AACN Essentials of Progressive Care Nursing 3rd Edition by Suzanne Burns 0071822925 9780071822923
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AACN Essentials of Progressive Care Nursing
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                                  To my progressive care nursing colleagues around the world
                              whose wonderful work and efforts ensure the safe passage of patients
through the progressive care environment. Special thanks to Marianne Chulay, RN, PhD, FAAN, my dear friend and colleague,
  for her many contributions and mentoring during the development of the first two editions of the Essentials of Critical Care
 Nursing and the Essentials of Progressive Care Nursing books. Her inspiration, drive, and thoughtful approach to the books
                          continue to be an inspiration to me and the authors with whom she worked.
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                                                                                                               Contents
Contributors..........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................xvii
Reviewers............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. xix
Preface................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. xxi
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         v
vi         CONTENTS
Section III. Advanced Concepts in Caring for the Critically Ill Patient................................................................................................................................. 397
18. Advanced ECG Concepts.................................................................................................................................................................. 399
    Carol Jacobson
19. Advanced Cardiovascular Concepts.............................................................................................................................................. 441
    Barbara Leeper
20. Advanced Neurologic Concepts....................................................................................................................................................... 469
    Dea Mahanes
Contributors.............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................xvii
Reviewers................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. xix
Preface................................................................................................................................................................................................................ xxi
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        vii
viii     CONTENTS IN DETAIL
		 Selected Bibliography 31
             Family Interventions/Visitation 31/ Infection Control 32 / Patient and Family Education 32 /
             Psychological Problems 32 / Sleep Deprivation 32 / Transport of Critically Ill Patients 32 /
             Evidence-Based Practice 32
 4. Hemodynamic Monitoring................................................................................................................................................................. 67
    Leanna R. Miller
		 Hemodynamic Parameters 67
             Cardiac Output 67 / Components of Cardiac Output/Cardiac Index 69 / Stroke Volume and Stroke
             Volume Index 70 / Ejection Fraction 70 / Factors Affecting Stroke Volume/Stroke Volume Index 70
		 Basic Components of Hemodynamic Monitoring Systems 74
             Pulmonary Artery Catheter 74 / Arterial Catheter 74 / Pressure Tubing 74 / Pressure Transducer 74 /
             Pressure Amplifier 74 / Pressure Bag and Flush Device 74 / Alarms 76
		 Obtaining Accurate CVP and Arterial Values                                 76
             Zeroing the Transducer 76 / Leveling the Transducer to the Catheter Tip 76 / Calibration of the
             Transducer/Amplifier System 77 / Ensuring Accurate Waveform Transmission 77
		 Insertion and Removal of Catheters                           78
             Central Venous Catheters 78 / Arterial Catheters 80
		 Obtaining and Interpreting Hemodynamic Waveforms                                         81
             Patient Positioning 81 / Interpretation 81 / Artifacts in Hemodynamic Waveforms: Respiratory
             Influence 85
		 Continuous Mixed and Central Venous Oxygen Monitoring (Svo2/Scvo2)                                                   86
             Svo2/Scvo2 Monitoring Principles 86
		 Minimally Invasive Hemodynamic Monitoring                                     87
                                                                                                                                                                       CONTENTS IN DETAIL            ix
              Acute Respiratory Failure 238 / Acute Respiratory Distress Syndrome (ARDS) 243 /
              Acute Respiratory Failure in the Patient with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease 244 /
              Acute Respiratory Failure in the Patient with Asthma 247 / Interstitial Lung Disease 250 /
              Pulmonary Hypertension 250 / Pneumonia 251 / Pulmonary Embolism 255
		 Selected Bibliographyâ•… 258
              Critical Care Management of Respiratory Problems 258 / Chest X-Ray Interpretation 258 /
              Miscellaneous 258 / Evidence-Based Practice Guidelines 258
11. Multisystem Problems....................................................................................................................................................................... 261
    Ruth M. Kleinpell
		 Pathologic Conditionsâ•… 261
              Sepsis and Multiple Organ Dysfunction Syndrome 261
		Overdosesâ•… 268
              Etiology, Risk Factors, and Pathophysiology 268
		 Complex Wounds and Pressure Ulcersâ•… 273
              Pressure Ulcer Stages 273
		 Healthcare Acquired Infectionsâ•… 274
		 Selected Infectious Diseasesâ•… 276
		 Selected Bibliographyâ•… 276
              SIRS, Sepsis, and MODS 276 / Overdose 277 / Complex Wounds and Pressure Ulcers 277 /
              Healthcare Acquired Infections 278 / Selected Infectious Diseases 278
12. Neurologic System.............................................................................................................................................................................. 279
    Dea Mahanes
		 Special Assessment Techniques and Diagnostic Testsâ•… 279
              Level of Consciousness 279 / Glasgow Coma Scale 280 / Full Outline of UnResponsiveness (FOUR)
              Score 281 / Mental Status 281 / Motor Assessment 282 / Sensation 283 / Cranial Nerve Assessment
              and Assessment of Brain Stem Function 283 / Vital Sign Alterations in Neurologic Dysfunction 285
		 Diagnostic Testingâ•… 285
              Lumbar Puncture 285 / Computed Tomography 287 / Magnetic Resonance Imaging 287 / Cerebral
              (Catheter) Angiography 288 / Transcranial Doppler Ultrasound 288 / Electroencephalography 288 /
