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Contents
Preface 19
7
8 Contents
Executive Summary 88
Notes 89
5 Buying Dynamics of Consumers and Businesses 92
Marketing Management at Cisco 92
What Influences Consumer Behavior? 93
Cultural Factors 93
Social Factors 93
Personal Factors 94
Key Psychological Processes 96
Motivation 96
Perception 97
Learning 98
Emotions 98
Memory 98
The Consumer Buying Decision Process 99
Problem Recognition 99
Information Search 100
Evaluation of Alternatives 101
Purchase Decision 102
Postpurchase Behavior 102
Behavioral Decision Theory and Behavioral Economics 103
What is Organizational Buying? 104
The Business Market versus the Consumer Market 104
Institutional and Government Markets 105
Business Buying Situations 105
Participants in the Business Buying Process 106
The Buying Center 106
Buying Center Influences 106
Targeting Firms and Buying Centers 107
Stages in the Business Buying Process 108
Problem Recognition 108
General Need Description and Product Specification 109
Supplier Search 109
Proposal Solicitation 110
Supplier Selection 110
Order-Routine Specification 110
Performance Review 110
Managing Business-to-Business Customer Relationships 110
The Benefits of Vertical Coordination 110
Risks and Opportunism in Business Relationships 111
Contents 11
Executive Summary 111
Notes 112
Executive Summary 194
Notes 194
Channel Levels 219
Service Sector Channels 220
Channel-Design Decisions 220
Analyzing Customer Needs and Wants 220
Establishing Objectives and Constraints 221
Identifying Major Channel Alternatives 222
Evaluating Major Channel Alternatives 222
Channel-Management Decisions 223
Selecting Channel Members 223
Training and Motivating Channel Members 224
Evaluating Channel Members 224
Modifying Channel Design and Arrangements 224
Global Channel Considerations 224
Channel Integration and Systems 224
Vertical Marketing Systems 225
Horizontal Marketing Systems 225
E-Commerce and M-Commerce Marketing Practices 226
E-Commerce and Pure-Click Companies 226
E-Commerce and Brick-and-Click Companies 226
M-Commerce Marketing 226
Channel Conflict, Cooperation, and Competition 227
Types of Conflict and Competition 227
Causes of Channel Conflict 228
Managing Channel Conflict 228
Dilution and Cannibalization 228
Legal and Ethical Issues in Channel Relations 228
Executive Summary 229
Notes 229
Market Logistics 240
Integrated Logistics Systems 240
Market-Logistics Objectives 241
Market-Logistics Decisions 241
Executive Summary 243
Notes 244
16
Managing Digital Communications: Online, Social Media,
and Mobile 274
Marketing Management at PepsiCo 274
Online Marketing 275
Advantages and Disadvantages of Online Marketing
Communications 275
Online Marketing Communication Options 275
Social Media 277
Social Media Platforms 277
Using Social Media 278
Word of Mouth 278
Forms of Word of Mouth 278
Creating Word-of-Mouth Buzz 279
Measuring the Effects of Word of Mouth 280
Mobile Marketing 280
The Scope of Mobile Marketing 281
Developing Effective Mobile Marketing Programs 281
Mobile Marketing across Markets 281
Executive Summary 281
Notes 282
17
Managing Personal Communications: Direct and Database
Marketing and Personal Selling 285
Marketing Management at StarHub 285
Direct Marketing 286
The Benefits of Direct Marketing 286
Direct Mail 286
Catalog Marketing 287
Telemarketing 287
Other Media for Direct-Response Marketing 287
Customer Databases and Database Marketing 288
Public and Ethical Issues in Direct Marketing 289
18 Contents
19
20 Preface
Instructor Resources
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Acknowledgments
This edition of A Framework for Marketing Management bears the imprint of many people who
have contributed to the previous edition of this text and to the fifteenth edition of Marketing
Management. We reserve special thanks to Marian Burk Wood for her extensive development
and editorial work on this edition. Many thanks also to the professional editorial and production
teams at Pearson. We gratefully acknowledge the many reviewers who helped shape this book
over the years.
