POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY
WEEK 3
1
The program for this week: Session on
Postsecularity & the Public Sphere part I
SESSION 3/1 Session in the context of the Massimo Rosati Seminars
• Group 1 Prepare questions about the assigned case
SESSION 3/2 Classical Public Sphere Theory and Democracy
• Lecture (before input): Kate Nash's introduction to the book, the role of the
public sphere in classical democratic theory, challenges, exclusion and
inclusion
Input by group 2
• Group 2 The protests against Georgia's Foreign Agent Law: research online
on what happened, when, why? Think about the difference between
"democratically legitimate" and "democratizing" in your example, drawing
on this text:
• Nash, Kate (2014). "Towards Transnational Democratization?", in: Nancy
Fraser et al. Transnationalizing the Public Sphere. Cambridge: Polity, 60-78.
2
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• Massimo Rosati (1969-2014), Associate Professor of Sociology
• Director of the Centre for the Study and Documentation of
Religions and Political Institutions in Post-Secular Society (Univ.
Tor Vergata)
• His thesis (1993) in Sociology at the University La Sapienza was
about Habermas’ “Theory of Communicative Action”. Publ. in
Italian in 1994 as Consenso e razionalità (Armando editore), the http://csps.uniroma2.it/massi
first Italian monograph on Habermas’ book. mo-rosati/
• Ritual and the Sacred. A Neo-Durkheimian Analysis of Politics,
Religion and the Self (Ashgate 2009);
• coedited with Kristina Stoeckl, Multiple Modernities and
Postsecular Societies (Ashgate 2012).
• The Making of a Postsecular Society. A Durkheimian Approach
to Memory, Pluralism and Religion in Turkey (ed. Alessandro
Ferrara) (Ashgate 2015).
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• Secularization describes a historical process of separation of political
and social institutions, science and the arts from religion.
• Secularization can also refer to
• Privatization of religion
• Decline of religious belief
• Secularity describes a state or condition – the state of affairs of
modern institutions and practices that are the result of separation of
spheres of the political and social from religion.
• Secularism is the word for a statecraft doctrine and worldview
• State-craft doctrine: politics and religion should be separated
• As a worldview, secularism becomes belief and thereby a rival to religion.
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Postsecular public sphere
• Habermas means „postsecular society“ in
the sense of a „post-secularist“ society >> a
society without dogmatic secularism, one
that is open (in principle) to religious
arguments
• Why? Because of equality and inclusivity. All
citizens should be allowed to voice their
views in public debate, also religious views.
6
What are religious arguments in the public
sphere?
7
Pussy Riot's Punk Prayer
and Postsecularism in
Russia
By Alessandro Leonori , Andrea Angelucci , Brejdi
Kromici
What Happened?
Summary of Events:
● On February 21, 2012, Pussy Riot staged a protest at Moscow’s Cathedral of Christ the Savior
during the Russian presidential campaign.
● Dressed in colorful attire, they performed the Punk Prayer, calling for the Virgin Mary to rid Russia
of Putin.
● The performance was quickly stopped by security, but a video was posted online later, leading to
national and international controversy.
● Criminal prosecution followed, with three members convicted of hooliganism, sentenced to two
years in a penal colony.
The event
Key Questions on the Riot and Secularism
● The Pussy Riot tried to present its protest as a religious event. What does this say about the
relationship between secular and religious society in Russia? Does this imply a level of agency of
secular society outside of the state?
● If the state is able to determine what qualifies as religiously-related or not, can it truly be called
secular?
● In the Pussy Riot case, were they criticizing postsecularism itself or simply the arrangement
between the Church and the state? Does postsecularism run deeper than institutional politics?
Justice, Power, and Religion
● Does the treatment and depoliticization of the Pussy Riot case suggest a new idea of justice in
Russian society? Is the victimization of religious institutions a legal and moral shield for
authoritarian governments?
● How might this case influence future legal rulings in cases involving secular-religious conflicts?
● Why is the wall between secular and religious society blurring? What are the historical conditions of
post-secularism?
