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Solution Manual for The Administrative
Professional: Technology and Procedures, 4th
Canadian Edition, Dianne S. Rankin, Kellie A.
Schumack Eva Turczyniak
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The Fourth Canadian edition of The Administrative Professional is designed to
support students as they develop the knowledge and skills necessary to be
competitive and successful in today's office environments. Informed by industry
standards, this resource helps students develop a broad range of key skills from
areas including human relations, communication, and critical-thinking, all outlined
in Employability Skills 2000+.

Author Biography

Dianne S. Rankin is an author, consulting editor, and developer of instructional

materials for textbooks, websites, and ancillaries for educational publishers.
Dianne has taught at the high school and community college levels and continues
to teach computer classes for businesses and organizations. In addition, she has
first-hand experience as an administrative assistant.

Kellie A. Shumack is an associate professor of instructional technology and

department head in the College of Education at Auburn Montgomery. She has
worked as an administrative assistant and has taught at the secondary, community
college, and university levels. Kellie has designed numerous college courses in
both the online and face-to-face environments. She has authored multiple peer-
reviewed journal articles, two textbooks, and several book chapters, and she has
presented at over 40 professional conferences. Kellie was awarded the 2012
Auburn Montgomery College of Education Excellence in Teaching Award,
received the 2010 Delta Pi Epsilon Outstanding Doctoral Research Award, and
maintains a certificate to teach online courses at the postsecondary level.
Eva Turczyniak joined Sheridan College in 2004 as a professor at the Pilon School
of Business. Her teaching experience includes delivering a variety of courses in the
office administration, legal, executive, and general programs, as well as the
business diploma programs. During her time at Sheridan, Eva has developed a
number of courses in different teaching formats (hybrid, face to face, and flipped).
Her industry experience includes over 10 years working as a legal administrative
assistant for law firms in Brantford and Toronto. Eva's educational credentials
include a legal office administration diploma and a law clerk certificate from
Sheridan College, as well as an Honors BA in sociology and an MA in labor
studies from McMaster University.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
976 Famine Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
Roger of Howden

984 Famine. Fever of men Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

986 and Roger of Howden.
987 murrain of cattle Simeon of Durham.
Malmesbury. Gest.
Pontif. Angl. p. 171.
Flor. of Worcester.
Roger of Wendover,
Flor. Hist. Bromton
(in Twysden). Higden

1005 Desolation following Henry of Huntingdon

expulsion of Danes

1036 Famine Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

1039 Henry of Huntingdon

1044 Famine Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

1046 Very hard winter; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

pestilence and
murrain

1048 Great mortality of men Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

1049 and cattle (sub anno 1049).
Roger
of Howden. Simeon
of
Durham (sub anno
1048)
1069 Wasting of Yorkshire Simeon of Durham, ii.
188

1086 Great fever-pestilence. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

1087 Sharp famine Malmesbury. Henry
of
Huntingdon, and
most
annalists

1091 Siege of Durham by the Simeon of Durham, ii.

Scots 339

1093 Floods; hard winter; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

1095 severe famines; Annals of
1096 universal sickness and Winchester.
1097 mortality William of
Malmesbury. Henry
of
Huntingdon. Annals
of
Margan. Matthew
Paris,
and others

1103 General pestilence and Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

1104 murrain Roger of Wendover
1105

1110 Famine Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

1111 Roger of Wendover
1112 “Destructive pestilence” Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
Annals of Osney.
Annales Cambriae

1114 Famine in Ireland; flight Annals of Margan

or
death of people

1125 Most dire famine in all Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

England; pestilence William of
and murrain Malmesbury, Gest.
Pont.
p. 442. Henry of
Huntingdon. Annals
of
Margan. Roger of
Howden.

[1130 Great murrain Annals of Margan.

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
(sub anno 1131)]

1137 Famine from civil war; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

1140 mortality Annals of
Winchester.
Henry of Huntingdon
(1138)

1143 Famine and mortality. Gesta Stephani, p. 98.

William of
 Newburgh.
Henry of Huntingdon

1171 Famine in London in Stow, Survey of

Spring London

1172 Dysentery among the Radulphus de Diceto,

troops in Ireland Imag. Hist. i. 348

1173 “Tussis quaedam mala Chronica de Mailros

et
inaudita”

1175 Pestilence; famine Benedict of

Peterborough.
Roger of Howden

1189 Famine and mortality Annals of Margan.

Giraldus Cambrensis,
Itin. Walliae

1194 Effects of a five years’ Annals of Burton.

1195 scarcity; great William
1196 mortality of Newburgh. Roger
1197 over all England of
Howden iii. 290.
Rigord.
Bromton (in Twysden
col. 1271).
Radulphus
de Diceto (sub anno
1197)
1201 Unprecedented plague Chronicon de Lanercost
of (probably relates to
people and murrain of 1203)
animals

