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THE
UNFINISHED
NATION
A Concise History of the
American People
Volume 2: From 1865
Eighth Edition

Alan Brinkley
Columbia University

with Contributions from

John Giggie
University of Alabama

Andrew Huebner
University of Alabama
THE UNFINISHED NATION: A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, VOLUME 2,
EIGHTH EDITION
Published by McGraw-Hill Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121. Copyright © 2016 by McGraw-Hill
Education. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2014, 2010, and 2008.
No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database
or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education, including, but not limited to, in
any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.
Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the
United States.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 DOC/DOC 1 0 9 8 7 6 5
ISBN 978-1-259-28475-5
MHID 1-259-28475-1

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Brinkley, Alan.
   The unfinished nation: a concise history of the American people / Alan
Brinkley, Columbia University; with contributions from John Giggie, University of Alabama;
Andrew Huebner, University of Alabama. — Eighth edition.
    pages cm
   ISBN 978-0-07-351333-1 (alkaline paper) — ISBN 0-07-351333-4
(alkaline paper)
1. United States—History. I. Giggie, John Michael, 1965- II. Huebner,
Andrew. III. Title.
  E178.1.B827 2016
  973—dc23
2015025264
The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website
does not indicate an endorsement by the authors or McGraw-Hill Education, and McGraw-Hill Education
does not guarantee the accuracy of the information presented at these sites.
mheducation.com/highered
ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins Professor of History at Columbia University. He

served as university provost at Columbia from 2003 to 2009. He is the author of Voices of
Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression, which won the 1983
National Book Award; American History: Connecting with the Past; The End of Reform:
New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War; Liberalism and Its Discontents; Franklin D.
Roosevelt; and The Publisher: Henry Luce and His American Century. He is board chair of
the National Humanities Center, board chair of the Century Foundation, and a trustee of
Oxford University Press. He is also a member of the Academy of Arts and Sciences. In
1998–1999, he was the Harmsworth Professor of History at Oxford University, and in
2011–2012, the Pitt Professor at the University of Cambridge. He won the Joseph R.
Levenson Memorial Teaching Award at Harvard and the Great Teacher Award at Columbia.
He was educated at Princeton and Harvard.

John Giggie is associate professor of history and African American studies at the
University of Alabama. He is the author of After Redemption: Jim Crow and the
Transformation of African American Religion in the Delta, 1875–1917, editor of America
Firsthand, and editor of Faith in the Market: Religion and the Rise of Commercial Culture.
He is currently preparing a book on African American religion during the Civil War. He has
been honored for his teaching, most recently with a Distinguished Fellow in Teaching award
from the University of Alabama. He received his PhD from Princeton University.

Andrew Huebner is associate professor of history at the University of Alabama. He is

the author of The Warrior Image: Soldiers in American Culture from the Second World War
to the Vietnam Era and has written and spoken widely on the subject of war and society in
the twentieth-century United States. He is currently working on a study of American fami-
lies and public culture during the First World War. He received his PhD from Brown
University.

• ix
BRIEF CONTENTS

PREFACE XXIII

15 RECONSTRUCTION AND THE NEW SOUTH 351

16 THE CONQUEST OF THE FAR WEST 380

17 INDUSTRIAL SUPREMACY 404

18 THE AGE OF THE CITY 427

19 FROM CRISIS TO EMPIRE 454

20 THE PROGRESSIVES 487

21 AMERICA AND THE GREAT WAR 518

22 THE NEW ERA 543

23 THE GREAT DEPRESSION 563

24 THE NEW DEAL 587

25 THE GLOBAL CRISIS, 1921–1941 611

26 AMERICA IN A WORLD AT WAR 628

27 THE COLD WAR 653

28 THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY 678

29 THE TURBULENT SIXTIES 707

30 THE CRISIS OF AUTHORITY 736

31 FROM “THE AGE OF LIMITS” TO THE AGE OF REAGAN 766

32 THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION 789

APPENDIX 823
GLOSSARY 851
INDEX 855

x•
 CONTENTS
PREFACE XXIII

15 RECONSTRUCTION AND THE NEW SOUTH 351

THE PROBLEMS OF PEACEMAKING 352
The Aftermath of War and Emancipation 352
Competing Notions of Freedom 352
Plans for Reconstruction 354
The Death of Lincoln 355
Johnson and “Restoration” 357
RADICAL RECONSTRUCTION 358
The Black Codes 358
The Fourteenth Amendment 358
The Congressional Plan 359
The Impeachment of Andrew Johnson 362
THE SOUTH IN RECONSTRUCTION 362
The Reconstruction Governments 362
Education 364
Landownership and Tenancy 364
Incomes and Credit 364
The African American Family in Freedom 365
THE GRANT ADMINISTRATION 366
The Soldier President 366
The Grant Scandals 367
The Greenback Question 367
Republican Diplomacy 368
THE ABANDONMENT OF RECONSTRUCTION 368
The Southern States “Redeemed” 368
Waning Northern Commitment 369
The Compromise of 1877 369
The Legacy of Reconstruction 371
THE NEW SOUTH 371
The “Redeemers” 371
Industrialization and the New South 372
Tenants and Sharecroppers 373
African Americans and the New South 373
The Birth of Jim Crow 374
Debating the Past: Reconstruction 356
Consider the Source: Southern Blacks Ask for Help, 1865 360
Patterns of Popular Culture: The Minstrel Show 376
CONCLUSION 378
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 379
RECALL AND REFLECT 379

16 THE CONQUEST OF THE FAR WEST 380

THE SOCIETIES OF THE FAR WEST 381
The Western Tribes 381
Hispanic New Mexico 382
Hispanic California and Texas 382
The Chinese Migration 383
• xi
xii • CONTENTS

Anti-Chinese Sentiments 385

Migration from the East 386
THE CHANGING WESTERN ECONOMY 386
Labor in the West 387
The Arrival of the Miners 387
The Cattle Kingdom 388
THE ROMANCE OF THE WEST 390
The Western Landscape and the Cowboy 390
The Idea of the Frontier 391
THE DISPERSAL OF THE TRIBES 393
White Tribal Policies 394
The Indian Wars 395
The Dawes Act 397
THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE WESTERN FARMER 398
Farming on the Plains 398
Commercial Agriculture 399
The Farmers’ Grievances 401
The Agrarian Malaise 402
Debating the Past: The Frontier and the West 392
Consider the Source: Walter Baron Von Richthofen, Cattle Raising on the Plains in
North America, 1885 400
CONCLUSION 402
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 403
RECALL AND REFLECT 403

17 INDUSTRIAL SUPREMACY 404

SOURCES OF INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 405
Industrial Technologies 405
The Technology of Iron and Steel Production 406
The Automobile and the Airplane 407
Research and Development 408
The Science of Production 408
Railroad Expansion and the Corporation 410
CAPITALIST CONSERVATISM AND ITS CRITICS 412
Survival of the Fittest 412
The Gospel of Wealth 413
Alternative Visions 417
The Problems of Monopoly 419
THE ORDEAL OF THE WORKER 419
The Immigrant Workforce 419
Wages and Working Conditions 420
Emerging Unionization 421
The Knights of Labor 422
The American Federation of Labor 422
The Homestead Strike 423
The Pullman Strike 424
Sources of Labor Weakness 424
Consider the Source: Andrew Carnegie Explains the Gospel of Wealth, 1889 414
Patterns of Popular Culture: The Novels of Horatio Alger 416
CONCLUSION 425
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 425
RECALL AND REFLECT 426
 CONTENTS • xiii

18 THE AGE OF THE CITY 427

THE NEW URBAN GROWTH 428
The Migrations 428
The Ethnic City 429
Assimilation and Exclusion 431
THE URBAN LANDSCAPE 433
The Creation of Public Space 434
The Search for Housing 435
Urban Technologies: Transportation and
Construction 436
STRAINS OF URBAN LIFE 436
Fire and Disease 437
Environmental Degradation 437
Urban Poverty, Crime, and Violence 438
The Machine and the Boss 438
THE RISE OF MASS CONSUMPTION 440
Patterns of Income and Consumption 440
Chain Stores, Mail-Order Houses, and Department Stores 441
Women as Consumers 441
LEISURE IN THE CONSUMER SOCIETY 443
Redefining Leisure 443
Spectator Sports 444
Music, Theater, and Movies 445
Patterns of Public and Private Leisure 446
The Technologies of Mass Communication 447
The Telephone 447
HIGH CULTURE IN THE URBAN AGE 448
Literature and Art in Urban America 448
The Impact of Darwinism 449
Toward Universal Schooling 450
Universities and the Growth of Science and Technology 450
Medical Science 451
Education for Women 452
America in the World: Global Migrations 432
Consider the Source: John Wanamaker, the Four Cardinal Points of the
Department Store, 1874 442
CONCLUSION 452
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 453
RECALL AND REFLECT 453

