The Sociology of Religion

Annus Irén

2000.

The Toronto Blessing

English V.

Hungarian Studies III.

European Studies III.

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 Introduction

After the Second World War, especially in the sixties and seventies, a whole

range of sects, cults, sects and religious movements appeared and spread in the

Western hemisphere. (Hamilton 1998, 251) A specific group of them can be

characterised as Pentecostal charismatics. They believe that the Holy Spirit can

descend any time and can deliver charisma to anyone.

This paper uses a sociological approach with its strength and limitations to

assess the so-called Toronto Blessing. It is outside the sphere of the sociological

perspective to discuss the mysteries of the Holy Spirit or to proclaim judgement about

whether the outcome of the movement is good or bad. What I intend to show – after

a brief introduction of the history of the Pentecostal charismatic movements and their

possible classifications – is how the Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship / Toronto

Blessing movement tries to appeal to the believers in the “spiritual market” by offering

rewards as in exchange relationships. Power is also part of the exchange; it is simply

the degree of control over the exchange ratio. However, when the possessors of

power begin to distribute the gifts or rewards on an international level,

institutionalisation starts as well, and it may mark the decline of the movement.

The History of the Pentecostal Charismatic Movements

The history of Pentecostal charismatics officially began in 1960 when Van Nuys,

an Episcopalian pastor from California announced that he possessed the charisma of

“glossolalia”. In 1963 the fundamentalist Hobart Freeman established the Faith

Assembly. In 1988 Peter Wagner published The Third Wave of the Holy Spirit which

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opened a new phase in the Pentecostal charismatic movement (Signs and Wonders

Movement). (Gerlóczy 1995, 18)

The latest development is called the Toronto Blessing. It is a phenomenon that

was initially particular to the Toronto Airport Vineyard Church, in January 1994. As a

church in the Vineyard tradition (fundamentalist-revivalist, as they self-define

themselves), the community had already experienced many of the things that would

be typical for Christians in this sort of ecclesial setting (healing, an emphasis on

deliverance, etc.). What appears to mark out the Toronto Blessing for special

treatment is the more unusual phenomena that occurred. Many people reported ‘holy

laughter’ and being ‘slain in the Spirit’. Many would laugh uncontrollably, make

animal-like noises, barking, growling and groaning as the ‘Spirit fell on them’.

(“Toronto Blessing…” 2000)

The ‘blessing’ became known by the place where it was deemed to be

concentrated. Millions of ‘pilgrims’ have travelled to Toronto to receive the gift. Many

of these pilgrims report dramatic healing, substantial changes in their lives, and

greater empowerment for Christian ministry. (Poloma 2000b)

In spite of the success of the church, John Wimber, the founding pastor of the

Vineyard network, excommunicated the Toronto Fellowship for ‘cult-like 1 and

manipulative practices’. (“Toronto Blessing…” 2000) In 1996 the Toronto Vineyard

became independent, forming itself into the Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship.

Under the leadership of its pastor, John Arnott, it continues to exercise an

international ministry.

1
In place of “cult” and “sect” the Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship recommends concepts like “new
religious movements” or “religious groups”.

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 The Genesis of Pentecostal Charismatic Groups

In the past few decades several explanations regarding the genesis of new

religious movements have been published. Most scholars assert that the decline in

the norms and values of the industrial western societies (especially the United

States) prompted their birth. According to Glock and Bellah, 2 the new religious

movement is nothing else but a more effective opposition to the material

individualism of modern consumer society and the technical rationality of science-

dominated culture. (Hamilton 1998, 252) Others claim that the appearance of new

“religions” is due to the pluralism and high-level differentiation of today’s cultures and

the corresponding uncertainty of morals and norms. Some other explanations stress

the community (or family)-substitute-value of these emerging organisations since

these preach a holistic attitude towards the self (interdependence of spirit, mind and

body) and provide a sense of belonging and identity for the individuals. (Poloma

2000a)

Probably all of these trends brought about the birth of the Toronto Blessing.

