Second-language acquisition

Second-language acquisition (SLA), sometimes called second-language learning—otherwise referred

to as L2 (language 2) acquisition, is the process of learning a language other than one's native language
(L1). SLA research examines how learners develop their knowledge of second language, focusing on
concepts like interlanguage, a transitional linguistic system with its own rules that evolves as learners
acquire the target language.

SLA research spans cognitive, social, and linguistic perspectives. Cognitive approaches investigate
memory and attention processes; sociocultural theories emphasize the role of social interaction and
immersion; and linguistic studies examine the innate and learned aspects of language. Individual factors
like age, motivation, and personality also influence SLA, as seen in discussions on the critical period
hypothesis and learning strategies. In addition to acquisition, SLA explores language loss, or second-
language attrition, and the impact of formal instruction on learning outcomes.

Definitions
Second language refers to any language learned in addition to a person's first language; although the
concept is called second-language acquisition, it can also incorporate the learning of third, fourth, or
subsequent languages.[1] Second-language acquisition refers to what learners do; it does not refer to
practices in language teaching, although teaching can affect acquisition. The term acquisition was
originally used to emphasize the non-conscious nature of the learning process,[note 1] but in recent years
learning and acquisition have become largely synonymous.

SLA can incorporate heritage language learning,[2] but it does not usually incorporate bilingualism. Most
SLA researchers see bilingualism as being the result of learning a language, not the process itself, and see
the term as referring to native-like fluency. Writers in fields such as education and psychology, however,
often use bilingualism loosely to refer to all forms of multilingualism.[3] SLA is also not to be contrasted
with the acquisition of a foreign language; rather, the learning of second languages and the learning of
foreign languages involve the same fundamental processes in different situations.[4]

Research background
The academic discipline of second-language acquisition is a sub-discipline of applied linguistics. It is
broad-based and relatively new. As well as the various branches of linguistics, second-language
acquisition is also closely related to psychology and education. To separate the academic discipline from
the learning process itself, the terms second-language acquisition research, second-language studies, and
second-language acquisition studies are also used.

SLA research began as an interdisciplinary field; because of this, it is difficult to identify a precise
starting date.[5] However, two papers in particular are seen as instrumental to the development of the
modern study of SLA: Pit Corder's 1967 essay The Significance of Learners' Errors and Larry Selinker's
1972 article Interlanguage.[6] The field saw a great deal of development in the following decades.[5]
Since the 1980s, SLA has been studied from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, and theoretical
perspectives. In the early 2000s, some research suggested an equivalence between the acquisition of
human languages and that of computer languages (e.g. Java) by children in the 5 to 11-year age window,
though this has not been widely accepted amongst educators.[7] Significant approaches in the field today
are systemic functional linguistics, sociocultural theory, cognitive linguistics, Noam Chomsky's universal
grammar, skill acquisition theory and connectionism.[6]

There has been much debate about exactly how language is learned and many issues are still unresolved.
There are many theories of second-language acquisition, but none are accepted as a complete explanation
by all SLA researchers. Due to the interdisciplinary nature of the field of SLA, this is not expected to
happen in the foreseeable future. Although attempts have been made to provide a more unified account
that tries to bridge first language acquisition and second language learning research.[8]

Language difficulty and learning time

The time taken to reach a high level of proficiency can vary depending on the language learned. In the
case of native English speakers, some estimates were provided by the Foreign Service Institute (FSI) of
the U.S. Department of State—which compiled approximate learning expectations for several languages
for their professional staff (native English speakers who generally already know other languages).[9]
Category I Languages include e.g. Italian and Swedish (24 weeks or 600 class hours) and French (30
weeks or 750 class hours). Category II Languages include German, Haitian Creole, Indonesian, Malay,
and Swahili (approx. 36 weeks or 900 class hours). Category III Languages include a lot of languages
like Finnish, Polish, Russian, Tagalog, Vietnamese, and many others (approx. 44 weeks, 1100 class
hours).

