L I G H T N I N G WA R R I O R

the linda schele series

in maya and pre-columbian studies
 Lightning
Warrior
MAYA ART AND KINGSHIP AT QUIRIGUA

Matthew G. Looper

University of Texas Press

Austin
This series was made possible through the generosity
of William C. Nowlin, Jr., and Bettye H. Nowlin.

Copyright © 2003 by the University of Texas Press

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Printed in the United States of America
First edition, 2003

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∞ The paper used in this book meets the minimum requirements
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Looper, Matthew George, 1966–
Lightning warrior : Maya art and kingship at Quirigua / Matthew G.
Looper.—1st ed.
p. cm. — (Linda Schele series in Maya and pre-Columbian studies)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 0-292-70556-5 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Quirigua Site (Guatemala) 2. Maya sculpture—Guatemala—
Motagua River Valley. 3. Stele (Archaeology)—Guatemala—Motagua
River Valley. 4. Mayas—Kings and rulers. 5. Mayas—Guatemala—
Motagua River Valley—Antiquities. 6. Motagua River Valley (Guate-
mala)—Antiquities. I. Title. II. Series.
f1435.1.q8 l66 2003
972.81'31—dc21 2003010416
Contents

Preface vii
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction 1

1. Life at the Crossroads | Quirigua before K’ak’ Tiliw 35

2. A Restive Vassal | The Early Reign of K’ak’ Tiliw 57
3. Rebellion and Revival | The First Stelae of K’ak’ Tiliw 76
4. Dreams of Power | Stelae F, D, and E 122
5. Foundation of the Cosmic House | Stelae C and A and
Zoomorph B 158
6. In Honor of a Great Warrior | The Legacy of K’ak’ Tiliw
186
appendix a. Rulers of Quirigua 205
appendix b. Historical Events Recorded in the Texts
of Quirigua 207
appendix c. Selected Historical Events from the Texts
of Copan 211
appendix d. Transcriptions and Translations of the
Monumental Inscriptions Commissioned by K’ak’ Tiliw
213

Notes 231
Bibliography 239
Index 255
THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK
Preface

In 1990 (the year I began my studies of ancient Maya art preceded him, only four are named in inscriptions. Peter
in graduate school) my dissertation advisor, the late Mathews identified the name of the first or second Quiri-
Linda Schele, and anthropologist David Freidel released gua king, associated with a date in the year 455 (Jones
their book A Forest of Kings: The Untold Story of the Ancient and Sharer 1980). Third and fourth successors may be
Maya. Using hieroglyphic texts as a foundation, this documented from near the end of the fifth century (Jones
book endeavored to pave the way for a distinctly human- 1983a). Another ruler is known to have been active at
istic understanding of the ancient Maya, in which the 653, but his position in the dynasty is not clear (Schele
achievements of this civilization are attributed not to im- 1989d). K’ak’ Tiliw himself was succeeded by a ruler
personal economic trends but rather to individual histor- known by the nickname “Sky Xul,” who ruled for only
ical agents. Thus, texts and their associated images are about ten years, 785–ca. 795 (Jones and Sharer 1980; Kel-
situated within contexts of political struggle, in which ley 1962). After 795 the dynastic sequence becomes un-
elites competed against each other to achieve or main- certain, with possibly two rulers following in quick suc-
tain ascendancy. cession. The last known ruler, nicknamed Jade Sky,
Inspired by this pioneering book, my dissertation appears in association with dates in 805 and 810 (Grube,
(completed in 1995) explored the history of one of the Schele, and Fahsen 1991; Kelley 1962).3
most astonishing of these actors known, whose name While one goal of my dissertation was documentation,
was probably K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, high king of another was to attempt a synthesis of what I saw at the
Quirigua, a relatively small ceremonial city located in time as divergent emphases on esoteric, political, or sty-
southeastern Guatemala (Fig. P.1). This ruler, whose listic aspects of Maya art. Few studies, in my view, util-
name I have taken the liberty of shortening in the present ized style together with iconography to reveal the inte-
book to K’ak’ Tiliw, first became known to the modern grated politico-religious meanings of these works.
world through the work of David Kelley (1962).1 The out- Among the many insights provided by this holistic ap-
line biography of this ruler was worked out in various proach was the clarification of the relationship between
subsequent studies.2 Reigning from 725 to 785, K’ak’ the political identity of the king of Quirigua and the var-
Tiliw was by far the most important ruler of Quirigua. In- ious supernatural entities with whom he was associated
deed, his remarkable history and associated monuments through ritual performance and other techniques. In par-
mark him as one of the most prominent figures in all of ticular, although he is named consistently, the identity of
Maya history. Until my dissertation, however, the monu- K’ak’ Tiliw is not stable but develops within a complex
ments commissioned during his reign had never been historical discourse, articulated through what I call per-
studied in detail or as a unit. sonae or historically specific conventional identities. My
Although Kelley referred to K’ak’ Tiliw as “Ruler I,” we goal in the present book is to chart this discourse on both
now know that he was actually designated the fourteenth local and regional scales, as expressed in the design of
successor of his dynasty (Riese 1982). Of the rulers who ceremonial cities, particularly Quirigua and its principal

