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 #BABYMAKER
~A Medical Romance~

© 2018

By Cassandra Dee and Katie Ford

Want to hear about our newest illicit romance? Addicted to virgins and
alpha males? Join our mailing lists at
www.subscribepage.com/alphamalesontop and get a FREE book just for
joining!
 © 2018 Cassandra Dee and Katie Ford

All Rights Reserved. This book or any portion thereof may not be
reproduced or used in any manner whatsoever without the express
permission of the publisher except for the use of brief quotations in a book
review.

This book is a work of fiction. Any resemblance to persons, living or dead,

or places, events or locations is purely coincidental. The characters are all
productions of the author’s imagination.
Please note that this work is intended only for adults over the age of 18 and
all characters are represented as 18 or over.

Kindle Edition

Follow Cassandra on Facebook

Follow Katie on Facebook

Join our Facebook group Alpha Males on Top

 ALSO BY THE AUTHORS

The #BABYCRAZY Series

#BABYMACHINE

Standalones
His Captive
Buck Me Cowboy
Beg Me: Sold To My Dad’s Boss
Daddy’s Pretty Baby
Loving the Babysitter

Reverse Harem
Seven Brothers of Sin
Six Ways to Sin

The Billionaires Club

Sold at the Auction
Virgin for Sale
Serving Him
Buy Me
Anonymous Encounters
 MFMM Ménage Romance
All the Best Men

MMF Bisexual Romance

Double Dare
Double Exposure
Their Secret

The Falling Series

Falling for My Dad’s Best Friend
Falling for My Boyfriend’s Dad
Falling for My Son’s Best Friend

The Virgin Series

Delivering the Virgin

The Princes Series

Double Princes
Triple Princes

Box Sets
Taking the CEO Home
Love Unbound
 DEDICATION

To all the girls who deserve something amazing.

This one’s for you!
 NOTE FROM CASSIE AND KATIE

Hi! Thanks so much for reading #BABYMAKER: A Billionaire Medical

Romance. I hope you enjoy the steam between Connie and her doctor.
Plus, be sure to join our Facebook group Alpha Males on Top to hear about
new releases, discounts, and freebies.
Love,
Cassie and Katie
 ABOUT THIS BOOK

#BABYMAKER: A Billionaire Medical Romance

He’s my fertility doctor.

But he’ll put a baby in me the old-fashioned way!

Connie’s a twenty something virgin desperate for a baby. But she can’t
afford the sky high prices at Sunset Fertility Clinic.

Dr. Chase Roman’s wanted a child for a long time. And when Connie steps
into his office, suddenly all bets are off … because the curvy girl would be
the perfect mom for his brood!

Hey Readers – Hold your horses because we’re off the reservation with
this one :) Our heroine wants to get pregnant so bad that she’s willing to
do anything, and we mean ANYTHING, to make her dream come true.
As always, there are special bonus stories for your reading enjoyment.
You’ll love them, we promise :) xoxo Cassie and Katie
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

#BABYMAKER
CHAPTER ONE
CHAPTER TWO
CHAPTER THREE
CHAPTER FOUR
CHAPTER FIVE
CHAPTER SIX
CHAPTER SEVEN
CHAPTER EIGHT
CHAPTER NINE
CHAPTER TEN
EPILOGUE
His Princess
CHAPTER 1
CHAPTER 2
CHAPTER 3
CHAPTER 4
CHAPTER 5
CHAPTER 6
CHAPTER 7
CHAPTER 8
CHAPTER 9
CHAPTER 10
CHAPTER 11
CHAPTER 12
CHAPTER 13
 CHAPTER 14
EPILOGUE
Client Number 6
CHAPTER ONE
A SNEAK PEEK
CHAPTER ONE
CHAPTER TWO
CHAPTER THREE
CHAPTER FOUR
MORE BY CASSANDRA DEE
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
 CHAPTER ONE
Connie