Determining a language's difficulty can depend on a few factors like grammar and pronunciation. For
instance, Norwegian is one of the easiest languages to learn for English speakers because its vocabulary
shares many cognates and has a sentence structure similar to English.[10]

Of the 63 languages analyzed, the five most difficult languages to reach proficiency in speaking and
reading, requiring 88 weeks (2200 class hours, Category IV Languages), are Arabic, Cantonese,
Mandarin, Japanese, and Korean. The Foreign Service Institute and the National Virtual Translation
Center both note that Japanese is typically more difficult to learn than other languages in this group.[11]

There are other rankings of language difficulty as the one by The British Foreign Office Diplomatic
Service Language Centre which lists the difficult languages in Class I (Cantonese, Japanese, Korean,
Mandarin); the easier languages are in Class V (e.g. Afrikaans, Bislama, Catalan, French, Spanish,
Swedish).[12]

Comparisons with first-language acquisition

Adults who learn a second language differ from children learning their first language in at least three
ways: children are still developing their brains whereas adults have mature minds, and adults have at least
a first language that orients their thinking and speaking. Although some adult second-language learners
reach very high levels of proficiency, pronunciation tends to be non-native. This lack of native
pronunciation in adult learners is explained by the critical period hypothesis. When a learner's speech
plateaus, it is known as fossilization.

Also, when people learn a second language, the way they speak their first language changes in subtle
ways. These changes can be with any aspect of language, from pronunciation and syntax to the gestures
the learner makes and the language features they tend to notice.[13] For example, French speakers who
spoke English as a second language pronounced the /t/ sound in French differently from monolingual
French speakers.[14] This kind of change in pronunciation has been found even at the onset of second-
language acquisition; for example, English speakers pronounced the English /p t k/ sounds, as well as
English vowels, differently after they began to learn Korean.[15] These effects of the second language on
the first led Vivian Cook to propose the idea of multi-competence, which sees the different languages a
person speaks not as separate systems, but as related systems in their mind.[16]

Learner language
Originally, attempts to describe learner language were based on comparing different languages or
analyzing learners' errors.[17] However, these approaches could not fully predict all the errors learners
make during the process of acquiring a second language. To address this limitation and explain learners’
systematic errors, the concept of interlanguage was introduced.[18] Interlanguage refers to the linguistic
system that emerges in the minds of second language learners. It is not considered a defective version of
the target language riddled with random errors, nor is it purely a result of errors transferred from the
learner’s first language. Instead, it is viewed as a language in its own right, with its own systematic
rules.[19] Most aspects of language—syntax, phonology, lexicon, and pragmatics—can be analyzed from
the perspective of interlanguage. For more detailed information, please refer to the main articles on
Interlanguage.

Sequences in the acquisition of English inflectional morphology

In the 1970s, several studies investigated the order in which learners acquired different grammatical
structures.[note 2] These studies showed that there was little change in this order among learners with
different first languages. Furthermore, it showed that the order was the same for adults and children and
that it did not even change if the learner had language lessons. This supported the idea that there were
factors other than language transfer involved in learning second languages and was a strong confirmation
of the concept of interlanguage.

