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      NINTH EDITION
       HISTOLOGY
   A TEXT AND ATLAS
With Correlated Cell and
   Molecular Biology
Wojciech Pawlina
Walking in freezing winter cold weather (−22°C) on his
driveway in Rochester, Minnesota contemplating on snow-white
histologic structures: white blood cells, white adipocytes,
white pulp of the spleen, white matter of the brain and
spinal cord, white muscle fibers, and perhaps corpus
albicans, and tunica albuginea. (Photograph by Kevin J.
Ness.)
Acquisitions Editor: Crystal Taylor
Development Editor: Andrea Vosburgh/Deborah Bordeaux
Freelance Editor: Kathleen H. Scogna
Production Project Manager: Kirstin Johnson
Marketing Manager: Danielle Klahr
Manager, Graphic Arts & Design: Steve Druding
Art Director: Jennifer Clements
Manufacturing Coordinator: Margie Orzech-Zarenko
Prepress Vendor: S4Carlisle Publishing Services
Top cover image: Courtesy of Drs. Daniel Berger and Jeff W.
Lichtman, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA
Ninth Edition
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in Mexico
                           shop.lww.com
    This edition is dedicated to Teresa Pawlina, my wife,
     colleague, and best friend, whose love, patience, and
 endurance created a safe haven for working on this textbook
                              and
to my children Conrad Pawlina and Stephanie Pawlina Fixell,
    whose stimulation and excitement are always contagious
                              and
to my grandchildren Alexander Conrad Fixell and Zofia Marie
Pawlina, whose capability to learn new life skills is simply
                         breathtaking.
PREFACE
This ninth edition of    Histology: A Text and Atlas With
Correlated Cell and Molecular Biology continues its tradition
of introducing Health Professions students to the foremost
world of histology with cell and molecular biology combined.
In addition, to better understand the nature of cells and
tissues, the presented material is immersed in basic anatomy,
embryology, and physiology and is accompanied by relevant
clinical commentaries. As in previous editions, this book is
a combination “text-atlas” in that the standard textbook
descriptions of histologic concepts are supplemented by an
array of schematics, tissue and cell images, and clinical
photographs. The separate atlas sections conclude each
chapter to provide large-format, labeled atlas plates with
detailed legends that highlight and summarize the elements of
microscopic anatomy.    Histology: A Text and Atlas       is,
therefore, “two books in one.”
   This edition of     Histology: A Text and Atlas With
Correlated Cell and Molecular Biology is intended to serve as
a reliable resource and clinical viewpoint for those who seek
to understand histology from medical, dental, graduate,
undergraduate, and other health professions perspective.
Inclusion of current and up-to-date information provides a
solid framework on which to build further scientific
exploration and clinical application. As a student resource,
it should not be approached with the goal of memorizing
detailed facts but rather as a guide for learning by
extracting from all explanations key concepts that will serve
future academic pursuits.
   The following improvements have been made to this edition:
   All figures in this book have been carefully reviewed,
revised, and updated. Several new figures have been added to
show the latest interpretation of important concepts based on
recent discoveries in molecular and cellular research. All
drawings maintain a uniform style throughout the chapters
with a palette of eye-pleasing colors. Several new conceptual
drawings have been aligned with photomicrographs or electron
micrographs, a feature carried over from previous editions
that has received wide acclaim from reviewers, students, and
faculty members. In addition, all atlas plates have been
renumbered to be consistent with chapter numbers.
  Cellular and molecular biology content has been updated   .