I hesitantly step into the fertility clinic with my

friend Ashley.
“Ash,” I whisper. “I feel weird.”
“Don’t worry,” says my friend airily. “No one
knows that we don’t have any money. You can’t tell just by
looking at someone how much they’re worth, silly.”
I nod, trying to look confident. But it’s hard
because the ads online said that we could get fertility treatments for
as little as three thousand per round of IVF. It was a “special deal”
that was only going to be good for a few weeks.
But three thousand is way out of my range because
as a secretary at a small accounting firm, I can’t afford that kind of
money. I can’t afford even two hundred bucks, to be honest.
Between rent, food, and kibble for my cat, there’s not a lot left over
most months.
But I’ve wanted to be a mom for so long, and
unfortunately, Sunset Medical was the only realistic option on my
horizon. My last two relationships went ker-SPLAT! on hot
cement. After they were over, there was egg on my face but not a
lot of doubt as to what I needed to do next.
So when I saw the ad online, I was immediately on
the phone with my best friend Ashley.
“Ash,” I said. “We’ve gotta go to this information
session. There’s no time to wait. We’re getting older, and you
know what the medical community says. Women are most fertile
at age seventeen, and you and I are twenty-five already.”
I could almost hear Ashley making a face on the
other end.
“Connie, relax,” she says soothingly. “Twenty-five
is hardly over the hill. Isn’t the Duchess of Wales pregnant right
now? And she’s thirty-two or something ancient like that.”
That only made my blood pressure go up.
“First, the Duchess of Wales is only thirty-one,” I
said frostily. “Second, Kate Middleton is pregnant with her third
child, and not her first, so she’s a proven commodity. Last, Kate
Middleton is rich as fuck! She can afford multiple rounds of IVF if
that’s what it takes, whereas you know we can’t spare a dime. So
we need to go to this info session,” I say firmly. “We have to cover
our bases before it’s too late.”
Ashley sighs dramatically on the other side.
“Is it free at least?”
“Of course it’s free!” I sputter. “It’s an information
session where they tell you about their services. In fact, I bet they
serve free cake and cookies just to get more guests.”
I can hear Ashley thinking, but I know what the
answer’s going to be. After all, my best friend is just like me. We
went to college, but somehow we weren’t able to land good jobs
after getting our diplomas. So Ashley’s scraping by on a minimum
wage retail job at the mall, and the lure of free food drew her in.
“Okay,” she said magnanimously. “When is it
again?”
“This Thursday,” I said with a sigh of relief. “It’s
just a quick go-see. Afterwards, we can swing by and then head to
my place for pizza and wine. Or soda, if they the doctors say we
shouldn’t drink.”
Ashley lets out another dramatic sigh.
“Okay, but I’m not staying a minute past eight,” she
says in a bossy tone. “We’ve got better things to do. And Connie,
you know you’re not old. Twenty-five is not over the hill. We
don’t need the services of a fertility clinic.”
Biting my lip, I thanked her gratefully and hung up,
but my thoughts were in a darker place. Because I wasn’t so sure
about her statement. How did my blonde friend know that I didn’t
need to see a doctor? I’ve certainly never been pregnant before, so
how could that be proof one way or another?
Plus, the boys that I dated in the past left a lot to be
desired. I’ve only had two boyfriends, and both of them were
terrible. Like hold-your-nose-while-vomiting-in-the-toilet terrible.
Timmy Smith had been cute, but he couldn’t get it up. We tried a
couple times, and he sweated and huffed mightily. But after five
attempts, it was clear he wasn’t going to be able to deliver.
Mike Macchio was even worse. This guy talked a
big game, but when we were in bed, he had a pathetic case of limp
dick. His Big Man on Campus, football player persona was all a
lie. When it came down to sexy times, the guy had a pecker as big
as my little finger that wouldn’t harden despite my best efforts.
So the fertility clinic it was. After all, the two
failures make me doubt myself sometimes. What are the chances
that two guys in their twenties would both experience erectile
dysfunction when it came to hitting the sack? Was there something
about me? Was I causing it? That’s where Sunset Medical came
in.
 Advertised as the best of the best, the clinic had
received five star ratings from the medical board for the last five
years straight. And leading the team was their head physician,
Chase Roman. Dr. Roman was a reproductive specialist who’d
allegedly helped hundreds of women get pregnant and deliver
healthy, cooing babies.
Of course, the ads also featured portraits of Dr.
Roman with his white lab coat on, and I couldn’t help but stare.
Because Dr. Roman wasn’t some nerd with a receding hairline and
stooped shoulders. Instead, Dr. Roman was incredibly handsome
with piercing blue eyes, a head of coal-black hair and shoulders as
broad as a tank. How someone so gorgeous was a doctor was
beyond me, but I wasn’t going to question it.
But now, it was Thursday night and Ashley and I
were at Sunset Medical for the information session. I’d tried to
wear something nicer than usual so as to seem a well-to-do
professional, but Ashley hadn’t even bothered. She was in jeans
and sneakers, scanning the room as soon as we entered.
“Where are the cookies?” she asked in a loud voice.
“Are there free drinks as well?”
“Shhh!” I hissed, frantically looking around. “Don’t
be so obvious!”
Fortunately, no one heard and the other women in
the room continued to stare down at their phones. From our right, a
woman dressed in blue sheath with her hair tied in a smooth bun
approached us.
“Hello, I’m Kathy Miles, Dr. Roman’s receptionist.
Are you here for the information session on women’s
reproduction?”
I nodded.
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 Cæsar, having sent his cavalry on before, followed close after them
with all his forces; but the plan and order of the march were different
from that which the Belgæ had reported to the Nervii. For as he was
approaching the enemy, Cæsar, according to his custom, led on as the
van six legions unencumbered by baggage; behind them he had placed
the baggage trains of the whole army; then the two legions which had
been last raised closed the rear, and were a guard for the baggage train.
Our horse, with the slingers and archers, having passed the river,
commenced action with the cavalry of the enemy. While they from time
to time betook themselves into the woods to their companions, and
again made an assault out of the wood upon our men, who did not dare
to follow them in their retreat further than the limit to which the plain
and open parts extended, in the meantime the six legions which had
arrived first, having measured out the work, began to fortify the camp.
When the first part of the baggage train of our army was seen by those
who lay hid in the woods, which had been agreed on among them as
the time for commencing action, as soon as they had arranged their line
of battle and formed their ranks within the woods, and had encouraged
one another, they rushed out suddenly with all their forces and made an
attack upon our horse. The latter being easily routed and thrown into
confusion, the Nervii ran down to the river with such incredible speed
that they seemed to be in the woods, the river, and close upon us
almost at the same time. And with the same speed they hastened up
the hill to our camp and to those who were employed in the works.
Cæsar had everything to do at one time: the standard to be
displayed, which was the sign when it was necessary to run to arms; the
signal to be given by the trumpet; the soldiers to be called off from the
works; those who had proceeded some distance for the purpose of
seeking materials for the rampart to be summoned; the order of battle
to be formed; the soldiers to be encouraged; the watchword to be
given. A great part of these arrangements was prevented by the
shortness of time and the sudden approach and charge of the enemy.
Under these difficulties two things proved of advantage: first, the skill
and experience of the soldiers, because, having been trained by former
engagements, they could suggest to themselves what ought to be done,
as conveniently as receive information from others; and, secondly, that
Cæsar had forbidden his several lieutenants to depart from the works
 and their respective legions, before the camp
was fortified. These, on account of the near
approach and the speed of the enemy, did not
then wait for any command from Cæsar, but of
themselves executed whatever appeared
proper.
Cæsar, having given the necessary orders,
hastened to and fro into whatever quarter
fortune carried him, to animate the troops, and
came to the tenth legion. Having encouraged
the soldiers with no further speech than that
“they should keep up the remembrance of their
wonted valour, and not be confused in mind,
but valiantly sustain the assault of the enemy”;
as the latter were not farther from them than
A Gallic Chief the distance to which a dart could be cast, he
gave the signal for commencing battle. And
having gone to another quarter for the purpose
of encouraging (the soldiers) he finds them fighting. Such was the
shortness of the time, and so determined was the mind of the enemy on
fighting, that time was wanting not only for affixing the military insignia,
but even for putting on the helmets and drawing off the covers from the
shields. To whatever part any one by chance came from the works (in
which he had been employed), and whatever standards he saw first, at