However, the studies did not find that the orders were the same.
Although there were remarkable similarities in the order in which all 1. Plural -s Girls go.
learners learned second-language grammar, there were still some Progressive - Girls
2.
differences between individuals and learners with different first ing going.
languages. It is also difficult to tell when exactly a grammatical Copula forms Girls are
3.
structure has been learned, as learners may use structures correctly in of be here.
some situations but not in others. Thus it is more accurate to speak of Auxiliary forms Girls are
4.
sequences of acquisition, in which specific grammatical features in a of be going.
language are acquired before or after certain others but the overall 5. Definite and The
indefinite girls go.
order of acquisition is less rigid.
Recent studies have shown that universality and individuality coexist articles the
in the order of grammatical item acquisition.[21] For example, items and a
such as articles, tense, and the progressive aspect are particularly The
Irregular past
challenging for learners whose native languages, like Japanese and 6. girls
tense
went.
Korean, do not explicitly express these features. On the other hand,
Third person - The girl
items like the third-person singular -s tend to be less influenced by 7.
s goes.
the learner's native language. In contrast, articles and the progressive
The
-ing have been confirmed to be strongly affected by the learners' 8. Possessive 's girl's
native language. For more detailed information, please refer to the book.
main articles on Order of acquisition. A typical order of acquisition for
English, according to Vivian
Cook's 2008 book Second
Learnability and teachability Language Learning and
Learnability has emerged as a theory explaining developmental Language Teaching.[20]
sequences that crucially depend on learning principles, which are
viewed as fundamental mechanisms of interlanguage language acquisition within learnability theory.[22]
Some examples of learning principles include the uniqueness principle and the subset principle. The
uniqueness principle refers to learners' preference for a one-to-one mapping between form and meaning,
while the subset principle posits that learners are conservative in that they begin with the narrowest
hypothesis space that is compatible with available data. Both of these principles have been used to
explain children's ability to evaluate grammaticality despite the lack of explicit negative evidence. They
have also been used to explain errors in SLA, as the creation of supersets could signal over-
generalization, causing acceptance or production of ungrammatical sentences.[23]

Pienemann's teachability hypothesis is based on the idea that there is a hierarchy of stages of acquisition
and instruction in SLA should be compatible with learners' current acquisitional status.[24] Recognizing
learners' developmental stages is important as it enables teachers to predict and classify learning errors.
This hypothesis predicts that L2 acquisition can only be promoted when learners are ready to acquire
given items in a natural context. One goal of learnability theory is to figure out which linguistic
phenomena are susceptible to fossilization, wherein some L2 learners continue to make errors despite the
presence of relevant input.

Variability
Although second-language acquisition proceeds in discrete sequences, it does not progress from one step
of a sequence to the next in an orderly fashion. There can be considerable variability in features of
learners' interlanguage while progressing from one stage to the next.[25] For example, in one study by
Rod Ellis, a learner used both "No look my card" and "Don't look my card" while playing a game of
bingo.[26] A small fraction of variation in interlanguage is free variation, when the learner uses two forms
interchangeably. However, most variation is systemic variation, a variation that depends on the context of
utterances the learner makes.[25] Forms can vary depending on the linguistic context, such as whether the
subject of a sentence is a pronoun or a noun; they can vary depending on social contexts, such as using
formal expressions with superiors and informal expressions with friends; and also, they can vary
depending on the psycholinguistic context, or in other words, on whether learners have the chance to plan
what they are going to say.[25] The causes of variability are a matter of great debate among SLA
researchers.[26]
Language transfer
One important difference between first-language acquisition and second-language acquisition is that the
process of second-language acquisition is influenced by languages that the learner already knows. This
influence is known as language transfer.[note 3] Language transfer is a complex phenomenon resulting
from the interaction between learners’ prior linguistic knowledge, the target language input they
encounter, and their cognitive processes.[27] Language transfer is not always from the learner’s native
language; it can also be from a second language or a third.[27] Neither is it limited to any particular
domain of language; language transfer can occur in grammar, pronunciation, vocabulary, discourse, and
reading.[28]

For more detailed information, please refer to the main articles on and Language transfer and
Crosslilnguistic influence.

