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The Cardiology Intensive Board Review 3rd Edition by Leslie Cho, Brian Griffin ISBN 9781469890449 1469890445download

The document provides information on various cardiology textbooks available for download at ebookball.com, including the 'Cardiology Intensive Board Review 3rd Edition' edited by Leslie Cho and Brian Griffin. It includes links to additional recommended cardiology board review books and details about the contributors and editors of the main text. The third edition aims to assist those preparing for cardiovascular board examinations with updated content reflecting recent guidelines and practices.

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The Cardiology Intensive Board Review
Third Edition
The Cardiology Intensive Board Review
Third Edition

Editors

Leslie Cho, MD, FACC


Director, Women’s Cardiovascular Center
Section Head, Preventive Cardiology and Rehabilitation
Robert and Suzanne Tomsich Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Brian P. Griffin, MD, FACC


John and Rosemary Brown Chair in Cardiovascular Medicine
Section Head, Cardiovascular Imaging
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Heart and Vascular Institute
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio
Acquisitions Editor: Julie Goolsby
Product Development Editor: Andrea Vosburgh
Production Project Manager: David Saltzberg
Design Coordinator: Joan Wendt
Manufacturing Coordinator: Beth Welsh
Marketing Manager: Stephanie Manzo
Prepress Vendor: Integra Software Services Pvt.Ltd.

Third edition

Copyright © 2015 Wolters Kluwer Health

Copyright © 2009 Lippincott Williams & Wilkins, a Wolters Kluwer business.


Copyright © 2003 Lippincott Williams & Wilkins. All rights reserved. This book is
protected by copyright. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in
any form or by any means, including as photocopies or scanned-in or other
electronic copies, or utilized by any information storage and retrieval system
without written permission from the copyright owner, except for brief quotations
embodied in critical articles and reviews. Materials appearing in this book prepared
by individuals as part of their official duties as U.S. government employees are not
covered by the above-mentioned copyright. To request permission, please contact
Wolters Kluwer Health at Two Commerce Square, 2001 Market Street,
Philadelphia, PA 19103, via email at [email protected], or via our website at
lww.com (products and services).

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed in China

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Cardiology intensive board review question book.


The cardiology intensive board review / editors, Leslie Cho, Brian P. Griffin.--3rd
edition.
p. ; cm.
Preceded by: Cardiology intensive board review question book / edited by Leslie
Cho, Brian P. Griffin, Eric J. Topol. 2nd ed. c2009.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4511-7671-1
I. Cho, Leslie, editor. II. Griffin, Brian P., 1956-, editor. III. Title.
[DNLM: 1. Cardiovascular Diseases--Examination Questions. 2. Cardiovascular
Diseases--drug therapy--Examination Questions. 3. Heart--physiology--
Examination Questions. WG 18.2]
RC669.2
616.1’20076--dc23
20140
31891

This work is provided “as is,” and the publisher disclaims any and all warranties,
express or implied, including any warranties as to accuracy, comprehensiveness, or
currency of the content of this work.

This work is no substitute for individual patient assessment based upon healthcare
professionals’ examination of each patient and consideration of, among other
things, age, weight, gender, current or prior medical conditions, medication
history, laboratory data and other factors unique to the patient. The publisher does
not provide medical advice or guidance and this work is merely a reference tool.
Healthcare professionals, and not the publisher, are solely responsible for the use
of this work including all medical judgments and for any resulting diagnosis and
treatments.

Given continuous, rapid advances in medical science and health information,


independent professional verification of medical diagnoses, indications, appropriate
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LWW.com
To our families and to the cardiovascular disease fellows past,
present, and future
Contributors
Bhuvnesh Aggarwal, MD
Cardiovascular Medicine Fellow
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Craig R. Asher, MD, FACC


Cardiology Fellowship Director
Department of Cardiology
Cleveland Clinic Florida
Weston, Florida

Bryan J. Baranowski, MD
Staff Electrophysiologist Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Luke J. Burchill, MBBS, PhD


Advanced Cardiac Imaging Fellow
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Leslie Cho, MD, FACC


Director, Women’s Cardiovascular Center
Section Head, Preventive Cardiology and Rehabilitation
Robert and Suzanne Tomsich Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Jodie M. Fink, PharmD


Pharmacotherapy Residency Program Director Department of Pharmacy
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Gary S. Francis, MD
Professor of Medicine
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
University of Minnesota Medical Center
Minneapolis, MN

Baris Gencer
Research Cardiologist
Interventional Cardiology Unit
Division of Cardiology
University Hospital
University of Geneva
Geneva, Switzerland

Brian P. Griffin, MD, FACC


John and Rosemary Brown Chair in Cardiovascular Medicine
Section Head, Cardiovascular Imaging
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Heart and Vascular Institute
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Wael A. Jaber, MD
Staff Cardiologist
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Miriam S. Jacob, MD
Staff Physician
Section of Heart Failure and Cardiac Transplantation
Heart and Vascular Institute
Cleveland Clinic Foundation
Cleveland, Ohio

Douglas E. Joseph, DO
Staff Physician
Section of Vascular Medicine
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Alexander Kantorovich, PharmD


Clinical Assistant Professor of Pharmacy Practice
Chicago State University
College of Pharmacology
Chicago, Illinois

Hemantha K. Koduri, MD, FACP, FHM


Clinical Fellow in Vascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic Heart and Vascular Institute
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Amar Krishnaswamy, MD, FACC


Associate Program Director
Interventional Cardiology Fellowship Program
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Venu Menon, MD
Director, Cardiovascular Medicine Training Program
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Michael A. Militello, PharmD


Clinical Specialist in Cardiovascular Disease
Department of Pharmacy
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Debabrata Mukherjee, MD, MS, FACC


Chairman, Department of Internal Medicine
Chief, Cardiovascular Medicine
Professor of Internal Medicine
Texas Tech University
El Paso, Texas

Gian M. Novaro, MD, MS, FACC, FASE


Director, Echocardiography
Department of Cardiology
Cleveland Clinic Florida
Weston, Florida

Parag R. Patel, MD
Advanced Cardiac Imaging Fellow
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio
Dermot Phelan, MD, PhD
Section of Cardiovascular Imaging
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Michael B. Rocco, MD, FACC


Staff Cardiologist
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Marco Roffi, MD
Staff Interventional Cardiologist
Interventional Cardiology Unit
Division of Cardiology
University Hospital
University of Geneva
Geneva, Switzerland

Ellen Mayer Sabik, MD, FACC, FASE


Staff Cardiologist
Department of Cardiology
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Maran Thamilarasan, MD
Staff Cardiologist
Section of Cardiovascular Imaging
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Donald A. Underwood, MD
Head, Electrocardiography
Section of Clinical Cardiology
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Heart and Vascular Institute
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio

Amanda R. Vest, MD
Advanced Heart Failure and Cardiac Transplantation Fellow
Department of Cardiovascular Medicine
Cleveland Clinic
Cleveland, Ohio
Preface
The third edition of this book has been updated to reflect changes in
guidelines and practice since the last edition. The aim of the book
remains the same: to help those certifying or recertifying prepare for
the cardiovascular board examination. As in prior editions, we have
included subjects, images, and tracings that are important not only
for examinations but also relevant to clinical practice. The questions
are presented in formats that are commonly used on the boards.
We would like to thank all of the contributors to this and prior
editions, our colleagues and fellows from whom we learn on a daily
basis, and especially our families who support and encourage our
academic activity in addition to our busy clinical practices. We hope
you enjoy the book and find it helpful.