Text material from the eighth edition has been carefully
revised and updated to include the latest advancements in
cellular and molecular biology, stem cell biology, cellular
markers, and cell signaling. The ninth edition focuses on key
concepts to help students comprehend these rapidly increasing
fields. To accommodate reviewers’ suggestions, the ninth
edition integrates new information in cell biology with
clinical correlates, which readers will see as new clinical
information items highlighted in blue text and in clinical
correlations and functional considerations folders. For
example, the last few years of the COVID-19 pandemic has
sparked interest about the changes in normal tissue when
infected by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus
2 (SARS-CoV-2) virus. Several chapters contain descriptions
of these changes with underlying explanations of cellular and
molecular mechanisms and clinical features presented by
patients. Additional changes include the following:
Barış Baykal, MD
Gülhane Faculty of Medicine
University of Health Sciences
Ankara, Türkiye
Kevin N. Christensen, MD
Winona Health
Winona, Minnesota
Joaquin J. Garcia, MD
Mayo Clinic College of Medicine and Science
Rochester, Minnesota
Ferdinand Gomez, MS
Herbert Wertheim College of Medicine
Florida International University
Miami, Florida
Robert J. Hillwig, MD
Kentucky College of Osteopathic Medicine
University of Pikeville
Pikeville, Kentucky
G. M. Kibria, MD
National Defence University of Malaysia
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Karen Leong, MD
Drexel University College of Medicine
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Fabiola Medeiros, MD
Cedars-Sinai Medical Center
Los Angeles, California
Malin Petersson, MD
Karolinska Institutet
Stockholm, Sweden
 6    Connective Tissue
OVERVIEW OF CONNECTIVE TISSUE
EMBRYONIC CONNECTIVE TISSUE
CONNECTIVE TISSUE PROPER
CONNECTIVE TISSUE FIBERS
EXTRACELLULAR MATRIX
CONNECTIVE TISSUE CELLS
Folder 6.1 Clinical Correlation: Collagenopathies
Folder 6.2 Clinical Correlation: Sun Exposure and Molecular
  Changes in Photoaged Skin
Folder 6.3 Clinical Correlation: Role of Myofibroblasts in
  Wound Repair
Folder 6.4 Functional Considerations: The Mononuclear
  Phagocyte System
Folder 6.5 Clinical Correlation: The Role of Mast Cells and
  Basophils in Allergic Reactions
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
    PLATE 6.1 Loose and Dense Irregular Connective Tissue
    PLATE 6.2 Dense Regular Connective Tissue, Tendons, and
               Ligaments
    PLATE 6.3 Elastic Fibers and Elastic Lamellae
 7    Cartilage
OVERVIEW OF CARTILAGE
HYALINE CARTILAGE
ELASTIC CARTILAGE
FIBROCARTILAGE
CHONDROGENESIS AND CARTILAGE GROWTH
REPAIR OF HYALINE CARTILAGE
Folder 7.1 Clinical Correlation: Osteoarthritis
Folder 7.2 Clinical Correlation: Malignant Tumors of the
  Cartilage: Chondrosarcomas
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
    PLATE 7.1 Hyaline Cartilage
    PLATE 7.2 Hyaline Cartilage and the Developing Skeleton
    PLATE 7.3 Elastic Cartilage
    PLATE 7.4 Fibrocartilage
 8    Bone
OVERVIEW OF BONE
GENERAL STRUCTURE OF BONES
TYPES OF BONE TISSUE
CELLS OF BONE TISSUE
BONE FORMATION
BIOLOGIC MINERALIZATION AND MATRIX VESICLES
BONE AS A TARGET OF ENDOCRINE HORMONES AND AS AN ENDOCRINE
  ORGAN
BIOLOGY OF BONE REPAIR
Folder 8.1 Clinical Correlation: Joint Diseases
Folder 8.2 Clinical Correlation: Osteoporosis
Folder 8.3 Clinical Correlation: Nutritional Factors in Bone
  Formation
Folder 8.4 Functional Considerations: Hormonal Regulation of
  Bone Growth
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
    PLATE 8.1 Bone, Ground Section
    PLATE 8.2 Bone and Bone Tissue
     PLATE 8.3   Endochondral Bone Formation I
     PLATE 8.4   Endochondral Bone Formation II
     PLATE 8.5   Intramembranous Bone Formation
 9     Adipose Tissue
OVERVIEW OF ADIPOSE TISSUE
WHITE ADIPOSE TISSUE
BROWN ADIPOSE TISSUE
BEIGE ADIPOSE TISSUE
TRANSDIFFERENTIATION OF ADIPOSE TISSUE
Folder 9.1 Clinical Correlation: Obesity
Folder 9.2 Clinical Correlation: Adipose Tissue Tumors
Folder 9.3 Clinical Correlation: PET Scanning and Brown
  Adipose Tissue Interference
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
    PLATE 9.1 Adipose Tissue
 10    Blood
OVERVIEW OF BLOOD
PLASMA
ERYTHROCYTES
LEUKOCYTES
THROMBOCYTES
COMPLETE BLOOD COUNT
FORMATION OF BLOOD CELLS (HEMOPOIESIS)
BONE MARROW