vii
rival, Copan. It suggests a shift of attention from the Stelae S, H, J, F, D, E, C, and A, and Zoomorph B.4 The
monumental commissions of a single ruler toward a his- monumental texts and images of the two (or three) kings
tory of interwoven and inherently unstable identities. who succeeded K’ak’ Tiliw also contain useful infor-
One of the distinct tendencies of the recent mon- mation for interpreting the history of his reign.
ographs on Classic Maya sites is to separate hieroglyphic Supplementary information is embodied in architec-
texts from iconography and/or to privilege one or the ture, ceramics, and other archaeological data, which
other (Houston 1993; Newsome 2001; Tate 1992). The have been well established through the efforts of a
texts and images work together, however, to convey the number of archaeological projects. These began with
specific meanings of the monument. The result of this some clearing and test pitting by Alfred P. Maudslay in
scholarly treatment is to lessen the impact of the monu- 1883, followed by more substantial excavations spon-
ments’ rhetoric. In contrast, this book seeks to recon- sored by the School of American Archaeology and the Ar-
struct the politico-religious history of Quirigua, through chaeological Institute of America under the direction of
an approach which gives equal weight to textual and pic- Edgar Lee Hewett between 1910 and 1914 (Maudslay
torial data, firmly grounded in the archaeological record. 1889–1902; Saville 1919). Although a number of the pub-
It should be noted that this approach diverges somewhat lications relating to these expeditions were by Hewett
from traditional art history (especially Mesoamerican art himself, the assistant director of the project, Sylvanus G.
history), in that it does not privilege the “masterpieces” Morley, reported many of the results in his monumental
but gives equal consideration to small, poorly carved, or study The Inscriptions of Petén (1937–1938) and in a guide-
eroded monuments. In fact, some of the most battered book to the site published in 1935.5 Morley also pub-
and crudely executed sculptures at Quirigua are of the lished short articles on the expedition, of which his 1913
greatest historical significance—such as Stela H. In gen- article is the most important (Morley 1912, 1913). The full
eral, my intention is to create a fresh understanding of results of these expeditions, however, were never pub-
Maya art history through an exploration of the historical lished. Morley’s Inscriptions of Petén also includes research
foundations and relationships of monumental rhetoric he conducted at Quirigua under the auspices of the Car-
at Quirigua. This involves detailed and comprehensive negie Institution of Washington in 1919 and 1923. The
comparisons of iconography, style, and rhetorical strate- Carnegie Institution sponsored brief projects at Quirigua
gies not only within Quirigua itself but also with other in 1933 and 1934 (Ricketson 1933, 1935; Strömsvik 1941,
sites with which Quirigua was in contact. These include 1952). However, the most comprehensive excavations at
especially Copan but also other lowland centers. Such an Quirigua were those conducted under the auspices of the
analysis allows for a richer historical perspective on University of Pennsylvania Quirigua Project of 1974–
Maya art than has generally been achieved in previous 1979, which were designed to provide a more complete
studies. In addition, my historical focus motivates a cri- archaeological picture of the ancient site. This project in-
tique of some of the interpretations that have been made cluded not only extensive excavations and reconstruc-
of Maya art in the past, including the existence of a tions of the acropolis and surrounding site core but map-
master narrative that underlies iconography as well as ping and excavations in outlying areas of the Motagua
the concepts of normative “Maya style” and “southeast- valley. The results of these investigations have been pub-
ern Maya style.” lished in the Quirigua Reports series.6 A number of sum-
mary articles relating to this research have also appeared
Documentation
(Ashmore 1984, 1987; Jones and Sharer 1980, 1986;
The center from which K’ak’ Tiliw presided during the Sharer 1978, 1980).
eighth century is today called Quirigua, after a nearby vil- While Maudslay made some excavations of structures
lage. Discovered in 1840 by the English artist Frederick at Quirigua, his most important contribution is clearly
Catherwood and made famous through American trav- in the area of documentation of the sculptures at the site.
eler John Lloyd Stephens’s book Incidents of Travel in Cen- It was he who discovered most of the major sculptures
tral America, Chiapas, and Yucatan (1841), this archaeologi- and provided the alphabetical designations used in this
cal site is located on the floodplain of the Motagua River,
which originates in the Guatemalan highlands and flows
northeast into the Caribbean. This study focuses pri- Facing page
marily on the eleven freestanding monuments attributed P.1. Map of the Maya region, showing sites discussed in this
to K’ak’ Tiliw—in chronological order: Altars M and N, book. Drawing by Thomas Tolles and the author.