19 FROM CRISIS TO EMPIRE 454

THE POLITICS OF EQUILIBRIUM 455
The Party System 455
The National Government 456
Presidents and Patronage 457
Cleveland, Harrison, and the Tariff 458
New Public Issues 459
THE AGRARIAN REVOLT 460
The Grangers 460
The Farmers’ Alliances 460
The Populist Constituency 462
Populist Ideas 462
THE CRISIS OF THE 1890s 462
The Panic of 1893 463
xiv • CONTENTS

The Silver Question 464

“A Cross of Gold” 465
The Conservative Victory 466
McKinley and Recovery 466
STIRRINGS OF IMPERIALISM 468
The New Manifest Destiny 468
Hawaii and Samoa 468
WAR WITH SPAIN 472
Controversy over Cuba 472
“A Splendid Little War” 473
Seizing the Philippines 476
The Battle for Cuba 476
Puerto Rico and the United States 478
The Debate over the Philippines 478
THE REPUBLIC AS EMPIRE 481
Governing the Colonies 481
The Philippine War 482
The Open Door 484
A Modern Military System 485
America in the World: Imperialism 470
Patterns of Popular Culture: Yellow Journalism 474
Consider the Source: Platform of the American Anti-Imperialist League, 1899 480
CONCLUSION 485
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 486
RECALL AND REFLECT 486

20 THE PROGRESSIVES
THE PROGRESSIVE IMPULSE 488
487

The Muckrakers and the Social Gospel 489

The Settlement House Movement 491
The Allure of Expertise 492
The Professions 492
Women and the Professions 493
WOMEN AND REFORM 493
The “New Woman” 494
The Clubwomen 494
Woman Suffrage 495
THE ASSAULT ON THE PARTIES 496
Early Attacks 496
Municipal Reform 497
Statehouse Progressivism 497
Parties and Interest Groups 498
SOURCES OF PROGRESSIVE REFORM 498
Labor, the Machine, and Reform 499
Western Progressives 501
African Americans and Reform 501
CRUSADES FOR SOCIAL ORDER AND REFORM 503
The Temperance Crusade 503
Immigration Restriction 503
The Dream of Socialism 504
Decentralization and Regulation 504
THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND THE MODERN PRESIDENCY 505
The Accidental President 505
 CONTENTS • xv

The “Square Deal” 506

Roosevelt and the Environment 507
Panic and Retirement 509
THE TROUBLED SUCCESSION 510
Taft and the Progressives 510
The Return of Roosevelt 510
Spreading Insurgency 511
Roosevelt versus Taft 512
WOODROW WILSON AND THE NEW FREEDOM 512
Woodrow Wilson 512
The Scholar as President 514
Retreat and Advance 515
America in the World: Social Democracy 490
Debating the Past: Progressivism 500
Consider the Source: John Muir on the Value of Wild Places, 1901 508
CONCLUSION 516
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 516
RECALL AND REFLECT 517

21 AMERICA AND THE GREAT WAR 518

THE “BIG STICK”: AMERICA AND THE WORLD, 1901–1917 519
Roosevelt and “Civilization” 519
Protecting the “Open Door” in Asia 520
The Iron-Fisted Neighbor 520
The Panama Canal 521
Taft and “Dollar Diplomacy” 522
Diplomacy and Morality 522
THE ROAD TO WAR 524
The Collapse of the European Peace 524
Wilson’s Neutrality 524
Preparedness versus Pacifism 525
Intervention 525
“OVER THERE” 527
Mobilizing the Military 527
The Yanks Are Coming 529
The New Technology of Warfare 530
Organizing the Economy for War 532
The Search for Social Unity 533
THE SEARCH FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER 535
The Fourteen Points 535
The Paris Peace Conference 536
The Ratification Battle 536
A SOCIETY IN TURMOIL 537
The Unstable Economy 537
The Demands of African Americans 538
The Red Scare 540
Refuting the Red Scare 540
The Retreat from Idealism 541
Consider the Source: Race, Gender, and World War I Posters 528
Patterns of Popular Culture: George M. Cohan, “Over There,” 1917 534
CONCLUSION 541
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 542
RECALL AND REFLECT 542
xvi • CONTENTS

22 THE NEW ERA

THE NEW ECONOMY 544
543

Technology, Organization, and Economic Growth 544

Workers in an Age of Capital 545
Women and Minorities in the Workforce 548
Agricultural Technology and the Plight of the Farmer 551
THE NEW CULTURE 551
Consumerism and Communications 551
Women in the New Era 554
The Disenchanted 555
A CONFLICT OF CULTURES 556
Prohibition 556
Nativism and the Klan 557
Religious Fundamentalism 558
The Democrats’ Ordeal 558
REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT 559
Harding and Coolidge 559
Government and Business 560
Consider the Source: America’s Early Telephone Network 546
America in the World: The Cinema 552
CONCLUSION 562
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 562
RECALL AND REFLECT 562

23 THE GREAT DEPRESSION

THE COMING OF THE DEPRESSION 564
563

The Great Crash 564

Causes of the Depression 565
Progress of the Depression 567
THE AMERICAN PEOPLE IN HARD TIMES 568
Unemployment and Relief 569
African Americans and the Depression 570
Hispanics and Asians in Depression America 570
Women and Families in the Great Depression 573
THE DEPRESSION AND AMERICAN CULTURE 574
Depression Values 574
Radio 574
The Movies 575
Literature and Journalism 578
The Popular Front and the Left 579
THE ORDEAL OF HERBERT HOOVER 581
The Hoover Program 581
Popular Protest 582
The Election of 1932 584
The “Interregnum” 585
America in the World: The Global Depression 566
Consider the Source: Mr. Tarver Remembers the Great Depression 572
Patterns of Popular Culture: The Golden Age of Comic Books 576
CONCLUSION 586
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 586
RECALL AND REFLECT 586
 CONTENTS • xvii

24 THE NEW DEAL

LAUNCHING THE NEW DEAL 588
587

Restoring Confidence 588

Agricultural Adjustment 589
Industrial Recovery 590
Regional Planning 591
The Growth of Federal Relief 592
THE NEW DEAL IN TRANSITION 593
The Conservative Criticism of the New Deal 593
The Populist Criticism of the New Deal 596
The “Second New Deal” 598
Labor Militancy 598
Organizing Battles 599
Social Security 600
New Directions in Relief 601
The 1936 “Referendum” 602
THE NEW DEAL IN DISARRAY 603
The Court Fight 603
Retrenchment and Recession 603
LIMITS AND LEGACIES OF THE NEW DEAL 606
African Americans and the New Deal 606
The New Deal and the “Indian Problem” 607
Women and the New Deal 607
The New Deal and the West 608
The New Deal, the Economy, and Politics 608
Debating the Past: The New Deal 594
Consider the Source: Franklin D. Roosevelt Speaks on the Reorganization of the
Judiciary 604
CONCLUSION 609
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 610
RECALL AND REFLECT 610

25 THE GLOBAL CRISIS, 1921–1941

THE DIPLOMACY OF THE NEW ERA 612
611

Replacing the League 612

Debts and Diplomacy 613
Hoover and the World Crisis 613
ISOLATIONISM AND INTERNATIONALISM 616
Depression Diplomacy 616
The Rise of Isolationism 617
The Failure of Munich 618
FROM NEUTRALITY TO INTERVENTION 619
Neutrality Tested 619
The Campaign of 1940 623
Neutrality Abandoned 623
The Road to Pearl Harbor 625
America in the World: The Sino-Japanese War, 1931–1941 614
Patterns of Popular Culture: Orson Welles and the “War of the Worlds” 620
Consider the Source: Joint Statement by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister
Churchill 624
CONCLUSION 626
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 627
RECALL AND REFLECT 627
xviii • CONTENTS

26 AMERICA IN A WORLD AT WAR

WAR ON TWO FRONTS 629
628

Containing the Japanese 629

Holding Off the Germans 630
America and the Holocaust 631
THE AMERICAN ECONOMY IN
WARTIME 633
Prosperity and the Rights of Labor 633
Stabilizing the Boom and Mobilizing
Production 634
Wartime Science and Technology 634
RACE AND ETHNICITY IN WARTIME AMERICA 635
African Americans and the War 635
Native Americans and the War 636
Mexican American War Workers 637
The Internment of Japanese Americans 637
Chinese Americans and the War 639
ANXIETY AND AFFLUENCE IN WARTIME CULTURE 639
Home-Front Life and Culture 639
Love, Family, and Sexuality in Wartime 640
The Growth of Wartime Conservatism 642
THE DEFEAT OF THE AXIS 643
The European Offensive 644
The Pacific Offensive 646
The Manhattan Project and Atomic Warfare 649
Consider the Source: The Face of the Enemy 638
Debating the Past: The Decision to Drop the Atomic Bomb 648
CONCLUSION 651
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 652
RECALL AND REFLECT 652