Folder 10.1 Clinical Correlation: ABO and Rh Blood Group
  Systems
Folder 10.2 Clinical Correlation: Hemoglobin in Patients
  With Diabetes
Folder 10.3 Clinical Correlation: Hemoglobin Disorders
Folder 10.4 Clinical Correlation: Inherited Disorders of
  Neutrophils; Chronic Granulomatous Disease
Folder 10.5 Clinical Correlation: Hemoglobin Breakdown and
  Jaundice
Folder 10.6 Clinical Correlation: Cellularity of the Bone
  Marrow
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
    PLATE 10.1 Erythrocytes and Granulocytes
    PLATE 10.2 Agranulocytes and Red Marrow
    PLATE 10.3 Erythropoiesis
    PLATE 10.4 Granulopoiesis
 11   Muscle Tissue
OVERVIEW AND CLASSIFICATION OF MUSCLE
SKELETAL MUSCLE
CARDIAC MUSCLE
SMOOTH MUSCLE
Folder 11.1 Functional Considerations: Muscle Metabolism and
  Ischemia
Folder 11.2 Clinical Correlation: Muscular Dystrophies—
  Dystrophin and Dystrophin-Associated Proteins
Folder 11.3 Clinical Correlation: Myasthenia Gravis
Folder 11.4 Functional Considerations: Comparison of the
 Three Muscle Types
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
 PLATE   11.1   Skeletal Muscle I
 PLATE   11.2   Skeletal Muscle II and Electron Microscopy
 PLATE   11.3   Myotendinous Junction
 PLATE   11.4   Cardiac Muscle
 PLATE   11.5   Cardiac Muscle, Purkinje Fibers
 PLATE   11.6   Smooth Muscle
 12   Nerve Tissue
OVERVIEW OF THE NERVOUS SYSTEM
COMPOSITION OF NERVE TISSUE
THE NEURON
SUPPORTING CELLS OF THE NERVOUS SYSTEM: THE NEUROGLIA
ORIGIN OF NERVE TISSUE CELLS
ORGANIZATION OF THE PERIPHERAL NERVOUS SYSTEM
ORGANIZATION OF THE AUTONOMIC NERVOUS SYSTEM
ORGANIZATION OF THE CENTRAL NERVOUS SYSTEM
RESPONSE OF NEURONS TO INJURY
Folder 12.1 Clinical Correlation: Parkinson Disease
Folder 12.2 Clinical Correlation: Demyelinating Diseases /
  406
Folder 12.3 Clinical Correlation: Reactive Gliosis: Scar
  Formation in the Central Nervous System
Folder 12.4 Clinical Correlation: Cognitive Impairments
  After COVID-19 Infections
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
    PLATE 12.1 Sympathetic and Dorsal Root Ganglia
   PLATE   12.2 Peripheral Nerve
   PLATE   12.3 Cerebrum
   PLATE   12.4 Cerebellum
   PLATE   12.5 Spinal Cord
 13   Cardiovascular System
OVERVIEW OF THE CARDIOVASCULAR SYSTEM
HEART
GENERAL FEATURES OF ARTERIES AND VEINS
ARTERIES
CAPILLARIES
ARTERIOVENOUS SHUNTS
VEINS
ATYPICAL BLOOD VESSELS
LYMPHATIC VESSELS
Folder 13.1 Clinical Correlation: Atherosclerosis
Folder 13.2 Clinical Correlation: Hypertension
Folder 13.3 Clinical Correlation: Coronary Heart Disease
HISTOLOGY
Atlas Plates
  PLATE 13.1 Heart
  PLATE 13.2 Aorta
  PLATE 13.3 Muscular Arteries and Medium Veins
  PLATE 13.4 Arterioles, Venules, and Lymphatic Vessels
Language: English
1889
CONTENTS
    PREFATORY NOTE.
     STUDIES IN THE SOUTH AND WEST
     I.—IMPRESSIONS OF THE SOUTH IN 1885.
     II.—SOCIETY IN THE NEW SOUTH.
     III.—NEW ORLEANS.
     IV.—A VOUDOO DANCE.
     V.—THE ACADIAN LAND.
     VI.—THE SOUTH REVISITED, IN 1887.
     VII.—A FAR AND FAIR COUNTRY.
    VIII.—ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL TOPICS. MINNESOTA AND
   WISCONSIN.
     IX.—CHICAGO. [First Paper.]
 X.—CHICAGO [Second Paper.]
  XI.—THREE   CAPITALS—SPRINGFIELD,   INDIANAPOLIS,
COLUMBUS.
 XII.—CINCINNATI AND LOUISVILLE.
 XIII.—MEMPHIS AND LITTLE ROCK.
 XIV.—ST. LOUIS AND KANSAS CITY.
 XV.—KENTUCKY.
 COMMENTS ON CANADA.
 I.
 II.
 III.
                PREFATORY NOTE.
   To Henry M. Alden, Esq., Editor of Harper’s
                   Monthly:
  My dear Mr. Alden,—It was at your suggestion that these Studies
were undertaken; all of them passed under your eye, except
“Society in the New South,” which appeared in the New Princeton
Review. The object was not to present a comprehensive account of
the country South and West—which would have been impossible in
the time and space given—but to note certain representative
developments, tendencies, and dispositions, the communication of
which would lead to a better understanding between different
sections. The subjects chosen embrace by no means all that is
important and interesting, but it is believed that they are fairly
representative. The strongest impression produced upon the writer
in making these Studies was that the prosperous life of the Union
depends upon the life and dignity of the individual States.
                           C. D. W,
STUDIES IN THE SOUTH AND WEST
I.—IMPRESSIONS OF THE SOUTH IN
            1885.
