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HUMAN RIGHTS INTERVENTIONS
i l i a x y p ol i a
Human Rights Interventions
Series Editors
Chiseche Mibenge, Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA
Irene Hadiprayitno, Leiden University, Leiden, Zuid-Holland,
The Netherlands
The traditional human rights frame creates a paradigm by which the duty
bearer’s (state) and rights holder’s (civil society organizations) interests
collide over the limits of enjoyment and enforcement. The series departs
from the paradigm by centering peripheral yet powerful actors that agitate
for intervention and influence in the (re)shaping of rights discourse in
the midst of grave insecurities. The series privileges a call and response
between theoretical inquiry and empirical investigation as contributors
critically assess human rights interventions mediated by spatial, temporal,
geopolitical and other dimensions. An interdisciplinary dialogue is key as
the editors encourage multiple approaches such as law and society, polit-
ical economy, historiography, legal ethnography, feminist security studies,
and multi-media.
More information about this series at
https://link.springer.com/bookseries/15595
Ilia Xypolia
Human Rights,
Imperialism,
and Corruption in US
Foreign Policy
Ilia Xypolia
Aberdeen, UK
Human Rights Interventions
ISBN 978-3-030-99814-1 ISBN 978-3-030-99815-8 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99815-8
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
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To Charalampos
Acknowledgements
This book has been in the making for several years and I owe several
people gratitude. I will be forever indebted to Bulent Gokay, a mentor
and friend who has ignited my intellectual interests and to Farzana
Shain. Much appreciation goes to Marios Evriviades for his sage advice
throughout the years. I would also like to thank, my editor Dr. Anca
Pusca of Palgrave for her meticulous work during the production process
of the book.
Many thanks are extended to my colleagues at the PIR Depart-
ment at the University of Aberdeen. The critical sharpness of the Arab
Transformations research team emcouraged me to anchor my focus into
such heterodox scholarship. I would like to express my gratitude to my
“Human Rights in Global Politics” students whose fierce debates helped
me refine the arguments presented here. Different friends and colleagues
have engaged in countless hours of conversation and provided advice and
support. Giulia Mengato’s and Dionysis Nikolopoulos’ prowess and input
have been invaluable for the development of ideas contained in this book.
Finally, on a more personal note, I have been blessed with an
amazing family. My sincere gratitude to my wonderful parents, Theodoros
and Charalampia, for their sacrifices and eternal love, my marvellous
siblings, Penelope, Dimitris, and Kyriaki, along with my in-laws for their
steadfast support for this and other projects. The recent additions to the
family Thodoris, George, and Charalampia have been a source of pure
joy and light. My appreciation and love are also extended to the families
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
of Panagiotis Xypolias, Christoula Sidiropoulou, and Spyros Chinaris who
have endlessly supported and encouraged me. Many thanks to my aller-
liefste Peter Loovers for his love and patience, for all the hard work, and
for being a constant source of inspiration. Each page has been profoundly
enriched by years of conversations with him. So too has my life. Last but
certainly not least, to my son Charalampos to whom I dedicate this book,
with my deepest and heartfelt gratitude and love for always giving me a
reason to be hopeful.