1203 Great famine and Annals of Waverley.

mortality Annals of
Tewkesbury. Annals
of Margan. Ralph of
Coggeshall (sub
anno
1205)

1210 Sickly year throughout Annals of Margan

England

1234 Third year of scarcity; Roger of Wendover.

sickness Annals of
Tewkesbury

1247 Pestilence from Matthew Paris. Higden

September Annales Cambriae
to November; dearth (sub
and anno 1248)
famine

1257 Bad harvests; famine Matthew Paris. Annals

1258 and of
1259 fever in London and Tewkesbury.
the Continuator of M.
country
 Paris
(1259). Rishanger

1268 Probably murrain only. Chronicon de Lanercost

(“Lungessouth”)

1271 Great famine and Continuator of William

pestilence in England of
and Ireland Newburgh ii. 560
[doubtful]

[1274 Beginning of a great Rishanger (also sub

imported murrain anno
among 1275). Contin. Fl. of
sheep Worcester sub anno
1276]

1285 Deaths from heat and Rishanger

drought

1294 Great scarcity; Rishanger. Continuator

epidemics of
of flux Florence of
Worcester p.
405. Trivet

1315 General famine in Trokelowe.

1316 England; Walsingham,
great mortality from Hist. Angl. i. 146.
fever, flux &c.; Contin. Trivet, pp.
murrain 18, 27. Rogers, Hist.
of Agric. and Prices
1322 Famine and mortality in Higden. Annales
Edward II.’s army in Londinenses
Scotland; scarcity in
London