Some more context
• Priests Pavel Adelheim, Andrey Kuraev
• Law „Insulting religious feelings“
• 2017 Film Matilda
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Uzlaner, D., & Stoeckl, K. (2019). From Pussy Riot’s ‘punk prayer’ to Matilda: Orthodox believers,
critique, and religious freedom in Russia. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 34(3), 427–445.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13537903.2019.1658432
• The trial of the Pussy Riot members led to an overall closure of the religious and
political debate: it narrowed down the category of the ‘truly Orthodox’ religious
believer; it limited the repertoire of critique and branded protest as secular, liberal, and
Western-influenced; it introduced a problematic definition of the religious rights-
holding citizen which jeopardized legal even-handedness in cases of competing rights
claims. This general pattern has been re-enacted and indeed amplified in further cases
of Orthodox protests against the opera “Tannhäuser” and against the movie Matilda.
The last case shows the unexpected development of this configuration, as it gradually
turned into a factor not of stabilisation but of destabilisation.
• The Matilda scandal suggests—and future controversies about Article 148 may
eventually confirm—that the stress on the inviolability of religious feelings turns
religious communities into the always offended ‘Other’ whom it is better to avoid
rather than to engage in public discussions and interactions. A policy of inclusion and
recognition, like the protection of religious feelings, has led to opposite results: a
further radicalisation and exclusion of religious groups which have transformed
themselves into dangerous Others by silencing moderate and reasonable voices among
them. This is dangerous not only for artistic self-expression, but also for the state and
social order itself.
15
• Church can have a power-conforming role or act as
a source of criticism of power
• In the Russian context, it is clear that the Russian
Orthodox Church plays the power-conforming role.
• Dissenting believers or priests are silenced or punished.
• The church leadership benefits from the deal with the
state: influence, material benefits, laws that conform to
the social teaching of the Church (anti-LGBT, traditional
values, abortion).
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Back to secularism and postsecularism…
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Postsecularism: Sociological and Postmodern Approaches
From “Four Genealogies of Postsecularity”
● How does the sociological approach to postsecularity in Russia differ from the Western context?
What role does the Russian Orthodox Church play in this unique interpretation of postsecularity?
● The postmodern approach to postsecularity sees the re-emergence of religion as part of the
deconstruction of secular modernity. How does this postmodern perspective influence the
Russian reception of postsecularity?
Desecularization Postsecularity
• Peter Berger „Desecularization • Jürgen Habermas „Postsecular
of the world“ – return of religion society“ – return of religion as
as secularity‘s foe secularity‘s sparring partner
• Contesting the secular order • Contesting the secularist order
• Secular order: separation of • Secularist order: a politics that
religion and politics turns a blind eye to religion
• Theo-politics • Pluralism
• The non-Habermasian interpretations of
postsecularity, by contrast, go right to the
foundations of modern secular reason. They
interpret postsecularity as an important turning
point in the genealogy of modern thought.
Postsecularity, in this view, becomes a constitutive
element of a postmodern turn, which marks a
rethinking of key tenets of modernity … Rethinking
the key tenets of secular modernity implies
reconsideration of the very distinctions that
Habermas would prefer to leave intact—between
faith and reason, the religious and the secular,
philosophy and theology.
• the Russian debate on postsecularity has remained Stoeckl, Kristina; Uzlaner, Dmitry
peculiarly non-Habermasian; in fact, the postsecular (2019): The Russian Postsecular. In:
theory offered by Habermas finds only very limited Schneider, Christoph: Theology and
reception and support, and the initial Russian Philosophy in Eastern Orthodoxy:
debates on postsecular society were almost Essays on Orthodox Christianity and
completely devoid of any references to Habermas. Contemporary Thought. Eugene,
OR: Wipf & Stock Publishers, ISBN
9781608994212, S. 32 - 52. 20
Instrumentalization of postsecularity
• In the Russian context, vague appeals to postsecularity have become
an important argument in favor of strengthening relations between
traditional religious organizations and Russian state institutions. Any
criticism of this rapprochement is interpreted as attempt to hold on
to outdated forms of secularism, which are untenable in the new
postsecular context. The postsecular criticism of secular ontology and
epistemology is also used as argument in the context of debates
about the place of religion in the Russian educational system, for
example theology in universities and lessons of religion in schools.