these he stood, lest in seeking his own company he should lose the time
for fighting.
The army having been marshalled, rather as the nature of the ground
and the declivity of the hill and the exigency of the time, than as the
method and order of military matters required; whilst the legions in the
different places were withstanding the enemy, some in one quarter,
some in another, and the view was obstructed by the very thick hedges
intervening, as we have before remarked, neither could proper reserves
be posted, nor could the necessary measures be taken in each part, nor
could all the commands be issued by one person. Therefore, in such an
unfavourable state of affairs, various events of fortune followed.
 The soldiers of the ninth and tenth legions, as they had been
stationed on the left part of the army, casting their weapons, speedily
drove the Atrebates, for that division had been opposed to them, who
were breathless with running and fatigue, and worn out with wounds,
from the higher ground into the river; and following them as they were
endeavouring to pass it, slew with their swords a great part of them
while impeded (therein). They themselves did not hesitate to pass the
river; and having advanced to a disadvantageous place, when the battle
was renewed, they (nevertheless) again put to flight the enemy, who
had returned and were opposing them. In like manner, in another
quarter two different legions, the eleventh and the eighth, having routed
the Veromandui, with whom they had engaged, were fighting from the
higher ground upon the very banks of the river. But, almost the whole
camp on the front and on the left side being then exposed, since the
twelfth legion was posted in the right wing, and the seventh at no great
distance from it, all the Nervii, in a very close body, with Boduognatus,
who held the chief command, as their leader, hastened towards that
place; and part of them began to surround the legions on their
unprotected flank, part to make for the highest point of the
encampment.
At the same time our horsemen, and light-armed infantry, who had
been with those, who, as I have related, were routed by the first assault
of the enemy, as they were betaking themselves into the camp, met the
enemy face to face, and again sought flight into another quarter; and
the camp followers who from the Decuman Gate, and from the highest
ridge of the hill had seen our men pass the river as victors, when, after
going out for the purposes of plundering, they looked back and saw the
enemy parading in our camp, committed themselves precipitately to
flight; at the same time there arose the cry and shout of those who
came with the baggage train; and they, (affrighted), were carried some
one way, some another. By all these circumstances the cavalry of the
Treviri were much alarmed, (whose reputation for courage is
extraordinary among the Gauls, and who had come to Cæsar, being sent
by their state as auxiliaries) and, when they saw our camp filled with a
large number of the enemy, the legions hard pressed and almost held
surrounded, the camp retainers, horsemen, slingers, and Numidians
fleeing on all sides divided and scattered, they, despairing of our affairs,
hastened home, and related to their state that the Romans were routed
and conquered, (and) that the enemy were in possession of their camp
and baggage train.
Cæsar proceeded, after encouraging the tenth legion, to the right
wing; where he perceived that his men were hard pressed, and that in
consequence of the standards of the twelfth legion being collected
together in one place, the crowded soldiers were a hindrance to
themselves in the fight; that all the centurions of the fourth cohort were
slain, and the standard-bearer killed, the standard itself lost, almost all
the centurions of the other cohorts either wounded or slain, and among
them the chief centurion of the legion. P. Sextius Baculus, a very valiant
man, who was so exhausted by many and severe wounds, that he was
already unable to support himself, he likewise perceived that the rest
were slackening their efforts, and that some, deserted by those in the
rear, were retiring from the battle and avoiding the weapons; that the
enemy (on the other hand) though advancing from the lower ground,
were not relaxing in front, and were (at the same time) pressing hard on
both flanks; he also perceived that the affair was at a crisis, and that
there was not any reserve which could be brought up; having therefore
snatched a shield from one of the soldiers in the rear, for he himself had
come without a shield, he advanced to the front of the line, and
addressing the centurions by name, and encouraging the rest of the
soldiers, he ordered them to carry forward the standards, and extend
the companies, that they might the more easily use their swords. On his
arrival, as hope was brought to the soldiers and their courage restored,
whilst every one for his own part, in the sight of his general, desired to
exert his utmost energy, the impetuosity of the enemy was a little
checked.
Cæsar, when he perceived that the seventh legion, which stood close
by him, was also hard pressed by the enemy, directed the tribunes of
the soldiers to effect a junction of the legions gradually, and make their
charge upon the enemy with a double front; which having been done,
since they brought assistance the one to the other, nor feared lest their
rear should be surrounded by the enemy, they began to stand their
ground more boldly, and to fight more courageously. In the mean time,
the soldiers of the two legions which had been in the rear of the army,
as a guard for the baggage train, upon the battle being reported to
them, quickened their pace, and were seen by the enemy on the top of
the hill; and Titus Labienus, having gained possession of the camp of
the enemy, and observed from the higher ground what was going on in
our camp, sent the tenth legion as a relief to our men, who, when they
had learned from the flight of the horse and the sutlers in what position
the affair was, and in how great danger the camp and the legion and
the commander were involved, left undone nothing (which tended) to
despatch.
By their arrival, so great a change of matters was made, that our
men, even those who had fallen down exhausted with wounds, leaned
on their shields, and renewed the fight: then the camp retainers, though
unarmed, seeing the enemy completely dismayed, attacked (them
though) armed; the horsemen too, that they might by their valour blot
out the disgrace of their flight, thrust themselves before the legionary
soldiers in all parts of the battle. But the enemy, even in the last hope of
safety, displayed such great courage that when the foremost of them
had fallen, the next stood upon them prostrate, and fought from their
bodies; when these were overthrown, and their corpses heaped up
together, those who survived cast their weapons against our men
(thence) as from a mound, and returned our darts which had fallen
short between (the armies); so that it ought not to be concluded that
men of such great courage had injudiciously dared to pass a very broad
river, ascend very high banks, and come up to a very disadvantageous
place; since their greatness of spirit had rendered these actions easy,
although in themselves very difficult.
This battle being ended, and the nation and
[57-56 b.c.] name of the Nervii being almost reduced to
annihilation, their old men, whom together with the
boys and women we have stated to have been collected together in the
fenny places and marshes, on this battle having been reported to them,
since they were convinced that nothing was an obstacle to the
conquerors, and nothing safe to the conquered, sent ambassadors to
Cæsar by the consent of all who remained, and surrendered themselves
to him; and in recounting the calamity of their state, said that their
senators were reduced from six hundred to three; that from sixty
thousand men they (were reduced) to scarcely five hundred who could
bear arms; whom Cæsar, that he might appear to use compassion
towards the wretched and the suppliant, most carefully spared; and
ordered them to enjoy their own territories and towns, and commanded
their neighbours that they should restrain themselves and their
dependents from offering injury or outrage (to them).d
The Aduatici, when they saw the military machines advanced against
their walls, submitted; but they soon resumed their arms, and Cæsar
took and plundered the town, and sold fifty-three thousand of the
inhabitants. Cæsar’s legate, P. Crassus, who (we are not told why) had
led a legion against the Veneti (Vannes) and other neighbouring peoples
on the ocean, now sent to say that they had submitted. The legions
were then placed for the winter in the country of the Carnutes
(Chartres), Andecavi (Anjou), and Turones (Touraine), and Cæsar
returned to Italy. On the motion of Cicero the senate decreed a
supplication of fifteen days for these victories—the longest ever as yet
decreed.
During the winter, P. Crassus, who was quartered with the seventh
legion in the country of the Andecavi, being in want of corn, sent some
of his officers in quest of supplies to the Veneti and the adjoining
peoples. The Veneti however detained the envoys in order to get back
their hostages in exchange, and the rest followed their example. Cæsar,
when he heard of this, sent directions to have ships of war built on the
Liger (Loire), and ordered sailors and pilots to repair thither from the
province, and in the spring (56) he set out to take the command in
person. The Veneti were a seafaring people, their towns mostly lay on
capes where they could not easily be attacked, and their navy was
numerous.c
 VERCINGETORIX BEFORE CÆSAR