Leslie Cho, MD
Brian P. Griffin, MD
Abbreviations
AAA abdominal aortic aneurysm
ABI ankle brachial index
ACC American College of Cardiology
ACE angiotensin-converting enzyme
ACEI angiotensin-converting enzyme inhibitor
ACS acute coronary syndrome
ACTH adrenocorticotropic hormone
AED automated external defibrillator
AFib atrial fibrillation
AHA American Heart Association
AI aortic insufficiency
AMI acute myocardial infarction
AP action potential
aPTT activated partial thromboplastin time
AR aortic regurgitation
ARB angiotensin receptor blocker
AS aortic stenosis
ASA atrial septal aneurysm
ASD atrial septal defect
AV atrioventricular
AVNRT atrioventricular nodal reentrant tachycardia
AVR aortic valve replacement
AVRT orthodromic atrioventricular reentrant tachycardia
β-AR beta-adrenoreceptor
bFGF basic fibroblast growth factor
BMI body mass index
BNP brain natriuretic peptide
BP blood pressure
bpm beats per minute
BUN blood urea nitrogen
CABG coronary artery bypass grafting
CAD coronary artery disease
cAMP cyclic adenosine monophosphate
CBC complete blood count
cDNA complementary DNA
CHB complete heart block
CHD coronary heart disease
CHF congestive heart failure
CI confidence interval
CK-MB MB fraction of creatine kinase
CPK creatine phosphokinase
CRP C-reactive protein
CS coronary stenting
CT computed tomography
CTA computed tomographic angiography
CTEPH chronic thromboembolic pulmonary hypertension
CXR chest X-ray
DC direct current
DTI direct thrombin inhibitor
DVT deep venous thrombosis
ECG electrocardiogram
EF ejection fraction
EGD esophagogastroduodenoscopy
EMD electromechanical dissociation
EMS emergency medical service
EP electrophysiology
ESR erythrocyte sedimentation rate
ET exercise training
FDA Food and Drug Administration
FEV1 forced expiratory volume in the first second of expiration
GI gastrointestinal
GP glycoprotein
GU genitourinary
HBE His bundle electrogram
Other documents randomly have
different content
were utterly defeated. Marure, Efem., 21-2; El
Espíritu Púb., Jan. 18, 1829.

[V-64] Arzú had abandoned them to their fate.


Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 47-51.

[V-65] Morazan, Apuntes, MS.; Montúfar, Reseña


Hist., i. 53-4. Thus ended disastrously for the federal
forces their third invasion of Salvador territory. The
actions of Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in
which the great Central American soldier and
statesman Francisco Morazan figured as a general.
Morazan will stand in history in many respects as the
best, and in all as the ablest, man that Central
America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, his
father being a French creole from the W. I., and his
mother of Tegucigalpa, in Honduras. His education
was such as he could obtain in the country at that
time; but his quickness of apprehension and thirst for
knowledge soon placed him far above his
countrymen. He was of an impetuous temperament,
and possessed at the same time great decision and
perseverance. His bearing was free and manly, and
his manner frank and open. These qualities could not
fail to and did secure him the love and respect of his
fellow-citizens, giving him an immense influence over
them. In 1824 he was already occupying the position
of secretary-general of Honduras, and later was
senator, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but
his temperament soon made him turn his attention to
martial affairs. He ever after was noted as a
republican of very liberal views. Squier's Travels, ii.
400; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 170-1; Astaburuaga, Cent.
Am., 17. The writer of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 92, says
that Morazan had been at one time a clerk in a
notary's office at Comayagua, where he 'habia dado
á conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero poco
honrosas, para la imitacion de letras ó firmas.' It has
been said that Morazan joined the party opposed to
the existing federal government at the instigation of
Pedro Molina. Gaceta de S. Salv., Oct. 3, 1851. A
portrait of Morazan is given in Montúfar, Reseña
Hist., i. 72.

[V-66] It has been asserted that he offered his


services to Salvador, and was slighted, Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am., 97-8, which finds confirmation in Arce's
own statement. Mem., 88-9. Squier has it that Arce
went to Mexico, Travels, ii. 402; but this seems to be
a mistake, for he was in Guatemala in 1829.

[V-67] A few days previously, on the 20th, the


assembly of Guatemala decreed a renewal of all the
powers of the state, with the vain purpose of
removing one of the obstacles to the termination of
the war. Marure, Efem., 22.

[V-68] Prado and Morazan offered peace to the


Guatemalans on condition that the federal
government should be fully restored. El Espíritu Púb.,
Feb. 14, 1829.

[V-69] He established his general headquarters in


Ahuachapan, whence raids were constantly made
into the enemy's territory.

[V-70] This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829.


The sedition, though soon quelled, rather hastened
the action of Morazan with his allied Salvador and
Honduras force.

[V-71] The repulse was so unimportant, however,


that Morazan does not even mention it in his
memoirs. Marure, Efem., 23; Montúfar, Reseña Hist.,
i. 61.

[V-72] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 123; Marure, Efem.,


23, gives the 18th as the date. Morazan, Apuntes,
MS., 14, says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda
acreditó en esta derrota su ineptitud y cobardía y el
enemigo su crueldad con el asesinato de los
vencidos.' After that the town was given the title of
Villa de la Victoria; but later resumed its original
name. This defeat was exaggerated in San Salvador,
where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in
La Antigua, and preparations to meet another
invasion were hastily made.

[V-73] Morazan might have been besieged in La


Antigua; for during his stay there he despatched a
force to Quezaltenango, that should have been
followed by another from Guatemala, and destroyed
between the latter and the few forces that Irisarri
might have brought against it in the hard roads of
Istaguacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri
retreated toward Soconusco, to be afterward undone
and taken prisoner. Morazan's force occupied Los
Altos, took many prisoners, levied contributions
which Irisarri had failed to get from the Quezaltecs,
and left the enemy powerless to recuperate. Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am., 124; Morazan's Memoirs, quoted in
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 63.

[V-74] March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at


San Miguelito. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 15. The place
received, for that reason, the name of San Miguel
Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul, now a general under
Morazan, figures prominently in the military
operations at this time.

[V-75] On the 15th of March. Marure, Efem., 23;


Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 15; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i.
62-3.

[V-76] The federal force that succumbed in Las


Charcas was commanded by their mayor-general,
Agustin Prado, not Col Pacheco, as supposed by
some. The federals had no general now. Cáscaras
had lost his reputation, and was distrusted by the
serviles. Arzú would not take the command, or was
not trusted on account of his ill success in the third
invasion of Salvador. Morazan had defeated Milla,
Dominguez, Aycinena, Pacheco, and Prado. Id., 63-4.