              Electromyography/Nerve Conduction Studies 289
		 Intracranial Pressure â•… 289
              Cerebral Blood Flow 289 / Causes of Increased Intracranial Pressure 289 / Clinical Presentation 291 /
              Principles of Management of Increased ICP 291
		 Acute Ischemic Strokeâ•… 292
              Etiology, Risk Factors, and Pathophysiology 292 / Clinical Presentation 293 / Diagnostic Tests 294 /
              Principles of Management of Acute Ischemic Stroke 294
		 Hemorrhagic Strokeâ•… 296
              Etiology, Risk Factors, and Pathophysiology 296 / Clinical Presentation 296 / Diagnostic Tests 296 /
              Principles of Management of Intracerebral Hemorrhage 296
		Seizuresâ•… 297
              Etiology, Risk Factors, and Pathophysiology 297 / Clinical Presentation 297 / Diagnostic Testing 298 /
              Principles of Management of Seizures 298
		 Infections of the Central Nervous Systemâ•… 298
              Meningitis 298 / Encephalitis 299 / Intracranial Abscess 299
		 Neuromuscular Diseasesâ•… 299
              Myasthenia Gravis 299 / Guillain-Barré Syndrome 299 / Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis 299
		 Selected Bibliographyâ•… 300
              Assessment and Diagnostic Testing 300 / Intracranial Pressure 300 / Acute Ischemic Stroke and
              Hemorrhagic Stroke 300 / Seizures 300 / Infections of the Central Nervous System 301 /
              Neuromuscular Diseases 301 / Evidence-Based Practice 301
13. Hematologic and Immune Systems................................................................................................................................................. 303
    Diane K. Dressler
		 Special Assessment Techniques, Diagnostic Tests, and Monitoring Systemsâ•… 303
              Complete Blood Count 303 / Red Blood Cell Count 303 / Hemoglobin 304 / Hematocrit 304 /
              Red Blood Cell Indices 304 / Total White Blood Cell Count 304 / White Blood Cell
              Differential 305 / Platelet Count 305 / Coagulation Studies 305 / Additional Tests and Procedures 306
		 Pathologic Conditionsâ•… 306
xii      CONTENTS IN DETAIL
Section III.╇ Advanced Concepts in Caring for the Critically Ill Patient................................................................................................................................. 397
18. Advanced ECG Concepts.................................................................................................................................................................. 399
    Carol Jacobson
		 The 12-Lead Electrocardiogramâ•… 399
              Axis Determination 403 / Bundle Branch Block 404 / Acute Coronary Syndrome 408 / Preexcitation
              Syndromes 414
		 Advanced Arrhythmia Interpretationâ•… 418
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                CONTENTS IN DETAIL                    xiii
     80. The Court, in March, 1634–5, passed an act, “entreating of the brethren
and elders of every church within their jurisdiction, that they will consult and
advise of one uniform order of discipline in the churches, agreeable to the
Scriptures, and then to consider how far the magistrates are bound to interpose
for the preservation of that uniformity and the peace of the churches.”
    83. Winthrop places the banishment under the date of October, but the
Colonial Records, (I. 163) state, that it took place, November 3, 1635.
     85. Backus, vol. i. p. 516. He called this daughter Freeborn. This was in the
taste of the times. The first three children christened in Boston church were
named Joy, Recompense and Pity. It is worthy of remark, that the name Freeborn
was given, while the father was the object of what he doubtless thought
oppression. It shows his indomitable spirit.
    87. This is the ground on which Mr. Cotton himself justified the punishment of
heretics. See the “Bloody Tenet.”
    88. About the same time that Bossuet, the most illustrious champion of the
Church of Rome, was engaged in maintaining, with all the force of his
overwhelming eloquence, and inexhaustible ingenuity, that the sovereign was
bound to use his authority in extirpating false religions from the state, the Scotch
Commissioners in London were remonstrating, in the name of their national
Church, against the introduction of a ‘sinful and ungodly toleration in matters of
religion;’ whilst the whole body of the English Presbyterian Clergy, in their official
papers, protested against the schemes of Cromwell’s party, and solemnly declared,
‘that they detested and abhorred toleration.’ ‘My judgment,’ said Baxter, a man
noted in his day for moderation, ‘I have always freely made known. I abhor
unlimited liberty or toleration of all.’—‘Toleration,’ said Edwards, another
distinguished divine, ‘will make the kingdom a chaos, a Babel, another
Amsterdam, a Sodom, an Egypt, a Babylon. Toleration is the grand work of the
Devil, his master-piece, and chief engine to uphold his tottering kingdom. It is the
most compendious, ready, sure way to destroy all religion, lay all waste and bring
in all evil. It is a most transcendent, catholic and fundamental evil. As original sin
is the fundamental sin, having the seed and spawn of all sins in it, so toleration
hath all errors in it, and all evils.’ Verplank’s Discourses, pp. 23, 24. Similar
language was used in this country. The Rev. Mr. Ward, in his Simple Cobler of
Agawam, written in 1647, utters his detestation of toleration, and says: “He that is
willing to tolerate any religion, or decrepit way of religion, besides his own, unless
it be in matters merely indifferent, either doubts of his own, or is not sincere in it.”
     90. Mr. Haynes was preceded by Mr. Dudley, who was a stern man, and
particularly opposed to toleration. He died soon after, with a copy of verses in his
pocket, written with his own hand. The two following lines made a part of it:
       Mr. Haynes also accused Governor Winthrop as too mild. Winthrop, vol. i. p.
178.
     91. Mr. Cotton denied, in his Reply to the Bloody Tenet, that he had any
agency in the banishment of Mr. Williams, but avowed that he approved of it. Mr.
Williams asserts, “Some gentlemen who consented to the sentence against me,
solemnly testified with tears, that they did it by the advice and counsel of Mr.
Cotton.” These two assertions may be reconciled, perhaps, by the remark of Mr.
Cotton, that “if he did counsel one or two, it would not argue the act of the
government.”
    92. In the Bloody Tenet such phrases as these are repeatedly applied to Mr.
Cotton: “I speak with honorable respect for the answerer”—“the worthy
answerer”—“a man incomparably too worthy for such a service.”
     97. The remark of Tacitus, respecting the German tribes, is true of the
Indians: “Reges̄ ex nobilitate, Duces ex virtute sumunt. Nec Regibus infinita aut
libera potestas, et Duces exemplo potius quam imperio; si prompti, si conspicui, si
ante aciem agant, admiratione præsunt.” De Mor. Ger. c. vii.