27 THE COLD WAR

ORIGINS OF THE COLD WAR 654
653

Sources of Soviet–American Tension 654

Wartime Diplomacy 655
Yalta 655
THE COLLAPSE OF THE PEACE 658
The Failure of Potsdam 658
The China Problem and Japan 659
The Containment Doctrine 659
The Conservative Opposition to Containment 659
The Marshall Plan 660
Mobilization at Home 661
The Road to NATO 661
Reevaluating Cold War Policy 663
AMERICA AFTER THE WAR 663
The Problems of Reconversion 663
The Fair Deal Rejected 665
The Election of 1948 666
The Fair Deal Revived 667
The Nuclear Age 668

THE KOREAN WAR 669

The Divided Peninsula 669
 CONTENTS • xix

From Invasion to Stalemate 671

Limited Mobilization 671

THE CRUSADE AGAINST SUBVERSION 672

HUAC and Alger Hiss 672
The Federal Loyalty Program and the Rosenberg Case 673
McCarthyism 673
The Republican Revival 676
Debating the Past: The Cold War 656
Consider the Source: National Security Council Paper No. 68 (NSC-68) 664
Debating the Past: McCarthyism 674
CONCLUSION 676
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 677
RECALL AND REFLECT 677

28 THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY

THE ECONOMIC “MIRACLE” 679
678

Economic Growth 679

The Rise of the Modern West 680
Capital and Labor 681
THE EXPLOSION OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 682
Medical Breakthroughs 682
Pesticides 683
Postwar Electronic Research 684
Postwar Computer Technology 684
Bombs, Rockets, and Missiles 684
The Space Program 685
PEOPLE OF PLENTY 686
The Consumer Culture 687
The Suburban Nation 687
The Suburban Family 687
The Birth of Television 688
Travel, Outdoor Recreation, and Environmentalism 689
Organized Society and Its Detractors 692
The Beats and the Restless Culture of Youth 692
Rock ’n’ Roll 693
THE OTHER AMERICA 694
On the Margins of the Affluent Society 694
Rural Poverty 695
The Inner Cities 695
THE RISE OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT 696
The Brown Decision and “Massive Resistance” 696
The Expanding Movement 697
Causes of the Civil Rights Movement 698
EISENHOWER REPUBLICANISM 698
“What Was Good for . . . General Motors” 699
The Survival of the Welfare State 699
The Decline of McCarthyism 699
EISENHOWER, DULLES, AND THE COLD WAR 700
Dulles and “Massive Retaliation” 700
France, America, and Vietnam 700
Cold War Crises 701
The U-2 Crisis 702
Patterns of Popular Culture: On the Road 690
xx • CONTENTS

Consider the Source: Eisenhower Warns of the Military–Industrial Complex 704

CONCLUSION 705
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 706
RECALL AND REFLECT 706

29 THE TURBULENT SIXTIES

EXPANDING THE LIBERAL STATE 708
707

John Kennedy 708

Lyndon Johnson 710
The Assault on Poverty 711
Cities, Schools, and Immigration 712
Legacies of the Great Society 712
THE BATTLE FOR RACIAL EQUALITY 713
Expanding Protests 713
A National Commitment 716
The Battle for Voting Rights 717
The Changing Movement 717
Urban Violence 720
Black Power 720
“FLEXIBLE RESPONSE” AND THE COLD WAR 721
Diversifying Foreign Policy 721
Confrontations with the Soviet Union 722
Johnson and the World 723
THE AGONY OF VIETNAM 724
America and Diem 724
From Aid to Intervention 725
The Quagmire 725
The War at Home 727
THE TRAUMAS OF 1968 729
The Tet Offensive 731
The Political Challenge 731
Assassinations and Politics 732
The Conservative Response 733
Debating the Past: The Civil Rights Movement 714
Consider the Source: Fannie Lou Hamer on the Struggle
for Voting Rights 718
Patterns of Popular Culture: The Folk-Music Revival 728
America in the World: 1968 730
CONCLUSION 734
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 734
RECALL AND REFLECT 735

30 THE CRISIS OF AUTHORITY

THE YOUTH CULTURE 737
736

The New Left 737

The Counterculture 739
THE MOBILIZATION OF MINORITIES 740
Seeds of Indian Militancy 741
The Indian Civil Rights Movement 741
Latino Activism 742
Gay Liberation 744
 CONTENTS • xxi

THE NEW FEMINISM 745

The Rebirth 745
Women’s Liberation 746
Expanding Achievements 746
The Abortion Issue 747
ENVIRONMENTALISM IN A TURBULENT SOCIETY 747
The New Science of Ecology 748
Environmental Advocacy 748
Earth Day and Beyond 749
NIXON, KISSINGER, AND THE VIETNAM WAR 750
Vietnamization 750
Escalation 750
“Peace with Honor” 751
Defeat in Indochina 753
NIXON, KISSINGER, AND THE WORLD 753
The China Initiative and Soviet–American Détente 753
Dealing with the Third World 754
POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN THE NIXON YEARS 755
Domestic Initiatives 755
From the Warren Court to the Nixon Court 758
The 1972 Landslide 759
The Troubled Economy 759
The Nixon Response 760
THE WATERGATE CRISIS 761
The Scandals 761
The Fall of Richard Nixon 763
Consider the Source: Demands of the New York High School Student Union 738
America in the World: The End of Colonialism 756
Debating the Past: Watergate 762
CONCLUSION 764
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 765
RECALL AND REFLECT 765

31 FROM “THE AGE OF LIMITS” TO THE AGE

OF REAGAN 766
POLITICS AND DIPLOMACY AFTER WATERGATE 767
The Ford Custodianship 767
The Trials of Jimmy Carter 769
Human Rights and National Interests 769
The Year of the Hostages 770
THE RISE OF THE NEW CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT 771
The Sunbelt and Its Politics 771
Religious Revivalism 771
The Emergence of the New Right 773
The Tax Revolt 774
The Campaign of 1980 774
THE “REAGAN REVOLUTION” 775
The Reagan Coalition 777
Reagan in the White House 779
“Supply-Side” Economics 779
The Fiscal Crisis 780
Reagan and the World 781
xxii • CONTENTS

AMERICA AND THE WANING OF THE COLD WAR 782

The Fall of the Soviet Union 782
The Fading of the Reagan Revolution 783
The Presidency of George H. W. Bush 784
The Gulf War 785
The Election of 1992 786
Consider the Source: Ronald Reagan on the Role of Government 776
CONCLUSION 787
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 788
RECALL AND REFLECT 788

32 THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION

A RESURGENCE OF PARTISANSHIP 790
789

Launching the Clinton Presidency 790

The Republican Resurgence 791
Clinton Triumphant and Embattled 793
Impeachment, Acquittal, and Resurgence 793
The Election of 2000 794
The Presidency of George W. Bush 795
The Election of 2008 796
Obama and His Opponents 800
Obama and the Challenge of Governing 801
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE NEW ECONOMY 802
The Digital Revolution 803
The Internet 803
Breakthroughs in Genetics 804
A CHANGING SOCIETY 805
A Shifting Population 805
African Americans in the Post–Civil Rights Era 805
The Abortion Debate 807
AIDS and Modern America 808
Gay Americans and Same-Sex Marriage 809
The Contemporary Environmental Movement 813
AMERICA IN THE WORLD 815
Opposing the “New World Order” 815
Defending Orthodoxy 816
The Rise of Terrorism 816
The War on Terror 818
The Iraq War 818
America after the Iraq War 820
Patterns of Popular Culture: Rap 798
Consider the Source: Same-Sex Marriage, 2015 810
America in the World: The Global Environmental Movement 812
CONCLUSION 821
KEY TERMS/PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS 822
RECALL AND REFLECT 822

