyl

alcohol. Fluorene is too soluble in toluene and insoluble in water at all
temperatures.

Impure fluorene (5% fluorenone as the impurity) 10 g

Grind thoroughly to make homogeneous.

Methyl alcohol 300 mL

32

© 2016 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or
duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part .
 Toluene 25 mL

Waste container for non-halogenated organic wastes.

Part C

Acetylsalicylic acid 5g
Benzoic acid 5g
Benzoin 5g
Dibenzoyl ethylene 5g
Succinimide 5g
o-Toluic acid 5g

Prepare unknowns consisting of pure samples of the above 6 compounds;

about 0.2 g for each unknown sample.

Part D (Answers)

1. Phenanthrene
95% ethyl alcohol - best solvent
water - not soluble
toluene - too soluble

2. Cholesterol
ether - too soluble
95% ethyl alcohol - best solvent
water - not soluble

3. Acetaminophen
95% ethyl alcohol - too soluble
water - best solvent
toluene - not very soluble

4. Urea
Water - too soluble
95% ethyl alcohol - best solvent
Hexane - not very soluble

CAS Registry numbers:

Sulfanilamide 63-74-1
33

© 2016 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or
duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part .
Acetanilide 103-84-4
95% Ethyl alcohol (Ethanol) 64-17-5
Fluorene 86-73-7
Fluorenone 486-25-9
Methyl alcohol (methanol) 67-56-1
Toluene 108-88-3
Acetylsalicylic acid 50-78-2
Benzoic acid 65-85-0
Benzoin 119-53-9
Dibenzoyl ethylene 4070-75-1
Succinimide 123-56-8
o-toluic acid 118-90-1

SPECIAL NOTES

In the Pre-lab Calculations for Part A, students calculate the amount of

sulfanilamide which will remain in the mother liquor. If they perform the
Optional Exercise in Part A, they determine the weight of solid in the mother
liquor. However, the actual weight of solid in the mother liquor is usually much
greater than the amount calculated in the Pre-lab Calculations. This is because the
calculation does not take into account the impurity, which ends up in the mother
liquor. Also, the calculation assumes that a minimum amount of solvent is used
to dissolve the impure sulfanilamide at 78 oC. It is likely that most students use
more than the minimum amount.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS

1. Too much solvent was added. Since 10 mL of 95% ethyl alcohol will
dissolve 0.14 g of sulfanilamide at 0 oC, none of the 0.1 g of sulfanilamide
will crystallize when the solution is cooled. To make the crystallization
work, the excess solvent must be evaporated.

2. The boiling point of the solvent is higher than the melting point of
fluorenol. While performing this crystallization, it is possible that the
fluorenol would melt rather than dissolve, thus forming an oil which could
be difficult to crystallize.

3. Biphenyl is highly soluble in both hot and cold benzene. The solubility
curve would like C in Figure 11.1 on page 665 of the Textbook.

34

© 2016 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be scanned, copied or
duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part .
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Title: The lost Atlantis, and other ethnographic studies

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LOST

ATLANTIS, AND OTHER ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES ***
ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES
 Printed by R. & R. Clark
FOR

DAVID DOUGLAS, EDINBURGH

T H E L O S T AT LA N T I S
AND OTHER

ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES

BY

Sir DANIEL WILSON, LL.D., F.R.S.E.

PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
AUTHOR OF ‘THE PREHISTORIC ANNALS OF SCOTLAND’
‘PREHISTORIC MAN: THE ORIGIN OF CIVILISATION,’ ETC. ETC.
 NEW YORK
MACMILLAN AND CO.
1892

All rights reserved

PREFACE

“The Preface is the most troublesome part of a book,” I have often

heard my dear Father say; and now it falls to my unaccustomed pen
to write a preface for him.
I cannot undertake to define the aim of this book; I can only tell
how the last work on it was done. In my Father’s note-book I find it
described as “A few carefully studied monographs, linked together
by a slender thread of ethnographic relationship.”
Returning in June last from a brief visit to Montreal, with the first
signs of illness beginning to show, he found a bundle of proofs
waiting for him, and with the characteristic promptness which never
let any duty wait, he set to work at once to correct them. “It is my
last book,” he said, conscious that his busy brain had nearly fulfilled
all its tasks; and so through days of rapidly increasing weakness and
pain he lay on the sofa correcting proofs till the pen dropped from
the hand no longer able to hold it. His mind turned to the book in his
wandering thoughts from illness, and on one of these occasions he
murmured: “Sybil will write the Preface”; and so I try to fulfil his
wish. “Ask Mr. Douglas to correct the proofs himself, and to be sure
to make an index,” was one of his last requests, thus providing for
the finishing of the work which he could not himself finish. He has
passed now from this world whose prehistoric story he so lovingly
tried to decipher, and where he was ever finding traces of the hand
of God, into that other world, “where toil shall cease and rest begin”;
but where I doubt not he still goes on learning more and more, no
longer seeing through a glass darkly but in perfect light.
The silent lips seem to speak once more in this volume—his last
words to the public; and I commit it very tenderly to those who are
interested in his favourite study of Ethnology.
Sybil Wilson.
Bencosie, Toronto,
August 1892.