     101. Roger Williams says, “I have known many of them run between
fourscore or an hundred miles in a summer’s day, and back in two days.” Key, ch.
11.
     103. When boiled whole it was called msickquatash, and it is still eaten in
New-England, under the name of suckatash. The ground corn, when boiled, was
called Nasaump. “From this,” says Roger Williams, “the English call their samp,
which is the Indian corn, beaten and boiled, and eaten hot or cold with milk or
butter, which are mercies beyond the natives’ plain water, and which is a dish
exceeding wholesome for the English bodies.” Key, ch. 2.
    104. This shell fish is now called quahawg. The blue part of the shell seems to
have been broken off, drilled, ground to a round, smooth surface, and polished. It
appears that the white parts of the quahawg shell were in like manner made into
wampum. Morton’s Memorial, Appendix, p. 388.
      106. The remark of Lord Bacon is applicable to the native tribes of our land.
“It is certain, that sedentary and within door arts, and delicate manufactures (that
require rather the finger than the arm) have in their nature a contrariety to a
warlike disposition; and generally all warlike people are a little idle, and love
danger better than travail.” Essay 29.
    107. They supposed that their elysium was situated in the southwest, because
the wind from that quarter is always the attendant or precursor of fine weather. It
was not unnatural for an ignorant savage to imagine, that the balmy and delightful
breezes from the southwest were “airs from heaven.”
     109. The Rev. John Eliot, called the Indian apostle, was settled as the teacher
of the church in Roxbury, in 1632. He learned the Indian language, and
commenced preaching to the natives. In 1651, an Indian town was built, on a
pleasant spot on Charles river, about 16 miles from Boston, and called Natick. A
house of worship was erected, and a church of converted Indians was formed, in
1660. In 1661, he published the New Testament, in the Indian language, and in a
few years after, the whole Bible, and several other books. His labors for the
welfare of the natives were very great, and his success was gratifying. In 1670,
there were between 60 and 70 praying communicants. The example of Eliot was
followed by others, especially by the Mayhews, who labored among the Indians on
Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard. Many churches were formed in various places
besides Natick, schools established, books printed, and other efforts made for the
welfare of the natives. The aggregate number of praying Indians, in 1674, has
been estimated as follows:
3600
     See Morton’s Memorial, note U, p. 407, and Qu. Register of the Am. Ed. Soc.
for Feb. 1832. Adams’ Bio. Dic. art. Eliot and Mayhew.
    110. The illustrious Professors Adelung and Vater, and Baron Humboldt,
deserve a special mention. They are the authors of that astonishing work, the
Mithridates.
    111. The Cherokee language exceeds even the Greek in its power to express,
by the inflection of a single word, delicate modifications of thought. An example is
given in the Appendix to the 6th volume of the Encyclopædia Americana. It is also
a specimen of the length to which the words in the Indian languages are often
extended. The word is, Winitaw´tigeginaliskawlungtanawneli´tisesti, which may be
rendered, “They will by that time have nearly done granting [favors] from a
distance to thee and to me.” This word is understood to be regularly inflected,
according to fixed rules. If so, the Cherokee language must have an arrangement
of modes, tenses and numbers, which few if any other languages on earth can
equal.
    113. The number assigned, in the same work, to Europe, is 587; to Africa,
276; to Asia, 987. Total, in the world, 3064.
    118. “And God blessed them, and God said unto them, Be fruitful and multiply
and replenish the earth, and subdue it.” Genesis, i. 28.
      119. The patents which they brought with them were, in theory, unjust; for
they implied, in terms, the absolute control of the English monarch over the ceded
territory, and contained no recognition of the rights of the natives. But the
Christian integrity of the Pilgrims corrected, in practice, the error or defect of the
patents. An able writer says: “It is beyond all question, that the early settlers at
Plymouth, at Saybrook, and, as a general rule, all along the Atlantic coast,
purchased the lands upon which they settled, and proceeded in their settlements
with the consent of the natives. Nineteen twentieths of the land in the Atlantic
States, and nearly all the land settled by the whites in the western States, came
into our possession as the result of amicable treaties.” “The settlers usually gave
as much for land as it was then worth, according to any fair and judicious
estimate. An Indian would sell a square mile of land for a blanket and a jack-knife;
and this would appear to many to be a fraudulent bargain. It would, however, by
no means deserve such an appellation. The knife alone would add more to the
comfort of an Indian, and more to his wealth, than forty square miles of land, in
the actual circumstances of the case.” See a very judicious article in the North
American Review, for October, 1830. We may add, that, at this day, a square mile
of land might be bought in some parts of the United States, for less than the first
settlers paid the Indians for their lands. Indeed, as the writer just quoted says,
“There are millions of acres of land in the Carolinas, which would not, at this
moment, be accepted as a gift, and yet much of this land will produce, with very
little labor, one hundred and fifty bushels of sweet potatoes to the acre.” Vattel
says, (book i. § 209) “We cannot help praising the moderation of the English
puritans, who first settled in New-England, who, notwithstanding their being
furnished with a charter from their sovereign, purchased of the Indians the land
they resolved to cultivate. This laudable example was followed by Mr. William
Penn, who planted the colony of Quakers in Pennsylvania.”
    120. The consternation which the war with Black Hawk spread over the
western country the last year, may give some faint idea of the horrors of an Indian
warfare in the early days of the colonies.
    121. See Opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States, at January term,
1832, in the Cherokee case.
     127. The venerable Moses Brown assures me, that he has ascertained this
fact, to his own satisfaction.
    128. William Harris, John Smith (miller), Joshua Verin, Thomas Angell and
Francis Wickes. R. I. Register, 1828, article written by Moses Brown.
    130. The lands adjacent to this spot were called Whatcheer, in memory of the
occurrence.
     131. “Tradition has uniformly stated the place where they landed, to be at the
spring southwest of the Episcopal church, at which a house has recently been built
by Mr. Nehemiah Dodge.” Moses Brown.