APPENDIX 823
GLOSSARY 851
INDEX 855
 PREFACE

THE title The Unfinished Nation is meant to suggest several things. It is a reminder of America’s
exceptional diversity—of the degree to which, despite all the many efforts to build a
single, uniform definition of the meaning of American nationhood, that meaning remains contested.
It is a reference to the centrality of change in American history—to the ways in which the nation
has continually transformed itself and continues to do so in our own time. And it is also a descrip-
tion of the writing of American history itself—of the ways in which historians are engaged in a
continuing, ever unfinished, process of asking new questions.
Like any history, The Unfinished Nation is a product of its time and reflects the views of the
past that historians of recent generations have developed. The writing of our nation’s history—like
our nation itself—changes constantly. It is not, of course, the past that changes. Rather, historians
adjust their perspectives and priorities, ask different kinds of questions, and uncover and incorporate
new historical evidence. There are now, as there have always been, critics of changes in historical
understanding who argue that history is a collection of facts and should not be subject to “interpre-
tation” or “revision.” But historians insist that history is not simply a collection of facts. Names and
dates and a record of events are only the beginning of historical understanding. Writers and readers
of history interpret the evidence before them, and inevitably bring to the task their own questions,
concerns, and experiences.
Our history requires us to examine the many different peoples and ideas that have shaped
American society. But it also requires us to understand that the United States is a nation whose
people share many things: a common political system, a connection to an integrated national (and
now international) economy, and a familiarity with a powerful mass culture. To understand the
American past, it is necessary to understand both the forces that divide Americans and the forces
that draw them together.
It is a daunting task to attempt to convey the history of the United States in a single book, and
the eighth edition of The Unfinished Nation has, as have all previous editions, been carefully writ-
ten and edited to keep the book as concise and readable as possible.
In addition to the content and scholarship updates that are detailed on pages xxix–xxx, we
have strengthened the pedagogical features with an eye to the details. We added a glossary of
historical terms and bolded those terms within the text where significantly discussed. These terms,
along with key names, places, and events, are listed at the end of chapters to help students review.
All of the Consider the Source features now include concise introductions that provide context for
the documents. Every Consider the Source, Debating the Past, Patterns of Popular Culture, and
America in the World feature is referenced within the narrative, for a clearer indication of how the
different lines of inquiry work together to create a vivid and nuanced portrait of each period. Margin
notes have been reinstated as well, at the request of reviewers who missed this feature from earlier
editions.
It is not only the writing of history that changes with time—the tools and technologies through
which information is delivered change as well. New learning resources include:
∙ McGraw-Hill Connect®—an integrated educational platform that seamlessly joins superior
content with enhanced digital tools (including SmartBook®) to deliver a personalized learning
experience that provides precisely what students need—when and how they need it. New visual
analytics, coupled with powerful reporting, provide immediate performance perspectives.
Connect makes it easy to keep students on track.

• xxiii
xxiv • PREFACE

∙ SmartBook®—an adaptive eBook that makes study time as productive and efficient as pos-
sible. It identifies and closes knowledge gaps through a continually adapting reading expe-
rience that provides personalized learning resources such as narrated map videos; key point
summaries; time lines; and labeling activities at the precise moment of need. This ensures
that every minute spent with SmartBook is returned to the student as the most value-added
minute possible.
∙ Critical Missions—an activity within Connect History that immerses students in pivotal
moments in history. As students study primary sources and maps, they advise a key historical
figure on an issue of vital importance—for example, should President Truman drop the atomic
bomb on Japan?
∙ Primary Source Primer—a video exercise in Connect History with multiple-choice questions.
The primer teaches students the importance of primary sources and how to analyze them. This
online “Introduction to Primary Sources” is designed for use at the beginning of the course, to
save valuable class time.
∙ Create™—a service that allows professors to create a customized version of The Unfinished
Nation by selecting the chapters and additional primary source documents that best fit their
course, while adding their own materials if desired. Register at www.mcgrawhillcreate.com to
build a complimentary review copy.
∙ McGraw-Hill Campus—a first-of-its-kind institutional service that provides faculty with true,
single sign-on access to all of McGraw-Hill’s course content, digital tools, and other high-quality
learning resources from any learning management system (LMS). This innovative offering allows
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Connect, McGraw-Hill LearnSmart, McGraw-Hill Create, and Tegrity. McGraw-Hill Campus
­covers our entire content library, including eBooks, assessment tools, presentation slides, and
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content, and much more.