I
     t is borne in upon me, as the Friends would say, that I ought to
     bear my testimony of certain impressions made by a recent visit
     to the Gulf States. In doing this I am aware that I shall be under
the suspicion of having received kindness and hospitality, and of
forming opinions upon a brief sojourn. Both these facts must be
confessed, and allowed their due weight in discrediting what I have
to say. A month of my short visit was given to New Orleans in the
spring, during the Exposition, and these impressions are mainly of
Louisiana.
  The first general impression made was that the war is over in
spirit as well as in deed. The thoughts of the people are not upon
the war, not much upon the past at all, except as their losses remind
them of it, but upon the future, upon business, a revival of trade,
upon education, and adjustment to the new state of things. The
thoughts are not much upon politics either, or upon offices; certainly
they are not turned more in this direction than the thoughts of
people at the North are. When we read a despatch which declares
that there is immense dissatisfaction throughout Arkansas because
offices are not dealt out more liberally to it, we may know that the
case is exactly what it is in, say, Wisconsin—that a few political
managers are grumbling, and that the great body of the people are
indifferent, perhaps too indifferent, to the distribution of offices.
  Undoubtedly immense satisfaction was felt at the election of Mr.
Cleveland, and elation of triumph in the belief that now the party
which had been largely a non-participant in Federal affairs would
have a large share and weight in the administration. With this went,
however, a new feeling of responsibility, of a stake in the country,
that manifested itself at once in attachment to the Union as the
common possession of all sections. I feel sure that Louisiana, for
instance, was never in its whole history, from the day of the
Jefferson purchase, so consciously loyal to the United States as it is
to-day. I have believed that for the past ten years there has been
growing in this country a stronger feeling of nationality—a distinct
American historic consciousness—and nowhere else has it developed
so rapidly of late as at the South. I am convinced that this is a
genuine development of attachment to the Union and of pride in the
nation, and not in any respect a political movement for unworthy
purposes. I am sorry that it is necessary, for the sake of any
lingering prejudice at the North, to say this. But it is time that sober,
thoughtful, patriotic people at the North should quit representing the
desire for office at the South as a desire to get into the Government
saddle and ride again with a “rebel” impulse. It would be, indeed, a
discouraging fact if any considerable portion of the South held aloof
in sullenness from Federal affairs. Nor is it any just cause either of
reproach or of uneasiness that men who were prominent in the war
of the rebellion should be prominent now in official positions, for
with a few exceptions the worth and weight of the South went into
the war. It would be idle to discuss the question whether the masses
of the South were not dragooned into the war by the politicians; it is
sufficient to recognize the fact that it became practically, by one
means or another, a unanimous revolt.
   One of the strongest impressions made upon a Northerner who
visits the extreme South now, having been familiar with it only by
report, is the extent to which it suffered in the war. Of course there
was extravagance and there were impending bankruptcies before
the war, debt, and methods of business inherently vicious, and no
doubt the war is charged with many losses which would have come
without it, just as in every crisis half the failures wrongfully accuse
the crisis. Yet, with all allowance for these things, the fact remains
that the war practically wiped out personal property and the means
of livelihood. The completeness of this loss and disaster never came
home to me before. In some cases the picture of the ante bellum
civilization is more roseate in the minds of those who lost everything
than cool observation of it would justify. But conceding this, the
actual disaster needs no embellishment of the imagination. It seems
to me, in the reverse, that the Southern people do not appreciate
the sacrifices the North made for the Union. They do not, I think,
realize the fact that the North put into the war its best blood, that
every battle brought mourning into our households, and filled our
churches day by day and year by year with the black garments of
bereavement; nor did they ever understand the tearful enthusiasm
for the Union and the flag, and the unselfish devotion that underlay
all the self-sacrifice. Some time the Southern people will know that it
was love for the Union, and not hatred of the South, that made
heroes of the men and angels of renunciation of the women.
   Yes, say our Southern friends, we can believe that you lost dear
ones and were in mourning; but, after all, the North was
prosperous; you grew rich; and when the war ended, life went on in
the fulness of material prosperity. We lost not only our friends and
relatives, fathers, sons, brothers, till there was scarcely a household
that was not broken up, we lost not only the cause on which we had
set our hearts, and for which we had suffered privation and
hardship, were fugitives and wanderers, and endured the bitterness
of defeat at the end, but our property was gone, we were stripped,
with scarcely a home, and the whole of life had to be begun over
again, under all the disadvantage of a sudden social revolution.
   It is not necessary to dwell upon this or to heighten it, but it must
be borne in mind when we observe the temper of the South, and
especially when we are looking for remaining bitterness, and the
wonder to me is that after so short a space of time there is
remaining so little of resentment or of bitter feeling over loss and
discomfiture. I believe there is not in history any parallel to it. Every
American must take pride in the fact that Americans have so risen
superior to circumstances, and come out of trials that thoroughly
threshed and winnowed soul and body in a temper so gentle and a
spirit so noble. It is good stuff that can endure a test of this kind.