THE SEA FIGHT WITH THE VENETI

Cæsar, after taking many of their towns, perceiving that so much

labour was spent in vain and that the flight of the enemy could not be
prevented on the capture of their towns, and that injury could not be
done them, he determined to wait for his fleet. As soon as it came up
and was first seen by the enemy, about 220 of their ships, fully
equipped and appointed with every kind of (naval) implement, sailed
forth from the harbour, and drew up opposite to ours; nor did it appear
clear to Brutus, who commanded the fleet, or to the tribunes of the
soldiers and the centurions, to whom the several ships were assigned,
what to do, or what system of tactics to adopt; for they knew that
damage could not be done by their beaks; and that, although turrets
were built (on their decks), yet the height of the stems of the barbarian
ships exceeded these; so that weapons could not be cast up from (our)
lower position with sufficient effect, and those cast by the Gauls fell the
more forcibly upon us. One thing provided by our men was of great
service, viz., sharp hooks inserted into and fastened upon poles, of a
form not unlike the hooks used in attacking town walls. When the ropes
which fastened the sail yards to the masts were caught by them and
pulled, and our vessel vigorously impelled with the oars, they (the
ropes) were severed; and when they were cut away, the yards
necessarily fell down; so that as all the hope of the Gallic vessels
depended on their sails and rigging, upon these being cut away, the
entire management of the ships was taken from them at the same time.
The rest of the contest depended on courage; in which our men
decidedly had the advantage; and the more so, because the whole
action was carried on in the sight of Cæsar and the entire army; so that
no act, a little more valiant than ordinary, could pass unobserved, for all
the hills and higher grounds, from which there was a near prospect of
the sea, were occupied by our army.
The sail yards (of the enemy) as we have said, being brought down,
although two and (in some cases) three ships (of theirs) surrounded
each one (of ours), the soldiers strove with the greatest energy to board
the ships of the enemy; and, after the barbarians observed this taking
place, as a great many of their ships were beaten, and as no relief for
that evil could be discovered, they hastened to seek safety in flight. And,
having now turned their vessels to that quarter in which the wind blew,
so great a calm and lull suddenly arose, that they could not move out of
their place, which circumstance, truly, was exceedingly opportune for
finishing the business; for our men gave chase and took them one by
one, so that very few out of all the number, (and those) by the
intervention of night, arrived at the land, after the battle had lasted
almost from the fourth hour till sunset.d
The Veneti were forced to sue for peace, and as they had only
detained his agents, Cæsar was mercifully content with putting their
whole senate to death, and selling the people for slaves,—a
characteristic exhibition of Roman clemency towards conquered
“barbarians.”
As the Morini and Menapii of the north coast
[56-55 b.c.] (Picardy) had been in league with the Veneti, Cæsar
invaded their country, which abounded in woods
and marshes, but the approach of the wet season obliged him to retire.
Having put his troops into winter quarters, he set out to look after his
affairs in Italy. During this summer P. Crassus, who had been sent into
Aquitaine to keep it quiet, or rather, as it would appear, to raise a war,
routed the people named the Sotitates (Sos), forced their chief town to
surrender, and defeated a large army of the adjoining peoples, and the
Spaniards who had joined them. Shortly after he left Gaul to join his
father in Syria, taking with him one thousand Gallic horse.
Tribes of Germans named Usipetes and Tencteri having crossed the
Rhine and entered the Menapian country, Cæsar, fearing lest their
presence might induce the Gauls to rise, hastened (55) to oppose them.
Some negotiations took place between them, during which a body of
eight hundred German horse fell on, and even put to flight, with a loss
of seventy-four men, five thousand of Cæsar’s Gallic cavalry; and they
then had the audacity, as Cæsar represents it, to send an embassy, in
which were all their principal men, to the Roman camp to justify
themselves and to seek a truce.c

THE MASSACRE OF THE GERMANS

After this engagement, Cæsar considered that

[55 b.c.] neither ought ambassadors to be received to
audience, nor conditions be accepted by him from
those who, after having sued for peace by way of stratagem and
treachery, had made war without provocation. And to wait till the
enemy’s forces were augmented and their cavalry had returned, he
concluded, would be the greatest madness; and knowing the fickleness
of the Gauls, he felt how much influence the enemy had already
acquired among them by this one skirmish. He (therefore) deemed that
no time for concerting measures ought to be afforded them. After
having resolved on these things and communicated his plans to his
lieutenants and quæstor in order that he might not suffer any
opportunity for engaging to escape him, a very seasonable event
occurred, namely, that on the morning of the next day a large body of
Germans, consisting of their princes and old men, came to the camp to
him to practise the same treachery and dissimulation; but, as they
asserted, for the purpose of acquitting themselves for having engaged in
a skirmish the day before, contrary to what had been agreed and to
what, indeed, they themselves had requested; and also if they could by
any means obtain a truce by deceiving him. Cæsar, rejoicing that they
had fallen into his power, ordered them to be detained. He then drew all
his forces out of the camp, and commanded the cavalry, because he
thought they were intimidated by the late skirmish, to follow in the rear.
Having marshalled his army in three lines,
and in a short time performed a march of eight
miles, he arrived at the camp of the enemy
before the Germans could perceive what was
going on; who being suddenly alarmed by all
the circumstances, both by the speediness of
our arrival and the absence of their own
officers, as time was afforded neither for
concerting measures nor for seizing their arms,
are perplexed as to whether it would be better
to lead out their forces against the enemy, or to
defend their camp, or seek their safety by
flight. Their consternation being made apparent
Roman Helmet by their noise and tumult, our soldiers, excited
by the treachery of the preceding day, rushed
into the camp; such of them as could readily
get their arms for a short time withstood our men, and gave battle
among their carts and baggage waggons; but the rest of the people,
(consisting) of boys and women (for they had left their country and
crossed the Rhine with all their families) began to fly in all directions; in
pursuit of whom Cæsar sent the cavalry.
The Germans, when upon hearing a noise behind them (they looked
and) saw that their families were being slain, throwing away their arms
and abandoning their standards, fled out of the camp, and when they
had arrived at the confluence of the Meuse and the Rhine, the survivors
despairing of further escape, as a great number of their countrymen had
been killed, threw themselves into the river and there perished,
overcome by fear, fatigue, and the violence of the stream. Our soldiers,
after the alarm of so great a war, for the number of the enemy
amounted to 430,000 [including women and children], returned to their
camp, all safe to a man, very few being even wounded. Cæsar granted
those whom he had detained in the camp liberty of departing. They
however, dreading revenge and torture from the Gauls, whose lands
they had harassed, said that they desired to remain with him. Cæsar
granted them permission.d
Being resolved that Gaul should be all his own, Cæsar thought it
would be well to show the Germans that their country too might be
invaded. Accordingly, under the pretext of aiding the Ubii who had
placed themselves under the protection of Rome against the Suevi, he
threw a bridge over the Rhine, and having ravaged the lands of the
Sugambri, who had retired to their woods, he entered the country of the
Ubii; then hearing that the Suevi had collected all their forces in the
centre of their territory, and waited there to give him battle, he returned
to the Rhine, having, as he says, accomplished all he had proposed. This
run (as we may term it) into Germany had occupied only eighteen days;
and as there was a part of the summer remaining, he resolved to
employ it in a similar inroad into the isle of Britain, whose people he
asserts, but untruly, had been so audacious as to send aid to the Gauls
when fighting for their independence against him: moreover, the
invasion of unknown countries like Germany and Britain would tell to his
advantage at Rome. He accordingly had ships brought round from the
Loire to the Morinian coast (Boulogne), and putting two legions on
board he set sail at midnight. At nine next morning he reached the coast
of Britain; but as the cliffs (Dover) were covered with armed men, he
cast anchor, and in the evening sailed eight miles further down (Deal),
and there effected a landing, though vigorously opposed by the natives.
The Britons soon sent to sue for peace; and they had given some of the
hostages demanded of them, when a spring tide having greatly
damaged the Roman fleet, they resolved to try again the fate of war.c