Poloma argues the outpouring of the Holy Spirit in North America can be

characterised as a social movement struggling against the forces of

institutionalisation. The Toronto Blessing strives to balance order with spontaneity,

structure with freedom, and stability with change. It works to revitalise the “free move

of the Spirit” but tries to maintain necessary structure in order to continue the

movement. (Poloma 1999)

These accounts significantly contribute to the understanding of these new

religious movements; however, a further classification is necessary.

2
C. Glock and R. N. Bellah eds., The Consciousness Reformation. (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1976)

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 The Classification of the New Religious Movements

Such classification is provided by Wallis.3 He distinguishes three types of

movements: the first rejects the world, the second praises it while the third hosts it.

Movements belonging to the first type consider social order inadequate and

they believe that the world is decaying and lacks spirituality. They preach the praise

of some guru or god and they deny the self. They live as a commune and appeal to

middle-class youth. It is more like a religion than the second type which puts

emphasis on the self, personal success, power and satisfaction. They consider the

world to be good in essence. If there should be some improvement then it can

happen through the transformation of the individual (instead of the social order).

These movements are loosely organised, they do not pray or attend church together.

(Hamilton 1998, 255)

The third type characterises the so-called “in-between” movements (Pentecostal

groups). These are more traditional; they are focusing on individual lives rather than

on society. They often stress the importance of a personal religious experience and

communal rituals. Usually, they emerge as a consequence of the perceived

weakness of some “official” traditional religious group. (Hamilton 1998, 255) The

Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship, similarly to other charismatic Pentecostals,

rebelled against creeds but retained the mystery. They abolished hierarchies but kept

ecstasy. They rejected both scientism and traditionalism. They returned to the inner

core of human spirituality and thus provided a kind of “religious space” many people

needed. (Poloma 2000a)

3
R. Wallis, The Elementary Forms of the New Religious Life, (London: Routledge, 1984)

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 Margaret Poloma conducted a research which (among others) examines the

demographic profile of the respondents belonging to the Toronto Airport Christian

Fellowship. 71% is married, 58% is female, middle-aged and has a college diploma.

The average age is 45 years, and the main education is 15 years of formal schooling.

All in all, those who completed the questionnaires tend to be well-educated and

mature individuals, the majority of whom are involved in church leadership. (Poloma

2000a) They are usually older and educated and belong to the respected, well-off

middle classes. They have already started to build their careers and have integrated

to society. They often struggle with some sort of (mental) illness or suffer from some

deficiency in their relationships. Even if they are successful there can be some

dissatisfaction in their lives, which gives them a sense of relative deprivation.

(Hamilton 1998, 260)

Movements belonging to this type attract their members by offering them power,

self-confidence, efficiency and successful maintenance of human relationships. They

do not reject wealth and achievement and they preach values compatible with

prosperous societies. (Hamilton 1998, 259)

It seems that the second and the third type are more likely to appeal to a larger

public than the first type. They do not require commitment from their members (and in

turn, they offer only a “part-time” sense of belonging). They do not insist on

unconditional admiration of certain doctrines and leaders. Instead they build on

personal experience and individualism (epistemological individualism as Wallis calls

it). (Hamilton 1998, 260)

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 Theories of Exchange in Religious Formations

These new movements have to appeal to their (prospective) followers in order

to survive. According to Wallis, epistemological individualism is treated in these

movements as a commodity in the market of religion, where the customer rules and

pays. Commodities have to be attractive to maintain the strength of a certain religious

formation. (Hamilton 1998, 224)

Stark and Bainbridge4 believe that new cults and sects are also commodities in

the spiritual market. Their deductive religious theory mainly relies upon the exchange

theory. (The origins are Marxist.) Its main element is that human interactions can be

considered as forms of exchange. Religion, in essence, is an attempt to gain

rewards. A reward is anything for which a human being is willing to sacrifice

something (for example, prospective participants in the Toronto Blessing have to pay

for the services; moreover they have to abide by certain rules). Reward and sacrifice

complement each other. The reward cannot always be possessed; that is why in its

absence compensators (promises of future rewards) are acceptable. (Hamilton 1998,

224)

Theory of Exchange in the Toronto Blessing

It seems that new religious movements (or charismatic renewals) involve forms

of exchange. Following Stark and Bainbridge, the Toronto Blessing appears to be a

profound example of gaining rewards (or compensators) in exchange relationships.