   A lady, whose family sustained all the losses that were possible in
the war, said to me—and she said only what several others said in
substance—“We are going to get more out of this war than you at
the North, because we suffered more. We were drawn out of
ourselves in sacrifices, and were drawn together in a tenderer
feeling of humanity; I do believe we were chastened into a higher
and purer spirit.”
   Let me not be misunderstood. The people who thus recognize the
moral training of adversity and its effects upon character, and who
are glad that slavery is gone, and believe that a new and better era
for the South is at hand, would not for a moment put themselves in
an attitude of apology for the part they took in the war, nor confess
that they were wrong, nor join in any denunciation of the leaders
they followed to their sorrow. They simply put the past behind them,
so far as the conduct of the present life is concerned. They do not
propose to stamp upon memories that are tender and sacred, and
they cherish certain sentiments whieh are to them loyalty to their
past and to the great passionate experiences of their lives. When a
woman, who enlisted by the consent of Jeff Davis, whose name
appeared for four years upon the rolls, and who endured all the
perils and hardships of the conflict as a field-nurse, speaks of
“President” Davis, what does it mean? It is only a sentiment. This
heroine of the war on the wrong side had in the Exposition a tent,
where the veterans of the Confederacy recorded their names. On
one side, at the back of the tent, was a table piled with touching
relics of the war, and above it a portrait of Robert E. Lee, wreathed
in immortelles. It was surely a harmless shrine.
   On the other side was also a table, piled with fruit and cereals—
not relics, but signs of prosperity and peace—and above it a portrait
of Ulysses S. Grant. Here was the sentiment, cherished with an
aching heart maybe, and here was the fact of the Union and the
future.
   Another strong impression made upon the visitor is, as I said, that
the South has entirely put the past behind it, and is devoting itself to
the work of rebuilding on new foundations. There is no reluctance to
talk about the war, or to discuss its conduct and what might have
been. But all this is historic. It engenders no heat. The mind of the
South to-day is on the development of its resources, upon the
rehabilitation of its affairs. I think it is rather more concerned about
national prosperity than it is about the great problem of the negro—
but I will refer to this further on. There goes with this interest in
material development the same interest in the general prosperity of
the country that exists at the North—the anxiety that the country
should prosper, acquit itself well, and stand well with the other
nations. There is, of course, a sectional feeling—as to tariff, as to
internal improvements—but I do not think the Southern States are
any more anxious to get things for themselves out of the Federal
Government than the Northern States are. That the most extreme of
Southern politicians have any sinister purpose (any more than any of
the Northern “rings” on either side have) in wanting to “rule” the
country, is, in my humble opinion, only a chimera evoked to make
political capital.
   As to the absolute subsidence of hostile intention (this phrase I
know will sound queer in the South), and the laying aside of
bitterness for the past, are not necessary in the presence of a strong
general impression, but they might be given in great number. I note
one that was significant from its origin, remembering, what is well
known, that women and clergymen are always the last to experience
subsidence of hostile feeling after a civil war. On the Confederate
Decoration Day in New Orleans I was standing near the Confederate
monument in one of the cemeteries when the veterans marched in
to decorate it. First came the veterans of the Army of Virginia, last
those of the Army of Tennessee, and between them the veterans of
the Grand Army of the Republic, Union soldiers now living in
Louisiana. I stood beside a lady whose name, if I mentioned it,
would be recognized as representative of a family which was as
conspicuous, and did as much and lost as much, as any other in the
war—a family that would be popularly supposed to cherish
unrelenting feelings. As the veterans, some of them on crutches,
many of them with empty sleeves, grouped themselves about the
monument, we remarked upon the sight as a touching one, and I
said: “I see you have no address on Decoration Day. At the North we
still keep up the custom.”
   “No,” she replied; “we have given it up. So many imprudent things
were said that we thought best to discontinue the address.” And
then, after a pause, she added, thoughtfully: “Each side did the best
it could; it is all over and done with, and let’s have an end of it.” In
the mouth of the lady who uttered it, the remark was very
significant, but it expresses, I am firmly convinced, the feeling of the
South.
   Of course the South will build monuments to its heroes, and weep
over their graves, and live upon the memory of their devotion and
genius. In Heaven’s name, why shouldn’t it? Is human nature itself
to be changed in twenty years?
   A long chapter might be written upon the dis-likeness of North
and South, the difference in education, in training, in mental
inheritances, the misapprehensions, radical and very singular to us,
of the civilization of the North. We must recognize certain historic
facts, not only the effect of the institution of slavery, but other facts
in Southern development. Suppose we say that an unreasonable
prejudice exists, or did exist, about the people of the North. That
prejudice is a historic fact, of which the statesman must take
account. It enters into the question of the time needed to effect the
revolution now in progress. There are prejudices in the North about
the South as well. We admit their existence. But what impresses me
is the rapidity with which they are disappearing in the South.