THE ROMAN ARMY MEETS THE BRITONS

On discovering these things the chiefs of Britain, who had come up

after the battle was fought to perform those conditions which Cæsar
had imposed, held a conference, when they perceived that cavalry, and
ships, and corn were wanting to the Romans, and discovered the small
number of our soldiers from the small extent of the camp (which, too,
was on this account more limited than ordinary, because Cæsar had
conveyed over his legions without baggage), and thought that the best
plan was to renew the war, and cut off our men from corn and
provisions and protract the affair till winter; because they felt confident
that, if they were vanquished or cut off from a return, no one would
afterwards pass over into Britain for the purpose of making war.
Therefore, again entering into a conspiracy, they began to depart from
the camp by degrees and secretly bring up their people from the country
parts.
But Cæsar, although he had not as yet discovered their measures, yet,
both from what had occurred to his ships, and from the circumstance
that they had neglected to give the promised hostages, suspected that
the thing would come to pass which really did happen. He therefore
provided remedies against all contingencies; for he daily conveyed corn
from the country parts into the camp, used the timber and brass of such
ships as were most seriously damaged for repairing the rest, and
ordered whatever things besides were necessary for this object to be
brought to him from the continent. And thus, since that business was
executed by the soldiers with the greatest energy, he effected that, after
the loss of twelve ships, a voyage could be made well enough in the
rest.
While these things are being transacted, one legion had been sent to
forage, according to custom, and no suspicion of war had arisen as yet,
and some of the people remained in the country parts, others went
backwards and forwards to the camp, they who were on duty at the
gates of the camp reported to Cæsar that a greater dust than was usual
was seen in that direction in which the legion had marched. Cæsar,
suspecting that which was really the case, that some new enterprise
was undertaken by the barbarians, ordered the two cohorts which were
on duty to march into that quarter with him, and two other cohorts to
relieve them on duty; the rest to be armed and follow him immediately.
When he had advanced some little way from the camp, he saw that his
men were overpowered by the enemy and scarcely able to stand their
ground, and that, the legion being crowded together, weapons were
being cast on them from all sides. For as all the corn was reaped in
every part with the exception of one, the enemy, suspecting that our
men would repair to that, had concealed themselves in the woods
during the night.
 Then attacking them suddenly, scattered as they were, and when they
had laid aside their arms and were engaged in reaping, they killed a
small number, threw the rest into confusion, and surrounded them with
their cavalry and chariots.
Their mode of fighting with their chariots is this: firstly, they drive
about in all directions and throw their weapons and generally break the
ranks of the enemy with the very dread of their horses and the noise of
their wheels; and when they have worked themselves in between the
troops of horse, leap from their chariots and engage on foot. The
charioteers in the meantime withdraw some little distance from the
battle, and so place themselves with the chariots that, if their masters
are overpowered by the number of the enemy, they may have a ready
retreat to their own troops. Thus they display in battle the speed of
horse, (together with) the firmness of infantry; and by daily practice and
exercise attain to such expertness that they are accustomed, even on a
declining and steep place, to check their horses at full speed, and
manage and turn them in an instant and run along the pole, and stand
on the yoke, and thence betake themselves with the greatest celerity to
their chariots again.
Under these circumstances, our men being dismayed by the novelty of
this mode of battle, Cæsar most seasonably brought assistance; for
upon his arrival the enemy paused, and our men recovered from their
fear; upon which, thinking the time unfavourable for provoking the
enemy and coming to an action, he kept himself in his own quarter, and,
a short time having intervened, drew back the legions into the camp.
While these things are going on and all our men engaged, the rest of
the Britons who were in the fields departed. Storms then set in for
several successive days, which both confined our men to camp and
hindered the enemy from attacking us. In the meantime the barbarians
despatched messengers to all parts, and reported to their people the
small number of our soldiers, and how good an opportunity was given
for obtaining spoil and for liberating themselves forever, if they should
only drive the Romans from their camp. Having by these means speedily
got together a large force of infantry and of cavalry, they came up to the
camp.
 Although Cæsar anticipated that the same thing
[55-54 b.c.] which had happened on former occasions would
then occur—that, if the enemy were routed, they
would escape from danger by their speed; still, having got about thirty
horse, which Commius the Atrebatian [whom Cæsar had made a chief],
had brought over with him from Gaul, he drew up the legions in order of
battle before the camp. When the action commenced, the enemy were
unable to sustain the attack of our men long, and turned their backs;
our men pursued them as far as their speed and strength permitted, and
slew a great number of them; then, having destroyed and burned
everything far and wide, they retreated to their camp.
The same day, ambassadors sent by the enemy came to Cæsar to
negotiate a peace. Cæsar doubled the number of hostages which he had
before demanded; and ordered that they should be brought over to the
continent, because, since the time of the equinox was near, he did not
consider that, with his ships out of repair, the voyage ought to be
deferred till winter. Having met with favourable weather, he set sail a
little after midnight, and all his fleet arrived safe at the continent, except
two of the ships of burden which could not make the same port which
the other ships did, and were carried a little lower down.
When our soldiers, about three hundred in number, had been drawn
out of these two ships, and were marching to the camp, the Morini,
whom Cæsar, when setting forth for Britain, had left in a state of peace,
excited by the hope of spoil, at first surrounded them with a small
number of men, and ordered them to lay down their arms, if they did
not wish to be slain; afterwards however, when they, forming a circle,
stood on their defence, a shout was raised and about six thousand of
the enemy soon assembled; which being reported, Cæsar sent all the
cavalry in the camp as a relief to his men. In the meantime our soldiers
sustained the attack of the enemy, and fought most valiantly for more
than four hours, and, receiving but few wounds themselves, slew
several of them. But after our cavalry came in sight, the enemy,
throwing away their arms, turned their backs, and a great number of
them were killed.
The day following Cæsar sent Labienus, his lieutenant, with those
legions which he had brought back from Britain, against the Morini, who
had revolted; who, as they had no place to which they might retreat, on
account of the drying up of their marshes (which they had availed
themselves of as a place of refuge the preceding year), almost all fell
into the power of Labienus. In the meantime Cæsar’s lieutenants, Q.
Titurius and L. Cotta, who had led the legions into the territories of the
Menapii, having laid waste all their lands, cut down their corn and
burned their houses, returned to Cæsar because the Menapii had all
concealed themselves in their thickest woods. Cæsar fixed the winter
quarters of all the legions amongst the Belgæ. Thither only two British
states sent hostages; the rest omitted to do so. For these successes, a
thanksgiving of twenty days was decreed by the senate upon receiving
Cæsar’s letter.d
As only two of the British states sent the hostages, Cæsar resolved to
make this a pretext for a second invasion of their island. When,
therefore, he was setting out as usual for Italy, he directed his legates to
repair the old and build new ships; and on his return in the summer (54)
he found a fleet of twenty-eight long ships and six hundred transports
ready. He embarked with five legions and two thousand Gallic horse,
and landed at the same place as before. The Britons retired to the hills;
and Cæsar, having left some troops to guard his camp, advanced in
quest of them. He found them posted on the banks of a river (the Stour)
about twelve miles inland. He attacked and drove them off; but next
day, as he was preparing to advance into the country, he was recalled to
the coast by tidings of the damage his fleet had sustained from a storm
during the night. Having given the needful directions, he resumed his
pursuit of the Britons, who laying aside their jealousies had given the
supreme command to Cassivelaunus, king of the Trinobantes (Essex and
Middlesex); but the Roman cavalry cut them up so dreadfully when they
attacked the foragers, that they dispersed, and most of them went to
their homes. Cæsar then advanced, and forcing the passage of the
Thames invaded Cassivelaunus’ kingdom, and took his chief town.
Having received the submissions and hostages of various states, and
regulated the tributes they should (but never did) pay, he then returned
to Gaul, where it being now late in autumn, he put his troops into winter
quarters. The Gauls however, who did not comprehend the right of
Rome and Cæsar to a dominion over them, resolved to fall on the
several Roman camps, and thus to free their country. The eighth legion
and five cohorts that were quartered in the country of the Eburones
(Liège) were cut to pieces by that people, led by their prince Ambiorix;
the camp of the legate Q. Cicero was assailed by them and the Nervii,
and only saved by the arrival of Cæsar in person, who gave the Gauls a
total defeat. The country became now tolerably tranquil; but Cæsar,
knowing that he should have a war in the spring, had three new legions
raised in Italy, and he prevailed on Pompey to lend him one which he
had just formed.
The most remarkable event of the following year
[54-52 b.c.] (53) was Cæsar’s second passage of the Rhine to
punish the Germans for giving aid to their
oppressed neighbours. He threw a bridge over the Rhine a little higher
up the river than the former one, and advanced to attack the Suevi; but
learning that they had assembled all their forces at the edge of a forest
and there awaited him, he thought it advisable to retire, fearing, as he
tells us, the want of corn in a country where there was so little tillage as
in Germany. Having broken down the bridge on the German side, and
left some cohorts to guard what remained standing, he then proceeded
with all humanity to extirpate the Eburones, on account, he says, of
their perfidy. He hunted them down everywhere; he burned their towns
and villages, consumed or destroyed all their corn, and then left their
country with the agreeable assurance that those who had escaped the
sword would perish of famine. Then having executed more majorum a
prince of the Senones, and thus tranquillised Gaul, as he terms it, he set
out for Italy to look after his interests there.
The next year (52) there was a general rising of nearly all Gaul
against the Roman dominion. The chief command was given to
Vercingetorix, prince of the Arverni (Auvergne), a young man of great
talent and valour.[114] Cæsar immediately left Italy, and crossing Mount
Cebenna (Cevennes), though the snow lay six feet deep on it, at the
head of his raw levies entered and ravaged the country of the Arverni,
who sent to recall Vercingetorix to their aid. Then leaving M. Brutus in
command, Cæsar departed, and putting himself at the head of his
cavalry, went with all speed to the country of the Lingones (Langres),
and there assembled his legions. Vercingetorix then laid siege to
Gergovia, the capital of the Boii: Cæsar hastened to its relief; on his way
he took the towns of Vellaunodunum (Beaune) and Genabum (Orleans),
and having crossed the Loire, laid siege to Noviodunum (Nouan), in the
territory of the Bituriges (Berri), and on its surrender advanced against
Avaricum (Bourges), the capital of the country and one of the finest
cities in Gaul. Vercingetorix, who had raised the siege of Gergovia, held
a council, in which he proposed, as the surest mode of distressing the
Romans, to destroy all the towns and villages in the country. This advice
being approved of, upwards of twenty towns were levelled; but, at the
earnest entreaty of the Bituriges, Avaricum was exempted. A garrison
was put into that town, and the Gallic army encamped at a moderate
distance from it in order to impede the besiegers. It nevertheless was
taken after a gallant defence; the Romans spared neither man, woman,
nor child, and of forty thousand inhabitants eight hundred only escaped.
Cæsar then prepared to lay siege to a town of the Arverni also named
Gergovia; but though he defeated the Gallic armies, he was obliged to
give up his design on account of the revolt of the Ædui. Some time after,
Vercingetorix, having attacked Cæsar on his march, and being repulsed,
threw himself into Alesia (Alise), a strong town in modern Burgundy,
built on a hill at the confluence of two rivers. The Gauls collected a large
army and came to its relief; but their forces were defeated and the town
was compelled to surrender. Vercingetorix was reserved to grace the
conqueror’s triumph, to whom a supplication of twenty days was
decreed at Rome.
In the next campaign (51) Cæsar and his legates
[52-50 b.c.] subdued such states as still maintained their
independence. As the people of Uxellodunum (in
Querci) made an obstinate defence, Cæsar (his lenity being, as we are
assured, so well known that none could charge him with cruelty), in
order to deter the rest of the Gauls from insurrection and resistance, cut
off the hands of all the men and then let them go that all might see
them. The following year (50), as all Gaul was reduced to peace, he
regulated its affairs, laying on an annual tribute; and having thus
established his dominion over it, he prepared to impose his yoke on his
own country.
The military talent displayed by Cæsar in the conquest of Gaul is not
to be disputed, and it alone would suffice to place him in the first rank
of generals. We are told that he took or received the submission of eight
hundred towns, subdued three hundred nations; defeated in battle three
millions of men, of whom one million was slain, and another taken and
sold for slaves.c