[V-77] The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-


president Beltranena, Pavon for Guatemala, Espinosa
for Salvador, and Morazan for Honduras and
Nicaragua. The last propositions of Espinosa and
Morazan were the following, namely: 1st. That a
provisional government should be formed in
Guatemala, composed of the chief of the state
Mariano Aycinena, Mariano Prado, and Morazan; 2d.
That the two armies should be reduced to 1,000
men, Guatemalans and Salvadorans in equal parts;
3d. That the provisional government should be
installed in Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala
with that force to give it strength and preserve order
in the state; 4th. A general forgetfulness of the past.
Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 5, 16; Montúfar, Reseña
Hist., i. 65. It is claimed, on the other hand, that
Morazan really wanted the federal vice-president and
the chief of the state of Guatemala to throw up their
offices, the legislative assembly and representative
council to cease exercising their functions; and that
of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made
Zenteno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme
court of justice was to stop acting. Meantime, and
until new elections took place, Morazan was to be
clothed with executive, representative, and judicial
powers. Under the pretext of restoring the sway of
law and constitutional order, a dictatorship,
emanating from a war treaty, would have been
created, whose sole object was to reward the victor
with an unlimited authority. The commissioners of
the federal and Guatemalan governments refused to
accede, and presented counter-propositions of a
different nature, namely, to the effect that the
existing high functionaries should resign their
powers, and a provisional government be
established, with one representative from each state,
to govern till new elections and the restoration of the
constitutional régime. There were also propositions
respecting the government of the state of
Guatemala. Full details in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 125-
9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in
Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 16. The government of
Mexico, at the request of that of Guatemala,
tendered its mediation on the 20th of February, but it
arrived too late, and there was nothing left for it to
do but to tender the hospitalities of the Mexican soil
to the victims of persecution. The full correspondence
is to be found in Méx., Mem. Rel., 1830, 2-3; also in
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méj., 407-14; this authority
claims that Mexican mediation might have been
finally successful in restoring peace but for the
opposition of the new chief of Guatemala.

[V-78] A long account of the alleged outrages of


Morazan's forces appears in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.,
132-3. Marure, Efem., 24, in referring to the capture
of Guatemala, makes no mention of any such abuses.

[V-79] Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen.


Aycinena, not recognizing the latter as chief of
Guatemala, Juan Barrundia's term not having expired
when Arce deposed him, in consequence of which act
Aycinena rose to that position. The dissolved
authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La
Antigua, and Morazan held relations with them.
Aycinena had changed his tone; he was no longer the
man of the manifestoes of 1827, of the proscriptive
decrees, nor of the stringent military orders of the
first months of 1829. He did not now call his
opponents 'un puñado de enemigos del órden,
descamisados y forajidos.' Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i.
72-5, 79-86.

[V-80] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 18, erroneously


places the surrender on the 20th. The terms of the
capitulation are given in Arce, Mem., 98-4; Montúfar,
Reseña Hist., i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the
inhabitants were guaranteed; the vanquished were in
all else subject to the good-will of the victor. José
Milla y Vidaurre, in his biographical sketch of Manuel
Francisco Pavon, who figured in these events, claims
that the capitulation was contrary to Aycinena's
wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot by
foot. Montúfar, quoted above, denies the statement,
adding that it was advanced solely to make the chief
of the serviles and head man of the nobles appear as
a hero, and refers to the correspondence, which will
show Aycinena quite anxious to accept the guarantee
of life and property.

[V-81] According to Miguel García Granados, who


in later years was a liberal leader and acting
president of Guatemala, Arce had remained
unmolested at his house in sight of the besiegers
during the three days' attack. Id., 103.

[V-82] This was done pursuant to orders from


the governments of the states. So says Morazan
himself, adding that the measure was in consonance
with his own views, to reduce the number of
prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia tambien por objeto
poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar á los
principales jefes que habian llevado la guerra á los
Estados.' Apuntes, MS., 16-17.

[V-83] He took charge of the provisional


government at the end of April. Mariano Zenteno,
who had held the position ad int., was given a vote of
thanks for his patriotism and courage. Montúfar,
Reseña Hist., i. 127.

[V-84] The federal authorities alleged that their


soldiers only had 431 muskets, and not 1,500, as
demanded from them. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 236-9.
Morazan says that soldiers were allowed to leave the
city with their arms, infringing the 4th clause of the
capitulation, and he could get only evasive answers.
Apuntes, MS., 17; Arce, Mem., 58-9, 98-103, from
which the conclusion will be drawn that the charges
against the federal party were not unfounded.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 109-17. On this subject
Morazan himself said: 'No one was put to death, or
had money exacted from him by me. The capitulation
was faithfully carried out, even after being annulled.
Duty gave way to magnanimity, and there was no
cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood to
avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to
demand. Among many other victims sacrificed, there
were, calling for vengeance, generals Pierzon and
Merino, the one shot, without even the form of a
trial, the other taken out of a Chilian vessel on which
he intended to return to Guayaquil, his country, to be
murdered in the city of San Miguel. There were,
besides, the burning and plundering of the towns of
Salvador and Honduras, which demanded a just
reparation.' Apuntes, MS., 10, 17.

[V-85] He called them to the palace, and some of


them mistaking the object of the summons made
their appearance in full uniform. When all were
assembled they were taken to prison and kept in
confinement till July 9th, when most of them were
sent out of the country. Marure, Efem., 24.

[V-86] Marure, Efem., 24.

[V-87] Among its acts was one recognizing the


services of Morazan, to whom was due its
reinstallation. He was voted a gold medal, with the
word 'benemérito' before his name. A full-length
portrait was ordered placed in the hall of sessions.
The decree, however, was never carried out.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 129; Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-88] 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales,


acreedores á la pena capital.' Arce, Mem., 108; Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am., 151; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 130.
[V-89] The text is given in full in Id., 131-4;
Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 253-7; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i.
254-6.

[V-90] 'Y por lo mismo sujetos á la jurisdiccion


militar de los mismos Estados.' Montúfar, Reseña
Hist., i. 134-5.

[V-91] Crowe, Gospel Cent. Am., 131,


erroneously asserts that all their property was
confiscated.

[V-92] Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent


protest. He afterward boasted that he had bearded
the tyrant. The very fact that he dared to send such
a document, and did not lose his head, proves that
Morazan was not a tyrant. Arce, Mem., 113-14.
Antonio José Irisarri, Manuel and Juan Montúfar,
protested before the assembly and government of
Salvador, before the assemblies of all the states of
the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the
republics of America, and before all the free people
of the world. The document was drawn up by Irisarri,
who was not a soldier, though a colonel of militia; the
language was pure and elegant, but it was virulent
and full of sophistry. Irisarri also in several
publications boasted of his courage in having sent
such a document. He must have known that it would
not have any effect on Morazan. The latter was a
generous man. The effect would have been different
on Rafael Carrera, whom the serviles at a later period
made their master, as well as of the whole country.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 135-6.

[V-93] Marure has it in Efem., 25; Montúfar,


Reseña Hist., i. 137-9.

[V-94] Portrait in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 138.