Factors and approaches

Cognitive factors
Much modern research in second-language acquisition has taken a cognitive approach.[29] Cognitive
research is concerned with the mental processes involved in language acquisition, and how they can
explain the nature of learners' language knowledge. This area of research is based in the more general
area of cognitive science and uses many concepts and models used in more general cognitive theories of
learning. As such, cognitive theories view second-language acquisition as a special case of more general
learning mechanisms in the brain. This puts them in direct contrast with linguistic theories, which posit
that language acquisition uses a unique process different from other types of learning.[30][31]

The dominant model in cognitive approaches to second-language acquisition, and indeed in all second-
language acquisition research, is the computational model.[31] The computational model involves three
stages. In the first stage, learners retain certain features of the language input in short-term memory. (This
retained input is known as intake.) Then, learners convert some of this intake into second-language
knowledge, which is stored in long-term memory. Finally, learners use this second-language knowledge
to produce spoken output.[32] Cognitive theories attempt to codify both the nature of the mental
representations of intake and language knowledge and the mental processes that underlie these stages.

In the early days of second-language acquisition research on interlanguage was seen as the basic
representation of second-language knowledge; however, more recent research has taken several different
approaches in characterizing the mental representation of language knowledge.[33] Some theories
hypothesize that learner language is inherently variable,[34] and there is the functionalist perspective that
sees the acquisition of language as intimately tied to the function it provides.[35] Some researchers make
the distinction between implicit and explicit knowledge, and some between declarative and procedural
language knowledge.[36] There have also been approaches that argue for a dual-mode system in which
some language knowledge is stored as rules and other language knowledge as items.[37]
Sociocultural factors
From the early days of the discipline, researchers have also acknowledged that social aspects play an
important role.[38] There have been many different approaches to the sociolinguistic study of second-
language acquisition.[39] Common to each of these approaches, however, is a rejection of language as a
purely psychological phenomenon; instead, sociolinguistic research views the social context in which
language is learned as essential for a proper understanding of the acquisition process.[40]

Ellis identifies three types of social structures that affect the acquisition of second languages:
sociolinguistic settings, specific social factors, and situational factors.[41] Sociolinguistic setting refers to
the role of the second language in society, such as whether it is spoken by a majority or a minority of the
population, whether its use is widespread or restricted to a few functional roles, or whether the society is
predominantly bilingual or monolingual.[42] Ellis also includes the distinction of whether the second
language is learned in a natural or an educational setting.[43] Specific social factors that can affect second-
language acquisition include age, gender, social class, and ethnic identity, with ethnic identity being the
one that has received most research attention.[44] Situational factors are those that vary between each
social interaction. For example, a learner may use more polite language when talking to someone of
higher social status, but more informal language when talking with friends.[45]

A learner's sense of connection to their in-group, as well as to the community of the target language
emphasizes the influence of the sociolinguistic setting, as well as social factors within the second-
language acquisition process. Social Identity Theory argues that an important factor for second language
acquisition is the learner's perceived identity to the community of the language being learned, as well as
how the community of the target language perceives the learner.[46] Whether or not a learner feels a sense
of connection to the community or culture of the target language helps determine their social distance
from the target culture. A smaller social distance is likely to encourage learners to acquire the second
language, as their investment in the learning process is greater. Conversely, a greater social distance
discourages attempts to acquire the target language. However, negative views not only come from the
learner, but the community of the target language might feel greater social distance from the learner,
limiting the learner's ability to learn the language.[46] Whether or not bilingualism is valued by the culture
or community of the learner is an important indicator of the motivation to learn a language.[47]

There have been several models developed to explain social effects on language acquisition. Schumann's
acculturation model proposes that learners' rate of development and ultimate level of language
achievement is a function of the "social distance" and the "psychological distance" between learners and
the second-language community. In Schumann's model, the social factors are most important, but the
degree to which learners are comfortable with learning the second language also plays a role.[48] Another
sociolinguistic model is Gardner's socio-educational model, which was designed to explain classroom
language acquisition. Gardner's model focuses on the emotional aspects of SLA, arguing that positive
motivation contributes to an individual's willingness to learn L2; furthermore, the goal of an individual to
learn an L2 is based on the idea that the individual has a desire to be part of a culture, in other words, part
of a (the targeted language) mono-linguistic community. Factors, such as integrativeness and attitudes
towards the learning situation drive motivation. The outcome of positive motivation is not only linguistic
but non-linguistic, such that the learner has met the desired goal. Although there are many critics of
Gardner's model, nonetheless many of these critics have been influenced by the merits that his model
holds.[49][50] The inter-group model proposes "ethnolinguistic vitality" as a key construct for second-
language acquisition.[51] Language socialization is an approach with the premise that "linguistic and
cultural knowledge are constructed through each other",[52] and saw increased attention after the year
2000.[53] Finally, Norton's theory of social identity is an attempt to codify the relationship between
power, identity, and language acquisition.[54]