John H. Antil, University of Delaware
Bill Archer, Northern Arizona University
Timothy W. Aurand, Northern Illinois University
Ruth Clottey, Barry University
Jeff Conant, Texas A&M University
Mike Dailey, University of Texas, Arlington
Brian Engelland, Mississippi State University
Brian Gibbs, Vanderbilt University
Thomas Gruca, University of Iowa
Mark Houston, University of Missouri, Columbia
Nicole Howatt, University of Central Florida
Gopal Iyer, Florida Atlantic University
Jack Kasulis, University of Oklahoma
Susan Keaveney, University of Colorado, Denver
Bob Kent, University of Delaware
Robert Kuchta, Lehigh University
Jack K. H. Lee, City University of New York Baruch College
Ning Li, University of Delaware
Steven Lysonski, Marquette University
Naomi Mandel, Arizona State University
Ajay K. Manrai, University of Delaware
Denny McCorkle, Southwest Missouri State University
James McCullough, Washington State University
Preface 21
Philip Kotler
S. C. Johnson & Son Distinguished Professor of International Marketing
Kellogg School of Management
Northwestern University
Evanston, Illinois
Pearson would like to thank Marian Burk Wood for developing content for this Global Edition
and would also like to thank and acknowledge the following reviewers for their feedback and
suggestions that helped improve the global content
Michael A. Grund, HWZ University of Applied Sciences in Business Administration
Yoosuf A. Cader, Zayed University
Frances Ekwulugo, University of Westminster
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consequence deprived of his command, and sent before a
commission of enquiry at Paris, in July 1807; and, in virtue of their
sentence, he was confined for a short while, and then again set at
liberty and reinstated. In 1808, when the war in the Peninsula broke
out, Mallet entered at Dijon into a plot, along with some old
anarchists, for the overthrow of the Emperor, among them the ex-
General Guillaume, who betrayed the plot, and Mallet was arrested
and imprisoned in La Force. Napoleon did not care that conspiracies
against himself and his throne should be made public, and
consequently he contented himself with the detention of Mallet
alone.
In prison, the General did not abandon his schemes, and he had the
lack of prudence to commit them to paper. This fell into the hands of
the Government. The minister regarded the scheme as chimerical
and unimportant. The papers were shown to Napoleon, who
apparently regarded the scheme or the man as really dangerous,
and ordered him to perpetual detention in prison.
Time passed, and Mallet and his schemes were forgotten. Who could
suppose that a solitary prisoner, without means, without the
opportunity of making confederates, could menace the safety of the
Empire?
Then came the Russian campaign, in 1812. Mallet saw what
Napoleon did not; the inevitable failure that must attend it; and he
immediately renewed his attempts to form a plot against the
Emperor.
But the prison of La Force was bad headquarters from which to
work. He pretended to be ill, and he was removed to a hospital, that
of the Doctor Belhomme near the Barrière du Trône. In this house
were the two brothers Polignac, a M. de Puyvert, and the Abbé
Lafon, who in 1814 wrote and published an account of this
conspiracy of Mallet. These men were Royalists, and Mallet was a
Republican. It did not matter so long as Napoleon could be
overthrown, how divergent their views might be as to what form of
Government was to take the place of the Empire.
They came to discussion, and the Royalists supposed that they had
succeeded in convincing Mallet. He, on his side, was content to
dissemble his real views, and to make use of these men as his
agents.
The Polignac brothers were uneasy, they were afraid of the
consequences, and they mistrusted the man who tried to draw them
into his plot. Perhaps, also, they considered his scheme too daring to
succeed. Accordingly they withdrew from the hospital, to be out of
his reach. It was not so with the others. The Polignacs had been
mixed up in the enterprise of Georges, and had no wish to be again
involved. Whether there were many others in the plot we do not
know, Lafon names only four, and it does not seem that M. de
Puyvert took a very active part in it.
Mallet's new scheme was identical with the old one that had been
taken from him and shown to Napoleon. Napoleon had recognized
its daring and ability, and had not despised it. That no further fear of
Mallet was entertained is clear, or he would never have been
transferred from the prison to a private hospital, where he would be
under very little supervision.
In his hospital, Mallet drew up the following report of a Session of
the Senate, imagined by himself:
"Sénat Conservateur
"Session of 22 October, 1812.
"The Session was opened at 8 P.M., under the presidency of
Senator Sieyes.
"The occasion of this extraordinary Session was the receipt of
the news of the death of the Emperor Napoleon, under the walls
of Moscow, on the 8th of the month.