[V-95] The senate, dissolved in 1826, was


reinstalled July 9th. Marure, Efem., 25.
[V-96] Arce, Mem., 122-3, and Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am., 167-9, assert that they were not even allowed
to make preparations for the journey, and many had
furthermore to start on foot. The decree of
expatriation was not, however, issued till August 22d,
and José del Valle is said to have been its author. The
persons thus exiled for life were Arce and Beltranena,
and their ministers, Aycinena and his secretaries,
Cáscaras, Villar, and other high military officers,
Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping
governments, and many other prominent officers.
Others were expatriated for various terms of years.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 144-50; Marure, Efem., 26.
Arce and Aycinena left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept.
They were required to reside in the U. S. of Am.;
embarked at Omoa for Belize, and thence went to
New Orleans.

[V-97] Dunlop, Cent. Am., 177, and Squier,


Travels, ii. 408, speak of plots against the republic as
the reason, but it was probably what the liberal party
alleged.

[V-98] This step was subsequently approved by


the federal congress. Marure, Efem., 25; Rocha,
Código Nic., ii. 373. The friars sent away were the
Dominicans, Franciscans, and Recollects. Those of
the order of Mercy were not banished; they were but
few, and had not been active against the liberal
cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted
their time to teaching and to the care of
convalescents, were also allowed to remain. The
author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 170, says that the
exiled priests were on the passage vilely treated, for
they were allowed only sailors' rations. Montúfar
confesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars had
the succulent viands that were usually prepared for
them in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they
were so often favored with from the nuns, beatas,
and all the daughters of confession. As for the
archbishop, he journeyed with every comfort. Juan B.
Asturias, who made the inventory of his property,
reported on 31st of Dec., 1829, that $218 had been
paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the
coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his
journey, and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for
conveying him and his effects. A person having all
that cannot be said to be unprovided with edibles.
Saint Peter would not have needed so much. Reseña
Hist., i. 156-7.

[V-99] In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It


has been said that it was because he accepted a
pension of $3,000 from the Spanish government at
Habana. Archbishop Casaus was later appointed to
administer the vacant see of Habana, and held the
office till his death. The above-mentioned law was
revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of
June, 1839, and Casaus was restored to all his
former rights, and recognized as legitimate
archbishop. He was repeatedly invited to return, but
never would do so. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 242-3.

[V-100] This declaration was subsequently


confirmed by all the states. At a later time—Feb. 27,
1834—a further step was taken to consummate the
suppression of monastic establishments, ordaining
that the authorities should not retain the nuns
refusing to reside in the convents where they
professed. These measures continued in force till
June 21, 1839, when the second constituent
assembly of Guatemala repealed them, decreeing,
consequently, the reëstablishment of the suppressed
convents. Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-101] He had been declared elected on the 22d


of Aug., 1829. Antonio Rivera Cabezas had been
chosen vice-jefe. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 172-4,
giving also a portrait of Molina.
[V-102] Because the number of Guatemalan
representatives in the federal congress would be
greatly decreased. Moreover, several of the best
public buildings in the city would become national
property. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 200.

[V-103] By his plan a congress representing the


entire union was to wield the executive powers in
foreign affairs. The scheme fell through, owing to the
little interest shown by the states, and to the
powerful opposition of persons holding or aspiring to
federal offices, among the most prominent being
Morazan. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 201-3, dwells
extensively and comments on the subject.

[V-104] Full particulars in Montúfar, Reseña Hist.,


i. 205-17.

[V-105] This report came from Gen. Mariano


Mantilla, commanding the Colombian district of the
Magdalena, dated Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the
jefe of Nicaragua. It was a long time in getting to
Guatemala, and the government and Gen. Morazan
at once made preparations for the defence of the
coast.

[V-106] See my Hist. Mex., v. 72-6.

[V-107] Under this decree some of the Spanish


property was sold; but after a while, upon the receipt
of favorable news from Mexico, and when there was
a quasi certainty that Spain would not again make
such attempts as that against Tampico, the law was
revoked. But property already sold was declared to
be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners
should not be indemnified therefor till Spain had
recognized Central American independence. The
texts of both the federal and Guatemalan decrees
may be seen in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 182-7.
Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de
Centro América. Por un Guatemalteco. Jalapa, 1832.
16mo, 257 pp. The authorship of these memoirs was
attributed by well-informed men, namely, Morazan,
ex-president of Central America, and the
distinguished statesman and diplomate of that
country, Lorenzo Montúfar, to Manuel Montúfar, who
had been chief of staff of the first president of the
republic, Manuel José Arce. The work begins with the
geography and political and ecclesiastical divisions of
the country, accompanied with data on each of the
states and territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua,
Poyais, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas,
together with some remarks on mining and other
industries, military defences, and financial condition.
The political portion, as the author himself
acknowledges, is loosely put together, and lacks
many necessary details, which he attributes to
absence from home when the first sheets went to the
press. He claims, however, to have impartially and
correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history
from 1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true;
nevertheless there crops out in places class-bias,
particularly in describing the events from 1826 to
1829, by the ideas which prevailed in the moderado,
otherwise called servile, party, in which he was
affiliated and serving, and for whose acts he, like
many others, was driven into exile after the defeat of
that party on the field of battle.

Manuel José Arce, Memoria de la Conducta


Pública y Administrativa de ... durante el período de
su presidencia. Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140 and 63. This
work purports to be a defence of his administration
by the first president of the republic of Central
America, against what he calls the slanders heaped
upon his name by those who rebelled against the
government and the nation, with documents bearing
on the revolts, the whole having been prepared while
the author was in exile. The book is a disconnected,
disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its various
records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's
career, a weak character. A number of meaningless
and inapt quotations from the old classics and from
law-books help to confuse the narrative still more.

[VI-1] Most of them had been agents of Milla,


and contributed to the overthrow of the state
government. A number had moved to Guatemala,
Salvador, and elsewhere. The most prominent in the
list were the ex-provisor, Nicolás Irias, and Pedro
Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the country from
the port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent
and adviser, and brought about the destruction by
fire of Comayagua, his native place. This will account
for his hostility in after years to liberals, and for his
active coöperation with the despots of Guatemala.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 190.

[VI-2] The pretext for the movement was to


resist a moderate tax established by the legislature;
the real object was to bring on a reaction.

[VI-3] The friendship existing between Barrundia


and Molina, from the earliest period of their political
life, previous to the independence, became
weakened, threatening a disruption of the liberal
party. The disagreement was increased by Molina's
opposition to the federal government remaining in
Guatemala.

[VI-4] The same who made the revolt of


Xalpatagua, murdered Gen. Merino at San Miguel,
and was defeated at Gualcho.

[VI-5] Marure, Efem., 26.

[VI-6] Forty-one of them, including the


clergyman Antonio Rivas, were sentenced to military
duty in the castle of San Felipe for five years. Father
Rivas, after serving out his term, said that he was an
innocent victim and a martyr of religion, and prayed
upon the liberals all the maledictions of the 108th
psalm. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 196.

[VI-7] Composed of the citizens Nicolás Espinosa,


José Antonio Larrave, Manuel José de la Cerda, and
Jacobo Rosa.