    132. Mrs. Hemans’ noble ode, “The Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers.” This
beautiful stanza applies with more literal truth to Roger Williams and his
companions, than to all the Pilgrim fathers.
    133. Published in the Providence Gazette, from January to March, 1765, and
republished in the 2 Mass. His. Col. ix.
     136. The Plymouth settlers, in 1623, began to plant their corn the middle of
April. Prince, p. 216.
     138. In a letter to the author, from John Howland, Esq. of Providence, one of
the most intelligent and active members of the Rhode-Island Historical Society, he
says, “When our Society was first formed, it was proposed to fix on the day of his
arrival here, as the day of the annual meetings of the Society; and till that day
could be ascertained, we decided on the day of the date of the charter of Charles
II.”
    147. See above. He adds, “It hath been told me, that I labored for a licentious
and contentious people; that I have foolishly parted with town and colony
advantages, by which I might have preserved both town and colony in as good
order as any in the country about us.” The following letter from his son may be
properly quoted here, as confirming the preceding statements:
    “To all them that deem themselves purchasers in the town of Providence, if
they be real purchasers, I would have them make it appear.
“Gentlemen,
      “I thought good in short to present you with these few lines, concerning the
bounds of Providence, &c. I have put forth several queries to several men in the
township, to be answered; but have not any answer from any of them; and, as I
judge, doth not care to have any discourse about it. Therefore, now I speak to you
all, desiring your honors will be pleased to consider of the matter, and to answer
me to one or two queries; that is, whether you have any thing under my father’s
hand to prove the bounds of this town afore those twelve men were concerned; or
whether my father disposed of any of the township to any other persons since the
twelve men were first in power, &c. If my father had disposed or sold his whole
township, and they he sold it to, or have it under his hand, prove the sale,
although it was but for one penny, God forbid that ever I should open my mouth
about it, &c. It is evident, that this township was my father’s, and it is held in his
name against all unjust clamors, &c. Can you find such another now alive, or in
this age? He gave away his lands and other estate, to them that he thought were
most in want, until he gave away all, so that he had nothing to help himself, so
that he being not in a way to get for his supply, and being ancient, it must needs
pinch somewhere. I do not desire to say what I have done for both father and
mother. I judge they wanted nothing that was convenient for ancient people, &c.
What my father gave, I believe he had a good intent in it, and thought God would
provide for his family. He never gave me but about three acres of land, and but a
little afore he deceased. It looked hard, that out of so much at his disposing, that I
should have so little, and he so little. For the rest, &c. I did not think to be so
large; so referring your honors to those queries you have among you,
                                         “Your friend and neighbor,
                                                               “DANIEL WILLIAMS.
    “If a covetous man had that opportunity as he had, most of this town would
have been his tenants, I believe.
                                                                              D. W.”
     148. The first deed was “written in a strait of time and haste,” as he alleged,
and contained only the initials of the names of the grantees. He was censured for
this by some of them, as if he had done it for some sinister design! They urged
him to give them another deed, which he finally did, on the 22d of December,
1666, when the document in the text was written, retaining the original date.
     149. The name, New Providence, appears in a few documents written by Mr.
Williams himself, and by others, but it was soon discontinued. The origin of the
epithet New may have been, a desire to distinguish the town from the island of
Providence, one of the Bahama islands, on which a plantation was begun in 1629.
Holmes’ Annals, vol. i. p. 201. This island has since received the name of New
Providence. The town of Roger Williams was entitled to the precedence.
     151. This seems to be loosely expressed. Mr. Williams could not mean that he
delivered the deed to the grantees in 1637, for several of the persons named, did
not arrive in Providence till after April, 1638. (Backus, vol. i. p. 92.) His own deed
of cession is dated Oct. 8, 1638. He probably meant, that he delivered the deed,
signed by the sachems in 1637, to the purchasers. This deed was dated March 24,
the last day of 1637, old style.
     153. We are surprised at the form of this signature. That Mrs. Williams could
not write, would be incredible, if it were not rendered certain that she could write,
by a reference to her letters, in a public document at Providence. It is probable,
that she wrote the initials, believing them to be sufficient; and some person added
the words, the mark of, and wrote the name at length.
    155. He found “Indian gifts” very costly. He was under the necessity of
making frequent presents. He says, that he let the Indians have his shallop and
pinnace at command, transporting fifty at a time, and lodging fifty at his house;
that he never denied them any thing lawful; that when he established a trading
house at Narraganset, Canonicus had freely what he desired; and when the old
chief was about to die, he sent for Mr. Williams, and “desired to be buried in my
cloth, of free gift.”
   156. Throckmorton, Olney and Westcott, three of the first proprietors, were
members of the Salem church. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 371.
      158. The author of Whatcheer, (p. 163) has accommodated his hero with the
dwelling of a deceased Indian powaw. Poets have a license to build castles in the
air, or on the land. I fear that Roger Williams was not so easily furnished with a
habitation. It was, however, we may suppose, sufficiently humble.
     159. Among these, were Chad Brown, William Field, Thomas Harris, William
Wickenden, Robert Williams (brother of Roger), Richard Scott, William Reynolds,
John Warner, Benedict Arnold, Joshua Winsor and Thomas Hopkins. Backus, vol. i.
p. 93.
160. Gov. Hopkins, History of Providence, 2 Mass. His. Col. ix. p. 183.
    163. Moses Brown says (Rhode-Island Register, 1828) “Roger Williams’ lot
was No. 38, northward from Mile End Cove, at the south end of the town; William
Harris’ was No. 36; John Smith’s, No. 41; Joshua Verins’, No. 39, adjoining on the
north of Roger Williams’ lot; Francis Wickes’, No. 35. The Court House appears to
be standing on No. 34. These first six settlers all became proprietors, though
Francis Wickes and Thomas Angell did not receive full shares till they became of
age.”