Alan Brinkley
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
carrying her that respect and reverence, as if she had been his
mother. And she again in her discretion, advised him in some things
that concerned himself, and in other things that touched herself; in
all shewing great affection and sisterly care of him. The young king
would burst forth in tears, grieving matters could not be according
to her will and desire. And when the duke his uncle did use her
with straitness and want of liberty, he besought her to have
patience until he had more years, and then he would remedy all.
When she was to take leave, he seemed to part from her with
sorrow; he kissed her, he called for some jewel to present her, he
complained that they gave him no better to give her. Which noted
by his tutors, order was taken that these visits should be very rare,
alleging that they made the king sad and melancholy; and
consulted to have afflicted her officer and servants; for that
contrary to the then made law, she had public Mass in her chapel, if
they could draw any consent from the king. But he, upon no
reasons, would ever give way to it, and commanded strictly that
she might have full liberty of what she would. He sent to her,
inquiring if they gave her any trouble or molestation, for if they did,
it was against his will, and he would see her contented. But it was
not safe, nor did it stand with prudence, as the times went, for the
Lady Mary to complain” (The Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria,
pp. 61-62).
[255] Gregorio Leti in his Historia di Elisabetta publishes a letter
written by Elizabeth to the Admiral (vol. i., p. 171) in which she
declined the offer of his hand. There is no possibility of verifying
the fact, as the original letter to which Leti had access has since
disappeared; but as he has proved himself careful in instances
which have been verified, there is no reason to doubt his accuracy
in those which cannot be submitted to a like scrutiny.
[256] Ellis’s Letters, vol. ii., p. 151, 1st series.
[257] Lansdowne MS. 1236, f. 26. Printed in Ellis’s Letters, vol. ii.,
p. 149, 1st series (a facsimile of this letter in Mary’s own hand is on
the next page).
[258] Leti, Historia di Elisabetta, vol. i., p. 180. Printed in Letters
of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, vol. iii., p. 193.
[259] Record Office, State Papers, vol. vi., 19, 20, 21, 22 Feb.
1549.
[260] Journal of King Edward’s Reign, written in the King’s own
hand.
[261] Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. ii., p. 187.
[262] Latimer’s Sermons, 1st edition, 4th sermon. The passage
was expunged in the later editions.
[263] Add. MS. 5151, f. 308, Brit. Mus.
[264] Statutes of the Realm, iv., 110.
[265] Ridley ordered the altars in his diocese to be taken down, as
occasions of great superstition and error; and tables to be set in
their room, in some convenient place in the chancel or choir. The
Catholics ridiculed the tables as “oyster-boards” (Strype, Annals of
the Reformation, p. 355).
[266] Acts of the Privy Council, new series, vol. ii., p. 312, edited
by John Roche Dasent.
[267] Lansdowne MS. 1236, f. 28, Brit. Mus.
[268] Lemon, Dom., Edward VI., vol. i., p. 22, art. 51.
[269] Acts of the Privy Council, vol. ii., p. 291, new series.
[270] Foxe, vol. vi., p. 12.
[271] Journal of King Edward’s Reign, 21.
[272] Turnbull, Cal. State Papers, Edward VI., Foreign, 1547-53, p.
75.
[273] Turnbull, Cal. State Papers, Edward VI., Foreign, 1547-53, p.
137.
[274] Turnbull, Cal. State Papers, Edward VI., Foreign, 1547-53, p.
137.
[275] Acts of the Privy Council, vol. iii., p. 239, new series.
[276] Ibid.
[277] Ibid., p. 240.
[278] Ibid., p. 329.
[279] Harl. MS. 352, f. 186. Ellis’s Letters, vol. ii., p. 176, 1st
series.
[280] Acts of the Privy Council, vol. iii., p. 336 et seq., new series.
[281] Acts of the Privy Council, vol. iii., p. 348 et seq.
[282] Turnbull, Cal. State Papers, Foreign, p. 53. Strype,
Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii., pt. i., p. 457.
[283] Lansdowne MS. 2, f. 141.
[284] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol vi., p. 354, Cattley’s ed.
[285] Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii., pt. i., p. 444.
[286] Sharon Turner, History of England, vol. xi., p. 325 note.
 CHAPTER IX.
THE COMING OF THE QUEEN.
1553.
The hereditary enmity between Charles V. and the King of France,
which in its earliest stages had deluged Europe with blood, and had
made of the city of Rome a shambles, was in its later developments
the cause of most of the troubles of Mary’s reign. Scarcely was it
whispered that Edward lay dying, when England became at once the
political battlefield of their conflicting interests.
Charles opened the campaign by sending over from Brussels three
envoys extraordinary, ostensibly to visit the King, but really to watch
Mary’s case in the interest of the empire. These envoys were Jean
de Montmorency Sieur de Corrières, Jacques de Mornix Sieur de
Toulouse, and last, though by no means the least, Simon Renard,
who was destined to play an important part in Mary’s future. France
too was immediately in the field, and Henry II. despatched two
envoys to the coast, with instructions to remain at Boulogne till
further orders, while de Noailles, his ambassador in England, made
overtures to Northumberland of French aid in the event of foreigners
attempting to disturb the tranquillity of the realm.
Charles’s aim was to bring about a marriage between his son and
his cousin, as soon as Mary might be sure of reigning, in the hope
that their issue would exclude the next legitimate heir to the throne
of England, the young Scottish Queen already betrothed to the
Dauphin. On the other hand, Henry’s object was of course to defeat
this project, to prevent Mary Tudor if possible from succeeding to
her inheritance, to place obstacles in the way of any marriage that
might be proposed, and above all to hinder by every means in his
power, her union with the Prince of Spain.
 Mary was no politician. The diplomacy under which she had
suffered had not taught her to meet treachery with dissimulation
and fraud with cunning. She could arm herself at all points for
defence, but she was not a good dissembler. “To be plain with you,”
was an expression natural to her, and all her words and actions were
plain, clean-cut and unmistakable. Her letters are a distinct contrast
to Elizabeth’s monuments of mystification, framed to confuse, if not
altogether to mislead. Perhaps Mary’s greatest misfortune was that
she was born fifty years too late. Her virtues and her faults were
those of a past, or rapidly passing, age. She belonged by every fibre
of her nature to the old order, while the world about her was holding
out eager arms to the Renaissance, to the new life that was so well
worth living, the new learning that added a fresh impetus to
intellectual pursuits, to the new religion that was to lead men away
from the purgative into the illuminative way, abolishing good works
as snares of the Evil One. The world was advancing; Mary with a few
kindred spirits was reactionary, and if for a while, her popularity was
as great, the nation’s love for her as enthusiastic as ever, it was
because people were still more than half unconscious of the new
forces at work among them. England was not yet Protestantised.
The legislation of five or six years had not overcome the habits of
thought formed by nine centuries, and although a new generation
had sprung up since the rupture with Rome, believing that Pope
spelt arch-enemy, the greater number of Englishmen were in all
other respects Catholics by choice. But as strong as their particular
fear of Rome was their general distrust of all foreigners, and
especially of Spaniards; and the French ambassador took care to
keep that distrust alive, and to increase it by every means in his
power.
Edward lay dying, but no sign was allowed to transpire of the
revolution that was intended. The Council Registers are a blank, save
for significant entries concerning the removal of artillery from the
ships and forts to the Tower. But these ominous if silent preparations
did not escape the notice of the imperial envoys, who kept close
watch, to prevent a surprise.
 The young King breathed his last on the evening of the 6th July,
but it had been arranged that the event should be kept secret, till all
was in readiness for the great stroke. The guards were doubled in
the palace, and every care was taken that the outer world should
still ask anxiously for news from the sick chamber. Nevertheless, that
same night, Mary was informed of her brother’s death. She had
ridden from Hunsdon, where she was then residing, towards
London, and was expected by the conspirators at court, whence she
would have been at once transferred in safe custody to the Tower.
At Hoddesden, however, she was met by a secret messenger,
bringing the fateful news. Putting spurs to her horse, she rode into
the eastern counties, with the intention of gaining Kenninghall, a
house in Norfolk left to her by Henry VIII., the gift being confirmed
by a grant of the second year of Edward VI. On the way, she
stopped to rest at the house of Mr. Huddleston of Sawston, and in
consequence of her prompt action, while she was under this
hospitable roof, the bubble blown by Northumberland burst sooner
than had been intended. On leaving Sawston, Mary looked back
from the summit of a neighbouring hill, and saw smoke rising from
the house that had sheltered her. The rebels had set fire to it,
thinking that she was still there. It was burned to the ground, but
after the rebellion, the Queen granted to Mr. Huddleston the
materials from the ruins of Cambridge Castle, with which to rebuild
his home.[287] Hengrave Hall was the next halting-place, whence
John Bourchier, Earl of Bath, accompanied her with a considerable
force to Kenninghall. [288] From thence, she sent proclamations into
all parts of the country, announcing her accession, and calling her
loyal subjects to her aid. Among the muniments of Condover Hall,
Shropshire, is a letter from Mary dated six days after Edward’s
death, and addressed to the Mayor of Chester, summoning the
inhabitants of that part of the county to raise as great a force as
possible, and repair to her at Kenninghall, or elsewhere in Norfolk,
“wherefore right trusty and well-beloved, as ye be true Englishmen,
fail ye not”.
 With her were the Earl of Sussex, the Lord Mordaunt, Sir William
Drury, Sir John Shelton, Sir Henry Bedingfeld, Sir Henry Jerningham,
besides the Earl of Bath and his contingent. As her whereabouts
became known, numbers flocked to her standard. In two days, she
found herself at the head of 30,000 men, and while the conspirators
were taking possession of the Tower, of the Crown, of the Crown
jewels and the revenues, Mary without a single accessory of royalty,
without arms or money, was gathering round her the flower of the
nobility, and was issuing manifestoes to the whole kingdom, as
calmly as if she were already undisputed mistress of the realm.
When it became known that the Duke of Northumberland was