"The Senate, after mature consideration of the condition of
affairs caused by this event, named a Commission to consider
the danger of the situation, and to arrange for the maintenance
of Government and order. After having received the report of
this Commission, the following orders were passed by the
Senate.
"That as the Imperial Government has failed to satisfy the
aspirations of the French people, and secure peace, it be
decreed annulled forthwith.
"That all such officers military and civil as shall use their
authority prejudicially to the re-establishment of the Republic,
shall be declared outlawed.
"That a Provisional Government be established, to consist of 13
members:—Moreau, President; Carnot, Vice-President; General
Augereau, Bigonet, Destutt-Tracy, Florent Guyot, Frochot;
Mathieu Montmorency, General Mallet, Noailles, Truguet; Volney,
Garat.
"That this Provisional Government be required to watch over the
internal and external safety of the State, and to enter into
negociations with the military powers for the re-establishment
of peace.
"That a constitution shall be drawn up and submitted to the
General Assembly of the French realm.
"That the National Guard be reconstituted as formerly.
"That a general Amnesty be proclaimed for all political offences;
that all emigrants, exiles, be permitted to return.
"That the freedom of the Press be restored.
"That the command of the army of the Centre, and which
consists of 50,000 men, and is stationed near Paris, be given to
General Lecombe.
"That General Mallet replaces General Hulin as commandant of
Paris, and in the first division. He will have the right to nominate
the officers in the general staff that will surround him."
There were many other orders, 19 in all, but these will suffice to
indicate the tendency of the document. It was signed by the
President and his Secretaries.
President, Sieyes.
Secretaries, Lanjuinais, et Gregoire.
"Approved, and compared with a similar paper in my own
hands,
Signed, Mallet,
General of Division, Commandant of the main army of
Paris, and of the forces of the First Division."
Then ensued a series of dispositions for the troops, and the whole
was signed by Mallet.
When Soulier had read this letter, Mallet, who pretended to be
General Lamothe, handed him the document already given, relating
to the assembly of the Senate, and its decisions. Then he gave him
the Order for the Day, for the 23rd and 24th October.
Colonel Soulier, raised from sleep, out of health, bewildered, did not
for a moment mistrust the messenger, or the documents handed to
him. He hastened at once to put in execution the orders he had
received.
The same proceedings were gone through in the barracks of Les
Minimes, and of Picpus; the decree of the Senate, the Order of the
Day, and a Proclamation, were read by torchlight.
Everywhere the same success. The officers had not the smallest
doubt as to the authenticity of the papers presented to them.
Everywhere also the Proclamation announcing the death of the
Emperor, the cessation of the Empire, and the establishment of the
Provisional Government was being placarded about.
At 6 A.M., at the head of a troop, Mallet, still acting as General
Lamothe, marched before the prison of La Force, and the Governor
was ordered to open the gates. The Decree of the Senate and the
Order of the Day were read to him, and he was required at once to
discharge three state prisoners he held, General Guidal, Lahorie, and
a Corsican, Bocchejampe, together with certain officers there
confined. He did as required, and Mallet separated his troops into
four detachments, keeping one under his own command, and
placing the others under the orders of Guidal, Lahorie and
Bocchejampe.
Guidal and Lahorie, by his orders, now marched to the Ministry of
Police, where they arrested Savary, Duke of Rovigo, Minister of
Police. At the same time Boutreux, another confederate, had gone to
the prefecture of the Paris police, had arrested the prefect, Pasquier,
and sent him to be confined in La Force.
Mallet, now at the head of 150 men, went to the État-Major de-la-
place, to go through the same farce with the Commandant-de-place,
and get him to subscribe the Order for the Day. Count Hullin
refused. Mallet presented a pistol at his head, fired, and Hullin fell
covered with blood to the ground. Mallet left him for dead, but
fortunately only his jaw was broken. By means of a forged order
addressed to the commandant of one of the regiments of the paid
guard of Paris, he occupied the National Bank, in which, at the time,
there was a considerable treasure in specie.
The État-Major of Paris was a post of the highest importance, as it
was the headquarters of the whole military authority in Paris. Before
Mallet approached it, he sent a packet to the Adjutant-General
Doucet, of a similar tenor to that given to Soulier and the other
colonels, and containing his nomination as general of brigade, and a
treasury order for a hundred thousand francs.