CONTENTS
PAGE

1. The Lost Atlantis 1

2. The Vinland of the Northmen 37

3. Trade and Commerce in the Stone Age 81

4. Pre-Aryan American Man 130

5. The Æsthetic Faculty in Aboriginal Races 185

6. The Huron-Iroquois; a Typical Race 246

 7. Hybridity and Heredity 307

8. Relative Racial Brain-Weight and Size 339

INDEX 403

THE LOST ATLANTIS

I
EARLY IDEAS

The legend of Atlantis, an island-continent lying in the Atlantic Ocean

over against the Pillars of Hercules, which, after being long the seat
of a powerful empire, was engulfed in the sea, has been made the
basis of many extravagant speculations; and anew awakens keenest
interest with the revolving centuries. The 12th of October 1892 has
been proclaimed a World’s holiday, to celebrate its accomplished
cycle of four centuries since Columbus set foot on the shores of the
West. The voyage has been characterised as the most memorable in
the annals of our race; and the century thus completed is richer than
all before it in the transformations that the birth of time has
disclosed since the wedding of the New World to the Old. The story
of the Lost Atlantis is recorded in the Timæus and, with many
fanciful amplifications, in the Critias of Plato. According to the
dialogues, as reproduced there, Critias repeats to Socrates a story
told him by his grandfather, then an old man of ninety, when he
himself was not more than ten years of age. According to this
narrative, Solon visited the city of Sais, at the head of the Egyptian
delta, and there learned from the priests of the ancient empire of
Atlantis, and of its overthrow by a convulsion of nature. “No one,”
says Professor Jowett, in his critical edition of The Dialogues of
Plato, “knew better than Plato how to invent ‘a noble lie’ ”; and he,
unhesitatingly, pronounces the whole narrative a fabrication. “The
world, like a child, has readily, and for the most part, unhesitatingly
accepted the tale of the Island of Atlantis.” To the critical editor, this
reception furnishes only an illustration of popular credulity, showing
how the chance word of a poet or philosopher may give rise to
endless historical or religious speculation. In the Critias, the
legendary tale is unquestionably expanded into details of no possible
historical significance or genuine antiquity. But it is not without
reason, that men like Humboldt have recognised in the original
legend the possible vestige of a widely-spread tradition of earliest
times. In this respect, at any rate, I purpose here to review it.
It is to be noted that even in the time of Socrates, and indeed of
the elder Critias, this Atlantis was referred to as the vague and
inconsistent tradition of a remote past; though not more inconsistent
than much else which the cultured Greeks were accustomed to
receive. Mr. Hyde Clarke, in an “Examination of the Legend,” printed
in the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, arrives at the
conclusion that Atlantis was the name of the king rather than of the
dominion. But king and kingdom have ever been liable to be referred
to under a common designation. According to the account in the
Timæus, Atlantis was a continent lying over against the Pillars of
Hercules, greater in extent than Libya and Asia combined; the
highway to other islands and to a great ocean, of which the
Mediterranean Sea was a mere harbour. But in the vagueness of all
geographical knowledge in the days of Socrates and of Plato, this
Atlantic domain is confused with some Iberian or western African
power, which is stated to have been arrayed against Egypt, Hellas,
and all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean Sea. The
knowledge even of the western Mediterranean was then very
imperfect; and, to the ancient Greek, the West was a region of
vague mystery which sufficed for the localisation of all his fondest
imaginings. There, on the far horizon, Homer pictured the Elysian
plain, where, under a serene sky, the favourites of Zeus enjoyed
eternal felicity; Hesiod assigned the abode of departed heroes to the
Happy Isles beyond the western waters that engirdled Europe; and
Seneca foretold that that mysterious ocean would yet disclose an
unknown world which it then kept concealed. To the ancients,
Elysium ever lay beyond the setting sun; and the Hesperia of the
Greeks, as their geographical knowledge increased, continued to
recede before them into the unexplored west.
In the youth of all nations, the poet and historian are one; and,
according to the tale of the elder Critias, the legend of Atlantis was
derived from a poetic chronicle of Solon, whom he pronounced to
have been one of the best of poets, as well as the wisest of men.
The elements of oral tradition are aptly set forth in the dialogue
which Plato puts into the mouth of Timæus of Locris, a Pythagorean
philosopher. Solon is affirmed to have told the tale to his personal
friend, Dropidas, the great-grandfather of Critias, who repeated it to
his son; and he, eighty years thereafter, in extreme old age, told it to
his grandson, a boy of ten, whose narrative, reproduced in mature
years, we are supposed to read in the dialogue of the Timæus. Even
those are but the later links in the traditionary catena. Solon himself
visited Sais, a city of the Egyptian delta, under the protection of the
goddess, Neith or Athene. There, when in converse with the
Egyptian priests, he learned, for the first time, rightly to appreciate
how ignorant of antiquity he and his countrymen were. “O Solon,
Solon,” said an aged priest to him, “you Hellenes are ever young,
and there is no old man who is a Hellene; there is no opinion or
tradition of knowledge among you which is white with age.” Solon
had told them the mythical tales of Phoroneus and Niobe, and of
Deucalion and Pyrrha, and had attempted to reckon the interval by