FOOTNOTES

[105] Cicero (ad Att. ii. 16) highly disapproved of this measure. He
however expected that as the land would yield but 6000 lots, the
people would be discontented.
[106] Because thunder, etc., would cause the assembly to be put
off, and by this means bad measures, and good ones, too, had often
been stopped.
[107] [In the year 56, Mithridates of Parthia, the successor of
Phraates, declared war against King Artavasdes of Armenia, the son
of Tigranes and the client of Rome. Thereupon Gabinius, the able and
spirited governor of Syria, led the legions across the Euphrates.
Meanwhile Mithridates had been overthrown in Parthia and his
brother Orodes placed on the throne. Mithridates now made common
cause with Rome and sought the camp of Gabinius. The latter was
now ordered to restore the king of Egypt, but before leaving for
Alexandria, he induced Mithridates to commence the war.]
[108] The Parthian capital was Ctesiphon, of which Seleucia, built
on the opposite side of the Tigris, was a suburb.
[109] [The Surenas was the person next in rank to the king among
the Parthians and the Persians.]
[110] One of the tribunes of this year was Sallust the historian. As
Milo had some time before caught him in adultery with his wife
Fausta, and had cudgelled him and made him pay a sum of money,
he now took his revenge.
[111] Pompey was now married to Scipio’s daughter Cornelia, the
widow of the younger Crassus, a young lady of the highest mental
endowments and of great beauty and virtue.
[112] [As Floruse says: “When Asia was subdued by the efforts of
Pompey, Fortune conferred what remained to be done in Europe upon
Cæsar.”]
[113] [And how great was the haughtiness of Ariovistus! When our
ambassadors said to him, “Come to Cæsar,” “And who is Cæsar?” he
retorted; “let him come to me, if he will. What is it to him what our
Germany does? Do I meddle with the Romans?” In consequence of
this reply, so great was the dread of the unknown people in the
 Roman camp, that wills were publicly made even in the principia. But
the greater the vast bodies of the enemy were, the more were they
exposed to swords and other weapons. The ardour of the Roman
soldiers in the battle cannot be better shown than by the
circumstance that when the barbarians, having raised their shields
above their heads, protected themselves with a testudo, the Romans
leaped upon their very bucklers, and then came down upon their
throats with their swords.e]
[114] [Floruse calls him “that prince so formidable for his stature,
martial skill, and courage; his very name, Vercingetorix, being
apparently intended to excite terror.”]