In exchange for expressing and configuring the activity of praise in excitable and

passionate ways, the group is rewarded with a sense of God’s presence.

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 There are several reasons why social exchange theories might help to assess

the Toronto Blessing. The Toronto Blessing offers power in exchange for self-control.

Naturally, the ‘commodity’ is not advertised in the market of religion so explicitly.

Instead, the prospective member can hear about concepts, or rather, metaphors like

drunkenness (liquid and water) and fire. (The Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship’s

own journal is called Spread the Fire). There are also analogies concerning

drunkenness. Both of them appear in Acts 2:6 & 12 (these constitute the sacred texts

of the Toronto Blessing) and refer to something ‘uncontrollable’. (“Toronto Blessing…”

2000) “Uncontrollable” appears to be the keyword here. The desirability of non-

control is suggested by the rhetoric. ‘Do not rationalise – just let go’. (Percy 1998,

103)

The concept of control leads us to the concept of power. The Holy Spirit is the

source of power that can be disposed and dispensed. The metaphors of fire describe

the purging that charismatic movements bring, as well as passion and excitement

that revival ensures. The intimacy is also located in the rhetoric of worship; believers

experience closeness to God. Fire and water are uncontrollable at first. Toronto

Airport Christian Fellowship sees itself as a movement that comprehends this power

and able to control it. Those who would like to accept this power must exercise self-

control.

The task of the individual submerged in fire and water (also being drunk) is to

strive for greater intimacy, which will lead to the acquisition of power. This is on offer

in the form of personal cathartic religious experience. For their quest and obedience

(the pilgrims listen to instructions before the sessions, they sing about the power and

intimacy of God, hear testimonies of it,), the individuals have access to refreshment

and greater power, charismata. (Percy 1998, 107) Once it is done, they can spread

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the fire of revival and can become an instrument of God to empower others. Toronto

Airport Christian Fellowship events, for this reason, often attract church leaders.

(Poloma 2000a)

Spreading of Power – a Double Edged Sword

Similarly to other charismatic groups, in this way Toronto Airport Christian

Fellowship can pass on the blessing; they can ‘spread the fire’. They announced a

new network of churches ‘Partners in Harvest’ (a group of former Vineyard and

independent churches) to support this particular brand of revivalism. (Poloma 1999)

According to Percy, this marks the beginning of the end for the Toronto Blessing,

namely its routinization “in the full Weberian sense”. (Percy 1998, 106) The Toronto

Blessing is at the crossroads. In the future it has to balance orthodoxy and fresh

religious experience to avoid the danger of heresy. One path (it can take) has already

been trod by some Pentecostal groups as they “traded respectability for the free

move of the Spirit”. Another path is to identify with marginal independent ministries

that have been somewhat more able to retain charisma but have been unable to

relate successfully to the broader culture. Or it can take the road of looking beyond

the American evangelical community for ways of incorporating the blessing into a

larger worldview. (Poloma 1999)

Some Areas of Exchange in the Case of the Toronto Blessing

Group size is a very important factor. The scale of Toronto Airport Christian

Fellowship and Toronto Blessing offers pilgrims the possibility of exchanging their

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present world for a new world (in charismatic terms). The alternative world, a site of

pilgrimage (as distinct from a church), consists of a large conference centre with

seminar rooms and a main auditorium that can seat over 5,000 people. Bookshops,

clubs and charismatic gift shops are also located on site close to hotels, restaurants

and industrial estates. Next to the building there is an office block for pastors. Toronto