Knowing what human nature is, it seems incredible that they could
have subsided so rapidly. Enough remain for national variety, and
enough will remain for purposes of social badinage, but common
interests in the country and in making money are melting them away
very fast. So far as loyalty to the Government is concerned, I am not
authorized to say that it is as deeply rooted in the South as in the
North, but it is expressed as vividly, and felt with a good deal of
fresh enthusiasm. The “American” sentiment, pride in this as the
most glorious of all lands, is genuine, and amounts to enthusiasm
with many who would in an argument glory in their rebellion. “We
had more loyalty to our States than you had,” said one lady, “and we
have transferred it to the whole country.”
   But the negro? Granting that the South is loyal enough, wishes
never another rebellion, and is satisfied to be rid of slavery, do not
the people intend to keep the negroes practically a servile class,
slaves in all but the name, and to defeat by chicanery or by force the
legitimate results of the war and of enfranchisement?
   This is a very large question, and cannot be discussed in my limits.
If I were to say what my impression is, it would be about this: the
South is quite as much perplexed by the negro problem as the North
is, and is very much disposed to await developments, and to let time
solve it. One thing, however, must be admitted in all this discussion.
The Southerners will not permit such Legislatures as those
assembled once in Louisiana and South Carolina to rule them again.
“Will you disfranchise the blacks by management or by force?”
   “Well, what would you do in Ohio or in Connecticut? Would you be
ruled by a lot of ignorant field-hands allied with a gang of
plunderers?”
   In looking at this question from a Northern point of view we have
to keep in mind two things: first, the Federal Government imposed
colored suffrage without any educational qualification—a hazardous
experiment; in the second place, it has handed over the control of
the colored people in each State to the State, under the
Constitution, as completely in Louisiana as in New York. The
responsibility is on Louisiana. The North cannot relieve her of it, and
it cannot interfere, except by ways provided in the Constitution. In
the South, where fear of a legislative domination has gone, the
feeling between the two races is that of amity and mutual help. This
is, I think, especially true in Louisiana. The Southerners never have
forgotten the loyalty of the slaves during the war, the security with
which the white families dwelt in the midst of a black population
while all the white men were absent in the field; they often refer to
this. It touches with tenderness the new relation of the races. I think
there is generally in the South a feeling of good-will towards the
negroes, a desire that they should develop into true manhood and
womanhood. Undeniably there are indifference and neglect and
some remaining suspicion about the schools that Northern charity
has organized for the negroes. As to this neglect of the negro, two
things are to be said: the whole subject of education (as we have
understood it in the North) is comparatively new in the South; and
the necessity of earning a living since the war has distracted
attention from it. But the general development of education is quite
as advanced as could be expected. The thoughtful and the leaders
of opinion are fully awake to the fact that the mass of the people
must be educated, and that the only settlement of the negro
problem is in the education of the negro, intellectually and morally.
They go further than this. They say that for the South to hold its
own—since the negro is there and will stay there, and is the majority
of the laboring class—it is necessary that the great agricultural mass
of unskilled labor should be transformed, to a great extent, into a
class of skilled labor, skilled on the farm, in shops, in factories, and
that the South must have a highly diversified industry. To this end
they want industrial as well as ordinary schools for the colored
people.
   It is believed that, with this education and with diversified
industry, the social question will settle itself, as it does the world
over. Society cannot be made or unmade by legislation. In New
Orleans the street-ears are free to all colors; at the Exposition white
and colored people mingled freely, talking and looking at what was
of common interest.
   We who live in States where hotel-keepers exclude Hebrews
cannot say much about the exclusion of negroes from Southern
hotels. There are prejudices remaining. There are cases of hardship
on the railways, where for the same charge perfectly respectable
and nearly white women are shut out of cars while there is no
discrimination against dirty and disagreeable white people. In time
all this will doubtless rest upon the basis it rests on at the North, and
social life will take care of itself. It is my impression that the negroes
are no more desirous to mingle socially with the whites than the
whites are with the negroes. Among the negroes there are social
grades as distinctly marked as in white society. What will be the final
outcome of the juxtaposition nobody can tell; meantime it must be
recorded that good-will exists between the races.