A unique approach to SLA is sociocultural theory. It was originally developed by Lev Vygotsky and his
followers.[55] Central to Vygotsky's theory is the concept of a zone of proximal development (ZPD). The
ZPD notion states that social interaction with more advanced target language users allows one to learn a
language at a higher level than if they were to learn a language independently.[56] Sociocultural theory
has a fundamentally different set of assumptions to approaches to second-language acquisition based on
the computational model.[57] Furthermore, although it is closely affiliated with other social approaches, it
is a theory of mind and not of general social explanation of language acquisition. According to Ellis, "It is
important to recognize... that this paradigm, despite the label 'sociocultural' does not seek to explain how
learners acquire the cultural values of the L2 but rather how knowledge of an L2 is internalized through
experiences of a sociocultural nature."[57]

Linguistic factors
Linguistic approaches to explaining second-language acquisition spring from the wider study of
linguistics. They differ from cognitive approaches and sociocultural approaches in that they consider
linguistic knowledge to be unique and distinct from any other type of knowledge.[30][31] The linguistic
research tradition in second-language acquisition has developed in relative isolation from the cognitive
and sociocultural research traditions, and as of 2010 the influence from the wider field of linguistics was
still strong.[29] Two main strands of research can be identified in the linguistic tradition: generative
approaches informed by universal grammar, and typological approaches.[58]

Typological universals are principles that hold for all the world's languages. They are found empirically,
by surveying different languages and deducing which aspects of them could be universal; these aspects
are then checked against other languages to verify the findings. The interlanguages of second-language
learners have been shown to obey typological universals, and some researchers have suggested that
typological universals may constrain interlanguage development.[59]

The theory of universal grammar was proposed by Noam Chomsky in the 1950s and has enjoyed
considerable popularity in the field of linguistics. It focuses on describing the linguistic competence of an
individual. He believed that children not only acquire language by learning descriptive rules of grammar;
he claimed that children creatively play and form words as they learn language, creating meaning for the
words, as opposed to the mechanism of memorizing language.[60] The "universals" in universal grammar
differ from typological universals in that they are a mental construct derived by researchers, whereas
typological universals are readily verifiable by data from world languages.[59]

Universal grammar theory can account for some of the observations of SLA research. For example, L2
users often display knowledge about their L2 that they have not been exposed to.[61] L2 users are often
aware of ambiguous or ungrammatical L2 units that they have not learned from any external source, nor
their pre-existing L1 knowledge. This unsourced knowledge suggests the existence of a universal
grammar. Another piece of evidence that generative linguists tend to use is the poverty of the stimulus,
which states that children acquiring language lack sufficient data to fully acquire all facets of grammar in
their language, causing a mismatch between input and output.[62] The fact that children are only exposed
to positive evidence yet have intuition about which word strings are ungrammatical may also be
indicative of universal grammar. However, L2 learners have access to negative evidence as they are
explicitly taught about ungrammaticality through corrections or grammar teaching.[62]

Individual variation
Individual factors, such as language aptitude, age, strategy use, motivation, and personality, play a
significant role in second-language acquisition. For example, the critical period hypothesis explores how
age affects language learning ability, while motivation is often categorized into intrinsic and extrinsic
types. Personality traits, such as introversion and extroversion, and the use of effective learning strategies
can also influence language acquisition outcomes. For more detailed information, see the Individual
variation in second-language acquisition article.