[VI-8] Barrundia did not want the position, and


did not work for it. He wished Morazan to be elected.
Morazan had in his favor the prestige of a victorious
general. He was somewhat in the position of
Bonaparte when he returned from Egypt. Valle was
recognized to be the best informed man of Central
America; none could compete with him in literary or
scientific attainments. In politics he was always an
opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his
memory, and even impudently pretended to deny his
literary merits. But we have seen elsewhere that he
was not, like Barrundia, an uncompromising
opponent of all governments not based on
democracy and republicanism. He compromised with
the Mexican empire, was a deputy to the imperial
congress, where he made a brilliant record, and
became a minister of the emperor, who sent him to
prison when he dissolved the congress. After the
emperor's overthrow, Valle maintained that the
provinces of Central America were free to act their
own pleasure. He was a popular man, but Morazan's
victorious sword eclipsed all else just then. Id., 268.

[VI-9] It was the same question that occurred in


1825 between Arce and Valle. The congress at that
time, in order to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the
former. Valle published pamphlets in favor of the
latter principle, and the congress of 1830 acted upon
his arguments.

[VI-10] Among the warmest were those of the


legislature of Guatemala. The spokesman for the
committee presenting them was Alejandro Marure.

[VI-11] This was a common course with our


brethren across the Atlantic. Marure, Efem., 27;
Squier's Travels, ii. 414.

[VI-12] This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11


p. m.

[VI-13] Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80; Morazan y


Carrera, MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which
is doubtful.

[VI-14] Details on this campaign are given in


Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 348-65.

[VI-15] The national armed schooner Deseada


took the Ejecutivo. The Spanish flags that waved
over the fort and the latter vessel were dragged
through the streets of Guatemala, tied to the tails of
horses, on the day of the national anniversary.
Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa on the 13th
of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who
commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious
illness. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 377-81; Marure,
Efem., 29.

[VI-16] A man who, though amenable to exile


under the law of expulsion, had been pardoned at his
repeated supplications.

[VI-17] Duplessis died like a hero. His execution


was a murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both
instances served as an example of what the liberals
might expect if the serviles got the upper hand again.

[VI-18] Among them were a number of rosaries


and prayers to the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to
possess the power of benumbing the enemy in the
fight.
[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour
of his execution that courage which was manifested
by his victims at the scaffold.

[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the


fact stands that though often requested to make Arce
reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities
never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued
proclamations, and built forts undisturbed by the
Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted
themselves to hinder the action of the government
forces.

[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and


undoubtedly had secret relations with the invaders;
as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and
Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded
him, and in his rebellion. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i.
334, 382.

[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in


Salvador of Guatemala's influence in the federal
policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was
reforms in the national constitution. Reforms were
certainly necessary, and if they had been adopted in
good faith by the states, the union might have been
saved. The executive had no participation in the
framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he had
not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or
suspend. It was the senate, as the council of the
government, that sanctioned the laws. That body,
elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the
judge of ministers and other functionaries. It
nominated the officials, and at the same time had
legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The
president of the republic had no independent place of
abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where
the federal government had its seat; at best, he was
the object of that state's benevolent hospitality. On
the other hand, he was the target of all the assaults
promoted by the spirit of localism for or against that
state. It was therefore evident that a federal district
was a necessity; one which the states would look
upon as common property, and would foster and
advance.

[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of


many liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party,
and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He was a
patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his
patriotism did not embrace all Central America. Such
is the opinion given of him, with his portrait, by
Montúfar, in Reseña Hist., i. 296.

[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that


Morazan had neither supporters nor prestige in
Salvador.

[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made


to repel invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he
disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan
was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that
Cornejo's deposal was a necessity.

[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having


been expelled from Nicaraguan territory should
uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence
with the enemies of the country, or any expression,
verbal or written, favoring them, were made
punishable by death. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 338.

[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate,


believing the force on the frontier to be controlled by
Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under
Morazan's orders, and that Galvez had merely
intended a mediation without being recreant to his
federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the
conferences under various pretexts.

[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to


have given the state time to reflect, when it might
have gone back quietly to the union. As it was,
liberals were for the first time arrayed against
liberals, and the shedding of blood begat animosities
that never could be healed. The serviles, of course,
gladly fanned the flame.

[VI-29] In fact, they hardly made any resistance.


The president's casualties were trifling. Marure,
Efem., 30; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 340.

[VI-30] The following facts are taken from Bosq.


Hist. Cent. Am., lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in 1823
needed 2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In
1827-8, Arce, Arzú, and Montúfar failed to do it with
an equal, if not a larger force. In 1832 Morazan with
only 800 men made himself master of the place in
less than two hours. The object of these remarks was
to show that no credit should be given to Morazan's
detractors in their attempts to lessen his military
reputation. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 343.

[VI-31] There were 38 of them, including Cornejo


and Antonio J. Cañas.

[VI-32] The new rulers, raised to power under


the auspices of the victor, declared those of 1831 and
the beginning of 1832 to have been illegitimate, and
organized courts for the trial of treason. The decrees
of June 7 and 26, and July 28, 1832, were severe;
fortunately, they were not executed with the same
animosity displayed in enacting them. Marure, Efem.,
30.

[VI-33] Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832;


Guatemala, Jan. 27, 1833; Salvador repeated her
declaration on Feb. 13, 1833; Honduras and Costa
Rica separated themselves, respectively, on the 19th
of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. Marure, Efem., 32;
Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 42-3; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am.,
20; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 184; Crowe's Gospel, 134;
Squier's Travels, ii. 417.
[VI-34] 'Todos los habitantes de la república son
libres para adorar á Dios segun su conciencia, y que
el gobierno nacional les proteje en el ejercicio de esta
libertad.' Marure, Efem., 31. José F. Barrundia is said
to have effectively fathered this resolution. Salv.,
Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854.

[VI-35] July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in


closing the congress is given in El Centro Americano,
July 11, 1833, 57-69.

[VI-36] This jealousy had developed during the


states' rights agitation.

[VI-37] Guatemala rejected this convocation by


an act of June 2, 1833. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 240-1.
A project appeared in the Centro Americano of June
11, 1833, 28-30, to terminate the question of equal
numerical representation in congress for the five
states. It was proposed to divide the territory into
three states of about the same population each, the
executive authority to be alternately held by the
presidents of the three states. The plan was
impracticable.

[VI-38] The adoption of such a plan by the


federal congress could not be secured until July 18,
1838. The decree of convocation issued on that date
was generally accepted, and yet the diet never met
till March 17, 1842. Marure, Efem., 33.

[VI-39] The correspondence between the state


governments for the strict vigilance on the coast of
that state appears in El Centro Americano, Oct. 18,
1833; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 41-2.

[VI-40] Pursuant to a resolution of the national


congress of June 25, 1833. As early as 1826 the
government of Salvador had tried to have the federal
authorities reside at least 40 leagues from
Guatemala. Similar requests had been subsequently
made by other states; and even in the legislature of
Guatemala reiterated motions had been presented to
the same effect. But the federalist party, as long as it
was in the majority in congress, strenuously opposed
the removal, believing that it would bring about, as it
actually did, the downfall of the federal system, and
the dissolution of the federal authorities. Marure,
Efem., 34. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 58-9, remarks
that Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of
his Bosquejo Histórico was a liberal; in his
Efemérides, written later, he speaks like a
conservative. The change of tone is attributed to the
iron influence of the government from whom he had
a salary as a professor. Lastarría, in La América, 250,
erroneously attributes the transfer to Morazan's
action to break up the influence of the oligarchical
party in Guatemala.

