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Appendix B: Instructions for Randomizing and Counterbalancing
Appendix C: SPSS General Instructions Guide and Statistical
Tables
Glossary
References
Index

8
Detailed Contents
About the Author
Acknowledgments
Preface
To the Student—How to Use SPSS With This Book
P.1 Overview of SPSS: What Are You Looking At?
P.2 Preview of SPSS in Focus
• SECTION I SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY
• Chapter 1 Introduction to Scientific Thinking
1.1 Science as a Method of Knowing
1.2 The Scientific Method
1.3 Other Methods of Knowing
1.4 The Goals of Science
1.5 Approaches in Acquiring Knowledge
1.6 Distinguishing Science From Pseudoscience
• Chapter 2 Generating Testable Ideas
2.1 Generating Interesting and Novel Ideas
2.2 Converting Ideas to Hypotheses and Theories
2.3 Developing Your Idea: Deduction and Induction
2.4 Performing a Literature Review
2.5 Ethics in Focus: Giving Proper Credit
2.6 The “3 Cs” of an Effective Literature Review
2.7 Testing Your Idea: Confirmation and
Disconfirmation
2.8 Ethics in Focus: Publication Bias
• Chapter 3 Research Ethics
3.1 Ethics in Behavioral Research
3.2 The Need for Ethics Committees in Research: A
Historical Synopsis
3.3 Ethics in Focus: Examples From Psychology
3.4 Human Participant Research: IRBs and the APA Code
of Conduct
3.5 Ethics in Focus: Anonymity and Confidentiality
3.6 Animal Subject Research: IACUCs and the APA Code
of Conduct
3.7 Additional Ethical Considerations: Scientific
Integrity

9
• SECTION II DEFINING AND MEASURING VARIABLES,
SELECTING SAMPLES, AND CHOOSING AN
APPROPRIATE RESEARCH DESIGN
• Chapter 4 Identifying Scientific Variables
4.1 Criteria for Defining and Measuring Variables
4.2 Constructs and Operational Definitions
4.3 Types of Variables
4.4 Scales of Measurement
4.5 Reliability of a Measurement
4.6 Validity of a Measurement
4.7 Selecting a Measurement Procedure
4.8 Ethics in Focus: Replication as a Gauge for Fraud?
4.9 SPSS in Focus: Entering and Coding Data
• Chapter 5 Sampling From Populations
5.1 Why Do Researchers Select Samples?
5.2 Subjects, Participants, and Sampling Methods
5.3 Methods of Sampling: Nonprobability Sampling
5.4 Methods of Sampling: Probability Sampling
5.5 Sampling Error and Standard Error of the Mean
5.6 SPSS in Focus: Estimating the Standard Error of the
Mean
5.7 Potential Biases in Sampling
5.8 Ethics in Focus: Participant Pools
5.9 SPSS in Focus: Identifying New Populations Using the
One-Sample t Test
• Chapter 6 Choosing a Research Design
6.1 Designing a Study to Answer a Question
6.2 Categories of Research Design
6.3 Internal and External Validity
6.4 Demonstrating Cause in an Experiment
6.5 Ethics in Focus: Beneficence and Random
Assignment
6.6 Threats to the Internal Validity of a Research Study
6.7 Threats to the External Validity of a Research Study
6.8 External Validity, Experimentation, and Realism
6.9 A Final Thought on Validity and Choosing a Research
Design
• SECTION III NONEXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH
DESIGNS
• Chapter 7 Naturalistic, Qualitative, and Existing Data Research

10
 Designs
Naturalistic Observation
7.1 An Overview of Naturalistic Observation
7.2 The Research Setting: Natural and Contrived Settings
7.3 Techniques for Conducting Naturalistic Observation
7.4 Ethics in Focus: Influencing Participant Behavior
Qualitative Designs
7.5 An Overview of Qualitative Designs
7.6 Qualitative Research Designs
7.7 Ethics in Focus: Anonymity in Qualitative Research
Existing Data Designs
7.8 An Overview of Existing Data Designs
7.9 Existing Data Designs
7.10 Ethics in Focus: Existing Data and Experimenter
Bias
• Chapter 8 Survey and Correlational Research Designs
Survey Designs
8.1 An Overview of Survey Designs
8.2 Types of Survey Items
8.3 Rules for Writing Survey Items
8.4 Administering Surveys
8.5 Surveys, Sampling, and Nonresponse Bias
8.6 Ethics in Focus: Handling and Administering Surveys
Correlational Designs
8.7 The Structure of Correlational Designs
8.8 Describing the Relationship Between Variables
8.9 Limitations in Interpretation
8.10 Correlation, Regression, and Prediction
8.11 SPSS in Focus: Correlation and Linear Regression
• SECTION IV QUASI-EXPERIMENTAL AND
EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH DESIGNS
• Chapter 9 Quasi-Experimental and Single-Case Experimental
Designs
Quasi-Experimental Designs
9.1 An Overview of Quasi-Experimental Designs
9.2 Quasi-Experimental Design: One-Group Designs
9.3 Quasi-Experimental Design: Nonequivalent Control
Group Designs
9.4 Quasi-Experimental Design: Time Series Designs
9.5 Quasi-Experimental Design: Developmental Designs

11
 9.6 Ethics in Focus: Development and Aging
Single-Case Experimental Designs
9.7 An Overview of Single-Case Designs
9.8 Single-Case Baseline-Phase Designs
9.9 Validity, Stability, Magnitude, and Generality
9.10 Ethics in Focus: The Ethics of Innovation
• Chapter 10 Between-Subjects Experimental Designs
10.1 Conducting Experiments: Between-Subjects Design
10.2 Experimental Versus Control Group
10.3 Manipulation and the Independent Variable
10.4 Variability and the Independent Variable
10.5 Ethics in Focus: The Accountability of
Manipulation
10.6 Comparing Two Independent Samples
10.7 SPSS in Focus: Two-Independent-Sample t Test
10.8 Comparing Two or More Independent Samples
10.9 SPSS in Focus: One-Way Between-Subjects
ANOVA
10.10 Measuring the Dependent Variable
10.11 Advantages and Disadvantages of the Between-
Subjects Design
• Chapter 11 Within-Subjects Experimental Designs
11.1 Conducting Experiments: Within-Subjects Design
11.2 Controlling Time-Related Factors
11.3 Ethics in Focus: Minimizing Participant Fatigue
11.4 Individual Differences and Variability
11.5 Comparing Two Related Samples
11.6 SPSS in Focus: Related-Samples t Test
11.7 Comparing Two or More Related Samples
11.8 SPSS in Focus: One-Way Within-Subjects ANOVA
11.9 An Alternative to Pre-Post Designs: Solomon Four-
Group Design
11.10 Comparing Between-Subjects and Within-Subjects
Designs
• Chapter 12 Factorial Experimental Designs
12.1 Testing Multiple Factors in the Same Experiment
12.2 Selecting Samples for a Factorial Design in
Experimentation
12.3 Types of Factorial Designs
12.4 Ethics in Focus: Participant Fatigue and Factorial