viii lightning warrior

preface ix
study. In 1883 he commissioned a set of papier-mâché Pennsylvania project in 1979, was promptly published
molds of many of the sculptures. The plaster casts made (Jones 1983a). Drawings of Altars O' and P', which had
from these molds are conserved in the British Museum been discovered by Earl H. Morris and Gustav Strömsvik
and constitute an important record of the sculptures. in 1934, were made by William Coe and published in the
Maudslay also photographed most of the monuments Quirigua Reports (Jones 1983b). In 1980 Andrea Stone
and had drawings of many of the inscriptions made by (1983, 1985) executed an important set of drawings of
the artist Annie Hunter. These excellent photographs the altars and zoomorphs not included in Maudslay’s
and drawings were published in Maudslay’s lavish Biolo- work. My own fieldwork at Quirigua between 1993 and
gia Centrali-Americana: Archaeology (1889–1902). In 1900 1996 attempted to produce a complete corpus of draw-
the Peabody Museum of Harvard University also made a ings of the Quirigua monuments. These drawings were
series of molds and photographs, which have never been based on photographs taken at the site by Thomas Tolles
published (Gordon 1913). The photographer associated and were checked against the original monuments, ar-
with the School of American Archaeology expeditions to chival photographs, and the surviving casts in museum
Quirigua, Jesse L. Nusbaum, created an invaluable cor- collections (Looper n.d.). The accumulation of doc-
pus of detailed photographs of the Quirigua sculptures, umentary and archaeological data allows us to achieve a
most of which were never published and now reside in rich understanding of the history of Quirigua, which has
the History Library of the Museum of New Mexico in been summarized in a number of works.7 These interpre-
Santa Fe. Morley also made useful photographs of Quiri- tations take on even greater significance, however, in
gua monuments during his work at the site, many of light of the data from Copan, which has witnessed over a
which were published (Morley 1913, 1937–1938). Casts century of continuous excavations by numerous institu-
were also made from molds taken at the site and are tions.8 The sculptures of Copan are likewise well doc-
presently displayed in the San Diego Museum of Man. umented and have been subjected to detailed icon-
Andrea Stone (1983: Appendix B) prepared a list of casts ographic and historical analyses, which provide a wealth
in museum collections. of comparative data that can aid in examining Quirigua’s
In recent decades there has been an attempt to pro- history.9 The present study draws frequently on these
duce a complete record of the Quirigua sculptures in sources and is a testament to the dedication of previous
drawings. Monument 26, discovered by the University of investigators.