advancing with an army, she removed her quarters to Framlingham,
a strongly fortified house belonging to the Duke of Norfolk, who had
been a prisoner in the Tower ever since 1546.[289] A report was
circulated that the Council was about to execute him, together with
the rest of the State prisoners, Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester,
deprived for religion, and Edward Courtenay, son of the Marquis of
Exeter who was beheaded in the same cause in 1538.[290] On the
10th July, Jane was proclaimed Queen.
“Item the x. day of the same month, after vii. o’clock at night was
made a proclamation at the Cross in Cheap by three herolds and one
trumpet, with the King’s Sheriff of London, Master Garrard, with
divers of the guards, for Jane, the Duke of Suffolk’s daughter to be
Queen of England (but few or none said ‘God save her’) the which
was brought the same afternoon from Richmond unto Westminster,
and so unto the Tower of London by water.”[291] At the same time,
the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth were declared illegitimate, and
all estates and degrees were called upon to be obedient to their
lawful sovereign, Queen Jane. A vintner’s boy in the crowd ventured
to protest against the usurpation, and for his temerity was nailed to
the pillory by the ears, both of which were amputated before he
could be set free.[292]
 Earlier in the day, the demise of the Crown had been announced
in London, and when the Lady Jane arrived at the Tower, she was
surrounded with as much state as was possible. The Lord Treasurer
presented her ceremoniously with the Crown; all knelt as she passed
by; her train was carried by her mother, the Duchess of Suffolk. But
the space at the disposal of the new court was extremely limited,
the Tower being crowded with prisoners, as well as with the
members of the new government, who were all lodged there for
safety.
In spite of the lack of enthusiasm, and the silence with which Jane
was received, even in Protestant London, the imperial ambassadors
thought Mary’s determined attitude “strange, difficult and
dangerous,” fearing that in four days she would be in the hands of
the Council. Though the people hated Northumberland for his
ambition, and dreaded him for his tyranny, and though they gave
credit to the rumours that Edward had been poisoned,[293] even
Mary’s friends were of the opinion that it would be necessary to
appeal to the Emperor to place her on the throne. This, the
ambassadors thought, would in no wise diminish the affection of the
country for her, so entirely was she beloved by the people. [294]
Their view of the desperate character of her resistance was
strengthened by the information that Northumberland had sent his
son Lord Henry Dudley into France, to solicit troops, and that 6000
French soldiers were expected shortly to embark at Dieppe and
Boulogne.
On the 11th, a letter from Mary, addressed to the Lords of the
Council was brought to the Tower. It ran as follows:—
“My Lords,
“We greet you well, and have received sure advertisement that our
dearest brother the King, our late sovereign lord, is departed to God’s
mercy; which news, how woeful they be unto our heart, he only knoweth,
to whose will and pleasure, we must and do, humbly submit us and our
wills. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit, now after his
Majesty’s departure and death, concerning the crown and governance of
this realm of England, with the title of France, and all things thereto
belonging, what hath been provided by act of Parliament, and the
testament and last will of our dearest father, beside other circumstances
advancing our right, you know, the realm and the whole world knoweth;
the rolls and records appear by the authority of the King our said father,
and the King our said brother, and the subjects of this realm; so that we
verily trust that there is no true good subject that is, can or would pretend
to be, ignorant thereof. And of our part we have of ourselves caused, and
as God shall aid and strengthen us, shall cause, our right and title in this
behalf to be published and proclaimed accordingly. And albeit this so
weighty a matter seemeth strange, that our said brother, dying upon
Thursday at night last past, we hitherto had no knowledge from you
thereof, yet we consider your wisdom and prudence to be such, that
having eftsoons amongst you debated, pondered, and well weighed this
present case with our estate, with your own estate, the commonwealth
and all our honours, we shall and may conceive great hope and trust, with
much assurance in your loyalty and service; and therefore for the time,
interpret and take things not to the worst; and that ye will like noblemen
work the best. Nevertheless, we are not ignorant of your consultations to
undo the provisions made for our preferment, nor of the great bands and
provisions forcible, wherewith ye be assembled and prepared, by whom,
and to what end, God and you know, and nature can but fear some evil.
But be it that some consideration politic, or whatsoever thing else hath
moved you thereto; yet doubt you not my lords, but we can take all these
your doings in gracious part, being also right ready to remit and fully
pardon the same, and that freely, to eschew bloodshed and vengeance
against all those that can or will intend the same; trusting also assuredly,
you will take and accept this grace and virtue in good part, as
appertaineth, and that we shall not be enforced to use the service of
other our true subjects and friends, which in this our just and right cause,
God, in whom our whole affiance is, shall send us. Wherefore my lords,
we require you and charge you, and every of you, that of your allegiance,
which you owe to God and us, and to none other, for our honour, and the
surety of our person, only employ yourselves, and forthwith, upon receipt
hereof, cause our right and title to the crown and governance of this
realm to be proclaimed in our city of London, and other places, as to your
wisdom shall seem good, and as to this case appertaineth; not failing
hereof, as our very trust is in you. And this our letter signed with our
hand, shall be your sufficient warrant in this behalf.
“Given under our signet at our manor of Kenninghall, the 9th of July
1553.”
 This display of courage made no impression on the conspirators,
and they made answer:—
“Madam,
“We have received your letters the 9th of this instant, declaring your
supposed title, which you judge yourself to have, to the imperial crown of
this realm, and all the dominions thereunto belonging. For answer
whereof, this is to advertise you, that for as much as our sovereign lady
queen Jane is after the death of our sovereign lord Edward the 6th, a
prince of most noble memory, invested and possessed with the just and
right title in the imperial crown of this realm, not only by good order of old
ancient laws of this realm, but also by our late sovereign lord’s letters
patent, signed with his own hand, and sealed with the great Seal of
England, in presence of the most part of the nobles, councillors, judges,
with divers other grave and sage personages, assenting and subscribing
to the same. We must therefore of most bound duty and allegiance assent
unto her said grace, and to none other, except we should, which faithful
subjects cannot, fall into grievous and unspeakable enormities. Wherefore
we can no less do, but for the quiet both of the realm and you also, to
advertise you, that forasmuch as the divorce made between the King of
famous memory Henry 8th and the lady Katherine, your mother, was
necessary to be had, both by the everlasting laws of God, and also by the
ecclesiastical laws, and by the most part of the noble and learned
universities of Christendom, and confirmed also by the sundry acts of
Parliament, remaining yet in their force, and thereby you justly made
illegitimate and unheritable to the crown imperial of this realm, and the
rules and dominions, and possessions of the same, you will, upon just
consideration hereof, and of divers other causes lawful to be alleged for
the same, and for the just inheritance of the right line and godly order,
taken by the late King our sovereign lord King Edward the 6th, and agreed
upon by the nobles and great personages aforesaid, surcease by any
pretence, to vex and molest any of our sovereign lady Queen Jane her
subjects, from their true faith and allegiance unto her grace: assuring you,
that if you will for respect, show yourself quiet and obedient, as you
ought, you shall find us all and several ready to do you any service that
we with duty may, and be glad with your quietness, to preserve the
common state of this realm: wherein you may be otherwise grievous unto
us, to yourself and to them. And thus we bid you most heartily well to
fare.
“From the Tower of London, in this 9th July 1553.
“Your ladyship’s friends, showing yourself an obedient subject.”
 Then follow the signatures of all the members of the Council,
thus:—
“Thomas Canterbury, the Marquis of Winchester, John Bedford,
Will. Northampton, Thomas Ely, chancellor; Northumberland, Henry
Suffolk, Henry Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Cobham, R. Rich,
Huntingdon, Darcy, Cheney, R. Cotton, John Gates, W. Peter, W.
Cecill, John Cheeke, John Mason, Edward North, R. Bowes”.[295]
The confident tone of the above letter concealed the real
sentiments of the conspirators. The Duke of Suffolk had been
commissioned by Northumberland to march into Norfolk, seize
Mary’s person, and bring her a prisoner to London. But Jane
besought her father with tears not to leave her, and Northumberland
reluctantly took the command of the rebel troops himself. As they
marched through Shoreditch, he observed to Sir John Gates, “The
people crowd to look upon us, but not one exclaims God speed
ye!”[296]
He had no illusions about the attitude of the citizens, and trusted
more to an eloquent and fiery appeal to their Protestantism, than to
the hope of overawing them with the shadow of a sovereignty, for
which they evinced undisguised contempt. Before leaving London,
therefore, he charged the ministers of religion to expatiate in their
sermons on the benefits to be derived from the reign of a Protestant
queen, and thus work on their religious feelings. Ridley, Bishop of
London, was the preacher at Paul’s Cross on the 16th July. He
declaimed violently against Mary, and sought to persuade his hearers
that she would bring in foreign power, and subvert all Christian
religion already established. He stigmatised her religion as a “popish
creed,” and herself as “the idolatrous rival” of Queen Jane. He
related the story of his visit to her at Hunsdon, and remarked on the
significance of her refusal to listen to his preaching, adding that
“notwithstanding in all other points of civility, she showed herself
gentle and tractable, yet in matters that concerned truth, faith and
doctrine—so stiff and obstinate that there was no other hope of her
to be conceived, but to disturb and overturn all that which with so
great labours had been confirmed and planted by her brother afore”.
[297]