     166. Winthrop, vol. i. 147, 149. The Pequods agreed to deliver up the
individuals who were engaged in the murder, and to pay four hundred fathoms of
wampumpeag, forty beaver skins, and thirty otter skins. While the Pequod
ambassadors were at Boston, a party of the Narragansets came as far as
Naponset, and it was rumored that their object was to murder the Pequod
ambassadors. The magistrates had a conference at Roxbury, with the
Narragansets, (among whom were two sachems) and persuaded them to make
peace with the Pequods, to which the sachems agreed, the magistrates having
secretly promised them, as a condition, a part of the wampumpeag, which the
Pequods had stipulated to pay. The note of Mr. Savage, on this affair, deserves to
be repeated:
     “If any doubt has ever been entertained, in Europe or America, of the
equitable and pacific principles of the founders of New-England, in their relations
with the Indians, the secret history, in the foregoing paragraph, of this negotiation,
should dissipate it. By the unholy maxims of vulgar policy, the discord of these
unfriendly nations would have been encouraged, and our European fathers should
have employed the passions of the aborigines for their mutual destruction. On the
contrary, an honest artifice was resorted to for their reconciliation, and the tribute
received by us from one offending party was, by a Christian deception, divided
with their enemies, to procure mutual peace. Such mediation is more useful than
victory, and more honorable than conquest.”
      It may be added, here, as an illustration of the temper of the times, that Mr.
Eliot, the Indian apostle, expressed, in a sermon, some disapprobation of this
treaty with the Pequods, for this reason, among others, that the magistrates and
ministers acted without authority from the people. He was called to account, and
Mr. Cotton and two other ministers were appointed to convince him of his error.
The good man appeared to be convinced, and agreed to make a public retraction.
It is stated by Dr. Bentley, that Mr. Williams, then at Salem, expressed his
disapprobation of the treaty, doubtless on the same ground, of the combination of
civil and clerical agency in the transaction. But Mr. Williams would not retract, after
the example of Eliot.
     168. Winthrop, vol. i. p. 199. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 61. The last article of the
treaty provided, that it should continue to the posterity of both parties. Our fathers
thus treated with the Indians as independent tribes. They did not then dream of
the doctrine, that the Indians are mere tenants of the soil, and are under the
jurisdiction of the whites.
    171. The principal force from Massachusetts, under General Stoughton, did
not arrive till some time after the action. The Plymouth troops did not march,
though fifty men were got in readiness, but not till the war was nearly finished.
The friendly Indians did very little service, except to intercept some fugitives. The
battle was fought by the whites.
     172. “It was judged,” says Dr. Holmes, (Annals, vol. i. p. 241) “that, during
the summer, seven hundred Pequods were destroyed, among whom were thirteen
sachems. About two hundred, besides women and children, survived the swamp
fight. Of this number, the English gave eighty to Miantinomo, and twenty to
Ninigret, two sachems of Narraganset, and the other hundred to Uncas, sachem of
the Mohegans, to be received and treated as their men. A number of the male
children were sent to Bermuda. However just the occasion of this war, humanity
demands a tear on the extinction of a valiant tribe, which preferred death to what
it might naturally anticipate from the progress of English settlements—
dependence, or extirpation.
     173. Backus, vol. i. p. 95. None might have a voice in government in this new
plantation, who would not allow this liberty. Hence, about this time, I found the
following town act, viz. “It was agreed, that Joshua Verin, upon breach of
covenant, for restraining liberty of conscience, shall be withheld from liberty of
voting, till he shall declare the contrary.” Verin left the town, and his absence
seems to have been considered as a forfeiture of his land, for in 1650, he wrote
the following letter to the town, claiming his property. The town replied, that if he
would come and prove his title, he should receive the land.
             “Gentlemen and countrymen of the town of Providence:
     “This is to certify you, that I look upon my purchase of the town of Providence
to be my lawful right. In my travel, I have inquired, and do find it is recoverable
according to law; for my coming away could not disinherit me. Some of you
cannot but recollect, that we six which came first should have the first
convenience, as it was put in practice by our house lots, and 2d by the meadow in
Wanasquatucket river, and then those that were admitted by us unto the purchase
to have the next which were about; but it is contrary to law, reason and equity, for
to dispose of my part without my consent. Therefore deal not worse with me than
we dealt with the Indians, for we made conscience of purchasing of it of them,
and hazarded our lives. Therefore we need not, nor any one of us ought to be
denied of our purchase. So hoping you will take it into serious consideration, and
to give me reasonable satisfaction, I rest,
                        “Yours in the way of right and equity,
                                                                      “JOSHUA VERIN.
     174. “Every man and woman, who had brains enough to form some imperfect
conception of them, inferred and maintained some other point, such as these: a
man is justified before he believes; faith is no cause of justification; and if faith be
before justification, it is only passive faith, an empty vessel, &c. and assurance is
by immediate revelation only. The fear of God and love of our neighbor seemed to
be laid by, and out of the question.” Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 59.
    175. One of these decisions of the synod will be approved by the good sense
of Christians in this age. “That though women might meet (some few together) to
pray and edify one another, yet such a set assembly, (as was then in practice in
Boston) where sixty or more did meet every week, and one woman (in a
prophetical way, by resolving questions of doctrine and expounding Scripture) took
upon her the whole exercise, was agreed to be disorderly, and without rule.”
Winthrop, vol. i. p. 240.
     178. This word is spelled by different writers, in various ways. The island was
afterwards (in 1644, according to Callender,) called the Isle of Rhodes, and by an
easy declension, Rhode-Island. (Holmes, vol. i. p. 246.) In a letter of Roger
Williams, already quoted, written before May, 1637, the name Rode-Island is
applied to it. The reason does not appear. A fancied resemblance to the Isle of
Rhodes is supposed to have been the origin.