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What to take away from this case-study for
this class in POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY?
• Definitions of secularization, secularity and secularism.
• Understand what Habermas means with „postsecular society“.
• Reflect on the challenges of secular and postsecular society: religious
arguments in the public sphere.
• Try to think beyond the case we discussed today (Russia) and draw
comparisons with contexts that you know (for example Italy).
Sometimes extreme cases make us see trends that are present also in
our society.
• As sociologist, always think in COMPLEX terms. Religion is never only
one thing.
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Bibliography
- Beldocs. (n.d.). YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jouqcYKVFbA&ab_channel=BELDOCS-InternationalDocumentaryFilmFestivalBelgrade
- Rumens, Carol. “Pussy Riot’s Punk Prayer Is Pure Protest Poetry.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 20 Aug. 2012,
www.theguardian.com/books/2012/aug/20/pussy-riot-punk-prayer-lyrics
- Stoeckl, Kristina, and Dmitry Uzlaner. "Four Genealogies of Postsecularity." In The Routledge Handbook of Postsecularity, edited by Justin Beaumont, Ashgate
Publishing, 2018, pp. 269-279.
- Uzlaner, Dmitry. "The Pussy Riot Case and the Peculiarities of Russian Post-Secularism." State, Religion and Church, vol. 1, no. 1, 2014, pp. 23-58. SSRN,
https://ssrn.com/abstract=2392801
- Human Rights Watch. "Pussy Riot and Russia’s Surreal Justice." Human Rights Watch, 17 Aug. 2012, www.hrw.org/news/2012/08/17/pussy-riot-and-russias-
surreal-justice
POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY
WEEK 3 session 2
24
SESSION 3/2 Classical Public Sphere Theory
and Democracy
• Lecture (before input): Kate Nash's introduction to the book, the role
of the public sphere in classical democratic theory, challenges,
exclusion and inclusion
Input by group 2
• Group 2 The protests against Georgia's Foreign Agent Law: research
online on what happened, when, why? Think about the difference
between "democratically legitimate" and "democratizing" in your
example, drawing on this text:
• Nash, Kate (2014). "Towards Transnational Democratization?", in: Nancy
Fraser et al. Transnationalizing the Public Sphere. Cambridge: Polity, 60-78.
25
26
Sources of classical public sphere theory
• Ancient polis, the ideal of the agora as a place where citizens would meet
and discuss rules to govern live in common
• Kant: (Enlightenment) practical reason is a human faculty by which human
beings act according to principles.
• The main principle being the categorical imperative: „Act only according to that
maxim by which you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law.”
• Jean-Jacques Rousseau: general will (volonté general) – a collectively held
will that aims at the common good or common interest
• Opposed to the single, individual will and interest (volonté particulierè)
• Opposed to the sum of particular wills (volonté de tous)
• The general will is more than the overlap of particular interests. Common
good or common interest can trump individual interests.
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The cycle of political power in a democracy
Parliament, the
legislative
Elections, the State bureaucracy,
people the executive
Effects of law-making, rules and
regulations
Criticism of classical public sphere theory
• “[…] socialist, feminist, anti-colonialist, and anti-racist movements have been working
hard to throw suspicion on attempts to define ‘equality’, ‘person’, or indeed ‘reason’ too
narrowly when talking about ‘public’ interest, goods, policy. The ideal of the public
sphere, if it is invariably concretized in exclusionary ways, always also gestures beyond
itself, to ideals of genuine participation in establishing the common good. Radical
suspicion of the public sphere is often pessimistic in this respect: where corporate and
conservative lobby groups invariably hold more sway than others when it comes to
making decisions that count, the ideal of the public sphere serves to mask domination
and exclusion rather than to open up genuine participation. For many radicals the task at
hand, then, is not to try to work out what kind of democratic discussion and decision-
making could ensure that law and policy are really legitimate, but rather to question the
language of legitimacy itself. (Today this is at least as likely to be done in the tradition of
Nietzsche, with Foucault and Deleuze, as it is in the name of Marx.)”