12
 Designs
12.5 Main Effects and Interactions
12.6 Identifying Main Effects and Interactions in a Graph
12.7 Including Quasi-Independent Factors in an
Experiment
12.8 Reasons for Including Two or More Factors in an
Experiment
12.9 Higher-Order Factorial Designs
12.10 SPSS in Focus: General Instructions for Conducting a
Factorial ANOVA
• SECTION V ANALYZING, INTERPRETING, AND
COMMUNICATING RESEARCH DATA
• Chapter 13 Analysis and Interpretation: Exposition of Data
13.1 Descriptive Statistics: Why Summarize Data?
13.2 Frequency Distributions: Tables and Graphs
13.3 Measures of Central Tendency
13.4 Measures of Variability
13.5 SPSS in Focus: Central Tendency and Variability
13.6 Graphing Means and Correlations
13.7 Using Correlation to Describe Reliability
13.8 SPSS in Focus: Cronbach’s Alpha and Cohen’s
Kappa
13.9 Ethics in Focus: Deception Due to the Distortion of
Data
• Chapter 14 Analysis and Interpretation: Making Decisions
About Data
14.1 Inferential Statistics: What Are We Making Inferences
About?
14.2 Types of Error and Power
14.3 Parametric Tests: Applying the Decision Tree
14.4 Nonparametric Tests: Applying the Decision Tree
14.5 SPSS in Focus: The Chi-Square Tests
14.6 Effect Size: How Big Is an Effect in the Population?
14.7 Estimation: What Are the Possible Values of a
Parameter?
14.8 Confidence Intervals, Significance, and Effect Size
14.9 Issues for Interpretation: Precision and Certainty
14.10 Ethics in Focus: Full Disclosure of Data
• Chapter 15 Communicating Research: Preparing Manuscripts,
Posters, and Talks

13
 15.1 Elements of Communication
15.2 Writing a Manuscript: Writing Style and Language
15.3 Elements of an APA-Style Manuscript
15.4 Literature Reviews
15.5 Reporting Observations in Qualitative Research
15.6 Ethics in Focus: Credit and Authorship
15.7 Presenting a Poster
15.8 Giving a Professional Talk
Appendix A: APA-Style Writing, Sample Manuscript, and Posters
A.1 Essentials for Writing APA-Style Research Papers
A.2 Grammar, Punctuation, and Spelling (GPS) Writing
Guide
A.3 Sample APA-Style Manuscript
A.4 Poster Template and Sample Poster
Appendix B: Instructions for Randomizing and Counterbalancing
B.1 Random Numbers Table
B.2 Constructing a Latin Square
Appendix C: SPSS General Instructions Guide and Statistical
Tables
C.1 General Instructions Guide for Using SPSS
C.2 Statistical Tables
Glossary
References
Index

14
About the Author

St. Bonaventure University

Gregory J. Privitera
is a professor of psychology at St. Bonaventure University where he
is a recipient of its highest teaching honor, The Award for
Professional Excellence in Teaching, and its highest honor for
scholarship, The Award for Professional Excellence in Research and
Publication. Dr. Privitera received his PhD in behavioral neuroscience
in the field of psychology at the State University of New York at
Buffalo and continued to complete postdoctoral research at Arizona
State University. He is an author of multiple books on statistics,
research methods, and health psychology, in addition to authoring
more than three dozen peer-reviewed scientific articles aimed at
advancing our understanding of health and well-being. He oversees a
variety of undergraduate research projects at St. Bonaventure
University, where dozens of undergraduate students, many of whom
are now earning graduate degrees at various institutions, have
coauthored research in his laboratories. For his work with students
and fruitful record of academic and research advisement, Dr. Privitera
was awarded Advisor of the Year by St. Bonaventure University in
2013. The first edition of this text was a recipient of the “Most
Promising New Textbook” National Award from the Text and

15
Academic Authors Association. In addition to his teaching, research,
and advisement, Dr. Privitera is a veteran of the U.S. Marine Corps,
and he is married with two children: a daughter, Grace, and a son,
Aiden. Notably, Dr. Privitera is also the author of Statistics for the
Behavioral Sciences (3rd edition) and Essential Statistics for the
Behavioral Sciences (2nd edition).

16
Acknowledgments

I want to take a moment to thank all those who have been supportive and
endearing throughout my career. To my family, friends, acquaintances,
and colleagues—thank you for contributing to my perspective in a way
that is indubitably recognized and appreciated. In particular, to my son,
Aiden Andrew, and daughter, Grace Ann—every moment I am with you, I
am reminded of what is truly important in my life. As a veteran of the U.S.
Marine Corps, I also want to thank all those who serve and have served—
there is truly no greater honor than to serve something greater than
yourself. Semper Fidelis.

To all those at SAGE Publications, I am so very grateful to share in this

experience and work with all of you. It is your vital contributions that have
made this book possible and so special to me. Thank you.

I especially want to thank the thousands of research methods students

across the country. It is your pursuit of scientific inquiry that has inspired
this contribution. My hope is that you take away as much from reading this
book as I have in writing it.

Last, but certainly not least, I would also like to thank the following
reviewers who gave their time to provide me with valuable feedback
during the development process:

George Alder, Simon Fraser University

Elizabeth Krumrei Mancuso, Pepperdine University
Evan M. Kleiman, Harvard University
Gary Popoli, Stevenson University
Mary E. Saczawa, University of Florida
Vincent Trofimoff, California State University, San Marcos
Shulan Lu, Texas A&M University–Commerce
Bryan Raudenbush, Wheeling Jesuit University
Christopher J. Ferguson, Stetson University

17
Preface

The third edition of Research Methods for the Behavioral Sciences uses a
problem-focused approach to introduce research methods in a way that
fully integrates the decision tree—from identifying a research question to
choosing an appropriate analysis and sharing results. This book begins
with an introduction to the general research process, ethics, identifying and
measuring variables, conducting literature reviews, selecting participants,
and more. Research designs are then introduced in a logical order, from the
least controlled (nonexperiments and quasi-experiments) to the most
controlled (experiments). Throughout each chapter, students are shown
how to structure a study to answer a research question (design) and are
navigated through the challenging process of choosing an appropriate
analysis or statistic to make a decision (analysis). This book integrates
statistics with methods in a way that applies the decision tree throughout
the book and shows students how statistics and methods fit together to
allow researchers to test hypotheses using the scientific method. The
following are unique features in this book to facilitate student learning:

Strengthened organization of research design:

Follows a problem-focused organization. This book is
organized into five main sections. Each section builds upon the
last to give a full picture of the scientific process. In Section I,
Scientific Inquiry, students are introduced to the process and
ethics of engaging in the scientific method. In Section II,
Defining and Measuring Variables, Selecting Samples, and
Choosing an Appropriate Research Design, students are shown
how to define and measure scientific variables, and methods
used to select samples and choose an appropriate research design
are described (Chapters 4–6). Sections III and IV fully introduce
each type of research design from Nonexperimental Research
Designs (Chapters 7–8) to Quasi-Experimental and Experimental
Research Designs (Chapters 9–12), respectively. In Section V,
Analyzing, Interpreting, and Communicating Research Data,
students are shown how to summarize and describe statistical
outcomes in words (using American Psychological Association
[APA] style) and graphs. Also included is a full chapter that
introduces how to use APA style to write manuscripts and gives

18
an introduction to creating posters and giving talks (Chapters
13–15). The organization of this book is “problem focused” in
that it introduces the scientific process as it would be applied
from setting up a study, to conducting a study, to communicating
the outcomes observed in that study—all while applying the
decision tree to engage further the critical thinking skills of
students.
Ethics in Focus sections in each chapter. Ethical
considerations are often specific to a particular research design
or methodology. For this reason, the topic of ethics is not only
covered in Chapter 3, but at least one Ethics in Focus section is
also included in each chapter. These sections review important
ethical issues related to the topics in each chapter. This allows
professors the flexibility to teach ethics as a separate section and
integrate discussions of ethics throughout the semester. This
level of organization for ethics is simply absent from most
comparable research methods textbooks.
Introduces three broad categories of research design. In truth,
research design is complex. Many designs are hybrids that
cannot be neatly fit into a single type of category or research
design. For this reason, I simplify research designs into those
that do not show cause (nonexperimental and quasi-
experimental) and those that can show cause (experimental). For
example, other books may introduce correlational designs as
being separate from a nonexperiment. However, such a
distinction is often unnecessary. The correlational design is an
example of a nonexperiment—it does not show cause. Instead,
the organization in this book focuses on understanding how,
when, and why research designs are used and the types of
questions each design can and cannot answer.
Chapters organized from least control to most control. This
book transitions from research designs with the least control
(nonexperimental) to those with the most control (experimental).
There is a logical progression as research designs are introduced
in this book that is clearer than the organization you will find in
many comparable textbooks. Students can clearly distinguish
between the types of research designs they read, and this level of
clarity can make it easier for students to understand how to
appropriately select research designs to answer the many
research questions that researchers ask.