x lightning warrior
Acknowledgments

Contributing more directly to the present study were sented here. I also wish to thank Elizabeth Carmichael of
a number of friends and colleagues, whose assistance I the Museum of Mankind in London for granting access
am pleased to acknowledge. First, my dissertation com- to the Maudslay casts. This study was enhanced by con-
mittee members, John Clarke, Terence Grieder, Joan versations with many scholars, including Wendy Ash-
Holladay, and Brian Stross, offered valuable comments more, Maricela Ayala F., Erik Boot, Magdiel Castillo, Fed-
and suggestions for improvement. Andrea Stone was erico Fahsen, William Fash, David Freidel, Nikolai
especially generous in this regard, furnishing her com- Grube, Christopher Jones, Rosemary Joyce, Julia Guern-
ments on several early manuscripts relating to my re- sey Kappelman, Rex Koontz, Ruth Krochock, Barbara
search in addition to the dissertation draft. Many col- MacLeod, Martha Macri, Simon Martin, Alfonso Mo-
leagues in Guatemala also provided assistance. I thank rales, Elizabeth Newsome, Sofía Paredes Maury, Dorie
the directorship of the Instituto de Antropología e Histo- Reents-Budet, Kathryn Reese-Taylor, F. Kent Reilly III,
ria (IDAEH) for permission to carry out fieldwork at the Robert Sharer, David Stuart, Carolyn Tate, Patricia Ur-
site and the staff, especially Aura Rosa de Flores and Lic. ban, and Elisabeth Wagner. I wish to acknowledge my
Erick Ponciano, for use of resources in Guatemala City. advisor Linda Schele, for sharing ideas and resources in
The IDAEH staff members at Quirigua deserve special the best spirit of collegiality. I could not have completed
recognition for their congeniality and assistance at the this project without the efforts of Thomas Tolles, who
site itself. The director of the Museo de Arqueología e Et- served as photographer, computer consultant, and ed-
nología in Guatemala City, Lic. Dora Guerra de Gonzá- itor. I am especially grateful for the many hours he spent
lez, generously allowed access to the collection. This preparing the final copies of illustrations.
project was aided immensely by Carmen Matute de Fon- The fieldwork for this project was supported by grants
cea of the U.S. Embassy and by the support and facilities from the National Science Foundation (DBS 9307752),
provided by the Centro de Investigaciones Regionales the William J. Fulbright Scholarship Board of the Insti-
en Mesoamérica in Antigua, its staff, and its directors, tute for International Education, a fellowship from
Steven Elliot and Tani Adams. the University of Texas at Austin, the Cornelia and Mere-
In the United States, the History Library of the Mu- dith Long Scholarship, and the Center for Excellence in
seum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, and the San Diego Mu- Learning and Teaching of the California State University,
seum of Man (SDMM) graciously allowed access to their Chico Foundation (Summer Scholars grant). Travel
collections and archives. I am especially grateful to Paul funds were provided in part by the John D. Murchison
Johnson for his work preparing photographs from Professorship in Art, formerly held by Linda Schele, and
the SDMM archive for publication. The members of the the Department of Art and Art History at California State
“glyph group” of the SDMM, especially Judith Strupp University, Chico. The Foundation for the Advancement
Green, Janis Indrikis, and Margaret Thomas, provided a of Mesoamerican Studies provided funding for travel to
critical forum for the development of many ideas pre- London.