• Nash, Kate (2014). “Introduction", in: Nancy Fraser et al. Transnationalizing the Public
Sphere. Cambridge: Polity, 1-7, 2.
29
Example for open essay exam question
• What is the meaning and function of the public sphere in classical democratic
theory? Use at least two citations from the assigned readings.
• „[….] In classical democratic theory the public sphere is a place where a general
will is formed and articulated. As Kate Nash has pointed out, this precise function
has also been criticized socialist, feminist, anti-colonialist, and anti-racist
movements – some of which working in the tradition of Critical Discourse
Analysis or Conflict theory, that have thrown suspicion on attempts to define
‘equality’, ‘person’, or indeed ‘reason’ in exclusionary ways. According to these
critics, the ideal of the public sphere serves to mask domination and exclusion
rather than to open up genuine participation (Nash 2014, 2). In sum, the ideal of
the public sphere carries a tension or ambivalence between inclusion and
exclusion: genuine participation in establishing the common good and building on
forms of exclusion.”
• Nash, Kate (2014). “Introduction", in: Nancy Fraser et al. Transnationalizing the
Public Sphere. Cambridge: Polity, 1-7, 2.
The challenge of globalization
• Institutions and organizations of regional (ex. European Union) and
global governance (ex. WTO) make public policy on a range of
transnational issues.
• Ex. the environment, war, migration, human rights, trade and finance.
• But what are the implications for democracy once it is understood
that states, whilst still nominally sovereign, do not independently
establish the conditions under which people live within their
borders?
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Two sides of the public sphere
• Ray, Larry (2012). “Civil Society and the Public Sphere”, in: Amenta,
Edwin; Nash, Kate; Scott, Alan (2012). The Wiley-Blackwell Companion
to Political Sociology. Hoboken NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, 240-251.
• According to Larry Ray, the public sphere comprises into two distinct
phenomena:
• Civil society
• Media
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Civil society
• Citizens
• Representative citizens
• Elected politicians
• Experts, Interest groups
• Ideas of public disputation, activity and ideally
(if not necessarily) face-to-face contact imply a
small-scale, relatively homogeneous society.
This was the kind of city-state republic,
participatory rather than procedural, envisaged
by Rousseau.
• Have you ever asked yourself why the platform
used by Italy’s M5S was called «Rousseau»?
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Media
• All liberal (Locke, John Stuart Mill, Kant) regarded an independent
press as a crucial component of a liberal democratic society.
• The free expression of opinion through the organs of an independent
press is a vital means by which a diversity of viewpoints can be
expressed and the abuses of state power by corrupt or tyrannical
governments can be checked.
• Acoordinamento to Mill, a free and independent press would play the
role of a critical watchdog, scrutinizing and criticizing the activities of
those who rule.
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Sceptics of the role of media in the public
sphere
• Among the early critics of the media were Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno,
two authors associated with the Frankfurt School of critical social theory.
• «Writing in the 1930s and 1940s, Horkheimer and Adorno feared that the
development of the media – or what they called ‘the culture industry’ – would
lead to an increasingly oppressive social and political order. They used the term
‘culture industry’ to refer to the commodification of cultural forms brought about
by the rise of the entertainment industries in Europe and the United States in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The cultural goods produced by
these industries are standardized and rationalized commodities which are shaped
primarily by the logic of capital accumulation. These goods would not stimulate
critical thinking in audiences or readers but would, Horkheimer and Adorno
feared, render individuals less capable of autonomous judgement and more
dependent on social processes over which they have little control. Individuals
would be increasingly assimilated to the social order by their very desire for the
objects produced by it (Horkheimer and Adorno 1972; Adorno 1991).»
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Protests Against Georgia's Foreign
Agent Law: Democratically
Legitimate or Democratizing?
The protests against Georgia's "Foreign Agent Law" highlight the tension between democratic legitimacy and
legitimacy and democratizing forces. The law required NGOs and media to register as "foreign agents" if they received
agents" if they received over 20% foreign funding. Though passed through proper legislative channels, it was seen as a
it was seen as a threat to civil society and media independence, sparking large protests.