CHAPTER XXIII. CÆSAR AT WAR WITH POMPEY

At this point the Roman historian Florus casts a
[133-60 b.c.] backward look over the history of his people. Giving
the point of view of the first century of the empire,
it shows no little acumen and is well worth quoting.
 “This,” he says, “is the third age of the Roman people, with reference
to its transactions beyond the sea; an age in which, when they had once
ventured beyond Italy, they carried their arms through the whole world.
Of which age, the first hundred years were pure and pious, and, as I
have called them, ‘golden’; free from vice and immorality, as there yet
remained the sincere and harmless integrity of the pastoral life, and the
imminent dread of a Carthaginian enemy supported the ancient
discipline.[115]
“The succeeding hundred, reckoned from the fall of Carthage, Corinth,
and Numantia, and from the inheritance bequeathed us by King Attalus
in Asia, to the times of Cæsar and Pompey, and those of Augustus who
succeeded them, and of whom we shall speak hereafter, were as
lamentable and disgraceful for the domestic calamities, as they were
honourable for the lustre of the warlike exploits that distinguished them.
For, as it was glorious and praiseworthy to have acquired the rich and
powerful provinces of Gaul, Thrace, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, as well as
those of the Armenians and Britons, so it was disgraceful and
lamentable at the same time, to have fought at home with our own
citizens, with our allies, our slaves, and gladiators.
“I know not whether it would have been better for the Romans to
have been content with Sicily and Africa, or even to have been without
them, while still enjoying the dominion of Italy, than to grow to such
greatness as to be ruined by their own strength. For what else produced
those intestine distractions but excessive good fortune? It was the
conquest of Syria that first corrupted us, and the succession afterwards
in Asia, to the estate of the king of Pergamus. Such wealth and riches
ruined the manners of the age, and overwhelmed the republic, which
was sunk in its own vices as in a common sewer. For how did it happen
that the Roman people demanded from the tribunes lands and
subsistence, unless through the scarcity which they had by their luxury
produced? Hence there arose the first and second sedition of the
Gracchi, and a third, that of Apuleius Saturninus. From what cause did
the equestrian order, being divided from the senate, domineer by virtue
of the judiciary laws, if it was not from avarice, in order that the
revenues of the state and trials of causes might be made a means of
gain? Hence again it was that the privilege of citizenship was promised
to the Latins, and hence were the arms of our allies raised against us.
And what shall we say as to the wars with the slaves? How did they
come upon us, but from the excessive number of slaves? Whence arose
such armies of gladiators against their masters, if it was not that a
profuse liberality, by granting shows to gain the favour of the populace,
made that an art which was once but a punishment of enemies? And to
touch upon more specious vices, did not the ambition for honours take
its rise from the same excess of riches? Hence also proceeded the
outrages of Marius, hence those of Sulla. The extravagant
sumptuousness of banquets, too, and profuse largesses, were not they
the effects of wealth, which must in time lead to want? This also stirred
up Catiline against his country. Finally, whence did that insatiable desire
of power and rule proceed, but from a superabundance of riches? This it
was that armed Cæsar and Pompey with fatal weapons for the
destruction of the state.”

THE WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY

“Almost the whole world being now subdued,” Florus continues, “the
Roman empire was grown too great to be overthrown by any foreign
power. Fortune, in consequence, envying the sovereign people of the
earth, armed it to its own destruction. The outrages of Marius and Cinna
had already made a sort of prelude within the city. The storm of Sulla
had thundered even farther, but still within the bounds of Italy. The fury
of Cæsar and Pompey, as with a general deluge or conflagration,
overran the city, Italy, other countries and nations, and finally the whole
empire wherever it extended; so that it cannot properly be called a civil
war, or war with allies; neither can it be termed a foreign war; but it was
rather a war consisting of all these, or even something more than a war.
If we look at the leaders in it, the whole of the senators were on one
side or the other; if we consider the armies, there were on one side
eleven legions, and on the other eighteen; the entire flower and
strength of the manhood of Italy. If we contemplate the auxiliary forces
of the allies, there were on one side levies of Gauls and Germans, on
the other Deiotarus, Ariobarzanes, Tarcondimotus, Cotys, and all the
force of Thrace, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Macedonia, Greece, Ætolia, and all
the East; if we regard the duration of the war, it was four years, a time
short in proportion to the havoc made in it, if we attend to the space
and ground on which it was conducted, it arose within Italy, whence it
spread into Gaul and Spain, and returning from the West, settled with its
whole force on Epirus and Thessaly; hence it suddenly passed into
Egypt, then turned towards Asia, next fell upon Africa, and at last
wheeled back into Spain, where it at length found its termination. But
the animosities of parties did not end with the war, nor subsided till the
hatred of those who had been defeated satiated itself with the murder
of the conqueror in the midst of the city and the senate.
“The cause of this calamity was the same with that of all others,
excessive good fortune. For in the consulship of Quintus Metellus and
Lucius Afranius, when the majesty of Rome predominated throughout
the world and Rome herself was celebrating, in the theatres of Pompey,
her recent victories and triumphs over Pontus and Armenia, the
overgrown power of Pompey, as is usual in similar cases, excited among
the idle citizens a feeling of envy towards him. Metellus, discontented at
the diminution of his triumph over Crete, Cato, ever an enemy to those
in power, calumniated Pompey, and raised a clamour against his acts.
Resentment at such conduct drove Pompey to harsh measures, and
impelled him to provide some support for his authority. Crassus
happened at that time to be distinguished for family, wealth, and
honour, but was desirous to have his power still greater. Caius Cæsar
had become eminent by his eloquence and spirit, and by his promotion
to the consulate. Yet Pompey rose above them both. Cæsar, therefore,
being eager to acquire distinction, Crassus to increase what he had got,
and Pompey to add to his, and all being equally covetous of power, they
readily formed a compact to seize the government. Striving, accordingly,
with their common forces each for his own advancement, Cæsar took
the province of Gaul, Crassus that of Asia, Pompey that of Spain; they
had three vast armies and thus the empire of the world was now held by
these three leading personages. Their government extended through
ten years, at the expiration of this period (for they had previously been
kept in restraint by dread of one another) a rivalry broke forth between
Cæsar and Pompey, consequent on the death of Crassus among the
Parthians, and that of Julia, who, being married to Pompey, maintained
a good understanding between the son-in-law and father-in-law by
means of this matrimonial bond. But now the power of Cæsar was an
object of jealousy to Pompey and the eminence of Pompey was
offensive to Cæsar. The one could not bear an equal nor the other a
superior. Sad to relate, they struggled for mastery, as if the resources of
so great an empire would not suffice for two.”d
It was particularly fortunate for Cæsar that the
[60-50 b.c.] conquest of Gaul was completed before his enemies
at Rome combined against him, and that
Vercingetorix was vanquished before Pompey took up arms against him.
The meeting at Lucca and the decisions thereof had again put a great
deal of power in the hands of Pompey.
At Lucca, Cæsar had been promised the consulate for the year 48.
This aim attained and supported by his victorious army, with the
prestige of his deeds and his superior intellect he could easily have
overreached Pompey, who was no statesman. Cæsar would have
organised the popular party, and completed in some form or other the
work of a democratic monarchy which had been commenced by
Gracchus and had failed in the unskilful hands of Marius; the
achievement would have been more glorious for him if it had been
accomplished without the aid of military force.
But the most enthusiastic of Pompey’s partisans now adopted a high
tone. They declined to concur in any compromise or compact which
involved danger to the republic; and at the beginning of the year 51
they threw down the gauntlet to Cæsar. M. Claudius motioned for the
newly appointed consuls to be sent on the 1st of March in the year 49 to
Cæsar’s two vicegerencies of Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul. The party
also demanded Cæsar’s disbandment of his army and maintained that
his grant of citizen rights to the colonies which he had founded, was not
legal. An inhabitant of Novum Comum, a town to which Cæsar had
granted the Latin privilege, was struck with rods.
Cæsar’s followers showed the unreasonableness of these views and
courses by references to Pompey’s position, and Pompey delayed doing
anything or declaring himself. The debate on the business of the
nomination was fixed for the 1st of March in the year 50. The union
between Pompey and the aristocrats became closer and closer, and the
time they lost was to the advantage of Cæsar.
 In the mean time he suppressed the rebellion of
[50-49 b.c.] Vercingetorix, and Gaul began to calm down. To
show his desire for peace, Cæsar followed the
senate’s command to disband two legions, the one he had borrowed
some years before from Pompey and the other which he had raised
himself. He recompensed both before he dismissed them. However, the
government did not keep to the agreement of sending them to the
Euphrates, but retained them in the Campania for any emergency closer
at hand. Cæsar also gained increasing ground at Rome, where clever
agents worked for him, and he won an important victory through Curio,
the plebeian tribune, a dissolute but talented and wide-awake man,
whom he gained over to his side by paying his debts.[116] This ally
maintained that what was due from Cæsar was also due from Pompey,
and threatened to put his veto upon all one-sided courses against
Cæsar.
The aristocrats hesitated, and in the meantime Cæsar arrived but
without his army, at Ravenna, the most southern point of his province.
Then Curio formulated his measure that Cæsar and Pompey should
simultaneously resign their provinces and thus allay the fears of the
Roman people. The plan was very well laid, and as the event showed,
very cleverly arranged. The measure was put to the vote of the senate
and to the astonishment of all concerned it resulted in 370 voting for the
motion and twenty against it. It therefore seemed that there were only
twenty in the senate upon whom Pompey could implicitly rely. “Then
take Cæsar as your chief!” exclaimed the consul Marcellus in a rage as
he closed the sitting.
Pompey’s party was in fact in a great strait; and Cæsar (probably at a
high price) had attained what he wished. He had forced his adversaries
to enter the list as insurrectionists. Pompey began raising troops without
the necessary authority, whilst Cæsar, who was with a legion at
Ravenna, sent the order to his assembled troops to disband without
delay. He also despatched a letter to the senate, in which he offered to
resign the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul, to reduce his ten legions to
two, if he were allowed to retain these and the governorship of Cisalpine
Gaul until the election of the consul for 48. This document was delivered
to the senate by Curio. The tribunes Mark Antony and C. Cassius insisted
on its being read aloud. The sitting was stormy, and the two consuls C.
Claudius Marcellus, and L. Cornelius Lentulus made a point of Cæsar’s
appearing as a private individual before the judicature.
In accordance with their views, the motion was carried for Cæsar to
resign his province and to disband his army within a fixed time; his
neglect to concur with this decree was to be considered high treason. In
that case L. Domitius was nominated as his successor. This motion was
passed on the 1st of January, 49, but the tribunes put their veto on it,
and a great excitement prevailed in the city, into which Pompey had
brought two legions. With this support the terrified senate, after
expelling the dissentient tribunes from the curia, issued the decree
which involved the declaration of war. The senate solemnly conjured the
leaders, the officials supported by a military force in the city and its
neighbourhood, to watch over the safety of the endangered state. The
tribunes renewed their veto, but threatened by the soldiers of Pompey,
against whom they were powerless, they fled from Rome and repaired
to Cæsar’s headquarters. The decisive step was taken, the swords were
unsheathed. Cæsar still remained with his single legion at Ravenna
when the tribunes arrived in the character of fugitives. He had already
carefully weighed the matter, and had conceived a clear decided course.
He had his own army which had served him for ten years in danger and
in victory. He knew every cohort, almost every soldier in his command;
and every single man was devoted to the general who shared danger
and honour with them all, and who had never deserted them in any
strait. Moreover he had the Transpadian, or Romanised Gauls of the Po
district, to whom he had granted full civic rights on his own authority;
this however was the end of his resources.