xi
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 INTRODUCTION

Quirigua in the Maya World art. Carved with stone tools, the sandstone monoliths are
varied in form and proportion, from short and squat to
I was naturally anxious and expectant on this my first visit to a
extremely tall and slender. Many of the sculptures feature
Central-American ruin, but it seemed as though my curiosity
idealized portraits of kings dressed in lavish ceremonial
would be ill satisfied, for all I could see on arrival was what ap-
peared to be three moss-grown stumps of dead trees covered
regalia. The hieroglyphic texts that accompany these fig-
over with a tangle of creepers and parasitic plants, around ures reveal that they were erected in honor of local rulers
which the undergrowth had been cleared away for the space of near the end of the Classic period of Maya civilization
a few feet. However, a closer inspection showed that these were (a.d. 250–900).
no tree-stumps but undoubtedly stone monuments. . . . We Now thoroughly excavated and converted into an ar-
soon pulled off the creepers, and with rough brushes, made by chaeological park, the monuments of Quirigua stand
tying together the midribs of the leaflets of the corosa palm, we where they were originally erected, in low-lying plazas
set to work to clear away the coating of moss. adjacent to a palace compound that served as the res-
As the curious outlines of the carved ornament gathered shape
idence of its rulers about a.d. 450–850. (The names of
it began to dawn upon me how much more important were the Quirigua kings are listed in Appendix A.) Unlike
these monuments, upon which I had stumbled almost by other centers, such as Tikal, Caracol, or Calakmul, Quir-
chance, than any account I had heard of them had led me to ex- igua was never a large urban complex but rather served as
pect. This day’s work induced me to take a permanent interest the ceremonial and market center for a dispersed rural
in Central-American Archaeology, and a journey which was un- population, in which ethnic Maya were a minority. Quiri-
dertaken merely to escape the rigours of an English winter has gua was established on the north bank of the Motagua, a
been followed by seven expeditions from England for the pur- river originating in the highlands of western Guatemala
pose of further exploration and archaeological research. near the ancient trading center of Chichicastenango.
alfred p. maudslay (1889–1902, vol. 5: 2), recalling his Winding its way between the Chuacús range, which lies
first days at Quirigua to the north, and the great line of volcanoes which loom
over the Pacific coast to the south, the river gradually
When the first European and American explorers pen- drops into the Motagua valley, one of the prominent geo-
etrated the dense jungles surrounding Quirigua more logical features of Central America (Fig. I.1). Bordered by
than 150 years ago, the ruins of this ancient Maya cere- the Sierra de las Minas and Montañas del Mico to the
monial center fired the Romantic imagination in search north and the Sierra del Merendón and Sierra del Espíritu
of “lost” civilizations. To the pioneer archaeologist of the Santo on the south, the broad valley guides the river’s
ancient Maya, Alfred P. Maudslay, the extraordinary meandering course through hot, moist bottomlands to-
carved monuments at Quirigua were an important inspi- ward the northeast and the Gulf of Honduras. Today the
ration. Today we remain impressed by the grandeur and Motagua valley is still the primary artery for travel be-
artistic excellence of Quirigua’s sculptures, many of tween the western highlands of Guatemala and the Gulf
which are justifiably considered masterpieces of Maya of Honduras.