19
Reduced bias in language across research designs:
Research design is introduced without bias. Research designs
are introduced as being used to answer different types of
questions. I avoid referring to all studies as “experiments.” In
that spirit, experiments are instead introduced as answering
different types of research questions. It is emphasized
throughout this book that the ability to demonstrate cause does
not make a design superior to other designs; it simply allows
researchers to answer different types of questions (i.e., research
questions pertaining to cause).
The qualitative research design and perspective is given fair
coverage. While many textbooks appropriately focus on
quantitative methods that make up most of the research
conducted in the behavioral sciences, many omit or even are
dismissive of qualitative methodology. This bias can mislead
students into thinking that all research is quantitative. Although
this book does emphasize quantitative methods because these
methods are the most-used methodology in the behavioral
sciences, fair coverage of qualitative methods is also included. In
Chapter 7, for example, a section is included to introduce
qualitative research, and in Chapter 15, an overview for
reporting qualitative outcomes is included.
Emphasis on statistical technologies:
Guide for how to use IBM® SPSS® Statistics* with this
book. It can be difficult to teach from a textbook and a separate
SPSS manual. The separate manual often does not include
research examples or uses language that is inconsistent with
language used in the textbook, which can make it difficult for
students to learn. This book corrects for this problem by
incorporating SPSS coverage into the book, which begins with
the guide at the front of the book, “How to Use SPSS With This
Book.” The guide provides students with an easy-to-follow,
classroom-tested overview of how SPSS is set up, how to read
the Data View and Variable View screens, and how to use the
SPSS in Focus sections in the book. This guide gives students
the familiarization they need to be able to apply the SPSS
instructions given in the book.
SPSS in Focus sections in the chapters. Most research methods
textbooks for the behavioral sciences omit SPSS, include it in an
appendix separate from the main chapters in the book, or include

20
 it in ancillary materials that often are not included with course
content. In this book, SPSS is included in each appropriate
chapter, particularly for experimental design chapters where
specific designs are generally associated with specific statistical
tests. These SPSS in Focus sections provide step-by-step,
classroom-tested instruction using practical research examples
for how the data measured using various research designs taught
in each chapter can be analyzed using SPSS. Students are
supported with annotated screenshot figures and explanations for
how to read and interpret SPSS outputs.
Engages student learning and interest:
Conversational writing style. I write in a conversational tone
that speaks to the reader as if he or she is the researcher. It
empowers students to view research methods as something they
are capable of understanding and applying. It is a positive
psychology approach to writing that involves students in the
process and decisions made using the scientific process. The
goal is to motivate and excite students by making the book easy
to read and follow without “dumbing down” the information
they need to be successful.
Written with student learning in mind. There are many
features in this book to help students succeed. Many figures and
tables are given in each chapter to facilitate student learning and
break up the readings to make the material less intimidating. Key
terms are bolded and defined on a separate text line, as they are
introduced. Each defined term is included in a glossary, and
these terms are also restated at the end of each chapter to make it
easier for students to search for key terms while studying. In
addition, margin notes are included in each chapter to summarize
key material, and many reviews and activities are included at the
end of each chapter to test learning and give students an
opportunity to apply the knowledge they have learned.
Learning objectives and learning objective summaries.
Learning objectives are stated in each chapter to get students
focused and thinking about the material they will learn and to
organize each chapter and to allow students to review content by
focusing on those learning objectives they struggle with the
most. In addition, a chapter summary organized by learning
objective is provided at the end of each chapter. In this
summary, each learning objective is stated and answered. Hence,

21
 not only are learning objectives identified in each chapter, but
they are also answered at the end of each chapter.
Learning Checks are inserted throughout each chapter for
students to review what they learn, as they learn it. Many
research methods textbooks give learning check questions with
no answer. How can students “check” their learning without the
answers? Instead, in this book, all learning checks have
questions with answer keys to allow students to actually “check”
their learning before continuing their reading of the chapter.
MAKING SENSE sections support critical and difficult
material. A research methods course can have many areas where
students can struggle, and the MAKING SENSE sections are
included to break down the most difficult concepts and material
in the book—to make sense of them. These sections, included in
most chapters in the book, are aimed at easing student stress and
making research methods more approachable to students. Again,
this book was written with student learning in mind.
APA Appendices support student learning of APA style. The
appendices include an APA writing guide (A.1); an APA guide
to grammar, punctuation, and spelling (A.2); a full sample APA-
style manuscript from a study that was published in a peer-
reviewed scientific journal (A.3); and instructions for creating
posters using Microsoft PowerPoint, with a sample poster and a
poster template given (A.4). Also included are instructions for
using randomization (B.1) and constructing a Latin square (B.2),
a general instructions guide for using SPSS (C.1), and statistical
tables for common tests (C.2). Hence, this book provides the
necessary support for students who are asked to complete a
research project, and complete an APA-style paper, poster, or
talk. Few books provide this level of comprehensive supportive
materials.

* SPSS is a registered trademark of International Business Machines

Corporation.

In addition, there is one more overarching feature that I refer to as

teachability. Although this book is comprehensive and a great reference
for any undergraduate student, it sometimes can be difficult to cover every
topic in this book. For this reason, the chapters are organized into sections,
each of which can largely stand alone, to give professors the ability to

22
more easily manage course content by assigning students particular
sections in each chapter when they cannot teach all topics covered in a
chapter. Hence, this book was written with both the student and the
professor in mind. Here are some brief highlights of what you will find in
each chapter.

Chapter 1 is a traditional introductory chapter. Students are introduced to

scientific thinking, the steps of the scientific method, the goals of science,
and more. A key feature in this chapter is the distinction made between
qualitative and quantitative research and between basic and applied
research, as well as tips provided to help students distinguish between
pseudoscience and science. These distinctions are not often made in a
Chapter 1, if at all, but can be important in helping students identify key
perspectives in conducting research.

Chapter 2 introduces students to what constitutes scientific ideas and

provides guidelines for developing these ideas into hypotheses and
theories. A full introduction to using online databases is provided, with
suggestions provided for conducting an effective literature review. In
addition, difficult concepts such as induction versus deduction and
confirmational versus disconfirmational strategies are introduced, with
many illustrations included to guide student learning.

Chapter 3 provides a full overview of key historic events related to ethics

in behavioral research that led to the Nuremberg Code and the Belmont
Report. Examples of historical events in psychology are also included, in
addition to more recent examples. Students are further introduced to the
standards and procedures set by institutional review boards for humans and
institutional animal care and use committees for animals. A key feature in
this chapter is the inclusion of each APA ethical standard stated in the
APA code of conduct.

Chapter 4 identifies the types of variables researchers measure and the

scales of measurement for data and describes ways to identify the
reliability and validity of scientific measures. Note that validity and
reliability of research design (e.g., internal and external validity) are not
discussed in this chapter in order to focus chapter content only on the
validity and reliability of measurement to avoid confusion.

Chapter 5 introduces sampling procedures, including nonprobability and

probability sampling methods. Although the types of sampling are often

23
included as a section within a chapter, this book devotes a full chapter to
this topic—doing so allows for full coverage of sampling techniques,
along with the many advantages and limitations associated with each
sampling method. The concept of sampling error is also identified, with a
section showing how to identify this error in SPSS output tables.