Attrition
Second-language attrition refers to the loss of proficiency in a language that was previously acquired,
often due to a lack of use or exposure.[46] Factors influencing attrition include the level of initial
proficiency, age, social circumstances, and motivation.[63] A learner's L2 is not suddenly lost with disuse,
but its communicative functions are slowly replaced by those of the L1.[63]

Similar to second-language acquisition, second-language attrition occurs in stages. However, according to

the regression hypothesis, the stages of attrition occur in reverse order of acquisition. With acquisition,
receptive skills develop first, and then productive skills, and with attrition, productive skills are lost first,
and then receptive skills.[63]

Classroom second-language acquisition

As stated at the beginning of this article, second language acquisition (SLA) research is the scientific
discipline devoted to studying that process. Consequently, research that evaluates the effectiveness of
teaching methods is often not considered part of SLA research. Nevertheless, there have been attempts to
apply SLA research findings to teaching methods, and this area is referred to as classroom second
language acquisition or instructed second language acquisition (ISLA). In particular, this kind of research
has a significant overlap with language education, and it is mainly concerned with the effect that
instruction has on the learner. Moreover, it also explores what teachers do, the classroom context, and the
dynamics of classroom communication. Notably, it is both qualitative and quantitative research.
However, there are several challenges faced by second-language learners during practical training,
especially regarding training environments, aligning tasks with learning objectives, and cultural and
economic influences.[64]

Cited in Ellis 1994 It is generally agreed that pedagogy restricted to teaching grammar rules and
vocabulary lists does not give students the ability to use the L2 with accuracy and fluency. Rather, to
become proficient in the second language, the learner must be given opportunities to use it for
communicative purposes.[65][66]
Theories
Numerous theories have been proposed not only to describe the phenomena of SLA but also to explain
them by uncovering the underlying mechanisms. Despite differing perspectives, these research
approaches share a common goal: contributing to the identification of conditions that facilitate effective
language acquisition. Recognizing the contributions of each perspective and fostering interdisciplinary
connections, researchers have increasingly sought to understand the complex process of second language
acquisition from a broader perspective in recent years. These efforts go beyond the limitations of
explaining SLA through a single theory, paving the way for a more comprehensive and multilayered
understanding.

Journals
Major journals of the field include Second Language Research, Language Learning, Studies in Second
Language Acquisition, Applied Linguistics, Applied Psycholinguistics, International Review of Applied
Linguistics in Language Teaching, International Journal of Applied Linguistics, System, Journal of
Second Language Studies, and Journal of the European Second Language Association.

See also
Linguistics portal

Languages portal

Bilingualism (neurology)
Dynamic approach to second language development
International auxiliary language
Language learning aptitude
Language acquisition
Language complexity
List of common misconceptions about language learning
List of language acquisition researchers
Native-language identification
One person, one language
Psycholinguistics
Second-language attrition
Sociolinguistics
Theories of second-language acquisition
Vocabulary learning
Notes
1. Krashen (1982) made a sharp distinction between learning and acquisition, using learning to
refer to the conscious aspects of the language learning process and acquisition to refer to
the subconscious aspects. This strict separation of learning and acquisition is widely
regarded as an oversimplification by researchers today, but his hypotheses were very
influential and the name has stuck.
2. These studies were based on work by Brown (1973) on child first-language acquisition. The
first such studies on child second-language acquisition were carried out by Dulay and
Burt (1973, 1974a, 1974b, 1975). Bailey, Madden & Krashen (1974) investigated the order
of acquisition among adult second-language learners. See Krashen (1977) for a review of
these studies.
3. The term language transfer is not without controversy, however. Sharwood Smith and
Kellerman preferred the term crosslinguistic influence to language transfer. They argued that
cross-linguistic influence was neutral regarding different theories of language acquisition,
whereas language transfer was not. Sharwood Smith & Kellerman 1986, cited in Ellis 2008,
p. 350.

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