  I had one day at the Exposition an interesting talk with the colored
woman in charge of the Alabama section of the exhibit of the
colored people. This exhibit, made by States, was suggested and
promoted by Major Burke in order to show the whites what the
colored people could do, and as a stimulus to the latter. There was
not much time—only two or three months—in which to prepare the
exhibit, and it was hardly a fair showing of the capacity of the
colored people. The work was mainly women’s work—embroidery,
sewing, household stuffs, with a little of the handiwork of artisans,
and an exhibit of the progress in education; but small as it was, it
was wonderful as the result of only a few years of freedom. The
Alabama exhibit was largely from Mobile, and was due to the energy,
executive ability, and taste of the commissioner in charge. She was a
quadroon, a widow, a woman of character and uncommon mental
and moral quality. She talked exceedingly well, and with a practical
good-sense which would be notable in anybody. In the course of our
conversation the whole social and political question was gone over.
Herself a person of light color, and with a confirmed social prejudice
against black people, she thoroughly identified herself with the
colored race, and it was evident that her sympathies were with
them. She confirmed what I had heard of the social grades among
colored people, but her whole soul was in the elevation of her race
as a race, inclining always to their side, but with no trace of hostility
to the whites. Many of her best friends were whites, and perhaps
the most valuable part of her education was acquired in families of
social distinction. “I can illustrate,” she said, “the state of feeling
between the two races in Mobile by an incident last summer. There
was an election coming off in the City Government, and I knew that
the reformers wanted and needed the colored vote. I went,
therefore, to some of the chief men, who knew me and had
confidence in me, for I had had business relations with many of
them [she had kept a fashionable boarding-house], and told them
that I wanted the Opera-house for the colored people to give an
entertainment and exhibition in. The request was extraordinary.
Nobody but white people had ever been admitted to the Opera-
house. But, after some hesitation and consultation, the request was
granted. We gave the exhibition, and the white people all attended.
It was really a beautiful affair, lovely tableaux, with gorgeous
dresses, recitations, etc., and everybody was astonished that the
colored people had so much taste and talent, and had got on so far
in education. They said they were delighted and surprised, and they
liked it so well that they wanted the entertainment repeated—it was
given for one of our charities—but I was too wise for that. I didn’t
want to run the chance of destroying the impression by repeating,
and I said we would wait a while, and then show them something
better. Well, the election came off in August, and everything went all
right, and now the colored people in Mobile can have anything they
want. There is the best feeling between the races. I tell you we
should get on beautifully if the politicians would let us alone. It is
politics that has made all the trouble in Alabama and in Mobile.” And
I learned that in Mobile, as in many other places, the negroes were
put in minor official positions, the duties of which they were capable
of discharging, and had places in the police.
   On “Louisiana Day” in the Exposition the colored citizens took their
full share of the parade and the honors. Their societies marched with
the others, and the races mingled on the grounds in unconscious
equality of privileges. Speeches were made, glorifying the State and
its history, by able speakers, the Governor among them; but it was
the testimony of Democrats of undoubted Southern orthodoxy that
the honors of the day were carried off by a colored clergyman, an
educated man, who united eloquence with excellent good-sense,
and who spoke as a citizen of Louisiana, proud of his native State,
dwelling with richness of allusion upon its history. It was a perfectly
manly speech in the assertion of the rights and the position of his
race, and it breathed throughout the same spirit of good-will and
amity in a common hope of progress that characterized the talk of
the colored woman commissioner of Mobile. It was warmly
applauded, and accepted, so far as I heard, as a matter of course.
   No one, however, can see the mass of colored people in the cities
and on the plantations, the ignorant mass, slowly coming to moral
consciousness, without a recognition of the magnitude of the negro
problem. I am glad that my State has not the practical settlement of
it, and I cannot do less than express profound sympathy with the
people who have. They inherit the most difficult task now anywhere
visible in human progress. They will make mistakes, and they will do
injustice now and then; but one feels like turning away from these,
and thanking God for what they do well.
   There are many encouraging things in the condition of the negro.
Good-will, generally, among the people where he lives is one thing;
their tolerance of his weaknesses and failings is another. He is
himself, here and there, making heroic sacrifices to obtain an
education. There are negro mothers earning money at the wash-tub
to keep their boys at school and in college. In the South-west there
is such a call for colored teachers that the Straight University in New
Orleans, which has about five hundred pupils, cannot begin to
supply the demand, although the teachers, male and female, are
paid from thirty-five to fifty dollars a month. A colored graduate of
this school a year ago is now superintendent of the colored schools
in Memphis, at a salary of $1200 a year.
   Are these exceptional cases? Well, I suppose it is also exceptional
to see a colored clergyman in his surplice seated in the chancel of
the most important white Episcopal church in New Orleans, assisting
in the service; but it is significant. There are many good auguries to
be drawn from the improved condition of the negroes on the
plantations, the more rational and less emotional character of their
religious services, and the hold of the temperance movement on all
classes in the country places.
  II.—SOCIETY IN THE NEW SOUTH.