generations since the great deluge. But the priest of Sais replied to
this that such Hellenic annals were children’s stories. Their memory
went back but a little way, and recalled only the latest of the great
convulsions of nature, by which revolutions in past ages had been
wrought: “The memory of them is lost, because there was no
written voice among you.” And so the venerable priest undertook to
tell him of the social life and condition of the primitive Athenians
9000 years before. It is among the events of this older era that the
overthrow of Atlantis is told: a story already “white with age” in the
time of Socrates, 3400 years ago. The warriors of Athens, in that
elder time, were a distinct caste; and when the vast power of
Atlantis was marshalled against the Mediterranean nations, Athens
bravely repelled the invader, and gave liberty to the nations whose
safety had been imperilled; but in the convulsion that followed, in
which the island-continent was engulfed in the ocean, the warrior
race of Athens also perished.
The story, as it thus reaches us, is one of the vaguest of popular
legends, and has been transmitted to modern times in the most
obscure of all the writings of Plato. Nevertheless, there is nothing
improbable in the idea that it rests on some historic basis, in which
the tradition of the fall of an Iberian, or other aggressive power in
the western Mediterranean, is mingled with other and equally vague
traditions of intercourse with a vast continent lying beyond the Pillars
of Hercules. Mr. Hyde Clarke, in his Khita and Khita-Peruvian Epoch,
draws attention to the ancient system of geography, alluded to by
various early writers, and notably mentioned by Crates of Pergamos,
b.c. 160, which treated of the Four Worlds. This he connects with the
statement by Mr. George Smith, derived from the cuneiform
interpretations, that Agu, an ancient king of Babylonia, called himself
“King of the Four Races.” He also assigns to it a relation with others,
including its Inca equivalent of Tavintinsuzu, the Empire of the Four
Quarters of the World. But the extravagance of regal titles has been
the same in widely diverse ages; so that much caution is necessary
before they can be made a safe basis for comprehensive
generalisations. Four kings made war against five in the vale of
Siddim; and when Lot was despoiled and taken captive by
Chederlaomer, King of Elam, Tidal, King of Nations, and other regal
allies, Abraham, with no further aid than that of his trained servants,
born in his house, three hundred and eighteen in all, smote their
combined hosts, and recovered the captives and the spoil. Here, at
least, it is obvious that “the King of Nations” was somewhat on a par
with one of the six vassal kings who rowed King Edgar on the River
Dee. Certainly, within any early period of authentic history, the
conceptions of the known world were reduced within narrow
bounds; and it would be a very comprehensive deduction from such
slight premises as the legend supplies, to refer it to an age of
accurate geographical knowledge in which the western hemisphere
was known as one of four worlds, or continents. When the Scottish
poet, Dunbar, wrote of America, twenty years after the voyage of
Columbus, he only knew of it as “the new-found isle.”
The opinion, universally favoured in the infancy of physical
science, of the recurrence of convulsions of nature, whereby nations
were revolutionised, and vast empires destroyed by fire, or engulfed
in the ocean, revived with the theories of cataclysmic phenomena in
the earlier speculations of modern geology; and has even now its
advocates among writers who have given little heed to the
concurrent opinion of later scientific authorities. Among the most
zealous advocates of the idea of a submerged Atlantic continent, the
seat of a civilisation older than that of Europe, or of the old East,
was the late Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. As an indefatigable and
enthusiastic investigator, he occupies a place in the history of
American archæology somewhat akin to that of his fellow-
countryman, M. Boucher de Perthes, in relation to the
palæontological disclosures of Europe. He had the undoubted merit
of first drawing the attention of the learned world to the native
transcripts of Maya records, the full value of which is only now being
adequately recognised. His Histoire des Nations Civilisées aims at
demonstrating from their religious myths and historical traditions the
existence of a self-originated civilisation. In his subsequent Quatre
Lettres sur le Mexique, the Abbé adopted, in the most literal form,
the venerable legend of Atlantis, giving free rein to his imagination in
some very fanciful speculations. He calls into being, “from the vasty
deep,” a submerged continent, or, rather, extension of the present
America, stretching eastward, and including, as he deems probable,
the Canary Islands, and other insular survivals of the imaginary
Atlantis. Such speculations of unregulated zeal are unworthy of
serious consideration. But it is not to be wondered at that the vague
legend, so temptingly set forth in the Timæus, should have kindled
the imaginations of a class of theorists, who, like the enthusiastic
Abbé, are restrained by no doubts suggested by scientific
indications. So far from geology lending the slightest confirmation to
the idea of an engulfed Atlantis, Professor Wyville Thomson has
shown, in his Depths of the Sea, that while oscillations of the land
have considerably modified the boundaries of the Atlantic Ocean, the
geological age of its basin dates as far back, at least, as the later
Secondary period. The study of its animal life, as revealed in
dredging, strongly confirms this, disclosing an unbroken continuity of
life on the Atlantic sea-bed from the Cretaceous period to the
present time; and, as Sir Charles Lyell has pointed out, in his