By engaging with Kate Nash's framework from Towards Transnational Democratization—which builds on the theories
on the theories of Jürgen Habermas and Nancy Fraser—we can explore the difference between the democratic
democratic legitimacy of formal processes and the democratizing effect of public resistance to undemocratic laws.
undemocratic laws. While the law followed legal procedures, the protests themselves were a democratizing force,
democratizing force, seeking to safeguard fundamental democratic principles and expand political accountability.
accountability.
What Happened and Why?
1 Foreign Agent Law Proposed
In early 2023, Georgia proposed a Foreign Agent Law, resembling Russia's 2012 law targeting foreign-
targeting foreign-funded organizations. The government claimed this was for transparency and national
and national sovereignty.
2 Widespread Criticism and Condemnation
The law drew condemnation from civil society, international observers, including the EU, who saw it as a
means to suppress dissent, restrict free speech, and curtail NGOs.
3 First Reading and Protests Erupt
The law passed its first reading in Parliament on March 7, 2023, triggering widespread protests.
Demonstrators accused the government of authoritarianism, drawing parallels to Russia.
4 Bill Withdrawn After Intensified Protests
Protests continued for several days, prompting the government to withdraw the bill on March 9.
President Salome Zurabishvili opposed the law, stating its incompatibility with Georgia's democratic
aspirations and EU integration goals.
What Happened and Why? (2)
1 1. Law Reintroduced 2 2. Protests Resurface
The Georgian Dream party revived the Foreign Agent Law in 2024, igniting Thousands took to the streets of Tbilisi in April 2024, fearing the law
widespread protests despite being abandoned in 2023. would undermine Georgia’s EU aspirations.
3 3. Law Passed 4 4. Continued Unrest
The law was passed despite international opposition, sparking weeks of Protesters fear that the Foreign Agent Law signals a move toward
unrest and concerns over a shift toward authoritarianism. authoritarianism, sparking weeks of continued unrest in Georgia.
Democratically Legitimate vs. Democratizing
Democratically Legitimate Democratizing Impact on Public Sphere
Using Nash's analysis, the proposed law can be However, Nash, drawing from Nancy Fraser's critique In this case, the law targeted NGOs and media
considered democratically legitimate within the strict of Habermas, emphasizes that democracy is more outlets, key institutions in fostering open debate and
confines of procedural democracy. It followed the than just adherence to procedures—it is also about holding governments accountable. By threatening
legal framework, having been introduced, debated, fostering spaces for public discourse and ensuring their independence, the law would have eroded a
and voted on by elected representatives. From a that all affected by political decisions have a voice. vital element of the public sphere. Thus, while
Habermasian perspective, such an action aligns with This requirement for normative legitimacy is where procedurally legitimate, the law was not
the formalities of democratic governance, as it the Georgian government's proposal failed. democratizing because it sought to diminish
involved institutional deliberation and decision- According to Fraser, for democracy to be meaningful, pluralism and curb freedoms crucial for democratic
making. it must involve wide-ranging debate and participation life.
from all groups affected by the policy, especially
those that represent dissenting voices or
marginalized communities.
Political Efficacy and Usefulness of the Protests
1 Effective Democratization
Nash, in her examination of Fraser's concept of political efficacy, expands on the idea that public actions must translate
into institutional changes to be democratizing. Here, the protests in Georgia serve as an example of effective
democratization. Although the protests were disruptive and outside formal democratic institutions, they effectively
pushed the government to withdraw the law (in 2023), safeguarding democratic freedoms in the process.
2 Usefulness of Protests
Nash introduces the concept of usefulness—whether movements or public actions have practical, tangible impacts on
the political landscape—as central to understanding democratizing forces in global and national contexts. The protests in
Georgia were clearly useful in this sense, as they not only stopped the Foreign Agent Law from becoming institutionalized
(in 2023) but also signaled the strength of civil society in defending democratic principles.
3 Counterpublic Sphere
This practical efficacy aligns with Nash's argument that democratization does not always emerge from strictly legitimate
processes (as defined by procedural standards), but rather from actions that hold political powers accountable and
enhance transparency and public participation. In this case, the protests worked as a counterpublic sphere, a concept
developed by Fraser, wherein marginalized or dissenting groups challenge the dominant political narrative, offering
alternative discourses and demanding justice.