The people listened in unwonted and unsympathetic silence. They

had not yet learned to associate the claims of inheritance with those
of religious convictions. It would have seemed to them preposterous,
that Mary should forfeit her right to reign, because she professed the
religion practised by every one of her predecessors, with the single
exception of Edward, who had died before escaping from tutelage.
Ridley’s language was reported seditious, and when, after Mary’s
proclamation, the Bishop of London hastened to Framlingham to
stultify all that he had said, by laying his homage at the Queen’s
feet, he was arrested at Ipswich, deprived of his dignities, and sent
to the Tower.[298]
The Duke of Northumberland, meanwhile, reached Bury with an
army of 8,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry, only to find that he had
been declared a rebel, and that a price had been put upon his head.
He would have pushed on towards Framlingham, but disheartened
by the hourly desertion of his followers to Mary’s standard, he
ordered a retreat to Cambridge. Six ships, fully armed and manned,
had been sent to lie in wait off Yarmouth, in order to intercept Mary
should she attempt to fly the realm. Sir Henry Jerningham, who was
raising troops in her behalf, boarded them each in turn, and would
have taken their captains prisoners, the whole of the crews declaring
for Mary, and expressing themselves willing to deliver them up:—
“Then the mariners axed master Gernyngham what he would
have, and whether he would have their captains or no, and he said
‘yea marry’. Said they ‘ye shall have them, or else we shall throw
them to the bottom of the sea’. The captains, seeing this perplexity,
said forthwith they would serve Queen Mary gladly, and so came
forth with their men, and conveyed certain great ordinance, of the
which coming in of the ships, the lady Mary and her company were
wonderful joyous, and then afterward doubted greatly the Duke’s
puissance.”[299]
Scarcely had Northumberland left the Tower, when the news was
brought that Mary had been proclaimed at Norwich, that Sir Edward
Peckham and Sir Edward Hastings, Lord Windsor and others were
out proclaiming her in Buckinghamshire, and worst news of all, that
the ships had surrendered instantly to Jerningham. “Each man then,”
says the Chronicle of Queen Jane, “began to pluck in his horns,” and
when a messenger arrived from Oxfordshire, with tidings that Sir
John Williams was holding the county for Mary, the Earl of Pembroke
and Sir Thomas Cheney tried to get out of the Tower to feel the
pulse of London. But Suffolk kept all the members of the Council in a
sort of honourable captivity,[300] and the matter required some nice
handling. The Council Registers, which contain no entries relating to
the Lady Jane’s brief reign, certify that on the 16th July, Queen
Mary’s friends in four counties, numbering in all 10,000, assembled
at Paget’s house at Drayton, and marched to Westminster, where
they took possession of the arms and ammunition stored in the
palace, “for the better furnishing of themselves in the defence of the
Queen’s Majesty’s person and her title”. Money was so scarce that no
regular pay could be given to the soldiers, the captain of each band
being charged to relieve at his own discretion those who were
plainly necessitous, “but in such sort that it appear not otherwise but
to be of his own liberality”.[301]
Paget, it appears from the above, though shut up in the Tower,
was in friendly communication with the loyalists; and it is evident
from Cecil’s own account of his submission, that the moment
Northumberland had left, the various members of the Council began
to plot against him. On the 19th July, the Lords Treasurer, Privy Seal,
Arundel, Shrewsbury and Pembroke, with Sir Thomas Cheney and Sir
John Masone succeeded, under pretext of receiving the French
ambassador, in getting out of the Tower, and having communicated
with the Lord Mayor, were at once joined by that dignitary, the
Recorder, and a deputation of aldermen. They assembled at
Baynard’s Castle, and the Earl of Arundel opened the proceedings by
censuring Northumberland’s ambition. As he finished speaking,
Pembroke, drawing his sword, exclaimed: “If the arguments of my
lord Arundel do not persuade you, this sword shall make Mary
queen, or I will die in her quarrel”. Shouts of applause answered
him, and the Duke of Suffolk, who had been sent for, signed the
proclamation. The summons had convinced him that all was lost,
and he ordered his men to leave their weapons behind them. He
proclaimed Mary on Tower Hill, before joining the other members of
the Council. They then all rode through the City, and proclaimed her
at Paul’s Cross, after which Arundel and Paget were despatched to
lay the submission of the Council at her feet.[302]
According to the Grey Friars’ Chronicle, “The choir sang Te Deum
with the organs going and the bells ringing, as most parts all. And
the same night had the [most] part of London to dinner, with
bonfires in every street of London, with good cheer at every bonfire;
and the bells ringing in every parish-church, for the most part all
night till the next day to None.”
A newsletter in Ralph Starkey’s collection says, “Great was the
triumph here at London; for my time I never saw the like, and by
the report of others, the like was never seen. The number of caps
that were thrown up at the proclamation were not to be told. The
Earl of Pembroke threw away his cap full of angellettes. I saw
myself, money was thrown out at windows for joy. The bonfires were
without number, and what with shouting and crying of the people,
and ringing of the bells, there could no one hear almost what
another said, besides banquettings and singing in the street for
joy.”[303]
Even Foxe, Mary’s bitterest enemy, admitted that “God so turned
the hearts of the people to her, and against the Council, that she
overcame them without bloodshed, notwithstanding there was made
great expedition against her both by sea and land”.[304]
 Jane, having left her apartments in ignorance of what was
happening, to stand sponsor at the baptism of the child of Edward
Underhill in St. John’s Chapel, found on her return that the cloth of
estate, and other insignia of royalty had disappeared from her
presence chamber, by order of the Duke of Suffolk himself. The
Crown had passed for ever from her, and there was no alternative
but a hasty retreat into that private life, from which it would have
been well for her had she never been drawn.
So much extravagant language has been employed by the
partisans of the Lady Jane Grey, in describing her virtues and
accomplishments, while her youth and tragic end make her so
interesting a figure, that it is scarcely wonderful if we find it difficult
to form a sober opinion of one, who appeared for a moment in our
annals, and as the price of that appearance, laid her fair young head
upon the block. The charm that failed to draw even a murmur of
applause from her contemporaries, when she was thrust upon them
as Queen has been potent ever since, and there are few who do not
unconsciously canonise her on account of her misfortunes.
She had been educated severely, in the same kind of intellectual
school as that, in which the daughters of Henry VIII. and the
learned family of Sir Thomas More had also distinguished
themselves. She was a good Latin and Greek scholar, and was
further well versed in the doctrines of the Genevan Reformers. The
instrument of Northumberland’s ambitious schemes, she had
passively acquiesced in the dignity conspired for her, but once raised
to the throne, the timid girl of sixteen had suddenly displayed the
obstinacy which she had inherited from her Tudor grandmother, and
had evinced spirit and determination enough to refuse to share her
supposed title with her husband.[305] Had the bold stroke
succeeded, which placed the Crown for a moment in her hands, her
father-in-law might have lived to repent his temerity.
It would be obviously unfair to hold Jane responsible for all that
was done in her name, but although Mary’s temper showed itself the
reverse of vindictive, it must have cost the Queen an effort, to
forgive the nine days’ usurper the letter which purported to have
been written by her to the Marquis of Northampton, announcing her
accession, and requiring his allegiance and defence of her title,
against “the feigned and untrue claim of the Lady Mary, bastard
daughter to our great-uncle, Henry the Eighth of famous memory”.
The draft of this letter, in Northumberland’s hand, and endorsed by
Cecil “First copy of a letter to be written by the Lady Jane when she
came from the Tower,” is in the British Museum, as is also the copy
made by a clerk and signed by Jane. This second copy was
afterwards endorsed by the Duke “Jana non Regina”.[306] On the
news reaching the Duke of Northumberland that the Council had
submitted to Mary, and that immediately the troops had testified
their satisfaction in a volley of artillery, he saw that further
resistance would be suicidal. He threw up his cap and shouted,
“Long live Queen Mary! so laughing that the tears ran down his face
with grief”.[307] In less than an hour, he was summoned to disband
his army, and commanded not to approach London within ten miles.
He remained at Cambridge, and when that place, following the
example of Great Yarmouth, Colchester and Bury declared for Mary,
he was arrested by the municipality, but released on the Queen’s
proclamation, ordering every man to go to his own home, till further
orders. Scarcely however did he breathe freely, when the Earl of
Arundel arrived to apprehend him on a charge of high treason. Over
and above the guilt which he shared with the whole Council, he had
borne arms against his lawful sovereign, and was suspected of
having offered Calais to the French as the price of their support. At
once guessing why Arundel had come, he fell on his knees, and with
a craven spirit begged him to be good to him for the love of God.
“And consider,” he added, “I have done nothing but by the consent
of you all, and all the whole Council.” He went to the Tower, guarded
by 4,000 soldiers, and was lodged in the Beauchamp Tower, whence
he wrote abjectly to Arundel: “Oh that it would please her good
Grace to give me life, yea the life of a dog, if I might live and kiss
her feet; and spend both life and all in her humble service, as I have
the best part already, under her worthy brother and most glorious
father”.
Northumberland was, justly enough, the scapegoat; but as he had
said, no member of the Council came out of the matter with clean
hands. All had signed the will which the Duke had dictated to
Edward, enfeebled by his mortal disease, and dexterously worked up
to a pitch of fanaticism that made him oblivious of justice. But Cecil’s
proceedings were, by his own showing, perhaps the most
despicable. In his written submission[308] to Queen Mary, after
beseeching her clemency, he went on to confess that his conduct
throughout the plot had been guided by the one consideration of
saving his skin whole. He had shuffled as long as he dared brave the
Duke’s irritation, and had given in only, when the odds in favour of
the conspirators seemed overwhelming. But when Northumberland
had charged him to proclaim the Lady Jane, he had shifted the
responsibility of the act on to Throckmorton, “whose conscience I
saw was troubled therewith, misliking the matter”. The document
ends with the pious invocation:—
“Justus adjutorium meus Dominus qui salvos facit rectos corde. God
save the Queen in all felicity.
“W. Cecill.”

Sir William Petre had also tried to make compromises with the
Duke, but had succumbed, on being told that unless he agreed to
the whole plan he could no longer retain his office of Secretary of
State. Each day brought Mary fresh conquests. After a nine days’
rebellion, without a single blow having been struck in her defence,
she was proclaimed Queen in every town in England. Her journey to
London was a triumphal progress. Antoine de Noailles, the French
ambassador, who had so lately conspired with Edward’s Council, and
who was to be the evil genius of the new reign, rode twenty-five
miles into the country to meet and congratulate the Queen in his
master’s name, offering her the whole of the French forces, in
support of her right. At Wanstead, she was joined by the Lady
Elizabeth, who had prudently abstained from taking sides, till it
should be clear where success lay. She had declined
Northumberland’s overtures, and offers of large sums of money, but
had equally avoided moving a finger in Mary’s cause, pleading an
illness, which however allowed her to recover opportunely, when the
Queen was about to take possession of her capital. Mary greeted her
affectionately, embraced all her ladies, and assigned her the next
place in the royal cortège after herself.[309] Together they entered
the City of London at Aldgate, on the 3rd August, and rode through
the densely crowded streets, the multitude rending the air with
shouts of joy. Elizabeth was too clever not to estimate at its real
value the contrast presented by the two sisters on this striking
occasion. In spite of their loyalty and enthusiasm in realising the
reward of their long devotion, the people could not fail to observe,
that the Queen at thirty-seven, worn with trouble and sickness, was
eclipsed by Elizabeth’s twenty years.
Elizabeth was tall and majestic, more gracious than beautiful, pale
of complexion, with fine eyes, and hands that were admired for their
whiteness and elegance. It was noticed that she knew how to use
them effectively.[310]
At the Tower, where according to custom, the Queen was to reside
pending her brother’s obsequies, the State prisoners of the two
preceding reigns were kneeling on the Green, in front of the
scaffold. These were the Duchess of Somerset, who had been in
captivity since the execution of her husband; the aged Duke of
Norfolk; Edward Courtenay, son of the Marquis of Exeter, beheaded
in 1538; Tunstal and Gardiner, the deprived Bishops of Durham and
Winchester. Gardiner, in the name of them all, congratulated Mary on
her accession, and without complaining of the injustice of their
detention expressed their joy at seeing her victorious over her
enemies.[311]
“Ye are my prisoners!” exclaimed the Queen, bursting into tears.
Embracing them all, she ordered them to be released at once, and
took them with her to the royal apartments. Their goods, their rank,
their sees were restored. The next day, Gardiner was sworn a
member of the Privy Council, and three weeks later, was made Lord
Chancellor of England.
The names of twenty-seven persons concerned in the rebellion
were handed to the Queen. Of these she struck out sixteen, leaving
eleven to be tried. These were again reduced to seven—the Duke of
Northumberland, his son the Earl of Warwick, the Marquis of
Northampton, Sir John Gates, Sir Henry Gates, Sir Andrew Dudley
and Sir Thomas Palmer. The law then took its course, and they were
condemned to death. But Mary again intervened; four were
reprieved, and three only of the ringleaders, the Duke of
Northumberland, Sir John Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer, his chief
advisers, were executed. The Emperor urged her in vain to include
the Lady Jane in the number of those to be tried for high treason.
The Queen spoke warmly in her defence, and declared that she was
less guilty than he believed her to be. Usurper though she had been,
she was but a tool, and Mary would not have her punished for
another’s crime. She had returned to the Tower as a prisoner, along
with her husband, but was allowed great freedom within its
precincts. The danger of her pretensions was, Mary declared,
imaginary, but every precaution should be taken before she was
restored to liberty.[312] With unprecedented mildness, the Queen
had been inclined to pardon even Northumberland, but Charles put
pressure on her to sign his death-warrant. The Duke made no
defence at his trial, and on the scaffold admitted his crime,
expressed penitence, and declared that he died a member of the
Catholic and Roman Church.[313]
Whether Mary was persuaded of Jane’s innocence on the ground
that the girl was scarcely a free agent, or whether the letter which
Jane wrote to her as a prisoner,[314] turned the balance in her
favour, is not clear, but it is certain that the Queen’s treatment of her
rival at this time was magnanimous to imprudence, as the sequel
showed. As for the other delinquents, no rebellion had ever been
quenched with so little effusion of blood. Far otherwise had been
Henry’s reprisals after the northern rising, far other the crushing of
the insurgents in Edward’s reign. Had the punishment of the rebels
rested entirely with Mary, she would have signalised her advent with
a full and general amnesty. The Duchess of Suffolk had thrown
herself at the Queen’s feet, imploring the pardon and release of her
husband, both of which she obtained immediately; but strange as it
appears, it is not on record that she even attempted to plead for her
daughter.[315]
More stringent measures at the outset would no doubt have
averted the serious disturbances of the following year, and
afterwards; and the opinion of Charles V., that to punish the authors
of sedition was to nip the revolution in the bud, was justified in the
event. He had insisted on the execution of Northumberland and his
lieutenants, but more than this he had not obtained. The people had
little respect or gratitude for a clemency which they did not
understand.