Principles of Geology, the entire evidence is adverse to the idea that
the Canaries, the Madeiras, and the Azores, are surviving fragments
of a vast submerged island, or continuous area of the adjacent
continent. There are, indeed, undoubted indications of volcanic
action; but they furnish evidence of local upheaval, not of the
submergence of extensive continental areas.
But it is an easy, as well as a pleasant pastime, to evolve either a
camel or a continent out of the depths of one’s own inner
consciousness. To such fanciful speculators, the lost Atlantis will ever
offer a tempting basis on which to found their unsubstantial
creations. Mr. H. H. Bancroft, when alluding to the subject in his
Native Races of the Pacific States, refers to forty-two different works
for notices and speculations concerning Atlantis. The latest advocacy
of the idea of an actual island-continent of the mid-Atlantic, literally
engulfed in the ocean, within a period authentically embraced by
historical tradition, is to be found in its most popular form in Mr.
Ignatius Donnelly’s Atlantis, the Antediluvian World. By him, as by
Abbé Brasseur, the concurrent opinions of the highest authorities in
science, that the main features of the Atlantic basin have undergone
no change within any recent geological period, are wholly ignored.
To those, therefore, who attach any value to scientific evidence, such
speculations present no serious claims on their study. There is,
indeed, an idea favoured by certain students of science, who carry
the spirit of nationality into regions ordinarily regarded as lying
outside of any sectional pride, that, geologically speaking, America is
the older continent. It may at least be accepted as beyond dispute,
that that continent and the great Atlantic basin intervening between
it and Europe are alike of a geological antiquity which places the age
of either entirely apart from all speculations affecting human history.
But such fancies are wholly superfluous. The idea of intercourse
between the Old and the New World prior to the fifteenth century,
passed from the region of speculation to the domain of historical
fact, when the publication of the Antiquitates Americanæ and the
Grönland’s Historiske Mindesmærker, by the antiquaries of
Copenhagen, adduced contemporary authorities, and indisputably
genuine runic inscriptions, in proof of the visits of the Northmen to
Greenland and the mainland of North America, before the close of
the tenth century.
The idea of pre-Columbian intercourse between Europe and
America, is thus no novelty. What we have anew to consider is:
whether, in its wider aspect, it is more consistent with probability
than the revived notion of a continent engulfed in the Atlantic
Ocean? The earliest students of American antiquities turned to
Phœnicia, Egypt, or other old-world centres of early civilisation, for
the source of Mexican, Peruvian, and Central American art or letters;
and, indeed, so long as the unity of the human race remained
unquestioned, some theory of a common source for the races of the
Old and the New World was inevitable. The idea, therefore, that the
new world which Columbus revealed, was none other than the long-
lost Atlantis, is one that has probably suggested itself independently
to many minds. References to America have, in like manner, been
sought for in obscure allusions of Herodotus, Seneca, Pliny, and
other classical writers, to islands or continents in the ocean which
extended beyond the western verge of the world as known to them.
That such allusions should be vague, was inevitable. If they had any
foundation in a knowledge by elder generations of this western
hemisphere, the tradition had come down to them by the oral
transmissions of centuries; while their knowledge of their own
eastern hemisphere was limited and very imperfect. “The
Cassiterides, from which tin is brought”—assumed to be the British
Isles,—were known to Herodotus only as uncertainly located islands
of the Atlantic of which he had no direct information. When
Assuryuchurabal, the founder of the palace at Nimrud, conquered
the people who lived on the banks of the Orontes from the confines
of Hamath to the sea, the spoils obtained from them included one
hundred talents of anna, or tin; and the same prized metal is
repeatedly named in cuneiform inscriptions. The people trading in
tin, supposed to be identical with the Shirutana, were the merchants
of the world before Tyre assumed her place as chief among the
merchant princes of the sea. Yet already, in the time of Joshua, she
was known as “the strong city, Tyre.” “Great Zidon” also is so named,
along with her, when Joshua defines the bounds of the tribe of
Asher, extending to the sea coast; and is celebrated by Homer for its
works of art. The Seleucia, or Cilicia, of the Greeks was an
attempted restoration of the ancient seaport of the Shirutana, which
may have been an emporium of Khita merchandise; as it was,
undoubtedly, an important place of shipment for the Phœnicians in
their overland trade from the valley of the Euphrates. One favoured
etymology of Britain, as the name of the islands whence tin was
brought, is barat-anna, assumed to have been applied to them by
that ancient race of merchant princes: the Cassiterides being the
later Aryan equivalent, Gr. κασσίτεροϛ, Sansk. kastira.
In primitive centuries, when ancient maritime races thus held
supremacy in the Mediterranean Sea, voyages were undoubtedly
made far into the Atlantic Ocean. The Phœnicians, who of all the
nations settled on its shores lay among the remotest from the
outlying ocean, habitually traded with settlements on the Atlantic.
They colonised the western shores of the Mediterranean at a remote
period; occupied numerous favourable trading-posts on the bays and
headlands of the Euxine, as well as of Sicily and others of the larger