The period covered by this long list is itself a long one; and the
intervals between successive famine-pestilences are sometimes more
than a generation. A history of epidemics is necessarily a morbid
history. In this chapter of it, we search out the lean years, saying
nothing of the fat years; and by exclusively dwelling upon the dark
side we may form an entirely wrong opinion of the comforts or
hardships, prosperity or adversity, of these remote times. English
writers of the earliest period, when they use generalities, are loud in
praise of the advantages of their own island; until we come to the
fourteenth century poem of ‘The Vision of Piers the Ploughman’ we
should hardly suspect, from their usual strain, that England was
other than an earthly paradise, and every village an Auburn, “where
health and plenty cheered the labouring swain.” There is a poem
preserved in Higden’s Polychronicon by one Henricus, who is almost
certainly Henry archdeacon of Huntingdon in the time of Henry I.,
although the poem is not included among the archdeacon’s extant
verse. The subject is ‘De Praerogativis Angliae,’ and the period, be it
remarked, is one of the early Norman reigns, when the heel of the
conquering race is supposed to have been upon the neck of the
English. Yet this poem contains the famous boast of ‘Merry England,’
and much else that is the reverse of unhappy:—
“Anglia terra ferax et fertilis angulus orbis.
Anglia plena jocis, gens libera, digna jocari;
Libera gens, cui libera mens et libera lingua;
Sed lingua melior liberiorque manus.
Anglia terrarum decus et flos finitimarum,
Est contenta sui fertilitate boni.
 Externas gentes consumptis rebus egentes,
Quando fames laedit, recreat et reficit.
Commoda terra satis mirandae fertilitatis
Prosperitate viget, cum bona pacis habet[29].”
Or, to take another distich, apparently by Alfred of Beverley,
“Insula praedives, quae toto non eget orbe,
Et cujus totus indiget orbis ope.”
Or, in Higden’s own fourteenth century words, after quoting these
earlier estimates: “Prae ceteris gulae dedita, in victu et vestitu
multum sumptuosa[30].”
On the other hand there is a medieval proverbial saying which places
England in a light strangely at variance with this native boast of
fertility, plenty, and abundance overflowing to the famished peoples
abroad: “Tres plagae tribus regionibus appropriari solent, Anglorum
fames, Gallorum ignis, Normannorum lepra”—three afflictions proper
to three countries, famine to England, St Anthony’s fire to France,
leprosy to Normandy[31]. Whatever the “lepra Normannorum” may
refer to, there is no doubt that St Anthony’s fire, or ergotism from
the use of bread containing the grains of spurred rye, was a
frequent scourge of some parts of France; and, in common repute
abroad, famine seems to have been equally characteristic of
England. Perhaps the explanation of England’s evil name for famines
is that there were three great English famines in the medieval
history, before the Black Death, separated by generations, no doubt,
but yet of such magnitude and attended by so disgraceful
circumstances that the rumour of them must have spread to foreign
countries and made England a by-word among the nations. These
were the famines of 1194-96, 1257-59, and 1315-16. Of the first we
have a tolerably full account by William of Newburgh, who saw it in
Yorkshire; of the second we have many particulars and generalities
by Matthew Paris of St Albans, who died towards the end of it; and
of the third we have an account by one of his successors as
historiographer at St Albans, John Trokelowe. All other references to
famine in England are meagre beside the narratives of these
competent observers, although there were probably two or three
famines in the Norman period equally worthy of the historian’s pen.
For the comprehension of English famine-pestilences in general, we
ought to take the best recorded first; but it will be on the whole
more convenient to observe the chronological order, and to
introduce, as occasion offers, some generalities on the types of
disease which famine induced, the extent of the mortalities, and the
conditions of English agriculture and food-supply which made
possible occasional famines of such magnitude.
From the great plague “of Cadwallader’s time,” which corresponds in
history to the foreign invasion of pestilence in 664, until nearly the
end of the Anglo-Saxon rule, there is little recorded of famines and
consequent epidemic sickness. It does not follow that the period was
one of plenty and prosperity for the people at large. The Anglo-
Saxon Chronicle is at no period detailed or circumstantial on the
subject of famines and pestilences; and although the entries become
more numerous in the last hundred years before the Chronicle came
to an end in 1137, their paucity in the earlier period probably means
no more than the imperfection of the record. Some of the
generalities of Malthus might be applied to help the imagination over
a period of history which we might otherwise be disposed to view as
the Golden Age. One of these, originally written for the South Sea
Islands, is applicable to all romantic pictures of “rude plenty,” such
as the picture of the Anglo-Saxon household in Ivanhoe. It has been
remarked of Scott as a novelist that he always feeds everyone well;
but the picture, grateful to the imagination though it be, is probably
an illusion. “In a state of society,” says Malthus, “where the lives of
the inferior order of the people seem to be considered by their
superiors as of little or no value, it is evident that we are very liable
to be deceived with regard to the appearances of abundance”; and
again: “We may safely pronounce that among the shepherds of the
North of Europe, war and famine were the principal checks that kept
the population down to the level of their scanty means of
subsistence.” The history of English agriculture is known with some
degree of accuracy from the thirteenth century, and it is a history of
prices becoming steadier and crops more certain. It is not to be
supposed that tillage was more advanced before the Conquest than
after it. On the other hand the probabilities are that England had