Airport Christian Fellowship also has its own School of Ministry. (Percy 1998, 104)

In this world, the weekly pattern of religious meetings is carefully regulated

including nightly renewal meetings, daily workshops for pastors, intercessory prayers

for revival, worship and listening to testimonies. (Percy 1998, 104)

Believers must see that they are choosing a sizeable world or worldwide

network not just a cult or sect. The sense of size is enhanced by the ever-expanding

network of followers who are linked by the same experience in Toronto. The Toronto

Airport Christian Fellowship is unrelated to its immediate environment (the underlying

aim is to decrease outgroup relations as much as possible). This failure of a given

community to have contact with its immediate environment is quite common.

Consequently, the larger Christian community is hardly aware of the existence of the

Toronto Blessing. (Poloma 1999) The members drive in while the pilgrims fly in.

Mobility is a crucial factor in the understanding of the Toronto Blessing since in this

way the blessing can be exported to different parts of the world.

Mobility has implications for structures and group relations. Some see the

mobility around the Toronto Blessing as a legitimate exchange for getting God to act.

‘When God moves, the people move’. (Percy 1998, 108) The second point is that it is

quite expensive to participate in the blessing and some cannot afford to go. It means

that the movement has not moved beyond the European, American and Australian

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middle classes. (This will lead to exclusion and inequality, as it will be discussed

later.) (Poloma 2000a)

The Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship congregation has hegemonic structure,

which is also an area for exchange. There is a local cell, then a collection of local

cells into a congregation and the outer layer is the group of prospective members.

The power is in the hand of the leadership. The pilgrims wishing to receive power

must let go of themselves. Independent of the charisma of the leader, pilgrims have

to be obedient to gain blessing. The prophets select testimonies from the present

suggesting what is about to happen in the immediate future once the Holy Spirit

descends. (Poloma 2000a) The participants’ consent is not necessary; they do not

have a choice: if they want the blessing, they have to be obedient. Here is an

indication that structural advantage can lead to behaviour control.

The leader and the pilgrim are unequal. The less dependent person acquires a

power advantage on the other, and an imbalance of exchange arises, with the more

dependent person losing more than he or she receives. Those who are more passive

may give and gain less. Those who wish to receive power will likely to become high

users of power and become part of a process that will deliver power. (Percy 1998,

110)

Inequality produces heterogeneity and discrimination. According to Peter Blau, 5

there is little nominal form of discrimination (according to age, sex, race or religion) or

exclusion in the case of Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship. Nevertheless,

graduated form of discrimination (taking into account such characteristics as

charisma, power, education and rhetorical ability) might affect power relations. (Percy

1998, 111)

5
Peter Blau, Inequality and Heterogeneity: A Primitive Theory of Social Structure (New York: The free
Press, 1977)

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 According to Blau, those outside the community are impoverished, desperate

for power. (The leaders of) the Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship, on the other hand

possess this power and are willing to distribute it.

The following point he makes is that a religious group will be shaped by

perceptions about who has most or least charisma or giftedness. It suggests that the

shape of power is pyramidal. From the top, there is absolute power. Downwards

there is proportionate power which immediately relates to the absolute and becomes

relative. (Percy 1998, 112)

Obviously, the leadership structure at Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship might

have been very simple when the movement was new. According to Poloma, the

Toronto Blessing stood out for its attempt to be “nameless and faceless” in that its

meetings were not dependent on the presence of a particular personality or a

“charismatic star”. (Poloma 1999) In spite of his fact, the movement was charismatic

and in the Durkheimian phase of effervescence that produced a sense of solidarity

and a collective excitement. (“Dictionary…” 2000) However, when the fire began to

spread to other churches, the chief importer acquires prophetic charisma over others.

It immediately creates a pyramidal shape, the prophetic is more and more stressed

and charisma becomes routinised. (Percy 1998, 112)

The third area of exchange is the one of gifts, rewards and compensators.