    180. Mr. Callender says, (His. Dis. p. 32,) “The English inhabited between two
powerful nations, the Wampancags to the north and east, who had formerly
possessed some part of their grants, before they had surrendered it to the
Narragansets, and though they freely owned the submission, yet it was thought
best by Mr. Williams to make them easy by gratuities to the sachem, his
counsellors and followers. On the other side, the Narragansets were very
numerous, and the natives inhabiting any spot the English sat down upon, or
improved, were all to be bought off to their content, and oftentimes were to be
paid over and over again.”
     183. “While the General Court sat, there came a letter directed to the Court
from John Greene, of Providence, who, not long before, had been imprisoned and
fined for saying, that the magistrates had usurped upon the power of Christ in his
church, and had persecuted Mr. Williams and another, whom they had banished for
disturbing the peace, by divulging their opinions against the authority of the
magistrates, &c.; but upon his submission, &c. his fine was remitted; and now, by
his letter, he retracted his former submission, and charged the Court as he had
done before. Now, because the Court knew, that divers others of Providence were
of the same ill-affection to the Court, and were, probably, suspected to be
confederate in the same letter, the Court ordered, that if any of that plantation
were found within our jurisdiction, he should be brought before one of the
magistrates, and if he would not disclaim the charge in the said letter, he should
be sent home, and charged to come no more into this jurisdiction, upon pain of
imprisonment and further censure.” Winthrop, vol. i. p. 256.
     186. Winthrop, vol. i. p. 267. In the Journal, there are repeated allusions to
information received from Mr. Williams, respecting the Indians, and services
rendered by him. See vol. i. pp. 225, 226. &c.
188. 3 His. Col. i. 173–7. The letter was written about Sept. 1638.
189. righteousness?
    190. .sp 1
                 “Nescia mens hominum fati sortisque futuræ.
                 Turno tempus erit, magno cum optaverit emptum
                 Intactum Pallanta.” Æneis, x. 501–4.
     193. The first church in Boston, several of whose members were wealthy,
existed two years before they began to build a meeting-house. Winthrop, vol. i. p.
87.
    197. Winthrop, vol. i. p. 293. Under date of March, 1638–9, he says: “At
Providence, things grew still worse; for a sister of Mrs. Hutchinson, the wife of one
Scott, being infected with anabaptistry, and going last year to live at Providence,
Mr. Williams was taken (or rather emboldened) by her to make open profession
thereof, and accordingly was re-baptized by one Holliman, a poor man, late of
Salem. Then Mr. Williams re-baptized him and some ten more. They also denied
the baptizing of infants, and would have no magistrates.”
     198. Governor Winthrop (vol. i. p. 293) calls Mr. Holliman “a poor man,” which
Hubbard, (338) in copying, alters to a “mean fellow.” But Mr. Benedict says, that
he was a man of “gifts and piety,” and that he was chosen an assistant to Mr.
Williams. Backus says, “after the year 1650, I find him more than once a Deputy
from the town of Warwick in the General Court.”—Vol. i. p. 106.
     199. The first twelve members are named by Benedict, (vol. i. p. 473.) Roger
Williams, Ezekiel Holliman, William Arnold, William Harris, Stukely Westcott, John
Green, Richard Waterman, Thomas James, Robert Cole, William Carpenter, Francis
Weston, and Thomas Olney.
     200. Backus, vol. i. 106, note. “There had been many of them [Baptists]
intermixed with other societies from their first coming out of Popery; but their first
distinct church in our nation was formed out of the Independent Church in
London, whereof Mr. Henry Jacob was pastor, from 1616 to 1624, when he went to
Virginia, and Mr. John Lathrop was chosen in his room. But nine years after,
several persons in the society, finding that the congregation kept not to their first
principles of separation, and being also convinced, that baptism was not to be
administered to infants, but such only as professed faith in Christ, desired and
obtained liberty, and formed themselves into a distinct church, Sept. 12, 1633,
having Mr. John Spisbury for their minister.”—Crosby, vol. i. pp. 148, 149. In the
year 1639, another Baptist church was formed in London, but probably not so
early as the church at Providence.
     209. The excellent John Robinson, the father of the Plymouth colony, had a
controversy with the Rev. Mr. Bernard, an Episcopal minister. Mr. Robinson wrote a
book, entitled “A Justification of Separation from the Church of England.”—In this
book, he uses the same argument as that in the text: “Zanchy, upon the fifth to
the Ephesians, treating of baptism, propounds a question of a Turk, coming to the
knowledge of Christ and to faith by reading the New Testament, and withal
teaching his family and converting it and others to Christ, and being in a country
whence he cannot easily come to Christian countries, whether he may baptize
them, whom he hath converted to Christ, he himself being unbaptized? He
answers, I doubt not of it, but that he may, and withal provide that he himself be
baptized of one of the three converted by him. The reason he gives is, because he
is a minister of the word, extraordinarily stirred up by Christ; and so as such a
minister may, with the consent of that small church, appoint one of the
communicants, and provide that he be baptized by him.” Backus, vol. i. p. 106.
      210. The question, which has been asked, with some emphasis, as if it vitally
affected the Baptist churches in this country: “By whom was Roger Williams
baptized?” has no practical importance. All whom he immersed were, as
Pedobaptists must admit, baptized. The great family of Baptists in this country did
not spring from the First Church in Providence. Many Baptist ministers and
members came, at an early period, from Europe, and thus churches were formed
in different parts of the country, which have since multiplied over the land. The
first Baptist church formed in the present State of Massachusetts, is the church at
Swansea. Its origin is dated in 1663, when the Rev. John Miles came from Wales,
with a number of the members of a Baptist church, who brought with them its
records. It was, in fact, an emigration of a church. Of the 400,000 Baptist
communicants now in the United States, a small fraction only have had any
connection, either immediate or remote, with the venerable church at Providence,
though her members are numerous, and she has been honored as the mother of
many ministers. The question, discussed in the preceding pages, disturbed, for a
while, the first English Baptists. They had no clerical administrator, who had
himself, in their view, been baptized. Some of them went to Holland, and were
baptized by Baptist ministers there. “But,” says Crosby, (vol. i. p. 103,) “the
greatest number of the English Baptists, and the more judicious, looked upon all
this as needless trouble, and what proceeded from the old Popish doctrine of right
to administer sacraments by an uninterrupted succession, which neither the
Church of Rome, nor the Church of England, much less the modern dissenters,
could prove to be with them. They affirmed, therefore, and practised accordingly,
that after a general corruption of baptism, an unbaptized person might
warrantably baptize, and so begin a reformation.” These examples, however,
cannot justify a departure from the usual practice of our churches at the present
day, when the ministry is regularly established.