steadily emerged from a pastoral state. It would be unfair to judge
of the state of rural England at any time by the state of Wales in the
twelfth century, as it is described by Giraldus Cambrensis, or by the
condition of Ireland as described from the same traveller’s
observations. But in the absence of any concrete view of primitive
England itself, the picture of the two neighbouring provinces may be
introduced here.
Ireland, says Giraldus, closely following Beda, is a fertile land
neglected; it had no agriculture, industries or arts; its inhabitants
were rude and inhospitable, leading a purely pastoral life, and living
more upon milk than upon meat. At the same time there was little
sickness; the island had little need of physicians; you will hardly ever
find people ill unless they be at the extremity of death; between
continuous good health and final dissolution there was no middle
term. The excessive number of children born blind, or deaf, or
deformed, he ascribes to incestuous unions and other sexual
laxities[32].
The picture of Wales is that of a not less primitive society[33]. The
Welsh do not congregate in towns, or in villages, or in fortified
places, but live solitary in the woods; they build no sumptuous
houses of stone and lime, but only ozier booths, sufficient for the
year, which they run up with little labour or cost. They have neither
orchards nor gardens, and little else than pasture land. They partake
of a sober meal in the evening, and if there should be little or
nothing to eat at the close of day, they wait patiently until the next
evening. They do not use table-cloths nor towels; they are more
natural than neat (naturae magis student quam nitori). They lie
down to sleep in their day clothes, all in one room, with a coarse
covering drawn over them, their feet to the fire, lying close to keep
each other warm, and when they are sore on one side from lying on
the hard floor, they turn over to the other. There are no beggars
among this nation. It is of interest, from the point of view of the
“positive checks” of Malthus, to note that Giraldus more than hints at
the practice of a grosser form of immorality than he had charged the
Irish with. Spinning and weaving were of course not unknown, for
the hard and rough blanket mentioned above was a native product.
By the time that Higden wrote (about 1340), he has to record a
considerable advance in the civilization of Wales. Having used the
description of Giraldus, he adds: “They now acquire property, apply
themselves to agriculture, and live in towns[34].” But in the reign of
Henry II., it was found easy to bring the rebellious Welsh to terms
by stopping the supplies of corn from England, upon which they
were largely dependent[35].
Of the condition of Scotland in the twelfth century we have no such
sketch as Giraldus has left for Wales and Ireland. Uncivilized
compared with England, the northern part of the island must
certainly have been, if we may trust the indignant references by
Simeon of Durham and Henry of Huntingdon to the savage practices
of the Scots who swarmed over the border, with or without their king
to lead them, or the remark by William of Malmesbury concerning
the Scots who went on the Crusade leaving behind them the insects
of their native country.
Giraldus intended to have written an itinerary or topography of
England also, but his purpose does not appear to have been fulfilled.
Higden, his immediate successor in that kind of writing a century
and a half later, is content, in his section on England, to reproduce
the generalities of earlier authors from Pliny downwards. Of these,
we have already quoted the ‘Prerogatives of England’ by Henry of
Huntingdon, from which one might infer that the British Isles, under
the Norman yoke, were the Islands of the Blest. On the other hand,
the impression made by the details of the Domesday survey upon a
historian of the soundest judgment, Hallam, is an impression of poor
cultivation and scanty sustenance. “There cannot be a more striking
proof,” he says, “of the low condition of English agriculture in the
eleventh century than is exhibited in Domesday book. Though
almost all England had been partially cultivated, and we find nearly
the same manors, except in the north, which exist at present, yet
the value and extent of cultivated ground are inconceivably small.
With every allowance for the inaccuracies and partialities of those by
whom that famous survey was completed, we are lost in amazement
at the constant recurrence of two or three carucates in demesne,
with folkland occupied by ten or a dozen villeins, valued all together
at forty shillings, as the return of a manor which now would yield a
competent income to a gentleman[36].”
Whether, the population at the Domesday survey were nearer two
millions than one, the people were almost wholly on the land. Of the
size of the chief towns, as the Normans found them, we may form a
not incorrect estimate from the Domesday enumeration of houses
held of the king or of other superiors[37]. London, Winchester and
Bristol do not come at all into the survey. Besides these, the towns
of the first rank are Norwich, York, Lincoln, Thetford, Colchester,
Ipswich, Gloucester, Oxford, Cambridge, and Exeter.
Norwich had 1320 burgesses in the time of Edward the Confessor; in
the borough were 665 English burgesses rendering custom, and 480
bordarii rendering none on account of their poverty; there were also
more than one hundred French households. Lincoln had 970
inhabited houses in King Edward’s time, of which 200 were waste at
the survey. Thetford had 943 burgesses before the Conquest, and at
the survey 720, with 224 houses vacant. York was so desolated just
before the survey that it is not easy to estimate its ordinary
population; but it may be put at about 1200 houses. Gloucester had
612 burgesses. Oxford seems to have had about 800 houses; and
for Cambridge we find an enumeration of the houses in nine of the
ten wards of the town in King Edward’s time, the total being about
400. Colchester appears to have had some 700 houses, Ipswich 538
burgesses, with 328 houses “waste” so far as tax was concerned.