Soulier, Colonel of the 10th Cohort, obeying the orders he had
received, the authenticity of which he did not for a moment dispute,
had in the meantime made himself master of the Hôtel-de-Ville, and
had stationed a strong force in the square before the building.
Frochot, Prefect of the Seine, was riding into Paris from his country
house at half-past eight in the morning, when he was met by his
servants, in great excitement, with a note from Mallet, on the
outside of which were written the ominous words "Fuit Imperator."
Now it so happened that no tidings of the Emperor had been
received for twenty-five days, and much uneasiness was felt
concerning him. When Frochot therefore received this notice, he
believed it, and hurried to the Hôtel-de-Ville. There he received a
despatch from Mallet, under the title of Governor of Paris, ordering
him to make ready the principal apartment in the building for the
use of the Provisional Government. Not for a moment did Frochot
remember that—even if the Emperor were dead, there was the
young Napoleon, to whom his allegiance was due; he at once
obeyed the orders he had received, and began to make the Hôtel
ready for the meeting of the Provisional Government. Afterwards
when he was reminded that there was a son to Napoleon, and that
his duty was to support him, Frochot answered, "Ah! I forgot that. I
was distracted with the news."
By means of the forged orders despatched everywhere, all the
barriers of Paris had been seized and were closed, and positive
orders were issued that no one was to be allowed to enter or leave
Paris.
Mallet now drew up before the État-Major-Général, still accompanied
and obeyed by the officer and detachment. Nothing was wanting
now but the command of the adjutant-general's office to give to
Mallet the entire direction of the military force of Paris, with
command of the telegraph, and with it of all France. With that, and
with the treasury already seized, he would be master of the
situation. In another ten minutes Paris would be in his hand, and
with Paris the whole of France.
An accident—an accident only—at that moment saved the throne of
Napoleon. Doucet was a little suspicious about the orders—or
allowed it afterwards to be supposed that he was. He read them,
and stood in perplexity. He would have put what doubts presented
themselves aside, had it not been for his aide-de-camp, Laborde. It
happened that Laborde had had charge of Mallet in La Force, and
had seen him there quite recently. He came down to enter the room
where was Doucet, standing in doubt before Mallet. Mallet's guard
was before the door, and would have prevented him from entering;
however, he peremptorily called to them to suffer him to pass, and
the men, accustomed to obey his voice, allowed him to enter. The
moment he saw Mallet in his general's uniform, he recognised him
and said, "But—how the devil!— That is my prisoner. How came he
to escape?" Doucet still hesitated, and attempted to explain, when
Laborde cut his superior officer short with, "There is something
wrong here. Arrest the fellow, and I will go at once to the minister of
police."
Mallet put his hand in his pocket to draw out the pistol with which he
had shot Hullin, when the gesture was observed in a mirror
opposite, and before he had time to draw and cock the pistol,
Doucet and Laborde were on him, and had disarmed him.
Laborde, with great promptitude, threw open the door, and
announced to the soldiers the deceit that had been practised on
them, and assured them that the tidings of the death of the Emperor
were false.
The arrest of Mallet disconcerted the whole conspiracy. Had Generals
Lahorie and Guidal been men of decision and resolution they might
still have saved it, but this they were not; though at the head of
considerable bodies of men, the moment they saw that their chief
had met with a hitch in carrying out his plan, they concluded that all
was lost, and made the best of their way from their posts to places
of concealment.
It was not till 8 o'clock that Saulnier, General Secretary of Police,
heard of the arrest and imprisonment of his chief, Savary, Duke of
Rovigo. He at once hastened to Cambaçérès, the President of the
Ministry in the absence of the Emperor, and astonished and alarmed
him with the tidings. Then Saulnier hastened to Hullin, whom he
found weltering in his blood, and unable to speak.
Baron Pasquier, released from La Force, attempted to return to his
prefecture. The soldiers posted before it refused to admit him, and
threatened to shoot him, believing that he had escaped from prison,
and he was obliged to take refuge in an adjoining house. Laborde,
who about noon came there, was arrested by the soldiers, and
conducted by them as a prisoner to the État-Major-Gênéral, to
deliver him over to General Mallet; and it was with difficulty that
they could be persuaded that they had been deceived, and that
Mallet was himself, at that moment, in irons.