Chapter 6 establishes an organization for introducing research design in

subsequent chapters. A tree diagram for experimental, quasi-experimental,
and nonexperimental designs is provided. These figures outline the
different types of research design that fall into each category—and each
design is introduced in the book. In addition, extensive illustrations
associated with introducing common threats to internal and external
validity are included to facilitate student learning on a topic that is often
difficult for students. In addition, concepts such as manipulation,
randomization, control, and individual differences are defined and
explained because these concepts will be used in later chapters to
distinguish between different research designs.

Chapter 7 introduces three nonexperimental designs: naturalistic designs,

qualitative designs (phenomenology, ethnography, and case study), and
existing data designs (archival, content, and meta-analysis). Qualitative
and existing data designs often use techniques that build on those used
with a naturalistic design, which is why these designs are grouped in the
same chapter. For clarity, each design is described under a separate
heading. A key feature for this chapter is the introduction of the qualitative
perspective prior to introducing qualitative designs, which clearly
distinguishes it from the quantitative perspective.

Chapter 8 introduces two more nonexperimental designs: survey designs

and correlational designs. These designs are grouped in the same chapter
because surveys are often used in correlational research. Suggestions are
provided to help students write good survey items, and a section focused
on issues related to sampling bias is included. For clarity, each design is
described in a separate heading.

Chapter 9 introduces many quasi-experimental designs: one-group, time

series, nonequivalent control group, and developmental designs. Quasi-
experimental designs are clearly defined in that each design includes a
quasi-independent variable and/or lacks a control group. In a separate
heading, the first experimental design is introduced: single-case designs
(reversal, multiple-baseline, and changing-criterion designs). The single-

24
case designs are taught as experimental designs because they can
demonstrate unambiguous cause and effect, which is the traditional way to
introduce such designs.

Chapter 10 introduces the between-subjects experimental design for two

groups and more than two groups. Also, this chapter begins by introducing
what criteria must be met to qualify a study as an experiment
(randomization, manipulation, and control/comparison). These criteria are
used to distinguish the types of experimental designs introduced in the
book. This chapter is unique in that statistical methods are introduced with
research design in order to distinguish between methodological control (of
individual differences) and statistical control (of statistical error). Each
design is introduced in the full context of a research example so that
students can clearly see how a research problem or hypothesis is tested
from design to analysis.

Chapter 11 introduces the within-subjects experimental design for two

groups and more than two groups. The chapter begins with a clear
description of the conditions that must be met for such a design to qualify
as an experiment. Issues related to counterbalancing and order effects are
discussed. As in Chapter 10, statistical methods are introduced with
research design in order to distinguish between methodological control (of
order effects and individual differences) and statistical control (of
statistical error). Each design is introduced in the full context of a research
example so that students can clearly see how a research problem or
hypothesis can be tested from design to analysis.

Chapter 12 introduces the factorial experimental design for the between,

within, and mixed factorial designs. To illustrate the features of this
design, many examples in the chapter are for the between-subjects
factorial design. As in Chapters 10 and 11, statistical methods are
introduced with research design in order to distinguish between
methodological control (of order effects and/or individual differences) and
statistical control (of statistical error), which is particularly useful for
identifying main effects and interactions. Each design is introduced in the
full context of a research example so that students can clearly see how a
research problem or hypothesis can be tested from design to analysis.

Chapter 13 introduces descriptive statistics, graphing data, and statistical

measures of reliability. The chapter introduces measures of frequency,
central tendency, and variability and shows how to graph such measures.

25
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held. Throughout the struggle there was no question of principle,
whether moral or constitutional; it was merely a fight as to who
should govern England.
The arbitrators adopted a policy of
1426] conciliation. In accordance with their award
RECONCILIATION of March 12, the Bishop of Winchester
solemnly declared in Parliament that he had
always borne true allegiance to Henry IV., Henry V., and Henry VI.;
and, in answer, Bedford, in the name of the King and Council,
declared him to be a true and loyal subject. Next, the Bishop swore
that he had no designs on the ‘persone, honour, and estate’ of
Gloucester, who replied, ‘Beal Uncle, sithen ye so declare you such a
man as ye say, I am ryght glad yat hit is so, and for suche I take
yowe.’ After these formalities the two opponents shook hands.[662]
Though this award allayed the difficulties of the moment, the
reconciliation thus brought about rang hollow, and there still
remained much ‘prive wrath’ between the two men.[663] It was
considered impossible for both to remain in office, and the day after
the award (March 13) Beaufort resigned the Seal, and the Bishop of
Bath followed on the 18th with his resignation of the Treasurership.
[664] Thus Gloucester had secured a decided victory, and, for the
time at least, he was free from Beaufort factions. A really strong
man would never have permitted matters to reach the pitch they
had attained, but we must not allow any of his later actions to colour
our opinion of his behaviour at this time. He cannot be said to have
invited the contest, and it is a revelation to those who remember
only the discredited politician of later years, that there was a time
when he could command the support of a strong section of the
community and resist a deliberate and well-planned attack.
Doubtless much of his success was due to the prestige of the
position which he held, and to the fact that there was an instinctive
dread—well justified in the light of subsequent events—of any
change of government. To remove Gloucester from the Protectorate,
though he only held it during the King’s pleasure, would be to cause
a disastrous struggle, if not civil war.