Exeter had 300 king’s houses, and an uncertain number more. Next
in importance come such places as Southampton, Wallingford,
Northampton, Leicester, Warwick, Shrewsbury, Nottingham,
Coventry, Derby, Canterbury, Yarmouth, Rochester, Dover, Sandwich
(about 400 houses), and Sudbury. In a third class may be placed
towns like Dorchester, Ilchester, Bridport, Wareham, Shaftesbury,
Bath, Chichester, Lewes, Guildford, Hythe, Romney, Pevensey,
Windsor, Bath, Chester, Worcester, Hereford, Huntingdon, Stamford,
Grantham, Hertford, St Albans, Torchesey, Maldon, each with from
100 to 200 burgesses. Dover and Sandwich each supplied twenty
ships, with crews of twenty-four men, for King Edward’s service
during fifteen days of the year. In Hereford there were six smiths,
each rendering one penny a year for his forge, and making 120 nails
of the king’s iron. Many of these houses were exceedingly small,
with a frontage of seven feet; the poorest class were mere sheds,
built in the ditch against the town wall, as at York and Canterbury.
It would be within the mark to say that less than one-tenth of the
population of England was urban in any distinctive sense of the
term. After London, Norwich, York, and Lincoln, there were probably
no towns with five thousand inhabitants. There were, of course, the
simpler forms of industries, and there was a certain amount of
commerce from the Thames, the East Coast, and the Channel ports.
The fertile soil of England doubtless sustained abundance of fruit
trees and produced corn to the measure of perhaps four or six times
the seed. There were flocks of sheep, yielding more wool than the
country used, herds of swine and of cattle. The exports of wool,
hides, iron, lead, and white metal gave occasion to the importation
of commodities and luxuries from Flanders, Normandy, and Gascony.
If there was “rude plenty” in England, it was for a sparse population,
and it was dependent upon the clemency of the skies. A bad season
brought scarcity and murrain, and two bad seasons in succession
brought famine and pestilence.
Of the general state of health we may form some idea from the
Anglo-Saxon leechdoms, or collections of remedies, charms and
divinations, supposed to date from the eleventh century[38]. The
maladies to which the English people were liable in these early times
correspond on the whole to the everyday diseases of our own age.
There were then, as now, cancers and consumptions, scrofula or
“kernels,” the gout and the stone, the falling sickness and St Vitus’
dance, apoplexies and palsies, jaundice, dropsies and fluxes,
quinsies and anginas, sore eyes and putrid mouth, carbuncles, boils
and wildfire, agues, rheums and coughs. Maladies peculiar to women
occupy a chief place, and there is evidence that hysteria, the
outcome of hardships, entered largely into the forms of sickness, as
it did in the time of Sydenham. Among the curiosities of the
nosology may be mentioned wrist-drop, doubtless from working in
lead. One great chapter in disease, the sickness and mortality of
infants and children, is almost a complete blank. It ought doubtless
to have been the greatest chapter of all. The population remained
small, for one reason among others, that the children would be
difficult to rear. There is no direct evidence; but we may infer from
analogous circumstances, that the inexpansive population meant an
enormous infant mortality. The sounds which fell on the ear of
Æneas as he crossed the threshold of the nether world may be
taken as prophetic, like so much else in Virgil, of the experience of
the Middle Ages:
“Continuo auditae voces, vagitus et ingens
Infantumque animae flentes, in limine primo:
Quos dulcis vitae exsortes, et ab ubere raptos,
Abstulit atra dies, et funere mersit acerbo.”
We come, then, to the chronology of famine-pestilences, and first in
the Anglo-Saxon period. The years from 664 to 685 are occupied, as
we have seen, by a great plague, probably the bubo-plague, which
returned in 1348 as the Black Death, affecting, like the latter, the
whole of England and Ireland on its first appearance, and afterwards
particular monasteries, such as Barking and Jarrow. But it is clear
that famine-sickness was also an incident of the same years. The
metrical romancist of the fourteenth century, Robert of Brunne, was
probably mistaken in tracing the great plague of “Cadwaladre’s time”
to famine in the first instance; there is no such suggestion in the
authentic history of Beda. But that historian does make a clear
reference to famine in Sussex about the year 679[39]. Describing the
conversion of Sussex to Christianity by Wilfrid, he says that the
province had been afflicted with famine owing to three seasons of
drought, that the people were dying of hunger, and that often forty
or fifty together, “inedia macerati,” would proceed to the edge of the
Sussex cliffs, and, joining hands, throw themselves into the sea. But
on the very day when the people accepted the Christian baptism,
there fell a plenteous rain, the earth flourished anew, and a glad and
fruitful season ensued[40].
The anarchy in Northumbria which followed the death of Beda (in
735), with the decline of piety and learning in the northern
monasteries, is said to have led to famine and plague[41]. It is not
until the year 793 that an entry of famine and mortality occurs in the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. It is in keeping with the disappointing nature
of all these early records that Simeon of Durham and Roger of
Howden, the two compilers who had access to lost records, are
more particular in enumerating the portents that preceded the
calamity than in describing its actual circumstances. Then a whole
century elapses (but for a vague entry under the year 822) until we
come to the three calamitous years, with 897 as the centre, which
followed Alfred’s famous resistance to the Danes. In that mortality,
many of the chief thanes died, and there was a murrain of cattle,
with a scarcity of food in Ireland. Two generations pass before the
chronicle contains another entry of the kind: in 962 there was a
great mortality, and the “great fever” was in London. At no long