Aberdeen, Scotland Ilia Xypolia
October 2021
Contents
1 Panopticon: The Architecture and the Theatre
of Human Rights 1
Book Outline 5
2 Knowledge Production and Cultural Imperialism 7
Human Rights and Imperialism 11
Cultural Hegemony and Neoliberalism 13
3 Human Rights and American Exceptionalism 19
American Exceptionalism 20
Historical Evolution of the Human Rights Discourse in US
Foreign Policy 22
Jimmy Carter 25
Ronald Reagan 29
George H. W. Bush 31
Bill Clinton 33
George W. Bush 38
Barack Obama 40
Donald Trump 43
Joe Biden 45
Conclusion 45
4 Annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 47
Historical Development of the ACRs 49
Expansion of Coverage Worldwide 59
ix
x CONTENTS
Defeating Ernest Lefever’s Nomination 60
Human Rights Bureau and Assistant Secretaries 62
Drafting Process 69
Evolving Structure of the Reports 73
Features of the Introductory Sections 79
Contentious Issues with Specific Countries 83
Israel 84
Iran 91
China 92
Taiwan 94
Brazil 95
Turkey and Others 96
Role of the ACRs 97
Criticisms of the ACRs 102
Conclusion 106
5 Corruption as a Human Rights Issue 107
Defining Corruption 108
Discourse on Corruption and Neoliberalism 112
Corruption and Human Rights 114
Corruption as a National Security Strategy 118
ACRs and Corruption 121
ACRs’ Frequency of Coverage of Corruption 121
Which Countries Appear to Be More “Corrupted”
in the ACRs? 122
Transparency, Accountability, and Integrity 128
Reflective Dimensions 131
Conclusion 133
6 Global Political Implications: Demonising the Public
Sector 135
Corruption as a Human Rights Issue: Impact
on Policymakers 138
Corruption in the Sustainable Development Goals 139
In Lieu of Conclusion 142
Bibliography 145
Index 153
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Abbreviations
ACRs Annual Country Reports
AI Amnesty International
DOS United States Department of State
DRL Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Affairs
EU European Union
FCPA The US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act
FSO Foreign Service Official
HRF Human Rights First
HRW Human Rights Watch
ICC International Criminal Court
ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NGO Non-governmental Organisation
NSC US National Security Council
NSS National Security Strategy
OAS Organization of American States
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
SDGs UN Sustainable Development Goals
SecState United States Secretary of State
TI Transparency International
UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
xi
xii ABBREVIATIONS
UNCAC United Nations Convention Against Corruption
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UNGA United Nations General Assembly
UNICORN Unions Anti-Corruption Network
UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
US United States
USAID The United States Agency For International Development
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
WB World Bank
List of Figures
Fig. 3.1 Timeline of selected human rights policy developments
in US foreign policy 25
Fig. 5.1 Number of times the word corruption appears
in the ACRs, 2005–2020, by income groups (Source
Author’s own analysis based on data from ACRs) 123
Fig. 5.2 Number of times the word corruption appears
in in the executive summary of the ACRs, 2005–2020,
by income groups (Source Author’s own analysis based
on data from ACRs) 124
Fig. 5.3 Length (in number of words) of the corruption section,
2005–2020, by income groups (Source Author’s own
analysis based on data from ACRs) 124
Fig. 5.4 Number of times the word corruption appears
in the ACRs, 2005–2020, by regional groups (Source
Author’s own analysis based on data from ACRs) 127
Fig. 5.5 Number of times the word corruption appears
in the executive summary of the ACRs, 2005–2020,
by regional groups (Source Author’s own analysis based
on data from ACRs) 128
Fig. 5.6 Length (in number of words) of the corruption section,
2005–2020, by regional groups (Source Author’s own
analysis based on data from ACRs) 128
xiii
List of Tables
Table 4.1 List of assistant secretaries of state 64
Table 5.1 Most popular words in the corruption section
of the ACRs 131
xv
CHAPTER 1
Panopticon: The Architecture
and the Theatre of Human Rights
Abstract The introduction lays out the key arguments and the outline
of the book. The recent introduction of corruption into the US State
Department’s Annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices serves
the US-specific interpretation of human rights that diverge from inter-
national standards and embedded in US imperialism. The discourse on
human rights promotion has been criticised as the moral fig leaf covering
other US interests. Yet, the ACRs ultimately are a mechanism that
serves the function of the Foucauldian Panopticon apparatus. In partic-
ular, ACRs are an essential part of the power apparatus that observes,
examines, and normalises the discourse on countries’ human rights prac-
tices. Through this metaphor the importance of knowledge production is
underlined.
Keywords Human rights · Corruption · US foreign policy · Panopticon
Corruption is a risk to our national security, and we must recognize it as
such. Joseph R. Biden Jr., 3 June 20211
1 White House (2021b) Statement by President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. on the National
Security Study Memorandum on the Fight Against Corruption. https://www.whitehouse.
gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/06/03/statement-by-president-joseph-r-
biden-jr-on-the-national-security-study-memorandum-on-the-fight-against-corruption/.