When examining the gifts Toronto Blessing has on offer it is clear that the movement

tries to offer a competing commodity within a spiritual market. “Power accrues to

those having the tools with which to maximise efficiency outcomes”. Power and

charisma are exchanged in a relational structure. The leadership employs metaphors

which are all metaphors of the social control exercised by them. Still, individuals gain

from the Toronto Blessing. During therapeutic processes repressed feelings, desires

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and traumas are allowed to be expressed and they may be resolved. In Poloma’s

research people reported a sense of “spiritual refreshment”, “holiness and healing”,

“evangelism and outreach” (desire to evangelise) and positive change in “social

relations”. (Poloma 2000a; Poloma 2000b) The process usually involves hypnosis,

primal therapy, etc. to bring about catharsis, and there is a sense of being healed.

The pilgrim gains an altered state of consciousness, social reintegration and pain

relief in the exchange. This makes the movement individualistic: everybody is gaining

something that is mainly of a personal nature. (Percy 1998, 113)

“Institutional Fruits” or Decline?

Nevertheless, Poloma argues that there are some “institutional fruits” of the

Toronto Blessing. It contributed to the emergence of new “denominations” and a

network for teaching and evangelising and the revitalisation of existing charismatic

churches. And she illustrates it with the establishment of the Partners in Harvest. The

emphasis is on the organisational structure that stresses relationships borrowed from

the late John Wimber’s Association of Vineyard Churches. However, they reject any

kind of conformity or firm control.

The Harvest International Ministries is the other institutional fruit. It is a loose

voluntary association of independent renewal churches who utilise opportunities for

networking, they receive encouragement to attend conferences in exchange for a

three to ten percent of the ministry’s annual income to support the association.

At this stage the movement seeks to define itself and develops an ideology and

a strategy for appealing to the public and for dealing with criticism that emerges.

Toronto Blessing within Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship began laying the

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foundation for increased organisation and bureaucratisation. It established new

alliances (Partners in Harvest and Harvest International Ministries. These changes

were accompanied with ideological changes that reflect the decline of the Toronto

Blessing as a social movement. (“Dictionary…” 2000)

Consequently Toronto Blessing has a limited life span before its charisma is

transformed into more static institutions. Charisma and institutionalisation are both

needed for the continuation for a viable Pentecostal Charismatic movement, but the

relationship is more of an uneasy alliance than a graceful dance. (Poloma 2000b)

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November 2000

Doucet, Diana. “What is the Toronto Blessing?” Spread the Fire 1.1 (1995).

Available: http://www.tacf.org/factsbless.html. Access: 25 November 2000

Gerlóczy, Ferenc. “Hitek és kitérők.” Heti Világgazdaság 13 June 1995: 18.

Hamilton, Malcolm B. Vallás, ember társadalom. Elméleti és összehasonlító

vallásszociológia. [The Sociology of Religion. Theoretical and Comparative

Perspectives, 1995] Budapest: AduPrint, 1998.

Percy, Martin. Power and the Church. Ecclesiology in an Age of Transition.

London and Washington: Cassell, 1998.

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 Poloma, Margaret. “The Spirit and the Bride: the Toronto Blessing and Church

Structure.” Evangelical Studies Bulletin 13.4 (1999): 1-5. Available:

http://www.tacf.org/revivalnews/archives/article6.html. Access: 25 November 2000

––––––. “By Their Fruits…: A Sociological Assessment of the Toronto Blessing. ”

Available: http://www.tacf.org/revivalnews.mmpfruit.html. Access: 25 November 2000

––––––. “Gamaliel’s Admonition and the Toronto Blessing: A Theo-Sociological

Report. ” Available: http://www.tacf.org/revivalnews/archives/index.html. Access: 25

November 2000

“Toronto Blessing.” In Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship. Available:

http://www.tacf.org/factsbless.html. Access: 25 November 2000

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