Savary, released from La Force, had Mallet and the rest of the
conspirators brought before him. Soulier also, for having given too
ready a credence to the forged orders, was also placed under arrest,
to be tried along with the organisers and carriers out of the plot.
Mallet confessed with great composure that he had planned the
whole, but he peremptorily refused to say whether he had aiders or
sympathisers elsewhere.
Lahorie could not deny that he had taken an active part, but
declared that it was against his will, his whole intention being to
make a run for the United States, there to spend the rest of his days
in tranquillity. He asserted that he had really believed that the
Emperor was dead.
Guidal tried to pass the whole off as a joke; but when he saw that
he was being tried for his life, he became greatly and abjectly
alarmed.
Next day the generals and those in the army who were under charge
were brought before a military commission. Saulnier had an
interesting interview with Mallet that day. He passed through the hall
where Mallet was dining, when the prisoner complained that he was
not allowed the use of a knife. Saulnier at once ordered that he
might be permitted one; and this consideration seems to have
touched Mallet, for he spoke with more frankness to Saulnier than
he did before his judges. When the General Secretary of Police asked
him how he could dream of success attending such a mad
enterprise, Mallet replied, "I had already three regiments of infantry
on my side. Very shortly I would have been surrounded by the
thousands who are weary of the Napoleonic yoke, and are longing
for a change of order. Now, I was convinced that the moment the
news of my success in Paris reached him, Napoleon would leave his
army and fly home, I would have been prepared for him at Mayence,
and have had him shot there. If it had not been for the cowardice of
Guidal and Lahorie, my plot would have succeeded. I had resolved
to collect 50,000 men at Chalons sur Marne to cover Paris. The
promise I would have made to send all the conscripts to their
homes, the moment the crisis was over, would have rallied all the
soldiers to my side."
On October 23, the prisoners to the number of twenty-four were
tried, and fourteen were condemned to be shot, among these,
Mallet, Guidai, Lahorie, and the unfortunate Soulier. Mallet at the
trial behaved with great intrepidity. "Who are your accomplices?"
asked the President. "The whole of France," answered Mallet, "and if
I had succeeded, you yourself at their head. One who openly attacks
a government by force, if he fails, expects to die." When he was
asked to make his defence, "Monsieur," he said, "a man who has
constituted himself defender of the rights of his Fatherland, needs
no defence."
Soulier put in as an apology, that the news of the death of the
Emperor had produced such a sudorific effect on him, that he had
been obliged to change his shirt four times in a quarter of an hour.
This was not considered sufficient to establish his attachment to the
Imperial government.
In the afternoon of the same day the fourteen were conveyed to the
plain of Grenelle to be shot, when pardon was accorded by the
Empress Regent to two of the condemned, the Corporal Rateau, and
Colonel Rabbe. When the procession passed through the Rue
Grenelle, Mallet saw a group of students looking on; "Young men,"
he called to them, "remember the 23rd October." Arrived on the
place of execution, some of the condemned cried out, "Vive
l'empereur!" only a few "Vive la République."
Mallet requested that his eyes might not be bandaged, and
maintained the utmost coolness. He received permission, at his own
desire, to give the requisite orders to the soldiers drawn up to shoot
him and his party. "Peloton! Present!" The soldiers, moved by the
tragic catastrophe, obeyed, but not promptly. "That is bad!" called
Mallet, "imagine you are before the foe. Once again—Attention!—
Present!" This time it was better. "Not so bad this time, but still not
well," said the General; "now pay attention, and mind, when I say
Fire, that all your guns are discharged as one. It is a good lesson for
you to see how brave men die. Now then, again, Attention!" For a
quarter of an hour he put the men through their drill, till he
observed that his comrades were in the most deplorable condition.
Some had fainted, some were in convulsions. Then he gave the
command: Fire! the guns rattled and the ten fell to the ground,
never to rise again. Mallet alone reeled, for a moment or two
maintaining his feet, and then he also fell over, without a sound, and
was dead.
"But for the singular accident," says Savary, "which caused the arrest
of the Minister of War to fail, Mallet, in a few moments, would have
been master of almost everything; and in a country so much
influenced by the contagion of example, there is no saying where his
success would have stopped. He would have had possession of the
treasury, then extremely rich; the post office, the telegraph, and the
command of the hundred cohorts of the National Guard. He would
soon have learned the alarming situation in Russia; and nothing
could have prevented him from making prisoner of the Emperor
himself if he returned alone, or from marching to meet him, if he
had come at the head of his shattered forces."