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1
Switzerland AG 2022
I. Xypolia, Human Rights, Imperialism, and Corruption in US
Foreign Policy, Human Rights Interventions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99815-8_1
2 I. XYPOLIA
In June 2021, the 46th President of the United States Joseph “Joe”
R. Biden Jr. issued a statement on the National Security Study Memo-
randum on the Fight Against Corruption. His administration had just
issued the memorandum as “a core U.S. national security interest” and
thus directed US government agencies to develop a Presidential strategy
that would bolster US’ ability to combat corruption.2 This initiative is
neither surprising nor accidental for US foreign policy and is intimately
woven with human rights. Efforts to establish corruption as an important
human rights issue for the US foreign policy agenda have been years in
the making. Although every US president has paid at least a lip service to
international human rights ever since the 1970s, it was not until the 1990s
that corruption gained momentum in global politics discourse and was
portrayed as a human rights issue. However, ten more years passed, in the
first decade of the twenty-first century, when the US State Department
explicitly discussed corruption within its most important foreign policy
tool, the Annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (ACRs).
The ACRs, published since the 1970s, shape the US State Department’s
ambitious foreign policy agenda on human rights and attempt to detail
the situation of human rights in all countries across the world. From
2009 onwards, the ACRs have added an important issue in the human
rights/democratisation agenda: corruption. The notion of corruption is
highly contested. Due to its elusive nature, there is no agreed-upon defini-
tion of corruption as a phenomenon. The US foreign policy, by including
corruption in the ACRs, has adopted a rather narrow understanding of
corruption and has produced a convenient discourse on anti-corruption.3
The main argument put forward in this book is that this recent intro-
duction of corruption into the US State Department’s ACRs serves the
US-specific interpretation of human rights that diverge from international
standards and embedded in US imperialism. Since the late nineteenth
century, and especially after the end of the Second World War, US “open
door” imperialism has been promoting free markets ostensibly coupled
with the promotion of (neo)liberal ideology, values, and institutions.
2 White House (2021a) Memorandum on Establishing the Fight Against Corruption as
a Core United States National Security Interest. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-
room/presidential-actions/2021/06/03/memorandum-on-establishing-the-fight-against-
corruption-as-a-core-united-states-national-security-interest/.
3 Ibid.
1 PANOPTICON: THE ARCHITECTURE AND THE THEATRE … 3
By employing a mixed-methods analysis of the ACRs on human rights
practices, in particular on one of the seven sections of the reports that is
dedicated to corruption, the book illustrates that a narrow understanding
of corruption as a public sector issue serves the US global neoliberal
imperialist agenda and becomes the hegemonic discourse in international
organisations. In order to examine the relatively recent framing of corrup-
tion as a human rights issue, this book uses quantitative content analysis
of the ACRs with a specific focus on the section dedicated to corruption
and discourse analysis to scrutinise US State Department officials.
A Foucauldian perspective is appropriate to be applied in the case of the
ACRs. In line with Foucault’s ideas, the practice of ACRs may be under-
stood as laying the foundations for the production of governable subjects.
Foucault borrowed Jeremy Bentham prison’s design of panopticon in
order to illustrate his argument on power. Bentham describes the panop-
ticon in his work as a “new mode of obtaining power of mind over mind,
in a quantity hitherto without example”. Panopticon, as the foundation
for highly effective tactics, could be used to control the prisoners. For
Foucault, observing discipline is occurring through three “techniques”:
surveillance or hierarchical observation, normalisation, and examination.
The first technique is based on the power-knowledge nexus. The second
is the so-called normalising judgement that produced a minimal stan-
dard. That standard corresponds to an average that is set to be respected.
Finally, there is the ritual of examination. That technique “combines” the
other two techniques in order “to qualify, to classify, and to punish”.4
Through this examination both power positions and knowledge relations
are clearly and visibly established. Ultimately, the examination produces
knowledge about each individual/object that is documented. Each object
of examination then has to be “normalised or excluded”. The examina-
tion makes these individuals as “effect and object of power, as effect and
object of knowledge”.5 The examination technique demonstrate not only
the importance of knowledge production for power and control but also
the inescapable bond between knowledge and power. Thus, the Panop-
ticon can not only be an apt metaphor for power but can also be helpful
to illustrate the ways the power of ACRs functions.