     214. John Howland, Esq., in a letter to the author, says: “The college was built
in 1770. On the question among the founders of it, on what lot to place the
building, they decided on the present site of the old college, because it was the
home lot of Chad Brown, the first minister of the Baptist church. Other land could
have been obtained, but the reason given prevailed in fixing the site. Had the
impression been prevalent, that Roger Williams was the first minister or principal
founder of the society, his home lot could have been purchased, which was a
situation fully as eligible for the purpose. If any doubts rested in the minds of the
gentlemen at that time, as to the validity of the claim of Chad Brown to this
preference, perhaps the circumstance of Mr. Williams’ deserting the order, and
protesting against it, might have produced the determination in favor of Brown.”
     215. This house was built on the west side of North Main street, near its
junction with Smith street, and a short distance north of Roger Williams’ spring. It
was probably a small and rather rude building. Tradition states, that it was “in the
shape of a hay cap, with a fireplace in the middle, the smoke escaping from a hole
in the roof.” It was taken down, and a larger building erected in 1718. In 1774–5,
the spacious and elegant house now occupied by the First Baptist Church, was
erected.
     216. Magnalia, b. vii. sec. 7. Gov. Hopkins, (a member of the Society of
Friends) says, in his history of Providence, written in 1765, “This church hath, from
its beginning, kept itself in repute, and maintained its discipline, so as to avoid
scandal or schism, to this day. It hath always been, and still is, a numerous
congregation, and in which I have with pleasure observed, very lately, sundry
descendants from each of the founders of the colony, except Holliman.” 2 His. Col.
ix. 197.
    217. The letter, announcing their exclusion, to the church at Dorchester, may
properly be quoted here, as an illustration of the customs of those times:
                                                              “Salem, 1st 5th mo. 39.
    “We thought it our bounden duty to acquaint you with the names of such
persons as have had the great censure passed upon them in this our church, with
the reasons thereof, beseeching you in the Lord, not only to read their names in
public to yours, but also to give us the like notice of any dealt with in like manner
by you, that so we may walk towards them accordingly; for some of us, here, have
had communion ignorantly with some of other churches. 2 Thess. iii. 14. We can
do no less than have such noted as disobey the truth.
     “Roger Williams and his wife, John Throgmorton and his wife, Thomas Olney and
his wife, Stukely Westcott and his wife, Mary Holliman, Widow Reeves.
    “These wholly refused to hear the church, denying it, and all the churches in
the Bay, to be true churches, and (except two) are all re-baptized.
     “John Elford, for obstinacy, after divers sins he stood guilty of, and proved by
witness. William James, for pride, and divers other evils, in which he remained
obstinate. John Tabby, for much pride, and unnaturalness to his wife, who was
lately executed for murdering her child. William Walcot, for refusing to bring his
children to the ordinance, neglecting willingly family duties, &c.
    “Thus, wishing the continued enjoyment of both the staves, beauty and
bands, and that your souls may flourish as watered gardens, rest,
                                              “Yours in the Lord Jesus,
                                                                   “HUGH PETERS,
                                            “By the Church’s order, and in their name.
    218. Winthrop, vol. i. p. 297. Mr. Savage remarks, in a note: “Those members
of Boston church, who had been driven by intolerance to the new region, if they
gathered a church at all, must do it in a disordered way, for they might well
apprehend, that an application for dismission would be rejected, and perhaps
punished by excommunication.”
219. Horace (Ep. lib. ii. Ep. i. 244) has a pungent sarcasm, ending thus:
     226. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 113. Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 59. Lechford, an author
quoted by Mr. Savage, in a note, says: “There (Newport) lately they whipped Mr.
Gorton, a grave man, for denying their power, and abusing some of their
magistrates with uncivil terms, the Governor, Master Coddington, saying in Court,
You that are for the King, lay hold on Gorton, and he, again, on the other side,
called forth, All you that are for the King, lay hold on Coddington; whereupon
Gorton was banished the island; so, with his wife, he went to Providence. They
began about a small trespass of swine, but it is thought some other matter was
ingredient.” Lechford’s tract, called Plain Dealing, or News from New-England, is
published in the Mass. His. Col. 3d series, 3d vol. Lechford’s preface is dated
January 17, 1641, after his return from America. He says that there were two
hundred families on Rhode-Island. This must be a mistake.
     228. In 3 Mass. His. Col. vol. i. p. 2. is their letter, signed by William Field,
William Harris, William Carpenter, William Wickenden, William Reinolds, Thomas
Harris, Thomas Hopkins, Hugh Bewitt, Joshua Winsor, Benedict Arnold, William
Man, William W. Hunkinges, and Robert R. West. The letter was written by
Benedict Arnold. Roger Williams, also, wrote a letter to the government of
Massachusetts, in which he said, “Mr. Gorton, having foully abused high and low,
at Aquetneck, is now bewitching and bemadding poor Providence.” General Court’s
Vindication, May 30, 1665. It has been said, that Mr. Williams requested the
government of Massachusetts to interfere; but we have seen no evidence of this,
and it is in itself highly improbable. The utmost which we can suppose him to ask,
in such a case, would be temporary aid in suppressing a tumult. We may be sure
that he would oppose the usurpation of jurisdiction by Massachusetts. His letters
show that he disapproved it.
    232. Backus, vol. i. p. 120. These persons were Samuel Gorton, Randal
Holden, Robert Potter, John Wickes, John Warner, Richard Waterman, William
Woodale, John Greene, Francis Weston, Richard Carder, Nicholas Power, and
Sampson Shatton.