Transnational Dimensions and Democratization
Transnational Nature of Protests
An important dimension of these protests is their transnational nature, reflecting Nash's analysis of Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) and their role in
democratizing global governance. Although the protests were grounded in Georgian politics, they drew attention from international actors, including the
European Union and international human rights organizations, all of whom condemned the law and expressed support for the protesters. This shows the
interconnectedness of domestic and global politics in the struggle for democratization.
Role of TANs
In Nash's framework, TANs—networks of NGOs, international institutions, and civil society actors—often lack full democratic legitimacy but can still play a
democratizing role by amplifying marginalized voices and exerting pressure on political institutions. In the Georgian case, the involvement of international
organizations contributed to the efficacy of the protests, pressuring the government to initially withdraw the bill.
Usefulness in Democratization
Although TANs are often criticized for their technocratic nature and elitism, Nash argues that their usefulness in bringing about political change can democratize
governance even if they do not conform to traditional democratic structures.
Conclusion
Distinction Between Legitimacy and Usefulness and Political Efficacy Importance of Active Citizenship
Democratization
Nash's emphasis on usefulness and political efficacy is key Ultimately, this case demonstrates that democratization
The protests in Georgia against the Foreign Agent Law to understanding the broader implications of the protests. often depends not just on the legitimacy of procedures, but
highlight the crucial distinction between democratic By successfully holding the government accountable and on the ability of citizens and civil society to actively defend
legitimacy and democratizing forces. While the law was maintaining the independence of key democratic democratic values. The protests in Georgia serve as a
introduced through legitimate democratic channels, it institutions with the first round of protests in 2023, the powerful reminder that democratic governance requires
poses a significant threat to the foundations of democracy protesters ensured that Georgia's democratic trajectory the constant vigilance and engagement of citizens, who
itself, specifically the freedom of civil society and the press. remained intact. The protests were able to leverage public must be willing to challenge potential threats to their
The law's potential to stifle dissenting voices and pressure and mobilization to effectively counter the freedoms and rights.
undermine independent media, highlighted the importance government's attempt to curtail fundamental democratic
of citizen participation in ensuring democratic principles. As freedoms.
highlighted by Kate Nash's framework, the protests, though
not formally part of the democratic process, at first played a
critical democratizing role by preventing the law from
undermining Georgia's democratic institutions.
Use of concepts and definitions in your
presentation
Slide 2: “the difference between the • Nash: „NGOs are also criticized as
democratic legitimacy of formal undemocratic in that ultimately
processes and the democratizing they can only survive as long as
effect of public resistance to they are financially viable.“ (p. 70)
undemocratic laws.” • „the activities of left-liberal NGOs
(e.g., Friends of the Earth, Human
Rights Watch) are treated as
legitimate, though their activities
do not necessarily involve the
participation of those most
affected by the solutions they
advocate.” (p. 3)
• Nash is pointing to the democratic
deficit in NGO mobilization itself.
Policies and institutions that relate to the
debate
• Democracy Index by Freedom House
• https://freedomhouse.org/country/georgia
• https://freedomhouse.org/report/election-watch-digital-age#georgia-
2024
• We will come back to this in session 6/2 «regime types».
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Discussion
This week, we have discussed
• The functions and definitions of the public sphere in classical democratic
theory.
• The challenge of including non-democratic voices in public deliberation: ex.
Religious voices, NGOs
Think:
Is the criterion «democratizing effect» a valid way to distinguish between
legitimate and illegitimate contributions to public debate?
What assumptions do we have when making such assessments?
What is the difference between political theory and political sociology when
discussing such questions?
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Outlook to next week: the Public Sphere part
II
SESSION 4/1 Fraser's argument about the transnational public sphere
• Group 3
• Group 4
• Lecture (after inputs) Fraser's proposal to innovate public sphere theory
SESSION 4/2 Fraser and her critics
• Group 5
• Group 6
• Lecture (after inputs) How does Fraser reply to her critics?
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