[VI-41] The affray lasted five hours; the federal


force being under Gen. Salazar, and that of Salvador
under Col. José D. Castillo. Marure, Efem., 36.

[VI-42] Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834.

[VI-43] The legislature of the state had made a


cession of the territory for the purpose on the 28th of
Jan., 1835. On the 9th of March, 1836, the district
was enlarged by the addition of Zacatecoluca. The
national government had its capital in San Salvador
till the 3d of May, 1839, when the assembly of San
Salvador resumed possession of the whole territory
that had been ceded. Id., 37; Montúfar, Reseña Hist.,
ii. 165-7. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 187, says that the
district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of
territory surrounding it. Squier's Travels, ii. 419;
Crowe's Gospel, 136.

[VI-44] The opposition came not only from the


serviles, but from not a few liberals. It contained
many liberal and equable modifications. Marure,
Efem., 37, says it did not contain 'las alteraciones
sustanciales que reiteradas veces se habian
propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,' for
which reason it was not accepted by the states,
except Costa Rica, which expressed assent May 7,
1835. Squier, Travels, ii. 422, also says that only
Costa Rica expressed an acceptance of the proposed
constitution, adding that the opposing states wanted
different, and in most cases irreconcilable, reforms.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 169-73, giving details,
asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa Rica accepted
the reforms.

[VI-45] The assembly of Guatemala decreed,


after hearing several eulogistic motions, that all the
state officials residing in the capital should wear the
badge of mourning three days; that the bells of the
churches should be tolled morning, noon, and eve of
each day; that a portrait of Valle, contributed by the
members of the legislature, should be placed in its
hall of sessions; and that the other states should be
requested to make manifestations of sorrow for the
loss of their distinguished statesman and savant.
Salvador, on the 9th of Apr., 1834, decreed similar
honors. Marure, in his Efemérides, 35, bestows the
highest praise on Valle. 'Perdió Centro América, con
el fallecimiento del licenciado José del Valle, uno de
sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This remark is followed
by a sketch of Valle's career, which has been given by
me elsewhere. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 95-9, also
eulogizes Valle and gives his portrait.

[VI-46] It was so formally declared by the federal


congress, Feb. 2, 1835, with the clause that he
should be placed in possession of the office on the
14th. Id., 155-7.

[VI-47] Feb. 15, 1835. El Correo Atlántico, May 9,


1835.
[VI-48] The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from
London on the schooner Mary Ann Arabella, under a
Mr Fletcher. Their settlement took the name of
Abbotsville. Marure, Efem., 38.

[VI-49] Many of the immigrants died, while


others returned to England or went to the West
Indies, but few remaining. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 191,
makes appropriate remarks on the 'infatuation in
Europeans to attempt colonizing on pestiferous
shores, under a burning sun, where no native of a
temperate region, not even those of the interior of
the same country, can enjoy tolerable health.' See
also Astaburuaga's comments on the undertaking.
Cent. Am., 25. A glowing and favorable account of
the enterprise was issued as late as 1839. See Cent.
Am., Brief Statement, 1 et seq.

[VI-50] On the 6th of March, 1837. Marure,


Efem., 39; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 353.

[VI-51] B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe


of Guatemala, to report on the origin and progress of
the disease, wrote from Aceituno April 3d: 'There can
be no doubt that cholera came by way of Omoa to
Gualan, thence went to Zacapa and to Esquipulas,
this last-named town being the focus whence it has
irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present
infested.' Esquipulas is a species of Mecca which
people from all parts of Central America and Mexico
visit in January of each year, to worship an image of
Christ, to which countless miracles have been
attributed. In the Boletin de Noticias del Cólera of
Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, 'En San Sur
han muerto muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' Id.,
351-3. The fact is, that the disease had been doing
havoc in the towns near the northern coast since
Feb., and gradually spread throughout the rest of the
state and republic till toward the end of the year,
when it abated. The first case in the city of
Guatemala occurred on the 19th of April. The
mortality in that city during the invasion was 819, or
a little over the 44th part of the population, which
was much smaller than in other less populated cities.
Marure, Efem., 40. See also Dunlop's Cent. Am., 193-
4; Salv. Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875; Rocha, Código
Nic., i. 215-16; ii. 163-4.

[VI-52] Squier's Travels, ii. 427-8. Montúfar,


Reseña Hist., ii. 370-2, gives copies of the documents
that were circulated.

[VI-53] Such as making them swallow the


contents of their medicine-chests, or pouring water
down their throats till they died, a circumstance that
was always looked upon as an evidence of guilt.
Crowe's Gospel, 141. Montgomery, Guat., speaks of
an Englishman who was nearly killed by the water
torture inflicted by an enraged Indian mob.

[VI-54] On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa


Rosa, accompanied with imprecations against the ley
de jurados and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was
the beginning of a struggle which, in less than two
years, wrought a complete change in public affairs.
Marure, Efem., 41, copied by Montúfar, Reseña Hist.,
ii. 353; Squier's Travels, ii. 428.

[VI-55] Tempsky, Mitla, 337, says that Carrera


was born in Santa Rosa, misled probably by the
circumstance that the first Indian outbreak under his
lead occurred there. He was born about 1815 or
1816, and was the illegitimate offspring of Antonio
Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families of
Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the
paternal mansion. Through the influence of the
Aycinenas he was immediately after his birth adopted
by one Juana Rosa Turcios, whose husband's name
of Carrera the boy subsequently was given. Such is
the version of the author of a manuscript written in
July 1844, and entitled Orígen de Carrera, in Morazan
y Carrera, no. 4, 1 et seq., the authenticity of which
is made doubtful by some inaccuracies in other
statements, the object evidently being to give
Carrera's descent a little respectability. Stephens,
Cent. Am., i. 225, says that in 1829 he was a
drummer-boy, leaving the army after the capture of
Guatemala by Morazan, and retiring to
Mataquescuintla, where he became a pig-driver, or,
as Montgomery, Guat., 143-4, has it, a dealer in
hogs, having risen in the federal army as high as
corporal. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 195, followed by
Crowe's Gospel, 141, and Squier's Trav., ii. 429,
essentially confirms Stephens' statements. Belly, Nic.,
i. 75, adds that Carrera was for a time employed in
the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier,
near La Antigua. Montúfar says of him: 'Un joven
como de 25 años, sin ninguna educacion, ni
conocimientos de ningun género, pues no conocia
siquiera el abecedario. Los primeros años de su vida
los empleó, ya de sirviente doméstico, ya de
apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de
campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies
of Carrera, where the words occur, 'Carrera á pesar
de su falta de educacion, y de los hábitos de la vida
del campo,' which might have secured for Milla
lodgings in the dungeons of the castle of Guatemala.
The same writer repeats the assertion often made
against the jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panamá, and
raised to the position of archbishop of Bogotá, that
he said at Carrera's death, in his funeral oration, that
the man whose corpse was descending into the tomb
was on the right side of God the father. All repentant
villains are given some such post-mortem place by
sympathizing ministers of the gospel.