intervals there are two more famines, in 976 and 986. That of 986
(or 987) would appear to have been severe; the church plate at
Winchester was melted for the benefit of the starving[42], and there
was “a fever of men and a murrain of cattle[43].” After the expulsion
of the Danes in 1005, says Henry of Huntingdon, there was such
desolation of famine as no one remembered. Then in 1010 or 1011
comes the incident of St Elphege, already given. From 1036 to 1049
we find mention of four, or perhaps five, famines, those of the years
1046 and 1049 being marked by a great mortality of men and
murrain of cattle.
Except in Yorkshire, the Norman Conquest had no immediate effects
upon the people of England in the way of famine and pestilence.
From the last great mortality of 1049, a period of nearly forty years
elapses until we come to the great pestilence and sharp famine in
the last year of the Conqueror’s reign (1086-7). The harrying of
Yorkshire, however, is too important a local incident to be passed
over in this history. Of these ruthless horrors in the autumn of 1069
we have some particulars from the pen of Simeon of Durham, who
has contemporary authority. There was such hunger, he says, that
men ate the flesh of their own kind, of horses, of dogs, and of cats.
Others sold themselves into perpetual slavery in order that they
might be able to sustain their miserable lives on any terms (like the
Chinese in later times). Others setting out in exile from their country
perished before their journey was ended. It was horrible to look into
the houses and farmyards, or by the wayside, and see the human
corpses dissolved in corruption and crawling with worms. There was
no one to bury them, for all were gone, either in flight or dead by
the sword and famine. The country was one wide solitude, and
remained so for nine years. Between York and Durham no one
dwelt, and travellers went in great fear of wild beasts and of
robbers[44]. William of Malmesbury says that the city of York was so
wasted by fire that an old inhabitant would not have recognized it;
and that the country was still waste for sixty miles at the time of his
writing (1125)[45]. In the Domesday survey we find that there were
540 houses so waste that they paid nothing, 400 houses “not
inhabited,” of which the better sort pay one penny and others less,
and only 50 inhabited houses paying full dues.
The same local chronicler who has left particulars of the devastation
of 1069-70, has given also a picture of the siege of Durham by
Malcolm Canmore in 1091, which may serve to realize for us what a
medieval siege was, and what the Scots marches had to endure for
intervals during several centuries:—
Malcolm advancing drives the Northumbrians before him, some into
the woods and hills, others into the city of Durham; for there have
they always a sure refuge. Thither they drive their whole flocks and
herds and carry their furniture, so that there is hardly room within
the town for so great a crowd. Malcolm arrives and invests the city.
It was not easy for one to go outside, and the sheep and cattle
could not be driven to pasture: the churchyard was filled with them,
and the church itself was scarcely kept clear of them. Mixed with the
cattle, a crowd of women and children surrounded the church, so
that the voices of the choristers were drowned by the clamour. The
heat of summer adds to the miseries of famine. Every-where
throughout the town were the sounds of grief, ‘et plurima mortis
imago,’ as in the sack of Troy. The siege is raised by the miraculous
intervention of St Cuthbert[46].
The wasting of Yorkshire by William and the five incursions of the
Scots into Northumberland and Durham in the reign of Malcolm
Canmore had the effect of reducing a large part of the soil of
England to a comparatively unproductive state. The effacement of
farms (and churches) in Hampshire, for the planting of the New
Forest, had the same effect in a minor degree. The rigorous
enforcement of the forest laws in the interests of the Norman nobles
must have served also to remove one considerable source of the
means of subsistence from the people. Whether these things,
together with the general oppression of the poor, contributed much
or little to what followed, it is the fact that the long period from the
last two years of William to the welcomed advent of Henry II. to the
throne in 1154, is filled with a record of famines, pestilences, and
other national misfortunes such as no other period of English history
shows.
The first general famine and pestilence under Norman rule was in
the years 1086 and 1087, the last of the Conqueror’s reign. It is
probable from the entries in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle that the
aggravation (for which we must always look in order to explain a
historical famine and pestilence) was due to two bad harvests in
succession. The year 1086 was “heavy, toilsome and sorrowful,”
through failure of the corn and fruit crops owing to an inclement
season, and through murrain of cattle[47]. Some form of sickness
appears to have been prevalent between that harvest and the next.
Almost every other man, says the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, was
stricken with fever, and that so sharply that many died of it. “Alas!
how miserable and how rueful a time was then! when the wretched
men lay driven almost to death, and afterwards came the sharp
famine and destroyed them quite.” It is probably a careless gloss
upon that, by a historian of the next generation[48], when he says
that “a promiscuous fever destroyed more than half the people,” and
that famine, coming after, destroyed those whom the fever had
spared[49]. But there can be no question that this was one of those
great periodic conjunctions of famine and fever (λιμὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ
λοιμόν), of which we shall find fuller details in the chronicles of the
twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is easy to understand
that England, with all her wealth of fruits and corn in a good season,
had no reserve for the poor at least, and sometimes not even for the
rich, to get through two or more bad seasons with. How much the