T
        he American Revolution made less social change in the South
        than in the North. Under conservative influences the South
        developed her social life with little alteration in form and spirit
—allowing for the decay that always attends conservatism—down to
the Civil War. The social revolution which was in fact accomplished
contemporaneously with the political severance from Great Britain, in
the North, was not effected in the South until Lee offered his sword
to Grant, and Grant told him to keep it and beat it into a
ploughshare. The change had indeed been inevitable, and ripening
for four years, but it was at that moment universally recognized.
Impossible, of course, except by the removal of slavery, it is not
wholly accounted for by the removal of slavery; it results also from
an economical and political revolution, and from a total alteration of
the relations of the South to the rest of the world. The story of this
social change will be one of the most marvellous the historian has to
deal with.
  Provincial is a comparative term. All England is provincial to the
Londoner, all America to the Englishman. Perhaps New York looks
upon Philadelphia as provincial; and if Chicago is forced to admit
that Boston resembles ancient Athens, then Athens, by the Chicago
standard, must have been a very provincial city. The root of
provincialism is localism, or a condition of being on one side and
apart from the general movement of contemporary life. In this
sense, and compared with the North in its absolute openness to
every wind from all parts of the globe, the South was provincial.
Provincialism may have its decided advantages, and it may nurture
many superior virtues and produce a social state that is as charming
as it is interesting, but along with it goes a certain self-appreciation,
which ultracosmopolitan critics would call Concord-like, that seems
exaggerated to outsiders.
   The South, and notably Virginia and South Carolina, cherished
English traditions long after the political relation was severed. But it
kept the traditions of the time of the separation, and did not share
the literary and political evolution of England. Slavery divided it from
the North in sympathy, and slavery, by excluding European
emigration, shut out the South from the influence of the new ideas
germinating in Europe. It was not exactly true to say that the library
of the Southern gentleman stopped with the publications current in
the reign of George the Third, but, well stocked as it was with the
classics and with the English literature become classic, it was not
likely to contain much of later date than the Reform Bill in England
and the beginning of the abolition movement in the North. The
pages of De Bow’s Review attest the ambition and direction of
Southern scholarship—a scholarship not much troubled by the new
problems that were at the time rending England and the North. The
young men who still went abroad to be educated brought back with
them the traditions and flavor of the old England and not the spirit
of the new, the traditions of the universities and not the new life of
research and doubt in them. The conservatism of the Southern life
was so strong that the students at Northern colleges returned
unchanged by contact with a different civilization. The South met the
North in business and in politics, and in a limited social intercourse,
but from one cause and another for three-quarters of a century it
was practically isolated, and consequently developed a peculiar
social life.
   One result of this isolation was that the South was more
homogeneous than the North, and perhaps more distinctly American
in its characteristics. This was to be expected, since it had one
common and overmastering interest in slavery, had little foreign
admixture, and was removed from the currents of commerce and
the disturbing ideas of Reform. The South, so far as society was
concerned, was an agricultural aristocracy, based upon a perfectly
defined lowest class in the slaves, and holding all trade, commerce,
and industrial and mechanical pursuits in true mediæval contempt.
Its literature was monarchical, tempered by some Jeffersonian,
doctrinaire notions of the rights of man, which were satisfied,
however, by an insistence upon the sovereignty of the States, and by
equal privileges to a certain social order in each State. Looked at,
then, from the outside, the South appeared to be homogeneous, but
from its own point of view, socially, it was not at all so. Social life in
these jealously independent States developed almost as freely and
variously as it did in the Middle Ages in the free cities of Italy.
Virginia was not at all like South Carolina (except in one common
interest), and Louisiana—especially in its centre, New Orleans—more
cosmopolitan than any other part of the South by reason of its
foreign elements, more closely always in sympathy with Paris than
with New York or Boston, was widely, in its social life, separated
from its sisters. Indeed, in early days, before the slavery agitation,
there was, owing to the heritage of English traditions, more in
common between Boston and Charleston than between New Orleans
and Charleston. And later, there was a marked social difference
between towns and cities near together—as, for instance, between
agricultural Lexington and commercial Louisville, in Kentucky.
   The historian who writes the social life of the Southern States will
be embarrassed with romantic and picturesque material. Nowhere
else in this levelling age will he find a community developing so
much of the dramatic, so much splendor and such pathetic contrasts
in the highest social cultivation, as in the plantation and city life of
South Carolina. Already, in regarding it, it assumes an air of
unreality, and vanishes in its strong lights and heavy shades like a
dream of the chivalric age. An allusion to its character is sufficient
for the purposes of this paper. Persons are still alive who saw the
prodigal style of living and the reckless hospitality of the planters in
those days, when in the Charleston and Sea Island mansions the
guests constantly entertained were only outnumbered by the
swarms of servants; when it was not incongruous and scarcely
ostentatious that the courtly company, which had the fine and free
manner of another age, should dine off gold and silver plate; and
when all that wealth and luxury could suggest was lavished in a
princely magnificence that was almost barbaric in its profusion. The