FOOTNOTES:
[287] “He (Mr. Huddleston) was highly honoured afterwards by
Queen Mary, and deservedly. Such the trust she reposed in him that
(when Jane Grey was proclaimed Queen) she came privately to him
to Salston, and rid thence behind his servant (the better to disguise
herself from discovery) to Framlingham castle. She afterwards
made him (as I have heard) her privy councillor and (besides other
great boons) bestowed the bigger part of Cambridge Castle (then
much ruined) upon him, with the stones whereof he built his fair
house in this county” (Fuller, Worthies, i., p. 168).
[288] “A sketch of Hengrave Hall, Suffolk,” by Sir Henry Rookwood
Gage.
[289] Henry had confiscated the place on the attainder of the
Duke of Norfolk. The Duke requested pathetically that he would be
pleased to bestow it on the royal children as it was “stately gear”.
Mary restored it to its rightful owner.
[290] Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, d’après les
manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Besançon, publiés sous la
direction de M. Ch. Weiss, tom. iv., p. 31.
[291] Cotton MS. Vit. F. xii., Brit. Mus. Printed in the Chronicle of
Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary, p. 110, appendix.
[292] Holinshed, 1084.
[293] This was so generally believed, that the Emperor told Mary
that she ought to put to death all the conspirators who had any
hand in the late King’s death (Renard apud Griffet, p. 11).
[294] Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, p. 39.
[295] Foxe, vol. vi., p. 385.
[296] Stow, 610, 611.
[297] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. vi., p. 389. Burnet, vol. ii.,
p. 384. Holinshed, 1087. Bishop Godwin says that “he was scarce
heard out with patience” (Life of Ridley by the Rev. Gloucester
Ridley, LL.B., p. 415).
[298] According to Foxe he “had such cold welcome” at
Framlingham, “that being despoiled of all his dignities, he was sent
back on a lame, halting horse to the Tower” (vol. vi., p. 390).
[299] Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 8.
[300] De Noailles, Ambassades, i., p. 222.
[301] Acts of the Privy Council, vol. iv., p. 297.
[302] Harl. MS. 353, f. 139 et seq., Brit. Mus.
[303] The Chronicle of Queen Jane, etc., p. 11.
[304] Acts and Monuments, vol. vi., p. 388.
[305] “Dissi loro che se la corona s’ appetava a me, io sarei
contenta di fare il mio marito Duca ma non consentirei di farlo Rè”
(Pollini, Istoria ecclesiastica della rivoluzione d’Inghilterra, p. 357).
[306] The draft is the Lansdowne MS. 3, f. 24, the copy with
Jane’s signature No. 1236 in the same collection.
[307] De Noailles, Ambassades, vol. i., p. 225.
[308] “A Brief Note of my submission and of my doings,”
Lansdowne MS. 102, f. 2, Brit. Mus.; printed by Tytler, England
under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, vol. ii., p. 192.
[309] The Ambassadors of Charles V. to their Master, 6th August
1553, Record Office.
[310] Armand Baschet, La Diplomatie Vénitienne au Seizième
Siècle, p. 128. The Venetian ambassador Sorranzo describes Mary
about this time as “d’une taille plutôt petite que grande, d’une
carnation blanche, mêlée de rouge, et très-maigre; elle a les yeux
gros et gris, les cheveux roux et la figure ronde, avec le nez peut-
être un peu bas et large: en somme, si par suite de son âge elle ne
commençait un peu à marcher vers son déclin, on pourrait plutôt la
dire belle que laide” (ibid., p. 121).
[311] De Noailles, Ambassades, vol. i., p. 228.
[312] Harl. MS. 284, f. 127, Brit. Mus.
[313] Foxe says that he was induced to make this profession by a
promise of pardon; but this assumption appears to be purely
gratuitous.
[314] Pollini, p. 355. For the text of this letter see Appendix C to
this volume.
[315] It is remarkable that active as the Duchess of Suffolk had
been in the usurpation, she was always treated by Mary with
consideration and even confidence.
 CHAPTER X.
AGAINST THE TIDE.
July-December 1553.
Mary’s opportunity was in many ways a splendid one. From her
earliest youth, the new Queen had been the hope, the admiration,
the delight of the English people, and the poet expressed no mere
conceit in the words:—
Il n’est cœur si triste qui ne rie
En attendant la princesse Marie.

The whole country welcomed her as one man, and it may be truly
said that it was the affection of Englishmen, no less than their loyalty
that had placed her on the throne. Nevertheless, she was beset with
difficulties. The art of reigning as she understood it was part and
parcel of the mediæval system, but it needed a spirit touched with
the inspiration of the new age, to direct the restless activities of a
nation already beginning to be permeated with the Renaissance.
While she looked back to the past, her people had emancipated
themselves from mediæval traditions.
Moulding her conduct on the ideals which she had venerated from
her youth upwards, she regarded the new needs and tendencies
with suspicion and dislike; and thus gradually a breach was formed
between herself and the nation. She had its interests as sincerely at
heart as any English monarch either before or after her, but those
interests, as she understood them, were hopelessly at variance with
the seething crowd of ideas that were transforming the life of the
people.
With intense honesty of purpose, Mary stood at the parting of the
ways, between a mediævalism that seemed good in her eyes, and a
progress that all her experience had taught her to interpret as
revolution. It was partly her inability to distinguish between the two,
to seize the good element in the new modes of thought, that
brought about the catastrophe of her reign, and evolved anarchy out
of aspirations, which ably led and controlled, might have contributed
to the welfare of the realm. If it is unfortunate to be born in advance
of one’s age, it is doubly so to be behind it; but if conscientious
motives and earnest endeavour could have compensated for the
mistake, Mary would have won golden opinions instead of hatred
and abuse. But there were difficulties quite independent of her own
limitations. At the outset, the task of forming a government was a
delicate one. Nearly all the statesmen of the time had been
members of Edward’s Council and had proved themselves traitors.
When she had restored the Duke of Norfolk to the Council Board,
had installed Sir John Gage as Constable of the Tower, had made Sir
Henry Jerningham a member of her Privy Council, Vice-Chancellor
and Captain of the Guard, had knighted her faithful Rochester and
set him over her household, had promoted Waldegrave to the charge
of the Grand Wardrobe, and had made Sir Francis Englefield a Privy
Councillor, the most important of the public offices remained to be
filled by those whom she could neither afford to offend nor to
dispense with, but who had all failed at the critical moment. The Earl
of Arundel became Lord Steward, the Marquis of Winchester
retained his office of High Treasurer, while many others of doubtful
loyalty, including Sir William Petre and Sir John Masone, made her
Privy Council a compact body of potential conspirators. Lord Paget,
the most dangerous of all, became Secretary of State and Privy Seal.
Gardiner, henceforth Lord Chancellor, had once vehemently opposed
the validity of her mother’s marriage, although he had since amply
vindicated his claim to Mary’s regard, and stood highest of all in her
counsels, a sufficient answer to the charge so often made that the
Queen had foredoomed Cranmer, because he had pronounced the
sentence of divorce.
Mary lost no time in acquainting the Emperor and the French King
with her resolve to bring back Catholic worship. Henry congratulated