As Alison says, "When the news reached Napoleon, one only idea
took possession of his imagination—that in this crisis the succession
of his son was, by common consent, set aside; one only truth was
ever present to his mind—that the Imperial Crown rested on himself
alone. The fatal truth was brought home to him that the Revolution
had destroyed the foundations of hereditary succession; and that the
greatest achievements by him who wore the diadem afforded no
security that it would descend to his progeny. These reflections,
which seem to have burst on Napoleon all at once, when the news
of this extraordinary affair reached him in Russia, weighed him down
more than all the disasters of the Moscow retreat."
Schweinichen's Memoirs.
Memoirs, says Addison, in the Tatler, are so untrustworthy, so stuffed
with lies, that, "I do hereby give notice to all booksellers and
translators whatsoever, that the word memoir is French for a novel;
and to require of them, that they sell and translate it accordingly."
There are, however, some memoirs that are trustworthy and dull,
and others, again, that are conspicuously trustworthy, and yet are as
entertaining as a novel, and to this latter category belong the
memoirs of Hans von Schweinichen, the Silesian Knight, Marshal and
Chamberlain to the Dukes of Liegnitz and Brieg at the close of the
16th century. Scherr, a well known writer on German Culture, and a
scrupulous observer and annotator of all that is ugly and unseemly
in the past, says of the diary of Schweinichen: "It carries us into a
noble family at the end of the 16th century and reveals boorish
meanness, coarseness and lack of culture." That is, in a measure,
true, but, as is invariably the case with Scherr, he leaves out of sight
all the redeeming elements, and there are many, that this
transparently sincere diarist discloses.
The MS. was first discovered and published in 1823, by Büsching; it
was republished in 1878 at Breslau by Oesterley. The diary extends
to the year 1602, and Schweinichen begins with an account of his
birth in 1552, and his childish years. But we are wrong in saying that
he begins with his birth—characteristic of the protestant theological
spirit of his times, he begins with a confession of his faith.
As a picture of the manners and customs of the highest classes in
the age just after the Reformation it is unrivalled for its minuteness,
and for its interest. The writer, who had not an idea that his diary
would be printed, wrote for his own amusement, and, without
intending it, drew a perfect portraiture of himself, without
exaggeration of his virtues and observation of his faults; indeed the
virtues we admire in him, he hardly recognised as virtues, and
scarcely considered as serious the faults we deplore. In reading his
truthful record we are angry with him, and yet, he makes us love
and respect him, and acknowledge what sterling goodness, integrity,
fidelity and honour were in the man.
Hans was son of George, Knight of Schweinichen and Mertschütz,
and was born in the Castle of Gröditzberg belonging to the Dukes of
Silesia, of which his father was castellan, and warden of the Ducal
Estates thereabouts. The Schweinichens were a very ancient noble
Silesian family, and Hans could prove his purity of blood through the
sixteen descents, eight paternal and eight maternal.
In 1559, Duke Frederick III. was summoned before the Emperor
Ferdinand I. at Breslau, to answer the accusations of extravagance
and oppression brought against him by the Silesian Estates, and was
deposed, imprisoned, and his son Henry XI. given the Ducal crown
instead. The deposition of the Duke obliged the father of our hero to
leave Gröditzberg and retire to his own estates, where Hans was
given the village notary as teacher in reading and writing for a
couple of years, and was then sent, young noble though he was, to
keep the geese for the family. However, as he played tricks with the
geese, put spills into their beaks, pegging them open, the flock was
then withdrawn from his charge. This reminds us of Grettir the
Strong, the Icelandic hero, who also as a boy was sent to drive the
family geese to pasture, and who maltreated his charge.
His father sent Hans to be page to the imprisoned Duke Frederick at
Liegnitz, where also he was to study with the Duke's younger son,
afterwards Frederick IV. Hans tells us he did not get as many
whippings as his companion, because he slipped his money-
allowance into the tutor's palm, and so his delinquencies were
passed over. As page, he had to serve the Duke at table. A certain
measure of wine was allowed the imprisoned Duke daily by his son,
the reigning Duke; what he did not drink every day, Hans was
required to empty into a cask, and when the cask was full, the Duke
invited some good topers to him, and they sat and drank the cask
out, then rolled over on the floor. All night Hans had to sit or lie on
the floor and watch the drunken Duke.