corn crop in those days depended on the season is clear from the
entry in the chronicle two years after (1089), that reaping was still in
progress at Martinmas (11 November) and even later. Fields
cultivated to yield an average of only four or six times the seed
were, of course, more at the mercy of the seasons than the highly
cultivated corn-land of our own time.
The next famine with pestilence in England, seven years later, or in
the seventh year of William Rufus, introduces us to a new set of
considerations. It was the time when the exactions of tribute for the
king’s wars in Normandy, or for the satisfaction of his greed and that
of his court, were severely felt both by the church and the people.
England, says one[50], was suffocated and unable to breathe. Both
clergy and laity, says another[51], were in such misery that they were
weary of life. But the most remarkable phraseology is that of William
of Malmesbury, the chief historian of the period, who seldom
descends from the region of high political and ecclesiastical affairs to
take notice of such things as famine and pestilence. In the 7th year
of Rufus, he says, “agriculture failed” on account of the tributes
which the king had decreed from his position in Normandy. The
fields running to waste, a famine followed, and that in turn was
succeeded by a mortality so general that the dying were left
untended and the dead unburied[52]. The phrase about the lack of
cultivation is a significant and not incredible statement, which places
the England of Rufus in the same light as certain belated feudal
parts of India within recent memory.
In the villages of Gujerat, when the festival comes round early in
May, the chief of a village collects the cultivators and tells them that
it is time for them to commence work. They say: “No! the
assessment was too heavy last year, you lay too many taxes upon
us.” However, after much higgling, and presents made to the more
important men, a day is fixed for cultivation to begin, and the
clearing and manuring of the fields proceeds as before[53]. But while
Gujerat was still possessed by hundreds of petty feudal chiefs under
the Mahratta rule, previous to the establishment of the British
Agency in 1821, the exactions of tribute by the Baroda government
were so extreme, and enforced by so violent means[54], that
cultivation was almost neglected; the towns and villages swarmed
with idlers, who subsisted upon milk and ghee from their cows, while
indolence and inactivity affected the whole community[55]. A dreadful
famine had “raged with destructive fury” over Gujerat and Kattiwar
for more than one year about 1812-13-14, which was followed, not
by a contagious fever, but by the true bubo-plague.
If the English historian’s language, “agricultura defecit,” with
reference to the tribute exacted by Rufus, have that fitness which
we have reason to expect from him,—Higden varies it to “ita ut
agricultura cessaret et fames succederet,”—then the famine and
mortality about the years 1094-5 were due to no less remarkable a
cause than a refusal to cultivate the land. It is not to be supposed
that the incubus of excessive tribute passed away with the accession
of Henry I. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle repeats the complaint of
heavy taxation in connexion with bad harvests and murrains in 1103,
1105 and 1110[56]. Severe winters, or autumn floods, with murrains
and scarcity, are recorded also for the years 1111, 1115, 1116, 1117,
1124 and 1125, the famine of 1125 having been attended with a
mortality, and having been sufficiently great and general to be
mentioned by several chroniclers[57]. In the midst of these years of
scarcity and its effects upon the population, there occurs one
singular entry of another kind in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, under
the year 1112: “This was a very good year, and very abundant in
wood and in field; but it was a very sad and sorrowful one, through
a most destructive pestilence[58].” Under the year 1130, the annalist
of the Welsh monastery of Margan, who is specially attentive to
domestic events, records a murrain of cattle all over England, which
lasted several years so that scarcely one township escaped the pest,
the pigsties becoming suddenly empty, and whole meadows swept
of their cattle. It is to the same murrain that the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle refers under the year 1131: in towns where there had
been ten or twelve ploughs going there was not one left, and the
man who had 200 or 300 swine had not one left; after that died the
domestic fowls.
These things happened from time to time in the comparatively
prosperous reign of Henry I. But with the death of Henry in 1135,
there began a state of misery and lawlessness lasting almost to the
accession of Henry II. in 1154, beside which the former state of
England was spoken of as “most flourishing[59].” Besides the
barbarities of the Scots and the Welsh on the northern and western
marches[60], there were the civil wars of the factions of King Stephen
and the Empress Maud, and the cruelties and predations of the
unruly nobles under the walls of a thousand newly-built strongholds.
A graphic account of the condition of England remains to us from the
pen of an eyewitness, the observant author of the Gesta
Stephani[61]. Under the year 1143 he writes that there was most dire
famine in all England; the people ate the flesh of dogs and horses or
the raw garbage of herbs and roots. The people in crowds pined and
died, or another part entered on a sorrowful exile with their whole
families. One might see houses of great name standing nearly
empty, the residents of either sex and of every age being dead. As
autumn drew near and the fields whitened for the harvest, there was
no one to reap them, for the cultivators were cut off by the pestilent
hunger which had come between. To these home troubles was
added the presence of a multitude of barbarous adventurers,
without bowels of pity and compassion, who had flocked to the
country for military service. The occasion was one of those which
cause the archdeacon of Huntingdon to break out into his elegiac