4 Michel Foucault (1979) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York:
Vintage, page 184.
5 Ibid., page 192.
4 I. XYPOLIA
The discourse on human rights promotion has been criticised as the
moral fig leaf covering other US interests. Yet, the ACRs ultimately are a
mechanism that serves the function of the Panopticon. It begins with
“hierarchical observation” of the human rights situation of countries
worldwide. The United States assumes a superior subject position. Then
the technique of normalisation occurs by setting the standards where
countries should adhere to with the ACRs playing a key role to estab-
lish the norms. Finally, the technique of examination ultimately combines
the previous two techniques. As long as it seems normal and natural with
a consensus to reach the specified objective, narrow parameters can be
set to classify a country that respects or does not respect “human rights”.
The examined countries feel pressured to adhere to the normalised stan-
dard of behaviour all the time in fear of failure and consequently police
their actions to keep to the set standards.
While the popular assumption is that human rights concerns in US
foreign policy were incorporated by Jimmy Carter in 1977, which was not
the case. Several legislative initiatives on the Hill culminated in tying US
foreign assistance to human rights. In doing so, the Congress mandated
the preparation by the State Department of annual human rights reports.
In reality, ACRs have not had any significant impact on the US foreign
assistance allocation either military or economic. That was mainly because
of waivers attached to the very laws dictating a cut off of foreign assis-
tance to countries where there is a pattern of human rights violations.
With these waivers the US State department could sign a certification
that the country in question was making progress on its human rights
situation and then issue a waiver. As discussed below there are issues with
the inclusion and emphasis only on the so-called first-generation rights.
When workers’ rights were eventually included, they have been criticised
as mocking the ILO standards.
These Reports, then, have been instrumentalised to serve US interests
and ideology. But, perhaps paradoxically, because of their US imprint,
the ACRs also have had ongoing positive unintended consequences on a
global scale in the cause of human and political rights. Even if corrupted,
these Reports better exist than not. Generally speaking, people can read
between the lines. Yet, this book closely examines the recent but mean-
ingful change in the Reports with the addition of corruption as a human
1 PANOPTICON: THE ARCHITECTURE AND THE THEATRE … 5
rights issue that has political implications of US foreign policy and
imperial agenda.
Book Outline
The next chapter highlights the importance of knowledge production for
the exercise of power in global politics. It begins by discussing cultural
imperialism as a significant apparatus important for the US foreign policy.
The third chapter looks at the so-called American Exceptionalism and
the use of human rights in the American foreign policy agenda. Then
it explores the role that human rights have played in US foreign policy
since the 1970s. In this context it focusses on ACRs which are arguably
the most valuable tool for the US foreign policy human rights agenda.
The fourth chapter examines one of the most significant tools for
advancing human rights in the American foreign policy agenda, the
Annual Country Reports. It starts by tracing the origins of the Reports
within the context of the 1970s. It then looks at the conflictual drafting
process and the structure of the reports. Contentious issues with specific
issues are also explored.
The fifth chapter focusses on the depiction of corruption as a human
rights issue. In particular, it examines the recent addition of corruption to
the ACRs. By looking at the emphasis on corruption within the neoliberal
discourse, it delineates the narrow framing of corruption. It then explores
the framing of corruption and highlights the prominence of that issue for
the so-called countries in transition.
The last chapter 6, discusses the impact of this corruption-human
rights nexus in the global political discourse. In particular, it looks at
how the issue of corruption is featured within the human rights centred
approach of the UN 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development
Goals.
CHAPTER 2
Knowledge Production and Cultural
Imperialism
Abstract This chapter highlights the importance of knowledge produc-
tion for the exercise of power in global politics. It begins by discussing
cultural imperialism as a significant apparatus important for the US
foreign policy. In this context the importance of the discourse on human
rights is stressed. The last part of the chapter looks at how the discourses
on neoliberalism and human rights have evolved hand in hand since the
1970s.