Gloucester was victorious, and his position was naturally

strengthened thereby. After the great ‘Debaat’ between him and
Beaufort had been brought to a peaceful conclusion, little more was
done in Parliament before the Easter adjournment beyond filling the
vacant offices. John Kemp, Bishop of London, was made Chancellor,
and Lord Hungerford succeeded the Bishop of Bath as Treasurer,[665]
appointments to which, it must be presumed, Gloucester made no
objection. However, the time was to come when Humphrey would
class Kemp only second to Beaufort among his most prominent
opponents. On the 20th of March Parliament was prorogued till the
29th of the following month, and Gloucester left Leicester forthwith,
intending, it would seem, to spend Easter at London or Greenwich.
On the 22nd he passed through St. Albans, whence the monks, to
show their pleasure at the discomfiture of the Bishop of Winchester
and the success of their patron, escorted him as far as Barnet,
where he spent the night; on his return journey to Leicester for the
reopening of Parliament he spent three nights at the abbey.[666]
Nothing of administrative importance occurred during this second
session, but on Whit-Sunday a great ceremony was made of the
knighting of the young King by his uncle Bedford. Immediately
afterwards Henry himself knighted thirty-six other young men,
including Richard, Duke of York. Amongst these new knights we find
the six-years-old Earl of Tankerville, Gloucester’s future son-in-law,
and Reginald Cobham, his future brother-in-law.[667] A week later
steps were taken to ensure the seven years’ truce with Scotland
which had been made two years earlier. It seems that the
borderland between the two countries had been the scene of
considerable disturbances, and to check these a strong commission
was appointed to preserve the truce and punish infractions of it. At
the head of this commission stood the Duke of Gloucester.[668] On
June 1 Parliament was dissolved.
Bedford was in no hurry to leave England,
1427] THE COUNCIL for he remained fifteen months in the
ASSERTS ITS RIGHTS country, and during this time the
government was in his hands. Gloucester
took no active share in the administration, and he seems to have
lived in retirement, only emerging to attend the obsequies of the
Duke of Exeter at St. Paul’s early in January 1427.[669] Almost
immediately after attending this ceremony he fell ill, and was still
confined to his ‘inne’ when a Council was held on January 18 in view
of the approaching departure of Bedford, who was especially asked
to attend this meeting. It was opened by a speech from Chancellor
Kemp, now Archbishop of York, in which, after some complimentary
remarks, he broached the reason for this invitation. He enlarged on
the responsibility for the good governance of the kingdom which lay
on the lords spiritual and temporal assembled in Parliament, or,
when Parliament was not sitting, on the Council, showing how,
though the King was titular sovereign, his youth compelled the full
weight of government to fall on the Council, except in so far as
Parliament had given definite and special powers to the Protector. He
reminded Bedford that the Council might be called in question for
the government and for the use of its authority, and under the
circumstances they could not do their duty unless they were ‘free to
governe by the said auctorite and aquite hem in al thing that hem
thought expedient for the King’s behove and the good publique of
the said roialmes.’ Thus, though they had no desire to curtail the
Protector’s privileges of birth or position, the Council, realising that
their rights were being infringed, demanded of him a declaration of
his policy, and a promise to abide by the arrangement under which
he held office.[670] Bedford, with a suspicious readiness, thanked the
Council for their plain speaking, and declared himself ready to be
‘advised, demened and reuled’ by them in all things, asking them to
point out any defects in his conduct, and then proceeding unasked
to take an oath on the Testament to abide by their decisions.[671]
Gloucester, ‘being deseased with syknesse,’ was not present at this
meeting, so on the following day the Lords of the Council visited him
at his ‘inne,’ and repeated to him what they had said to his brother.
They feared that a favourable answer was not so likely in this
quarter, for they remembered his answer to certain ‘overtures and
articles’ they had recently laid before him, and how ‘sayng and
answeryng as he had doon at divers tymes afore,’ he had declared
that if he had done anything disloyal he would answer to none but
the King himself when he came of age. They reminded him of this
answer, and further remarked how they had heard that he had said,
‘Let my brother governe as hym lust whiles he is in this land, for
after his going overe into Fraunce I will governe as me semeth
good.’ They then recounted the proceedings of the day before, and
laid great stress on Bedford’s gracious answer to their request. Thus
confidently expecting a like answer from him—so they assured him—
they asked to know his intentions.[672]
Gloucester found himself in an awkward
1427] GLOUCESTER position. He had evidently been so elated by
AND THE COUNCIL his victory over Beaufort that he had been
more incautious than usual, and while in no
way interfering with the government of his brother, had unwisely
asserted his intention to profit by his success. Bedford was too wise
not to be alarmed at this avowed policy, not merely because he
could not trust the judgment of Gloucester, but also and mainly
because he saw that it would raise such opposition, that the
dissensions he had just appeased would again recur. It is more than
probable that he had instigated the action of the Council, and had
taken advantage of Gloucester’s indisposition. His prompt
acceptance of the proposals proves that they were not unexpected,
and the fact that he had taken an oath to be governed by the
Council would make it practically impossible for one who was merely
his substitute to refuse his consent. Thus everything was safely
arranged and carried out before Gloucester knew anything about it.
There was no jealousy of his brother in this action of Bedford’s; he
knew the temper of the kingdom and the dangers with which it was
threatened, better probably than any man living; he saw that
Beaufort and Gloucester with their selfish policies were almost
equally dangerous, and while he was moving one from the scene of
his activities,[673] he desired to warn the other, who could not be
removed, of the folly of his course. Beaufort’s influence, though his
reputation in the country at large had doubtless suffered by his
defeat at Leicester, was still no negligible quantity, and there is every
reason to suppose that he still retained the partial confidence of
Bedford. It may be that it was absolutely on his own initiative that
Bedford took this action, but it was prompted by the distrust of his
brother which Beaufort had instilled into his mind—a distrust, be it
owned, which Humphrey had done little or nothing to remove.
Gloucester was compelled to make the best of his diplomatic defeat.
His absence from the Council meeting had put all protest out of the
question, and he thanked his visitors for having come to ‘advertize
hym’ as they had done, and begged them always to treat him so in
the future. If in any way he should break the law of the land, he
would submit to be ‘corrected and governed by them,... and not by
his owne wit ne ymaginacion.’ He even digressed into instances of
the advantage of this course, and the disasters which might ensue
from a contrary attitude. In conclusion he solemnly promised to be
governed by the Council in everything which touched the King, even
as Bedford had promised.[674] That this was only a temporary
attitude of conciliation was to be proved before very long.
Having done his best to secure the safety of England, Bedford
turned his attention to France, where the defection of Brittany had
not improved the outlook. On March 19 he set sail, taking with him
the Bishop of Winchester, whom he thought it best not to leave in
England. As far back as the previous May Beaufort had obtained
leave from the Council to go on a pilgrimage,[675] and he now
availed himself of this permission, probably at the instance of
Bedford, who had prepared a sop for his dignity. On the Feast of the
Annunciation (March 25) the Duke and Duchess of Bedford were
present in the Church of Our Lady at Calais, when the Bishop of
Winchester was created a Cardinal by the authority of a Bull of
Martin V., and the Duke with his own hands placed the long-coveted
hat on the new Cardinal’s head.[676] This honour had been long
desired by Beaufort, and indeed the original Bull of creation dated
from the days of the Council of Constance, but Henry V. supported
Archbishop Chichele in his objection to the presence of a Cardinal
Legate in England.[677] Now at last the necessary permission had
been given, and while Bedford applied himself to the French wars,
Beaufort went off as Papal Legate to wage war on the revolted
Hussites in Bohemia.
Whether this additional dignity conferred on
1427] RESULT OF the Bishop of Winchester was calculated to
BEDFORT’S advance the peace of England may well be
INTERVENTION doubted. Bedford had worked hard to
restore peace between the various parties
in England; he had produced a compromise which tended to favour
Humphrey; he had as a counter-blast secured a definite
acknowledgment by the Protector of the authority of the Council;
finally he had greatly strengthened the hands of the Protector’s
enemy by giving him the prestige and power which attached to the
cardinalate. His action in England had all the vicious characteristics
of a compromise. Even as in war a victory won by either side
inevitably leads to a third battle, so in politics the successes won
alternately by Gloucester and Beaufort must open the way to
another conflict. It could not be expected that the new Cardinal
would spend the rest of his life out of England, his political
proclivities were too strong for this, and on his return he would
almost inevitably reopen the old struggle which had nearly resulted
in civil war. Bedford accurately diagnosed the disease from which
England was suffering, but he failed to prescribe the right remedy.
The only hope of peace lay in the crushing of one of the rivals, and
though this might have been impossible, it was not even attempted.
Each was in turn humbled, but only to such an extent as to make
him still more ambitious, and the sole definite bit of policy to be
found in Bedford’s action in England was the emphasising of the
power of the Council and the developing of those constitutional
theories of government, which by reason of their precocity were
bound to bring disaster both to the kingdom and the dynasty.
Bedford’s interference in English politics had no healing effect; it only
postponed the coming struggle by the temporary diversion of
Beaufort’s ambitious energies to the Hussite war. On the latter’s
return the substitution of the cardinalate for the chancellorship was
not calculated to weaken his position, whilst the strengthening of
that of the Council would tend to induce Gloucester to use all the
means in his power to undermine its authority.
Meanwhile in England Gloucester had been
1427] SUPPRESSION seriously ill, and it was not till April that he
OF LAWLESSNESS was sufficiently recovered to journey to St.
Albans; there on St. Mark’s Day, escorted by
the usual procession headed by the Abbot, he gave thanks for his
recovery, and presented his gift of gratitude on the High Altar.[678]
Having visited the cell of Sopwell, he returned to Langley.[679] Here
he busied himself in the affairs of the kingdom, being made Justiciar
of Chester and of North Wales on May 10, an office which he was
allowed to delegate to a substitute for whose actions as well as his
own he must answer to the King.[680] Indeed, Gloucester seems to
have been very energetic in executing his duties as Protector, and to
have turned to the administration of the government that restless
energy, which circumstances and his own ambitious nature had
drawn lately to less worthy occupations. In June we find him at
Norwich to strengthen by his presence the hands of the justices who
had to try a case of lawlessness which had gone unpunished during
the disturbed state of affairs in official circles. On the last night of
1423 certain felons to the number of eighty or more had attacked
the house of John Grys of Wighton in the county of Norfolk, and he
being ‘somewhat heated with wassail,’ had been dragged out to a
gallows a mile away, where with his son Gregory and a servant he
had been butchered for lack of a rope to hang them. It would seem
that the two principals in this outrage had been Walter Aslak and
Richard Kyllynworth, who tried after this to establish a reign of terror
in Norfolk, and so threatened William Paston by manifestoes openly
posted in public places, that ‘the seyd William, hese clerkes and
servauntz by longe time after were in gret and intollerable drede and
fere.’ Paston had indicted these men before Gloucester as Protector,
and on April 5, 1425, the matter had been referred to arbitration.
The award of the arbitrators had been ignored by Aslak, and under
the protection of Sir Thomas Erpingham he had further annoyed
Paston at the Parliament of Leicester. Gloucester now presided in
person at the trial of the offenders, and six men were condemned
for this outrage and put to death.[681]
Before the end of the month the Protector was back in London,
holding a council, at which matters of some moment were up for
discussion. The truce with Scotland for which Gloucester was one of
the guarantors had not been very well observed, and the question of
heresy had also come to the fore.[682] Shortly before Gloucester’s
visit to St. Albans a certain William Wawe—latro mirabilis the
chronicler quaintly calls him—had attacked the neighbouring
nunnery of Sopwell and plundered its contents. Rightly or wrongly
this was considered to be part of a Lollard scheme of opposition to
the Church, and it was as a heretic as well as a ‘wonderful robber’
that Wawe, after a period of confinement at St. Albans, was
arraigned before Gloucester in London. We cannot in any way judge
of the rights of the case, as we have only a very one-sided account
of the event, but it is quite possible that it was more the heated
imaginations of the ecclesiastics, who had not forgotten the
incidents connected with Oldcastle, than any real heretical
inclinations on the part of the prisoner, which produced the charge.
Wawe was condemned and hanged.[683]
In these two cases of summary judgment we find displayed a side of
the Protector’s character which has been given but scant justice by
historians. Though crafty and self-seeking, Gloucester was in no
sense turbulent. His justice thus meted out cannot be dismissed as a
standard of ethics to which he himself did not conform. We have no
instance in which he appealed to brute force except when he was
compelled to do so, for in the case of the quarrel with Beaufort he
was not the aggressor, nor can we believe the stories of armed
conspiracy which surround his mysterious death. His energy was
devoted at this time at least towards keeping the peace. We have
seen his recent journeys into the country districts to settle matters
which might cause disturbance, and in September he was at Chester,
[684] whither he had probably gone in his capacity as Justiciar of that
district, not being content to leave his duties there to a delegated
representative, as the terms of his appointment had allowed. As
Protector he meted out justice impartially, and though he may have
helped to shatter the foreign policy of his country, his home
government shows a strange contrast to the other more prominent
but by no means more essential incidents of his life. It is, however,
by the terms of his Hainault policy that he has been judged, a policy
which, with all its far-reaching consequences, occupied but a small
part of his life, and to the last stages of which we must now refer.