[VI-56] In the early days they assured the


Indians that he was their protecting angel Rafael,
and resorted to tricks to favor the delusion. Squier's
Travels, ii. 429-30.
[VII-1] On the 15th of June. Marure, Efem., 41.
Gen. Carrascosa's report of his victory, with details, in
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 356-9.

[VII-2] Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife,


which circumstance, it is said, awakened in him an
implacable hatred. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 226;
Crowe's Gospel, 142. Montgomery, Guat., 144, states
that Carrera was then commanding a few men of the
military cordon established because of the epidemic,
which he induced to rebel.

[VII-3] The hostilities now carried on partook


more of the character of highway robbery than of
orthodox war, both parties being plundered; but the
liberals were the greater sufferers.

[VII-4] The provisional government constituted at


La Antigua placed itself under the protection of the
federal authorities. Marure, Efem., 42.

[VII-5] The division was created by José


Francisco Barrundia. It is said that he joined the
discontented because the jefe Galvez refused him a
high office for one of his relatives. Stephens' Cent.
Am., i. 227. But looking over the correspondence that
passed between them in June 1837, the conclusion is
that the cause of the disagreement was not a
personal one. Barrundia opposed the convocation of
the assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees
enacted by it. The correspondence produced much
sensation. Galvez ended accusing Barrundia of
having adopted, when he was president of the
republic, some measures similar to those he had now
censured. The most serious charge against Barrundia
was his persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the
former answered that the priest had been at the
head of the insurgents who proclaimed the Spanish
domination on the Atlantic coast, and though
outlawed for that offence, was not executed.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 377-407.

[VII-6] The battalion La Concordia mutinied on


the 26th of January.

[VII-7] Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in


February, but he is evidently mistaken. Marure,
Efem., 43, gives the 29th of Jan. as the date.

[VII-8] At 4 p. m. of Jan. 28, 1838. Id., ii. 543.

[VII-9] Galvez well knew of the relations existing


between Carrera and the revolutionists of La Antigua.
The convention of Guarda Viejo would have saved
the situation. Had the forces of the city, consisting of
411 men, been placed under Morazan, they with
those of Sacatepequez would have been too strong
for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the
idea that a powerful party looked to him for aid.

[VII-10] Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's


correspondence given in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii.
589-97.

[VII-11] Among them were Miguel García


Granados, the brothers Arrivillaga, and their relations
the Zepedas, together with the Barrundias.

[VII-12] He was in all this affair guided by the


priests. Barrundia was accused throughout Central
America of having brought about Carrera's invasion
of the capital. The serviles, who were responsible for
all Carrera's iniquities, have endeavored to place
some of the odium on that patriot, who had nothing
to do with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone to
Carrera's headquarters, he would probably have been
shot. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 573; Squier's Travels,
ii. 432.
[VII-13] The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become
convinced of their inability to take the city, or even to
properly besiege it.

[VII-14] Dunlop, Cent. Am., 198, and Crowe,


Gospel, 143, erroneously say it was on the 30th of
January.

[VII-15] Marure, Efem., 43, places this event on


the 2d of Feb., 1838.

[VII-16] Carrera himself is described as having on


a pair of coarse frieze trousers, and a fine coat with
gold embroidery belonging to Gen. Prem, which had
been taken by Monreal. For a chapeau the new
general wore a woman's hat with a green veil, the
property of Prem's wife, who was known as La
Colombiana. In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his
breast a number of 'escapularios del Cármen,'
symbolizing the religion he had come to protect.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 574.

[VII-17] It seems that a large portion of the men


and women had never seen a city before.

[VII-18] The physician Quirino Flores, who


belonged to the opposition party, and was an
intimate friend of Carrascosa and Carballo, believing
that his house would be a place of safety, induced
the vice-president and his family to use it. It so
happened that a small force of Galvez entered the
house, fired upon the invaders from the windows and
retired. The men fired upon were not of the force
from La Antigua, but some of Carrera's savage horde,
called from that time 'cachurecos,' who rushed into
the house, fired upon the family, wounding one of
the women and a child, and killing José Gregorio
Salazar, the vice-president. Salazar was born in San
Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, Cárlos, the
general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed in
action on the 23d of June, 1834. José Gregorio
Salazar was one of the leaders in whom Morazan
reposed the highest trust. As senator, president of
the senate, jefe of Salvador, vice-president of the
republic, and acting executive at such times as
Morazan assumed personal command of the troops,
Salazar unswervingly supported progressive
principles. His portrait shows a fine and intelligent
face. The murder of the vice-president, instead of
calling for execration on the part of the priests,
Duran, Lobo, Nicolás Arellano, Antonio Gonzalez, and
others, only brought out their diatribes against the
victim. Id., 576-9.

[VII-19] It was found at first difficult to elicit a


satisfactory answer from him. The pillaging, though
not officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in
the houses of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S.
consul at Guatemala, has been highly praised for his
intrepidity in protecting from the infuriated Indians
the foreign residents and their property.
Montgomery's Guat., 146; Stephens' Cent. Am., i.
233-4.

[VII-20] There being no money in the treasury, it


was borrowed from private persons. Stephens' Cent.
Am., i. 227 et seq., copied by Larenaudière, Mexique
et Guat., 298-9. The facts appear in the records of
the asamblea.

[VII-21] Had he resisted, the reënforced troops


of La Antigua would in all probability have defeated
his undisciplined rabble. This would not have suited
Father Duran and the other priests, who expected
their own triumph through Carrera's success. Those
same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela to rid
the city of himself and his men. Montúfar, Reseña
Hist., ii. 584.

[VII-22] The priest who seemed to exercise the


greatest influence on Carrera was named Lobo, a
man of dissolute character, who always accompanied
him as a sort of counsellor.

[VII-23] Los Altos, Manif. Document., 1-28. The


federal congress ratified the separation on the 5th of
June, 1838; the departments were, however,
reincorporated a year after. Marure, Efem., 43;
Dunlop's Cent. Am., 198; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am.,
28. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 9-23, furnishes a
detailed account of the events preceding and
following the separation. The provisional government
then established was a triumvirate formed by Marcelo
Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar.

[VII-24] Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 239-42, details


some of the military movements, which are not of
sufficient interest to reproduce here. Marure, Efem.,
43-4, says that Morazan attacked the rebels on the
hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero despues de tres meses
de combates, marchas, contramarchas, y todo
género de maniobras, el ejército de operaciones tiene
que replegarse á la capital ... sin haberse adelantado
nada en la pacificacion de aquellos pueblos.'