Keywords Knowledge production · Legitimacy · US foreign policy ·
Imperialism · Neoliberalism
Every empire, however, tells itself and the world that it is unlike all other
empires that its mission is not to plunder and control but to educate and
liberate.1
Recently scholars have debated the relevance of the concept of imperi-
alism for today’s politics. Even Marxist scholars argue that the transforma-
tions in the global political economy have made the value of the concept
1 Edward W. Said (2003) ‘Blind Imperial Arrogance’, Los Angeles Times. https://www.
latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2003-jul-20-oe-said20-story.html.
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 7
Switzerland AG 2022
I. Xypolia, Human Rights, Imperialism, and Corruption in US
Foreign Policy, Human Rights Interventions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99815-8_2
Visit https://ebookmass.com today to explore
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"Along with the weapons you left in here."
"Then he—he's the Earthman, Captain; you aren't!"
"You said you'd shot him."
"I fired at him. I saw him fall. I thought he was dead."
Tchassen wanted to believe her, but the husky, deep-throated appeal
in her voice couldn't quite destroy the hard core of his doubt. This
could be an alibi which she could have contrived for herself. She
might have hidden the weapons as well as Briggan's body. If
Tchassen believed her, if he let himself trust her, it would be easier
later on for her to dispose of him.
"Pack up the food, Tynia; I'm going to see if I can start the car."
When he went outside, the dawn was brightening the eastern sky.
The snow and ice, melted by the thermal fire, made a slushy sheet
of water in the clearing; it ate at the drifts, sluggishly washing the
snow into the highway.
Tchassen waded through the water toward the sedan. His boots kept
him dry, but the cold penetrated and made his feet numb. Hidden by
the water were tiny, unmelted puddles of ice which made very
treacherous footing. Twice the Captain slipped and nearly went
down.
He was twenty feet from the car when he heard the door of the
building bang open behind him. He glanced back, calling Tynia a
warning to be careful of the hidden ice. At the same time she
screamed. Tchassen swung aside instinctively. He slipped and fell.
From the back of the sedan a thread of energy snaked toward him.
Tchassen felt the momentary pain stab at his shoulder; then nothing.
He lay flat in the icy water, fighting the red haze that hung over his
mind. If the dispersal ray had come half an inch closer to his heart,
it would have cut the artery and killed him.
Sergeant Briggan opened the door of the sedan and stood leaning
against it, holding a dispersal ray in his left hand. The Sergeant was
badly wounded. His right arm was an unrecognizable, bleeding pulp;
he was too weak to stand alone. So Tynia had told the truth,
Tchassen thought; she actually had shot him. The Captain felt a
surge of relief and hope. Perhaps he could rely on Tynia, after all.
But now it was too late! The blast from the Sergeant's weapon had
paralyzed Tchassen's motor control; he was helpless.
The Sergeant, obviously, assumed that Tchassen was dead. Ignoring
him, he ordered Tynia to pile the canned food in the back of the
sedan. She moved toward him slowly.
"You're the Earthman," she said dully. "And I thought Captain
Tchassen—"
"The farce is over, Tynia. You and Tchassen made a fine game of it
for a while, but I've been in the service long enough to spot a fake
security officer."
"The Captain and I?" she repeated.
"Do I have to draw you a blueprint? You two are in this together.
You're both natives."
For a moment she seemed to recover her self-assurance. "So that's
how you're going to play it, Sergeant. Just who do you think you'll
take in with such nonsense?"
"I'm through batting words around with you, Tynia. Put the food in
the car. Help me push the machine out to the road."
"Why bother, Sergeant? If you stay right here, the natives will be
along soon enough."
"I'm glad you admit that, Tynia." Briggan laughed sourly. "But it's my
duty to get through to the base—just as it's your duty, I suppose, to
try to stop me."
"Why do you still want to make me believe that, Sergeant? What
difference does it make now?"