Whilst Gloucester had been devoting his time to the assertion of his
personality in English politics, Jacqueline had been carrying on her
uphill struggle against the superior forces and the boundless
resources of the Duke of Burgundy. Her English husband, though his
attention was devoted to other matters, was still prosecuting his
cause at the Court of Rome, and even during the stormy days of the
Parliament at Leicester we find a reference to his attempt to secure
a recognition of the legality of his marriage.[685] But all hope of
papal favour was now very remote, for at this very time we find an
edict, issued on February 27, 1426, by the papal commissioner who
was examining the case, declaring the desertion of Brabant by
Jacqueline to be quite illegal, and committing her to the care of her
kinsman Amadeus of Savoy until the ultimate decision was given by
the Pope.[686] Though this edict had not the authority of a papal
Bull, yet it showed which party the decision of the Pope would
favour, and the chroniclers agree in taking this date as the final
decision of the matter.[687] Nevertheless pressure was still brought
to bear on the Pope, and in October of the same year the English
Council agreed to desist from prosecuting the Bishop of Lincoln
under the act of Præmunire, on condition that he should do his
utmost to expedite the cause of the Duke of Gloucester at Rome.
[688]

Jacqueline had no intention of returning to

1427] JACQUELINE her former husband, or of resigning herself
SEEKS ASSISTANCE to the keeping of her kinsman of Savoy, and
in view of the greater difficulties which now
attended her owing to the defection of some of her none too
numerous supporters, she turned her thoughts again to the country
which had befriended her in the past, where dwelt the man whom
she claimed as her husband, though he seemed to have forgotten
her existence. From Gouda, where she was making a last desperate
resistance against her enemies, she sent Lewis de Montfort and
Arnold of Ghent to the Council in England with a letter which was
written on April 8, 1427. She recalled therein the friendship of Henry
V., and assured them that he would never have left her to her fate;
she begged for help, comme pour femme desolée, and begged them
to lay her sad plight before her husband, and induce him to come to
her help, or at least to send her some assistance.[689] She had
evidently given up hope of any spontaneous support from
Humphrey. She no longer wrote to him personally, as she had done
earlier, and she realised that her only hope of relief was to lay stress
on the moral obligation laid on the nation by the action of Henry V.
In answer to her letter ambassadors were sent from England,
bearing an answer written in the name of the King, and to this
Jacqueline replied agreeing to the desire for peace expressed by
Henry VI., but pointing to Burgundy’s unreasonableness as an
impossible bar to any pacific arrangement. Again she asked for help
in the name of Henry V.’s friendship for her.[690]
Before this last letter had been despatched
1427] ENGLISH a change had come over the state of affairs.
SYMPATHY FOR The Duke of Brabant had brought his poor
JACQUELINE mean life to an end in a halo of sanctity,
[691] and the Duke of Burgundy could no
longer wage war in his name. This was no obstacle to the
unscrupulous Philip, who declared that, as formerly, he had been the
regent of John of Brabant in his wife’s dominions, so now he was by
inference regent for that wife herself. The dummy which had stood
as an excuse for interference in Hainault was now removed, and we
can see the state of affairs clearly, untrammelled by diplomatic
fictions. All along, in point of fact, the struggle had been between
Jacqueline and her powerful cousin, now it was so in theory also.
Under these altered conditions the Countess made yet another
appeal to the English Council on June 6, alluding to the recent
events, and imploring assistance.[692] At the same time she sent
ambassadors with written instructions both to the Council and to
Gloucester.[693] Letter and messages were delivered towards the end
of June,[694] and at length these constant appeals began to make an
impression. Gloucester began to bestir himself, seeing that he would
probably have public opinion on his side, and that he was free from
the interference of Bedford. He appealed to Parliament for the sum
of 20,000 marks to enable him to equip an army to assist Jacqueline,
[695] and this body replied willingly to the request by petitioning the
Council to take steps to alleviate her position, whether by treaty or
some other means, laying stress on the perilous position in which
she found herself, as recorded in letters both to her husband and to
the estates of the realm; they also backed up Gloucester’s request
for 20,000 marks. The matter was seriously considered by the
Council, and it was ultimately decided that 9000 marks should be
granted to Gloucester, 4000 marks of which was to consist of the
immediate payment of half his yearly salary as Protector, the other
5000 marks being a grant for the maintenance of his Duchess.[696]
This money was given for a definite purpose, and for that purpose
alone; it was to furnish an expedition to Holland, which should
relieve and garrison the towns which still remained obedient to
Jacqueline. Part of the forces were to be told off to escort the
Countess to England, whilst the remainder were to stay behind in
Hainault and protect such places as they had relieved. Under no
conditions were they to act on the offensive, or attack any place in
Holland, Hainault, or Zealand held by any one but Jacqueline. As
though they feared that the money would not be directed to its
destined use, the Council arranged that it should be paid to two
persons appointed by Gloucester to receive it, with the proviso that
if no soldiers could be induced to go, the receivers were to hold the
money for the King’s use, while all soldiers that were enlisted were
to be paid directly by them.[697]
Thus, though a grant was made, it was hedged in with conditions
which betray no desire on the part of the Council to assist Gloucester
to a continental dominion. Jacqueline had an undoubted claim on
the sympathy of Englishmen, and a desire for her safety was
expressed on all sides, yet under the circumstances it was not
desirable, from the point of view of English politics, that she should
be enabled to prolong her resistance to Burgundy. The visit of
Bedford to England had not been in vain, for it had taught
Englishmen the danger of Burgundian complications, and the
necessity for refraining from undue intervention in the politics of
Hainault. This money for armed assistance to Jacqueline was not
intended to prolong the struggle, but to procure a peace between
the opposing parties in Hainault; the terms on which the grant was
made plainly indicate that it was her safety only that was to be
procured; she was to be removed and brought back to an asylum in
England. No thought of helping Humphrey lay therein. As the
husband of the lady he was to carry out the commission, but it was
made impossible for him to extract any territorial or monetary
advantage therefrom.
However galling this position might be to Gloucester, he began to
prepare an army to fulfil the commands of the Council, and he
received ready support from the Earl of Salisbury. This famous
general had been distinguishing himself in the wars in France; he
had served with distinction under Henry V.; at Verneuil he had been
conspicuous for his bravery,[698] and since then he had established a
great military reputation. He was now ready to put his abilities at the
service of the Duke of Gloucester, for he had sworn to avenge
himself on Burgundy who had seduced his wife, and he was joined
under Humphrey’s banner by many of the chief men of the kingdom.
[699] From this readiness to undertake hostilities against Burgundy
we may gather that the ill-will between Philip and his English allies
was not entirely due to the reckless action of Gloucester, and that
there were many who were ready to help on the discomfiture of a
man who had done little to make his alliance effective, and who
more than once had intrigued with both parties in France in the
hope of securing some personal advantage.
This expedition to Hainault was not,
1427] INTERVENTION however, to take place. Ten days after they
OF BEDFORD had agreed to grant Humphrey the 9000
marks, the Council wrote to Bedford and
explained what they had done. They described how strong was
public opinion in favour of Jacqueline, and how they had determined
to give her support, but they besought the Regent of France to do
his utmost to bring about peace by inducing Burgundy to abstain
from his wrongful oppression of the Duchess of Gloucester and her
husband.[700] Bedford was naturally dismayed at this news. Knowing