[VII-25] On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe


Valenzuela, and the deputies Pedro Molina, José
Gándara, José F. Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro
Amaya, Felipe Molina, and Mariano Padilla, laid a
paper before the federal congress on the war and its
consequences. In this document they say, among
other things, that it had been moved in the asamblea
of Guatemala to authorize the restoration of the
archbishop and of the religious orders, to abolish
divorce, and to declare void the decrees of 1829,
'decretos que sostuvieron entónces la revolucion en
favor de las instituciones y de la libertad.' They
accuse the serviles of perversely attempting to
render the representatives of liberalism and progress
hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace.
Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 47.
[VII-26] Arguments, cajolery, entertainments,
and every other possible means were employed to
induce him to swerve from the principles he had
always upheld. Barrundia looked aghast on their
proceedings, and describing them, says it is
impossible to realize 'el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin
de este partido noble aristocrático.' The haughty
patricians, represented by Pavon, Batres, Aycinena,
and their confreres, fawned at his feet, covered him
with flowers, disgusted him with their flattery,
feasted him to satiety, and patiently bore his
contemptuous rebuffs as long as they hoped to win
him over. After their failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and
abuse were heaped upon him and his name. Had
Morazan's morals been equal to those of the serviles,
he might have accepted the dictatorship, assumed
the full powers, and then crushed them; but he was
an honest man, who always acted in good faith. Id.,
175-9.

[VII-27] On the 30th of May it passed an act


declaring the states free to constitute themselves as
they might deem best, preserving, however, the
popular representative form of government. This
amendment to the 12th art. of the constitution of
1824 was accepted by all the states, excluding the
restrictions contained in the federal decree of June 9,
1838, which was rejected by a majority of the
legislatures. Marure, Efem., 44-5. The federal
congress passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as
follows: 'The federated states of Cent. Am. are, and
by right should be, sovereign, free, and independent
political bodies.' Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 69.
[VII-28] It was the spontaneous act of the
citizens of the capital, who, in view of the progress
made by the rebels of Mita, deemed it necessary to
provide for their own safety. Valenzuela resigned, on
the 23d, the executive office into the hands of the
asamblea. Marure, Efem., 45; Montúfar, Reseña
Hist., iii. 181-5. Crowe, Gospel, 144, attributes to
Morazan the authorship of the act adopted by the
citizens.

[VII-29] On the 20th of July, 1838, he was


required to give himself up; failing to do so, a reward
was offered for his apprehension, alive or dead—
$1,500 and two caballerías of land, besides a full
pardon for any offences against the laws his captor
or captors might have committed. Stephens' Cent.
Am., i. 242.

[VII-30] Squier, Travels, ii. 435, says that Carrera


entered Guatemala; he probably meant Old
Guatemala, or La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had
2,000 men, while his opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla,
had about 500. The latter were nearly annihilated.
The few officers and soldiers who escaped with life
found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera's excesses
at this time knew no bounds. He not only ravished
women, but amused himself cutting off their tresses
and ears. Some of these earless women entered the
city of Guatemala, and their stories produced great
indignation. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 204; Marure,
Efem., 45.

[VII-31] This action took place early in the


morning of Sept. 11th. Salazar at once despatched a
courier to Guatemala with the news of his success,
which caused the utmost joy. Montúfar, Reseña Hist.,
iii. 206-8; Marure, Efem., 46. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 201,
asserts that no mercy was shown by the federal
troops in this encounter. By a decree of Sept. 13,
1838, pensions were granted to the wounded, and to
the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges
of honor were also conferred on the survivors. Guat.,
Recop. Leyes, ii. 636-7.

[VII-32] This man's life was then spared, but


some time afterward he was shot, for which the
serviles called Morazan a murderer. Montúfar, Reseña
Hist., iii. 208.

[VII-33] His resignation was made before the


body of his officers, which implied a disregard of the
authority of the government. The officers eluded all
responsibility, alleging that they had nothing to do
with his resignation. The government then revoked
the extraordinary powers conferred on him two
months previously. Marure, Efem., 46.

[VII-34] In the Observador and the Apéndice.

[VII-35] Exhortacion cristiana que el vicario


capitular ... dirige á los pueblos, etc., 17 p.

[VII-36] Text of his funeral oration on the 14th of


Sept. in honor of the slain on the government side at
Villanueva, in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 216-21.

[VII-37] José Francisco Barrundia, who fought in


that action, said: 'He [Carrera] could have been
captured or annihilated had he been forthwith
pursued; but no advantage was derived from such a
glorious victory, and in a few days vandalism became
again menacing.' Salazar was blamed, Montúfar
thinks unjustly. According to him, the victorious
troops were not in condition to pursue. This
authority, partly on the testimony of Gen. Carballo,
lays the blame on Rivera Paz, who had no interest in
destroying a faction on which his party relied in the
emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the
serviles. Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared
martial law in portions of Guatemala, peremptorily
refused to listen to the proposals of the recalcitrants,
and marched to Guatemala, leaving the government
in charge of the vice-president, Diego Vijil, whom
congress had chosen to succeed the murdered
Salazar. Id., 223-6.

[VII-38] His hordes committed all sorts of


outrages in these departments of Salvador.
Barrundia, in El Progreso of S. Salv., 1850, no. 3.

[VII-39] 'Les causó un descalabro de entidad la


division del coronel Carballo.' Marure, Efem., 46.

[VII-40] Once he was almost starved to death on


the top of a mountain, surrounded at its base by a
large force; but owing to some neglect he escaped.

[VII-41] Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 244, erroneously


has it that the delivery was to be of only 1,000
muskets.

[VII-42] The president of the republic ratified the


agreement on the 25th of Dec.

[VII-43] The fact was that the arrangement at


Rinconcito was prompted to Gen. Agustin Guzman by
Manuel Pavon, whom he believed to be a friend that
would give him nothing but honorable advice. He had
good reason at a later date to think differently, when
he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied on a mule,
as a trophy of Carrera's success. Montúfar, Reseña
Hist., iii. 228-9.

[VII-44] After that Diego Vijil represented the


unity in the federal district as vice-president. The
conventicle of the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the
two Aycinenas, had, however, during Rivera Paz's rule
in Guatemala, arranged matters to their own
satisfaction, in order to break up the union, having at
their disposal the requisite number of municipal
districts. Their emissaries supported the separation in
Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was governed
by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American
nationality. They were now working with Rivera Paz's
successor, Gen. Cárlos Salazar, with almost a
certainty of carrying their point. Salazar was a good
soldier, but as a politician, without guile, and easily
deceived. Id., 241-3.

[VII-45] And also to protect other states against


all interference on the part of the late federal
government. Full text of the convention in Cent. Am.
Constitutions, no. 4, 1-5. By virtue of this
arrangement, the combined forces of the two states
invaded Salvador. Marure, Efem., 47. This treaty
brought about Morazan's ruin, and the disruption of
the federal union. Francisco Ferrera, commander of
the forces of Honduras, himself made it known to
Carrera, and it prompted the latter's rebellion on the
24th of March, 1839, and his march against
Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres, and the
Aycinenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city on
the 13th of Apr., 1839.

[VII-46] The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of


April, 1839, declared the federal compact dissolved,
and the resumption by the state of its absolute
sovereignty. This declaration was ratified by the
constituent assembly on the 14th of June of the
same year. Guat. on the 11th of May entered into a
treaty of amity and alliance with Honduras; on the
5th of June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug., made
similar treaties with Salv., Nic., and Costa R.,
respectively. July 1st, Hond. and Costa R. for the first
time made a treaty of friendship and alliance as
sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at
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