Tchassen, paralyzed and unable to speak, suddenly realized the
truth. Each of them feared the other. All four survivors had assumed
that one of the others had to be an Earthman. We put our faith in
machines, he thought; we were too certain that the robot ship
couldn't crash simply because something had gone wrong with the
beam. Our real trouble is we have no faith in ourselves. None of us
was an Earthman; the Earth people had nothing to do with the
destruction of the Nevada station.
He wanted desperately to shout that out. After a supreme effort, he
was able to make his lips move a fraction of an inch; and that was
all.
Tynia put the canned food in the sedan. Briggan waved her to the
back of the car with his weapon. He held the beam leveled at her
while she pushed the sedan toward the road. The clearing was built
on a slight slant and she had no trouble moving the heavy vehicle.
As the wheels began to turn, Tynia pretended to slip and fall into the
slushy water.
Briggan was distracted by the motion of the sedan. Tynia rolled
toward Tchassen and snatched up his dispersal ray. The Sergeant
realized what she intended to do and lifted his weapon awkwardly in
his left hand.
No! Stop! Don't be fools! The words sang through Tchassen's mind,
but he could not speak. Briggan and Tynia fired simultaneously. The
beam caught the Sergeant squarely in the face. He died in a blaze of
energy. The sedan rolled into the road and Tynia fell unconscious
beside Tchassen.
He wanted to help her, but he was still not able to move. In another
half hour the paralysis would be gone, but by that time it would be
too late to do anything for Tynia. Furiously he drove his body to
respond and he managed to turn on his side.
The exertion was too much for him. The haze swam in painful waves
across his mind. Just before unconsciousness came, he saw a band
of natives on the edge of the clearing.
The swaying motion of the stretcher shook him awake. The
Earthmen were carrying him along a narrow mountain trail, past
deep drifts of snow. His wound, where Briggan's beam had hit him,
was neatly bandaged; he could smell the odor of a disinfectant. It
surprised him that the Earth people knew so much about medicine;
but it surprised him more that they had tried to save his life.
He listened to his captors when they talked. He was able to
understand a few phrases of the native dialect which every man
assigned to the occupation had to learn, but what he had been
taught was sadly inadequate. When one of his stretcher bearers saw
that the Captain was conscious, he spoke to him in the cultured
language of the civilized galaxy. The syntax was awkwardly handled,
yet Tchassen was amazed that the Earthman used it so well.
"Be no fear," the native said. "You get living again."
"Tynia. The girl with me—"
"Wound bad; she dead before we come. We follow from prison and
try help all four you. You fight each other. You have evil weapons.
We can save only you."
"What are you going to do with me?"
"Make you well; send you back."
The answer came as a shock to Tchassen; it was what a civilized
people would have said. But the Earth natives were savages—
brilliant, inventive individualists, but nonetheless social barbarians. It
would have seemed much more logical if the native had said he was
keeping Tchassen for a religious ceremonial sacrifice.
"As soon as my wounds are healed," Tchassen repeated, "you'll let
me go?"
The native ran his hand over the Captain's bandages. "This wound is
a little thing, of no importance." He touched Tchassen's head. "Here
is your real sickness, in the brain. We teach you how to think like a
man; then you go home."
"You're going to teach me? Me? Do you realize, I come from the
civilized galaxy?" Tchassen began to laugh; he wondered if he had
been taken prisoner by a band of madmen.
"We show you how to be human," the native answered blandly. "Not
fight and kill each other, the way you and the others did when the
post blow up. We know meaning for civilization; you have none. It is
easy secret. We learn after the invasion, when our world destroyed.
Real civilized people get along; live in peace; give help to each other.
Your people and ours: we can be brothers here on the Earth, and on
your other worlds, too."
Tchassen's laughter was touched with hysteria. Have we failed? He
knew the answer now: for the captives, the dispossessed men of the
Earth, would become the teachers of the conquerors—and teach
them what the conquerors had come to build on the Earth. No, we
have not failed; we have simply misunderstood the strange genius of
the quixotic Earth. The defeated would one day rise up and conquer
the galaxy. Tchassen saw that clearly, but no longer in fear. He
wanted to make their stamina, their grit, their ability to survive a
part of himself. He wanted to make himself over—as an Earthman.
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