Philip as he did, he realised that even purely defensive interference
by English troops in Hainault would be regarded as an unforgivable
act of hostility. At the best of times Burgundian fidelity to the English
alliance hung by a mere thread, and with this excuse nothing would
prevent Philip from coming to an agreement with the Dauphin, in
favour of whom public opinion in France was slowly turning. To
prevent such a result he promptly answered the Council’s letter,
stating that Philip was ready to treat with Gloucester, and pointing
out the dangers which would attend English intervention in the
matter; the King was young, and the alienation of Burgundy under
these conditions was very undesirable, and might bring terrible
disasters on the English cause in France. Moreover, it was not fair to
condemn Philip unheard, and, in any case, the rights of the matter
must be decided in Rome and not in London.[701] He also wrote to
Humphrey, declaring his affection for him in the most brotherly
terms, and begging him in the name of England’s safety not to carry
out his mad intention, but to listen to the advice of those who
wished him well. At the same time he offered to use all his influence
to bring about a peace, which would not reflect in any way on his
brother’s honour.[702] Not content with letters, he sent over
ambassadors to impress on the Council the impolicy of allowing
Gloucester to go to Hainault, and to procure, if possible, the
abandonment of the idea.[703] Meanwhile he turned his attention to
Duke Philip himself, who was already busy preparing forces to resist
the expected invasion.[704] A meeting between the two Dukes at
Lille proved abortive, but since the expedition had been delayed in
spite of a protest from Jacqueline received in September,[705] and no
signs of its approach were apparent, a truce with the promise of a
future settlement was at length concluded between Burgundy and
Gloucester at Paris.[706]
Thus Humphrey allowed the year to close
1428] GLOUCESTER without having done anything to help the
CENSURED lady who could hardly be called his wife,
and on January 9 in the new year the Pope
finally issued a Bull, whereby the marriage of Jacqueline with
Brabant was definitely recognised as valid, and any marriage
contracted by the former in the lifetime of the latter was declared to
be illegal.[707] Gloucester was weary of the whole affair. He had not
protested against Bedford’s opposition to the last projected
expedition to Hainault, for he had given up all hope of a continental
dominion from the day when he first turned his back on Hainault. He
was too deeply occupied in asserting himself in English politics to
trouble his mind over a matter which had passed so entirely out of
his thoughts, and his preparations in answer to the grant of 9000
marks had been spiritless and unconvincing. Now, though Jacqueline
lodged a protest against the final decision of the Court of Rome, he
took no action, and on March 17 procured the cancelling of the
bonds of the 9000 marks loan of the previous year.[708] This callous
behaviour with regard to his former wife seems to have shocked his
contemporaries. On March 8 the Mayor and Aldermen of London
appeared before Parliament, and said that they had received letters
from Jacqueline, whom in defiance of the papal Bull they called
Duchess of Gloucester as well as Countess of Holland and Zealand,
in which she appealed to them for help. They declared that the
nation ought to rescue her, and said that they were ready to help
within reason.[709]
More definite than this implied censure on Gloucester was another
scene enacted within the precincts of Parliament about this time.
[710] A woman from the Stocks Market,[711] which occupied the
present site of the Mansion House, and was so called from the
stocks which stood there, came openly into Parliament, bringing with
her some other London women, and handed letters to Gloucester,
the two Archbishops and other lords there, censuring the Duke for
not taking steps to relieve his wife from her danger, and for leaving
her unloved and forgotten in captivity, whilst he was living in
adultery with another woman, ‘to the ruin of himself, the kingdom,
and the marital bond.’[712] The women of London at this time were
apt to assert their right to a voice in public matters. In the very next
year we find the wives and daughters of the citizens of Aldgate
taking the law into their own hands, and killing a Breton murderer by
pelting him with stones and canal mud in spite of the intervention of
the constables who were escorting the prisoner to the coast.[713] In
this case the victim of the murderer was an old widowed lady who
had shown him much charity, and it would seem that it was only in
matters which affected their own sex that the London women took
an interest. The story of the women’s petition to Parliament is
handed down to us in the pages of a chronicler of the friendly house
of St. Albans, though the entry has been cancelled by another hand;
it therefore helps us to understand the intense sympathy felt in
England for Jacqueline, when the men and women of London both
came to censure their ‘Good Duke.’
It is possible that news of the ultimate declaration of the Court of
Rome had not yet reached England, for we find Jacqueline termed
Duchess of Gloucester in an official document of March 18 in this
year,[714] but this did not detract from the blame which the Duke
had incurred by his neglect of the woman whom he had claimed as
his wife for the last six years. We cannot but find the censure of the
market-women well deserved. In the hope of increasing his
possessions and his power Humphrey had made a questionable
marriage with Jacqueline, but this could be forgiven him if, when he
had done so, he had been loyal to his wife, who at one time at all
events had loved him for himself. It was not the perception of the
political complications which would result from further action that
restrained him, but the realisation that the prize was not worth the
energy needed to win it, coupled with the fact that he had become a
slave to what was perhaps the one real passion of his life.
We have seen how Gloucester was
1428] ELEANOR accompanied home from Hainault by one of
COBHAM Jacqueline’s English ladies-in-waiting, and
how he had fallen a victim to her charms.
Eleanor Cobham was of great beauty, so the gossiping Æneas
Sylvius tells us, whilst Waurin bears testimony to her wonderful
charm and courage,[715] but her honour had been besmirched
before Gloucester made her acquaintance.[716] Notwithstanding this,
she had gained a complete ascendency over her royal lover, to
whom she had probably borne two children by this time, and the
superstition of the age did not hesitate to say that it was through
potions provided by the Witch of Eye that this ascendency had been
secured.[717] Throughout these last years it had been the attractions
of this woman that had caused Gloucester to forget Jacqueline, and
he now carried his infatuation so far as to marry her. Freed from all
obligations to his former wife by papal decree, he hastened to
legalise his relations with Eleanor, whence ‘arose shame and more
disgrace and inconvenience to the whole kingdom than can be
expressed,’ says a contemporary chronicler,[718] whilst a later writer
says, ‘and if he wer unquieted with his other pretensed wife, truly he
was tenne tymes more vexed by occasion of this woman—so that he
began his marriage with evill, and ended it with worse.’[719]
Monstrelet also looks askance at the marriage,[720] and even the
poet Lydgate raised his voice against the ‘Cyronees,’ who tempted
‘The prynci’s hert against al goddes lawe
Frome heos promesse truwe alle to withdrawe
To straunge him, and make him foule forsworne
Unto that godely faythfull truwe pryncesse.’[721]
Eleanor was an ambitious woman, who had undoubtedly had this
end in view, but that she had been used by Bedford and Beaufort as
a counter attraction to Jacqueline is a statement supported by no
evidence, and merely suggested by the dramatic instinct of a poet.
There was nothing unusual in this action of Gloucester’s, and if he
married his mistress, it was no more than his grandfather had done
before him. Even if he did not encourage the marriage, Beaufort
could not object to it, for what claims he had to legitimacy were
based upon such a union.
Henceforth the history of Jacqueline ceases to be bound up with that
of Gloucester, and a few months later she was compelled to agree to
a treaty with Burgundy, whereby she acknowledged the illegality of
her former marriage. Bereft of her English husband, her life assumed
a calmer aspect, and for the remaining years that she had to live she
could not regret the loss of one for whom she had suffered so much,
and from whom she had received so little.
 The Duke of Gloucester and his wife Eleanor being
received into the fraternity of St. Alban’s Abbey.