islands; and passing beyond the straits, effected settlements along
the coasts of Europe and Africa. According to Strabo (i. 48), they
had factories beyond the Pillars of Hercules in the period
immediately succeeding the Trojan war: an era which yearly
becomes for us less mythical, and to which may be assigned the
great development of the commercial prosperity of Tyre. The
Phœnicians were then expanding their trading enterprise, and
extending explorations so as to command the remotest available
sources of wealth. The trade of Tarshish was for Phœnicia what that
of the East has been to England in modern centuries. The Tartessus,
on which the Arabs of Spain subsequently conferred the name of the
Guadalquivir, afforded ready access to a rich mining district; and also
formed the centre of valuable fisheries of tunny and muræna. By
means of its navigable waters, along with those of the Guadina,
Phœnician traders were able to penetrate far inland; and the
colonies established at their mouths furnished fresh starting points
for adventurous exploration along the Atlantic seaboard. They
derived much at least of the tin, which was an important object of
traffic, from the mines of north-west Spain, and from Cornwall;
though, doubtless, both the tin of the Cassiterides and amber from
the Baltic were also transported by overland routes to the Adriatic
and the mouth of the Rhone. It was a Phœnician expedition which,
in the reign of Pharaoh Necho, b.c. 611-605, after the decline of that
great maritime power, accomplished the feat of circumnavigating
Africa by way of the Red Sea. Hanno, a Carthaginian, not only
guided the Punic fleet round the parts of Libya which border on the
Atlantic, but has been credited with reaching the Indian Ocean by
the same route as that which Vasco de Gama successfully followed
in 1497. The object of Hanno’s expedition, as stated in the Periplus,
was to found Liby-Phœnician cities beyond the Pillars of Hercules.
How far south his voyage actually extended along the African coast
is matter of conjecture, or of disputed interpretation; for the original
work is lost. It is sufficient for our purpose to know that he did
pursue the same route which led in a later century to the discovery
of Brazil. Aristotle applies the name of “Antilla” to a Carthaginian
discovery; and Diodorus Siculus assigns to the Carthaginians the
knowledge of an island in the ocean, the secret of which they
reserved to themselves, as a refuge to which they could withdraw,
should fate ever compel them to desert their African homes. It is far
from improbable that we may identify this obscure island with one of
the Azores, which lie 800 miles from the coast of Portugal. Neither
Greek nor Roman writers make other reference to them; but the
discovery of numerous Carthaginian coins at Corvo, the extreme
north-westerly island of the group, leaves little room to doubt that
they were visited by Punic voyagers. There is therefore nothing
extravagant in the assumption that we have here the “Antilla”
mentioned by Aristotle. While the Carthaginian oligarchy ruled, naval
adventure was still encouraged; but the maritime era of the
Mediterranean belongs to more ancient centuries. The Greeks were
inferior in enterprise to the Phœnicians; while the Romans were
essentially unmaritime; and the revival of the old adventurous spirit
with the rise of the Venetian and Genoese republics was due to the
infusion of fresh blood from the great northern home of the sea-
kings of the Baltic.
The history of the ancient world is, for us, to a large extent, the
history of civilisation among the nations around the Mediterranean
Sea. Its name perpetuates the recognition of it from remote times as
the great inland sea which kept apart and yet united, in intercourse
and exchange of experience and culture, the diverse branches of the
human family settled on its shores. Of the history of those nations,
we only know some later chapters. Disclosures of recent years have
startled us with recovered glimpses of the Khita, or Hittites, as a
great power centred between the Euphrates and the Orontes, but
extending into Asia Minor, and about b.c. 1200 reaching westward to
the Ægean Sea. All but their name seemed to have perished; and
they were known only as one among diverse Canaanitish tribes,
believed to have been displaced by the Hebrew inheritors of
Palestine. Yet now, as Professor Curtius has pointed out, we begin to
recognise that “one of the paths by which the art and civilisation of
Babylonia and Assyria made their way to Greece, was along the
great high-road which runs across Asia Minor”; and which the
projected railway route through the valley of the Euphrates seeks to
revive. For, as compared with Egypt, and the earliest nations of
Eastern Asia, the Greeks were, indeed, children. It was to the
Phœnicians that the ancients assigned the origin of navigation. Their
skill as seamen was the subject of admiration even by the later
Greeks, who owned themselves to be their pupils in seamanship,
and called the pole-star, the Phœnician star. Their naval commerce is
set forth in glowing rhetoric by the prophet Ezekiel. “O Tyrus, thou
that art situate at the entry of the sea, a merchant of the people of
many isles. Thy borders are in the midst of the seas. The inhabitants
of Zidon and Arvad were thy mariners. Thy wise men, O Tyrus, were
thy pilots. All the ships of the sea, with their mariners, were in thee
to occupy thy merchandise.” But this was spoken at the close of
Phœnician history, in the last days of Tyre’s supremacy.
Looking back then into the dim dawn of actual history, with
whatever fresh light recent discoveries have thrown upon it: this, at
least, seems to claim recognition from us, that in that remote era
the eastern Mediterranean was a centre of maritime enterprise, such