Duke Frederick took a dislike to the chaplain, and scribbled a
lampoon on him, which may be thus rendered, without injustice to
the original:—
The Duke ordered Hans to pin this to the pulpit cushion, and he did
so. When the pastor ascended the pulpit he saw the paper, and
instead of a text read it out. The reigning Duke Henry was very
angry, and Hans was made the scape-goat, and sent home in
disgrace to his father.
In 1564, Hans attended his father, himself as page, his father as
Marshal, when Duke Henry and his Duchess visited Stuttgard and
Dresden. Pages were not then allowed to sit astride a horse, they
stood in a sort of stirrup slung to the pommel, to which they held. At
Dresden old Schweinichen ran a tilt in a tournament with the elector
Augustus and unhorsed him, but had sufficient courtesy to at once
throw himself off his own horse, as though he also had been cast by
the elector. This so gratified the latter, that he sent old Schweinichen
a gold chain, and a double florin worth about 4 shillings to the young
one.
When Hans was fifteen, he went to the marriage of Duke Wenceslas
of Teschen with the daughter of Duke Franz of Saxony, and received
from his father a present of a sword, which, he tells us, cost his
father a little under a pound. One of the interesting features of this
diary is that Hans enters the value of everything. For instance, we
are given the price of wheat, barley, rye, oats, meat, &c., in 1562,
and we learn from this that all kinds of grain cost one fifth or one
sixth of what it costs now, and that meat—mutton, was one
eighteenth or one twentieth the present cost. For a thaler, 3
shillings, in 1562 as much food could be purchased as would now
cost from 25 to 30 shillings. Hans tells us what pocket money he
received from his parents; he put a value on every present he was
given, and tells what everything cost him which he give away.
In the early spring of 1569 Duke Henry XI. went to Lublin in Poland
to a diet. King Sigismund was old, and the Duke hoped to get
elected to the kingdom of Poland on his death. This was a costly
expedition, as the Duke had to make many presents, and to go in
great state. Hans went with him, and gives an infinitely droll account
of their reception, the miserable housing, his own dress, one leg
black, the other yellow, and how many ells of ribbon went to make
the bows on his jacket. His father and he, and a nobleman called
Zedlitz and his son were put in a garret under the tiles in bitter frost
—and "faith," says Hans, "our pigs at home are warmer in their
styes."
This expedition which led to no such result as the Duke hoped,
exhausted his treasury, and exasperated the Silesian Estates. All the
nobles had to stand surety for their Duke, Schweinichen and the rest
to the amount of—in modern money £100,000.
When Hans was aged eighteen he was drunk for the first time in his
life, so drunk that he lay like a dead man for two days and two
nights, and his life was in danger.
Portia characterised the German as a drunkard, she liked him "very
vilely in the morning, when he is sober; and most vilely in the
afternoon, when he is drunk. Set a deep glass of Rhenish wine on
the contrary casket: for, if the devil be within, and that temptation
without, I know he will choose it. I will do anything, Nerissa, ere I
will be married to a sponge."
How true this characterisation was of the old German noble,
Schweinichen's memoirs show; it is a record of drunken bouts at
small intervals. There was no escape, he who would live at court
must drink and get drunken.
At the age of nineteen old Schweinichen made his son keep the
accounts at home, and look after the mill; he had the charge of the
fish-ponds, and attended to the thrashing of the corn, and the
feeding of the horses and cattle.
Once Hans was invited to a wedding, and met at it four sisters from
Glogau, two were widows and two unmarried. Their maiden name
was Von Schaben. Hans, aged twenty, danced with the youngest a
good deal, and before leaving invited the four sisters to pay his
father and him a visit. A friend of his called Eicholz galloped ahead
to forewarn old Schweinichen. Some hours later up drove Hans in a
waggon with the four sisters; but he did not dare to bring them in till
he had seen his father, so he went into the house, and was at once
saluted with a burst of laughter, and the shout, "Here comes the
bridegroom," and Eicholz sang at the top of his voice an improvised
verse:
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