    233. This sum, at 5s. 8d. per fathom, was 40l. 10s. The deed was dated
January 12, 1642–3. Backus, vol. i. p. 120.
     234. Miantinomo was summoned to Boston, where he asserted his claim, but
his arguments were not satisfactory to the Court. It was not convenient to admit
his pretensions; and the Court were, we may suppose, scrupulous in examining his
proofs.
     239. Mr. Williams was absent, having sailed for England in June or July
preceding. Had he been in the country, he would certainly have used his influence
in favor of Miantinomo.
    241. Gov. Hopkins’ History of Providence, 2 His. Col. ix. 202. See note to
Winthrop, vol. ii. 133, where Mr. Savage says: “With profound regret, I am
compelled to express a suspicion, that means of sufficient influence would easily
have been found for the security of themselves, the pacifying of Uncas, and the
preservation of Miantinomo, had he not encouraged the sale of Shawomet and
Pawtuxet to Gorton and his heterodox associates.”
    242. In his letter to Major Mason, Mr. Williams says: “Upon frequent
exceptions against Providence men, that we had no authority for civil government,
I went purposely to England, and, upon my report and petition, the Parliament
granted us a charter of government for these parts, so judged vacant on all hands.
And upon this, the country about was more friendly, and wrote to us, and treated
us as an authorized colony, only the differences of our consciences much
obstructed.”
     243. Backus, vol. i. p. 148. Winthrop places Lady Moody’s removal from Salem
after Mr. Williams’ mediation with the Long-Island Indians. He speaks respectfully
of her character before her lapse into the heresy of denying infant baptism: “The
Lady Moody, a wise and anciently religious woman, being taken with the error of
denying baptism to infants, was dealt withal by many of the elders and others,
and admonished by the church of Salem, (whereof she was a member) but
persisting still, and to avoid further trouble, she removed to the Dutch, against the
advice of all her friends. Many others, infected with anabaptism, removed thither
also. She was after excommunicated.” Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. 123–4.
    248. The Westminster Assembly of Divines, who were then in session, might
have learned from this book, if they had read it, lessons which they greatly
needed.
    250. Massachusetts was the more disinclined to show favor to Mr. Williams
and his colony, because the Baptists began to multiply. A Baptist church was
formed about this time, in Newport, by Dr. John Clarke and a few others, and in
Massachusetts itself the new doctrine spread. The General Court was aroused,
therefore, to an effort to crush the growing sect; and no method seemed to
promise more success, than to wield against it a legislative denunciation, edged by
an appeal to the popular dread of anabaptism:
     251. This incident is related by Richard Scott, in his letter, inserted at the
close of the “New-England Firebrand Quenched.” Mr. Scott disliked Mr. Williams,
and his comment on the transaction referred to is an instance of the effect of a
man’s feelings on his judgment respecting the conduct of others. “The man,” he
says, “being hemmed in, in the middle of the canoes, was so elevated and
transported out of himself, that I was condemned in myself, that amongst the rest,
I had been an instrument to set him up in his pride and folly.”
    254. The following note, in Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 134, may be properly quoted
here:
      “Uncas, the sachem of the Mohegans, was hated and envied by the
Narragansets, for his attachment to the English, and the distinguishing favors
shown him in return. In 1638, having entertained some of the Pequods, after the
war with them, and fearing he had given offence, he came to the Governor at
Boston, and brought a present, which was at first refused, but afterwards, the
Governor being satisfied that he had no designs against the English, it was
accepted, and he promised to submit to such orders as he should receive from the
English, concerning the Pequods, and also concerning the Narragansets, and his
behavior towards them, and concluded his speech with these words: ‘This heart
(laying his hand upon his breast) is not mine, but yours. Command me any
difficult service, and I will do it; I have no men, but they are all yours. I will never
believe any Indian against the English any more.’ He was dismissed, with a
present, went home joyful, carrying a letter of protection for himself and men
through the English plantations, and never was engaged in hostilities against any
of the colonies, although he survived Philip’s war, and died a very old man, after
the year 1680.
     “The Narragansets failed in the payment of the wampum, and in 1646,
messengers were sent to them from the commissioners, but Passacus, their chief
sachem, not attending, in 1647 the message was repeated, and he then pretended
sickness, and sent Ninigret, a sachem of the Nianticks, to act in his behalf, and
told the messenger, that it was true he had not kept his covenant, but added, that
he entered into it for fear of the army which he saw, and that he was told, that if
he did not set his hand to such and such things, the army should go against the
Narragansets. When Ninigret appeared, he asked how the Narragansets became
indebted to the English in so large a sum, and being told that it was for the
expense the Narragansets had put them to by their breach of covenant, he then
pleaded poverty, but the commissioners insisting on the demand, he sent some of
his people back to procure what he could, but brought two hundred fathoms only.
They gave him leave to go home, and allowed him further time. The whole was
not paid until 1650, when Capt. Atherton, with twenty men, was sent to demand
the arrears, which was then about three hundred fathoms. Passacus put him off
some time with dilatory answers, not suffering him to come into his presence. In
the mean while his people were gathering together, but the Captain, carrying his
twenty soldiers to the door of the wigwam, entered himself, with his pistol in his
hand, leaving his men without, and seizing Passacus by the hair of his head, drew
him from the midst of a great number of his attendants, threatening that if one of
them offered to stir, he would despatch him. Passacus presently paid down what
was demanded, and the English returned in safety. Ninigret, after this, began to
stir up new troubles from the Nianticks, but upon sending Capt. Davis, with a
troop of horse, into the Indian country, he was struck with a panic, and would not
be seen by the English until he had assurance of his life, and then he readily
complied with their demands, and they and the other Indians continued quiet
many years, until by familiar intercourse, and the use of fire-arms, they became
more emboldened, and engaged in the war in 1675, which issued in their total
destruction. Records of United Colonies.”
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