While Jacqueline was making her last stand

1428] THE against her enemies, and sending her last
PROTECTOR’S appeals for help across to England,
POSITION Humphrey was occupied with ambitions far
nearer home and totally unconnected with
his now forgotten Hainault policy. The Parliament of 1427, which had
been opened by the little King in person on October 13, had been
prorogued on December 8 by the Protector on the authority of
letters-patent from the King,[722] and on both occasions the
subordination of the Protector to the rules laid down for him were
thus fully emphasised. Gloucester began openly to resent these
limitations of his power, and even before the adjournment he had
made some protest against the merely nominal privileges which he
enjoyed.[723] No notice had been taken of this protest, and he was
therefore left to reflect on the matter during the recess. Christmas
he spent at his favourite monastery, and the St. Albans chronicler
tells us of the splendid style in which he celebrated the Feast. When
Epiphany was past, he moved on to Ashbridge near Berkhampsted
for a stay of three days, and thence he returned to London for the
reopening of Parliament.[724] His mind was made up. In spite of the
previous ignoring of his protest, he now, on March 3, requested that
the Lords should define his powers, and did so in such a way as to
imply a demand for more extended rights and privileges than he at
present possessed. He declared his intention of abstaining from
attendance in Parliament till this matter was settled, and arrogantly
declared that during his absence other questions might be discussed
but not settled.[725]
The motive underlying the request is evident. Bedford was safely
employed in the French wars and in Burgundian negotiations;
Beaufort was also absent, and it seemed to Gloucester to be an ideal
time to strengthen his hands against the Cardinal. Possibly he had
been betrayed into the belief that he held the ascendency in
Parliament by the alacrity with which that body had sanctioned the
recent loan to him. Short-sighted as before, he could not distinguish
between sympathy for Jacqueline’s sad plight and sympathy with his
personal ambitions, and he did not realise that other men’s
memories were longer than his. In point of fact he could not have
chosen a worse time for this attempt to secure increased power in
the kingdom, for the Lords would have less compunction in refusing
anything to the ‘Good Duke’ at a time when his conduct was being
openly censured even by his London supporters, than when his
popularity was not under a shadow. As it was, the demand produced
the inevitable result. The Lords took their stand on the arrangements
made in the first Parliament of the reign, recalling how at that time
Humphrey had claimed the government of the kingdom, both by
right of birth and by the right of the will of Henry V., how records
had been searched and precedents consulted, with the result that
the claim was found to be unsupported by any legal authority, whilst
the right of Henry V. to give away the government of the country
after his death was also found to have no legal basis. Yet for the
sake of peace and to ‘appese’ Gloucester, he had been made chief
councillor of the King as long as Bedford remained abroad, and to
distinguish him from the other councillors the name of ‘Protector and
Defender’ was ‘devised’ for him, which should not ‘emporte auctorite
of governaunce of ye land,’ but merely carry with it a personal duty
to provide for the defence of the kingdom both from external and
internal dangers, giving him therewith certain powers which were
enumerated at the time. That was the intention of Parliament five
years ago, and beyond this the Lords would not now go; indeed at
the time Gloucester had agreed to the arrangement. In Parliament
Humphrey had no rights beyond those of any other duke, and it was
merely as Duke of Gloucester that he was summoned there. The
Lords declared themselves surprised at his recent demands, and
they told him pretty bluntly that he must be content with such power
as he had got, even as was Bedford. In conclusion they expressed a
hope that he would take his seat in Parliament, and make no more
ado about his position there.[726]
Nothing could show us more plainly than this the suspicion in which
were held any attempts by Gloucester to monopolise the
governmental power, and the surprisingly advanced state of
constitutional theory. Yet we must not be tempted to dismiss this
incident merely as an indication of Humphrey’s ambition, and of the
patriotic endeavour of Parliament to maintain constitutional
government in the face of expiring despotism. Humphrey’s ambitious
nature is, of course, beyond dispute, but among his motives there
may have been some hope of giving the kingdom a strength it
lacked under the present government. It is a platitude to say that
under the Lancastrian kings England had advanced in constitutional
theory much further than in administrative efficiency. The elements
of constitutional monarchy had been attained, and they are nowhere
better expressed than in the answer to Gloucester’s demands, but
parliamentary government at this time was not what we understand
by that term now. The Parliament of Henry VI. was not
representative of the kingdom in the modern sense of the word; it
was largely a reflection of the desires of the English nobility, or
rather of a certain dominant clique therein. The government of this
clique had not proved a blessing to England, and we have already
seen something of the lawlessness and disorder of the kingdom
generally. In September of the following year the Chancellor in
opening Parliament was very despondent about the moral state of
the country, declaring that acts of lawlessness and oppression were
everyday occurrences, and arose from the absence of any real
administration of justice.[727]
To Humphrey was given all the hard work of keeping the peace, with
none of the rewards for those labours, or the prestige which would
make his influence efficient. As it was, the divisions in the
government had disastrous effects; the country was not ready for a
divided sovereignty. The only remedy for this state of affairs was
that the central power should be in the hands of one man, who
should make his personality felt at a time when personality had far
more influence on men’s minds than any theory of government. We
cannot suggest that Humphrey was the ideal man to exert this
personal power, yet we must not forget his past attempts to
administer the law for the benefit of the injured, or his later efforts
to prevent sedition and internal strife. He could not belong to the
House of Lancaster without inheriting some of the administrative
qualities of his family; to this was added his popularity with the
people, and his position as a member of the royal family. Owing to
this position his influence must be great, and it would have been to
the advantage of the country that this influence should be exerted
on the side of law and order, rather than at the head of a
discontented opposition. On paper the theories contained in the
Lords’ reply were excellent, but in practice they needed a more
advanced state of society than that which obtained in fifteenth-
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