CÆSAR CROSSES THE RUBICON

On the other side all the other forces of Rome,

[49 b.c.] the legions in Spain, the state treasure, the fleet,
the tribute of the dominions, the contingents and
the money of the whole of the East, and the respected name of the
republic were at the disposal of Pompey, who boasted, and not without
cause, that he had only to stamp upon the ground for armies to appear.
Perhaps the charm of the old fame of Pompey exceeded the attraction of
the more recent victories of Cæsar. But Cæsar did not hesitate. On the
other side of the little river Rubicon which separated the Cisalpine
province from Italy, lay his native land, and the civil war which could
only end with his overthrow or his complete victory.b

Cæsar crossing the Rubicon

“Cæsar had sent people to bring his army,” says Appian, “but being
accustomed to succeed more by diligence, striking a terror and
hardiness, than any mighty preparations, he resolved to begin this great
war with his five thousand men, and to seize some places of Italy that
were commodious for him. First he sent before to Ariminum some
centurions and men who were to enter the city as passengers, and then
all of a sudden to seize on that city (the first that offers itself coming
from Gaul); and himself, in the evening, going out as if he had found
himself ill after a feast, leaves his friends, and mounting in a chariot
drove himself the same way, followed at a distance by his cavalry. When
he came to the banks of Rubicon he stopped some time, looking upon
the water, and thinking of the calamities he was about to be the cause
of, if he passed that river in arms.
“At length turning to those of his train, ‘My friends,’ said he, ‘if I pass
not this river immediately, it will be to me the beginning of all
misfortunes; and if I do pass it, I go to make a world of people
miserable’; and there withal, as if he had been pressed forward by some
divinity, he drove into the stream, and crossing it, cries with a loud
voice, ‘The lot is cast.’ From whence, continuing on his way with speed,
he seized Ariminum by break of day, and all in an instant places
garrisons in all the good places of that country, which he reduced either
by force or favour.
“Meanwhile, as it happens in these unexpected alarms, the whole
country was filled with people flying, the countrymen forsaking their
habitations, and nothing was to be heard but cries, and lamentations,
and groans, yet no man knew from whence this disorder came, but all
imagined that Cæsar was upon them with all his forces. The consuls
receiving the news, gave not Pompey, who perfectly understood war,
leisure to prepare himself, and take his own time; they began to press
him to be gone out of the city, and make levies of forces in Italy, as if
Rome had been in immediate danger of being taken and plundered. And
the senate surprised with so unlooked for an irruption, were terrified,
and began to repent they had not accepted those reasonable conditions
offered by Cæsar; but this was not till fear had opened their eyes, and
led them back from partiality to reason; for now men talked of a great
many prodigies and extraordinary signs which had appeared in the
heavens, that it had rained blood in many places, that in others the
statues of the gods had sweat, that many temples had been struck with
thunderbolts, that a mule had engendered, besides an infinite of other
things which seemed to foretell the change of the present state, and the
ruin of the commonwealth, so as it should never be re-established;
wherefore they made vows and prayers as in a public consternation.
And the people, remembering again the miseries they had suffered
because of the dissensions of Sulla and Marius, cried out that they ought
to take away the command as well from Cæsar as from Pompey, since
that was the only means to prevent a war. Cicero himself was of opinion
that deputies should be sent to Cæsar to treat an accommodation, but
the consuls absolutely opposed it.
“Favonius, quipping at Pompey because of a word he had once said
with too much arrogance, bade him stamp on the ground with his foot,
and see if any armed men would rise. To which Pompey answered: ‘You
will want none so you will follow me, and are not troubled to leave the