as had no equal among the nations of antiquity. Even in the
decadence of Phœnicia, her maritime skill remained unmatched.
Egypt and Palestine, under their greatest rulers, recognised her as
mistress of the sea; and, as has been already noted, the
circumnavigation of Africa—which, when it was repeated in the
fifteenth century, was considered an achievement fully equalling that
of Columbus,—had long before been accomplished by Phœnician
mariners. Carthage inherited the enterprise of the mother country,
but never equalled her achievements. With the fall of Carthage, the
Mediterranean became a mere Roman lake, over which the galleys
of Rome sailed reluctantly with her armed hosts; or coasting along
shore, they “committed themselves to the sea, and loosed the
rudder bands, and hoisted up the mainsail to the winds”; or again,
“strake sail, and so were driven,” after the blundering fashion
described in the voyage of St. Paul. To such a people, the memories
of Punic exploration or Phœnician enterprise, or the vague legends
of an Atlantis beyond the engirdling ocean, were equally unavailing.
The narrow sea between Gaul and Britain was barrier enough to
daunt the boldest of them from willingly encountering the dangers of
an expedition to what seemed to them literally another world.
Seeing then that the first steps in navigation were taken in an
age lying beyond all memory, and that the oldest traditions assign its
origin to the remarkable people who figure alike in early sacred and
profane history—in Joshua and Ezekiel, in Dius and Menander of
Ephesus, in the Homeric poems and in later Greek writings,—as
unequalled in their enterprise on the sea: what impediments existed
in b.c. 1400 or any earlier century that did not still exist in a.d. 1400,
to render intercourse between the eastern and the western
hemisphere impossible? America was no further off from Tarshish in
the golden age of Tyre than in that of Henry the Navigator. With the
aid of literary memorials of the race of sea-rovers who carved out for
themselves the Duchy of Normandy from the domain of
Charlemagne’s heir, and spoiled the Angles and Saxons in their island
home, we glean sufficient evidence to place the fact beyond all
doubt that, after discovering and colonising Iceland and Greenland,
they made their way southward to Labrador, and so, some way along
the American coast. How far south their explorations actually
extended, after being long assigned to the locality of Rhode Island,
has anew excited interest, and is still a matter of controversy. The
question is reviewed on a subsequent page; but its final settlement
does not, in any degree, affect the present question. Certain it is
that, about a.d. 1000, when St. Olaf was introducing Christianity by a
sufficiently high-handed process into the Norse fatherland, Leif, the
son of Eric, the founder of the first Greenland colony, sailed from
Ericsfiord, or other Greenland port, in quest of southern lands
already reported to have been seen, and did land on more than one
point of the North American coast. We know what the ships of those
Norse rovers were: mere galleys, not larger than a good fishing
smack, and far inferior to it in deck and rigging. For compass they
had only the same old “Phœnician star,” which, from the birth of
navigation, had guided the mariners of the ancient world over the
pathless deep. The track pursued by the Northmen, from Norway to
Iceland, and so to Greenland and the Labrador coast, was,
doubtless, then as now, beset by fogs, so that “neither sun nor stars
in many days appeared”; and they stood much more in need of
compass than the sailors of the “Santa Maria,” the “Pinta,” and the
“Nina,” the little fleet with which Columbus sailed from the
Andalusian port of Palos, to his first discovered land of “Guanahani,”
variously identified among the islands of the American Archipelago.
Yet, notwithstanding all the advantages of a southern latitude, with
its clearer skies, we have to remember that the “Santa Maria,” the
only decked vessel of the expedition, was stranded; and the “Pinta”
and “Nina,” on which Columbus and his party had to depend for their
homeward voyage, were mere coasting craft, the one with a crew of
thirty, and the other with twenty-four men, with only latine sails. As
to the compass, we perceive how little that availed, on recalling the
fact that the Portuguese admiral, Pedro Alvares de Cabral, only eight
years later, when following on the route of Vasco de Gama, was
carried by the equatorial current so far out of his intended course
that he found himself in sight of a strange land, in 10° S. lat., and so
accidentally discovered Brazil and the new world of the west, not by
means of the mariner’s compass, but in spite of its guidance. It is
thus obvious that the discovery of America would have followed as a
result of the voyage of Vasco de Gama round the Cape, wholly
independent of that of Columbus. What befell the Portuguese
admiral of King Manoel, in a.d. 1500, was an experience that might
just as readily have fallen to the lot of the Phœnician admiral of
Pharaoh Necho in b.c. 600, to the Punic Hanno, or other early
navigators; and may have repeatedly occurred to Mediterranean
adventurers on the Atlantic in older centuries. On the news of de
Cabral’s discovery reaching Portugal, the King despatched the
Florentine, Amerigo Vespucci, who explored the coast of South
America, prepared a map of the new-found world, and thereby
wrested from Columbus the honour of giving his name to the
continent which he discovered.
When we turn from the myths and traditions of the Old World to
those of the New, we find there traces that seem not unfairly
interpretable into the American counterpart of the legend of Atlantis.
The chief seat of the highest native American civilisation, is neither