verse:
“Ecce Stygis facies, consimilisque lues[62].”
“And in those days,” says another, “there was no king in Israel[63].”
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which comes to an end in this scene of
universal gloom, describes how one might go a day’s journey and
never find a man sitting in a town, or the land tilled, and how men
who once were rich had to go begging their bread, concluding with
the words, “And they said openly that Christ and His saints slept.”
Among the penances of Henry II. after the murder of Becket, there
is recorded his charity in feeding during a dearth ten thousand
persons daily from the first of April, 1171, until the harvest[64]. But,
apart from a reference to a flux among the troops in Ireland in 1172,
from errors of diet[65], the long reign of Henry II. is marked by only
one record of general pestilence. It is recorded by the best
contemporary writer, Benedict of Peterborough, and it is the first
instance in which the number of burials in a day (perhaps at
Peterborough) is given. In the year 1175, he says, there was in
England and the adjacent regions a pestilential mortality of men,
such that on many days seven or eight corpses were carried out to
be buried. And immediately upon that pestilential mortality there
followed a dire famine[66]. It is to be observed that the famine is
explicitly stated to have come after the pestilence, just as in the
great mortality of 1087; and, as in the latter case, it may be that a
hard winter, with scarcity of food, brought a general sickness, and
that the scarcity had been raised to famine point by a second bad
harvest. The entry in the chronicle of Melrose for 1173 may refer to
Scotland only: a bad kind of cough, unheard of before, affected
almost everyone far and wide, whereof, “or from which pest,” many
died. This is perhaps the only special reference to “tussis” as
epidemic until the influenzas of the seventeenth century.
The comparative freedom of the long reign of Henry II. from famines
and national distress probably arose as much from good government
as from the clemency of the seasons. The country was growing rich
by foreign trade. In 1190 the two leading Jews of York, Joyce and
Benedict, were occupying residences in the heart of the town like
royal palaces in size and in the sumptuousness of their furniture. The
same historian, William of Newburgh, who records the king’s
protection of these envied capitalists, mentions also his protection of
“the poor, the widows and the orphans,” and his liberal charities.
That the king’s protection of his poorer subjects was not unneeded,
would be obvious if we could trust the extraordinary account of the
keen traders of London which is put by Richard of Devizes into the
mouth of a hostile witness[67]. The peoples of all nations, it appears,
flocked to London, each nationality contributing to the morals of the
capital its proper vices and manners. There was no righteous person
in London, no, not one; there were more thieves in London than in
all France[68]. In the entirely different account, of the same date, by
an enthusiastic Londoner, the monk Fitz-Stephen, the only “plagues”
of London are said to be “the immoderate drinking of fools and the
frequency of fires.” The city and suburbs had one hundred and
twenty-six small parish churches, besides thirteen greater conventual
churches; and it was a model to all the world for religious
observances. “Nearly all the bishops, abbots, and magnates of
England are, as it were, citizens and freemen of London; having
there their own splendid houses, to which they resort, where they
spend largely when summoned to great councils by the king or by
their metropolitan, or drawn thither by their own private affairs[69].”
The archdeacon of London, of the same date, Peter of Blois, in a
letter to the pope, Innocent III., concerning the extent of his duties
and the smallness of his stipend, gives the parish churches in the
city at one hundred and twenty, and the population at forty
thousand[70]. The Germans who came in the train of Richard I. on
his return to England in 1194, after his release from the hands of the
emperor, were amazed at the display of wealth and finery which the
Londoners made to welcome back the king; if the emperor had
known the riches of England, they said, he would have demanded a
heavier ransom[71]. The ransom, all the same, required a second, or
even a third levy before it was raised, owing, it was said, to
peculation; and the ecclesiastics, who held a large part of the soil,
appear to have had so little in hand to pay their share that they had
to pledge the gold and silver vessels of the altar[72].
The year of Richard’s accession, 1189, is given by the annalist of the
Welsh monastery of Margan, as a year of severe famine and of a
mortality of men. Probably it was a local famine, and it may well
have been the same in which Giraldus Cambrensis says that he
himself saw crowds of poor people coming day after day to the
gates of the monastery of Margan, so that the brethren took counsel
and sent a ship to Bristol for corn[73]. The great and general famine
with pestilence in Richard’s time was in the years 1193, 1194, 1195,
1196 and 1197, and it appears to have been felt in France, in the
basin of the Danube, and over all Europe, as well as in England. Of
the pestilence which came with it in England we have an
exceptionally full account from the pen of William of Newburgh. The
monastery in which William wrote his history was situated among
woods by the side of a stream under the Hambledon hills in
Yorkshire, on the road between York and the mouth of the Tees; so
that when he says of this famine and pestilence, “we speak what we
do know, and testify what we have seen,” he may be taken as
recording the experience of a sufficiently typical region of rural
England.
His narrative of the pestilence[74] is given under the year 1196,
which was the fourth year of the scarcity or famine: After the crowds
of poor had been dying on all sides of want, a most savage plague
ensued, as if from air corrupted by dead bodies of the poor. This
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