Mexico nor Peru, but Central America. The nations of the Maya
stock, who inhabit Yucatan, Guatemala, and the neighbouring
region, were peculiarly favourably situated; and they appear to have
achieved the greatest progress among the communities of Central
America. They may not unfitly compare with the ancient dwellers in
the valley of the Euphrates, from the grave mounds of whose buried
cities we are now recovering the history of ages that had passed into
oblivion before the Father of History assumed the pen. Tested indeed
by intervening centuries their monuments are not so venerable; but,
for America’s chroniclings, they are more prehistoric than the
disclosures of Assyrian mounds. The cities of Central America were
large and populous, and adorned with edifices, even now
magnificent in their ruins. Still more, the Mayas were a lettered
people, who, like the Egyptians, recorded in elaborate sculptured
hieroglyphics the formulæ of history and creed. Like them, too, they
wrote and ciphered; and appear, indeed, to have employed a
comprehensive system of computing time and recording dates,
which, it cannot be doubted, will be sufficiently mastered to admit of
the decipherment of their ancient records. The Mayas appear, soon
after the Spanish Conquest, to have adopted the Roman alphabet,
and employed it in recording their own historical traditions and
religious myths, as well as in rendering into such written characters
some of the ancient national documents. Those versions of native
myth and history survive, and attention is now being directed to
them. The most recent contribution from this source is The Annals of
the Cakchiquels, by Dr. D. G. Brinton, a carefully edited and
annotated translation of a native legal document or titulo, in which,
soon after the Conquest, the heir of an ancient Maya family set forth
the evidence of his claim to the inheritance. Along with this may be
noted another work of the same class: Titre Généalogique des
Seigneurs de Totonicapan. Traduit de l’Espagnol par M. de
Charencey. These two works independently illustrate the same great
national event. In one, a prince of the Cakchiquel nation, tells of the
overthrow of the Quiché power by his people; and in the other a
Quiché seignior, one of the “Lords of Totonicapan,” describes it from
his own point of view. Both were of the same Maya stock, in what is
now the State of Guatemala. Each nation had a capital adorned with
temples and palaces, the splendour of which excited the wonder of
the Spaniards; and both preserved traditions of the migration of
their ancestors from Tula, a mythical land from which they came
across the water.
Such traditions of migration meet us on many sides. Captain
Cook found among the mythological traditions of Tahiti, a vague
legend of a ship that came out of the ocean, and seemed to be the
dim record of ancestral intercourse with the outer world. So also, the
Aztecs had the tradition of the golden age of Anahuac; and of
Quetzalcoatl, their instructor in agriculture, metallurgy and the arts
of government. He was of fair complexion, with long dark hair, and
flowing beard: all, characteristics foreign to their race. When his
mission was completed, he set sail for the mysterious shores of
Tlapallan; and on the appearance of the ships of Cortes, the
Spaniards were believed to have returned with the divine instructor
of their forefathers, from the source of the rising sun.
What tradition hints at, physiology confirms. The races of
America differ less in physical character from those of Asia, than do
the races either of Africa or Europe. The American Indian is a
Mongol; and though marked diversities are traceable throughout the
American continent, the range of variation is much less than in the
eastern hemisphere. The western continent appears to have been
peopled by repeated migrations and by diverse routes; but when we
attempt to estimate any probable date for its primeval settlement,
evidence wholly fails. Language proves elsewhere a safe guide. It
has established beyond question some long-forgotten relationship
between the Aryans of India and Persia and those of Europe; it
connects the Finn and Lapp with their Asiatic forefathers; it marks
the independent origin of the Basques and their priority to the oldest
Aryan intruders; it links together widely diverse branches of the
great Semitic family. Can language tell us of any such American
affinities, or of traces of Old World congeners, in relation to either
civilised Mayas and Peruvians, or to the forest and prairie races of
the northern continent?
 With the millions of America’s coloured population, of African
blood and yet speaking Aryan languages, the American comparative
philologist can scarcely miss the significance of the warning that
linguistic and ethnical classifications by no means necessarily imply
the same thing. Nevertheless, without overlooking this distinction,
the ethnical significance of the evidence which comparative philology
supplies cannot be slighted in any question relative to prehistoric
relations between the Old World and the New. What then can
philology tell us? There is one answer, at the least, which the
languages of America give, that fully accords with the legend, “white
with age,” that told of an island-continent in the Atlantic Ocean with
which the nations around the Mediterranean once held intercourse.
None of them indicates any trace of immigration within the period of
earliest authentic history. Those who attach significance to the
references in the Timæus to political relations common to Atlantis
and parts of Libya and Europe; or who, on other grounds, look with
favour on the idea of early intercourse between the Mediterranean
and the western continent, have naturally turned to the Eskuara of
the Basques. It is invariably recognised as the surviving
representative of languages spoken by the Allophyliæ of Europe
before the intrusion of Aryans. The forms of its grammar differ
widely from those of any Semitic, or Indo-European tongue, placing
it in the same class with Mongol, East African, and American
languages. Here, therefore, is a tempting glimpse of possible
affinities; and Professor Whitney, accordingly, remarks in his Life and
Growth of Languages, that the Basque “forms a suitable stepping-
stone from which to enter the peculiar linguistic domain of the New
World, since there is no other dialect of the Old World which so
much resembles in structure the American languages.” But this
glimpse of possible relationship has proved, thus far, illusory. In their
morphological character, certain American and Asiatic languages
have a common agglutinative structure, which in the former is
developed into their characteristic polysynthetic attribute. With this,
the Eskuarian system of affixes corresponds. But beyond the general
structure, there is no such evidence of affinity, either in the
vocabularies or grammar, as direct affiliation might be expected to
show. Elements common to the Anglo-American of the nineteenth
century and the Sanskrit-speaking race beyond the Indus, in the era
of Alexander of Macedon, are suggested at once by the grammatical
structure of their languages; whereas there is nothing in the
resemblance between the Basque and any of the North American
languages that is not compatible with a “stepping-stone” from Asia
to America by the islands of the Pacific. The most important of all
the native American languages in their bearing on this interesting
inquiry—those of Central America,—are only now receiving adequate
attention. Startling evidence may yet reward the diligence of
students; but, so far as language furnishes any clue to affinity of
race, no American language thus far discloses such a relationship,
as, for example, enabled Dr. Pritchard to suggest that the western
people of Europe, to whom the Greeks gave the collective name of
Kέλται, and whose languages had been assumed by all previous
ethnologists as furnishing evidence that they were precursors of the
Aryan immigrants, in reality justified their classification in the same
stock.
But while thus far, the evidence of language is, at best, vague
and indefinite in its response to the inquiry for proofs of relationship
of the races of America to those of the Old World; physiological
comparisons lend no confirmation to the idea of an indigenous
native race, with special affinities and adaptation to its peculiar
environment, and with languages all of one class, the ramifications
from a single native stem. So far as physical affinities can be relied
upon, the man of America, in all his most characteristic racial
diversities, is of Asiatic origin. His near approximation to the Asiatic
Mongol is so manifest as to have led observers of widely different
opinions in all other respects, to concur in classing both under the
same great division: the Mongolian of Pickering, the American
Mongolidæ of Latham, the Mongoloid of Huxley. Professor Flower, in
an able discussion of the varieties of the human species, addressed
to the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain in 1885,
unhesitatingly classes the Eskimo as the typical North Asiatic
Mongol. In other American races he notes as distinctive features the
characteristic form of the nasal bones, the well-developed
superciliary ridge, and retreating forehead; but the resemblance is
so obvious in many other respects, that he finally includes them all
among the members of the Mongolian type. If, then, the American
Mongol came originally from Asia, or sprung from the common stock
of which the Asiatic Mongol is the typical representative, within any
such period as even earliest Phœnician history would embrace, much
more definite traces of affinity are to be looked for in his language
than mere correspondence in the agglutination characteristic of a
very widely diffused class of speech. But we, thus far, look in vain for
traces of a common genealogy such as those which, on the one
hand, correlate the Semitic and Aryan families of Asia and Europe
with parent stocks of times anterior to history, and on the other, with
ramifications of modern centuries. We have, moreover, to deal
mainly with the languages of uncivilised races. To the continent
north of the Gulf of Mexico, the grand civilising art of the
metallurgist remained to the last unknown; and in Mexico, it appears
as a gift of recent origin, derived from Central America. The Asiatic
origin of the art of Tubal-cain has, indeed, been pretty generally
assumed, both for Central and Southern America; but by mere
inference. In doing so, we are carried back to some mythic
Quetzalcoatl: for neither the metallurgist nor his art was introduced
in recent centuries. Assuming, for the sake of argument, the
dispersion of a common population of Asia and America, already
familiar with the working of metals, and with architecture, sculpture
and other kindred arts, at a date coeval with the founding of Tyre,
“the daughter of Sidon,” what help does language give us in favour
of such a postulate? We have great language groups, such as the
Huron-Iroquois, extending of old from the St. Lawrence to North
Carolina; the Algonkin, from Hudson Bay to South Carolina; the
Dakotan, from the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains; the
Athabascan, from the Eskimo frontier, within the Arctic circle, to New
Mexico; and the Tinné family of languages west of the Rocky
Mountains, from the Youkon and Mackenzie rivers, far south on the
Pacific slope. With those, as with the more cultured languages, or
rather languages of the more cultured races, of Central and
Southern America, elaborate comparisons have been made with
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