1
 The geographical location of Quirigua was undoubt-
Maya Kingship
edly selected not only because of the access to the high-
lands but also because it marked a point where the river While Copan appears to have been settled far earlier than
crossed the route between the city of Copan and the ma- Quirigua and grew much larger, kings ruled both cities
jor centers of the Peten. Heading almost directly north during the Classic period. (Lists of events at the two
from Copan, the mountain trails passed the Copan satel- centers appear in Appendices B and C.) Like the kings of
lite Río Amarillo and then connected with the head- many other centers, the Late Classic rulers of Quirigua
waters of the Jubuco and Morjá Rivers, which empty into were considered both political and spiritual leaders. One
the Motagua just southeast of Quirigua. Travelers to the of the royal roles emphasized in hieroglyphic texts and
Peten could then continue northward from Quirigua over monumental art is that of a medium between the social
a low pass which placed them on the banks of Lake Iza- and supernatural worlds. Rulers could serve as mediums
bal. Prehispanic settlements have been documented for supernatural entities during ecstatic ritual (Freidel
along this route and at its terminus on Lake Izabal, at and Schele 1988a; Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993;
modern Mariscos (La Ruta Maya Conservation Founda- Schele and Freidel 1990). Conjured using ritual imple-
tion n.d.; Orozco et al. n.d.). From there, they could fol- ments, represented in figural art, or embodied in sacred
low the tides of the lake via the Río Dulce to the Gulf of masks and costume, deities were manifested in diverse
Honduras, which provided access to the numerous sites forms so that the kings could communicate with and di-
situated on the coastal rivers of southern Belize, such as rect them. Such acts of supernatural communication
Pusilha, Uxbenka, Lubaantun, and Nim Li Punit (Fig. were closely connected with the sacrifice of blood and
P.1). Alternatively, disembarking at the northeastern end other precious substances. Astronomy constituted an im-
of the lake, they could begin overland treks into the portant aspect of supernatural contact, for through this
southeastern Peten. knowledge rulers were able to anticipate auspicious mo-
The location of Quirigua at a crossroads between the ments for activities such as warfare or political ceremo-
highlands, the southeastern Maya zone centered on Co- nies. Astronomy, numerology, and other sacred knowl-
pan, and the Peten heartland suggests the importance of edge became the basis for the chronology of official
trade in its economy (Ashmore 1984; Sharer 1978, 1990; histories, as recorded in hieroglyphic codices, painted
Sharer et al. 1983: 48; Sheets 1983). Although excava- ceramics, and inscribed monuments. Such knowledge
tions suggest that Quirigua was unusually poor in jade had to be publicly affirmed through performance, how-
compared to other Maya centers, there is archaeological ever. In this sense, Classic kingship emphasized power
evidence for the city’s trade in obsidian, derived pri- through personal charisma.
marily from the Ixtepeque source located near the upper For about a millennium, beginning around a.d. 100,
Motagua. In addition, the highly fertile bottomlands of rulers of ancient Maya sites generally conceived of the
the valley no doubt supported agriculture, and there is transfer of power as dynastic or carried through lineage
some evidence for cacao as a local cash crop in the Clas- that was reckoned to a deified ancestor. Rulership was
sic period (Ashmore 1984). The vast forest resources of patrilineal and often determined by primogeniture, al-
the lower Motagua valley also probably contributed sig- though occasionally it could pass through brothers. Fol-
nificantly to the local economy. Despite all these advan- lowing the death of the previous ruler, a lord underwent
tages in location and natural resources, however, Quiri- a series of complex accession rituals that associated the
gua grew slowly and even collapsed for a time, before ruler with certain distinctive supernatural entities. Their
achieving a period of growth in the eighth century a.d. culmination was a ritual death and rebirth, signaled by
At its height, Quirigua consisted of a settlement center of coronation with a white headband (sak hunal) made of
only about four square kilometers with a population of bark paper, which might include jade ornaments that re-
no more than two thousand persons (Ashmore 1980a: vealed their living spiritual essence. Additional personi-
23, 1987: 221). Even including the many outlying groups fied headdresses were sometimes presented, and the ruler
that surrounded the floodplain center in the eighth cen- displayed a snake-footed deity (God K) scepter, called
tury, Quirigua was very small, especially compared to its k’awil. As a sign of his new identity, the ruler also assumed
neighbor, Copan, where fifteen to twenty thousand per- a new name, usually derived from a (typically celestial)
sons occupied a small mountain valley during the Late deity. Frequently, this name was identical to that of a
Classic period (Fash 2001; Webster, Sanders, and van prominent ancestor, and in a real sense the king became
Rossum 1992). the present manifestation of that former personality.

2 lightning warrior
I.1. Map of the Maya southeastern region. Drawing by Karim
Sadr, courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoameri-
can Studies, Inc.

introduction 3
 An ancient Maya king was entitled to a certain politi- tersite marriages, elite visits, presentation of gifts, and
cal status, embodied in the emblem glyph title that he military intervention have all been suggested as factors.
usually bore.1 The emblem glyph is a title naming a per- Most of the larger Classic centers had political relation-
son a supreme ajaw “lord” of a certain polity, ideally, of ships with either Tikal or Calakmul that sometimes
equal status with other emblem glyph-bearing rulers. extended over a long period. Accordingly, intersite rela-
For example, the Quirigua emblem glyph (Fig. I.2) con- tionships often developed into enduring rivalries and al-
sists of a dotted element reading k’uhul “divine,” prefixed liances. Occasionally, however, sites profited through a
to a sign depicting a gourd, which was the ancient name change of alliance coupled with military victory.4 The
for the site. The small sign above the gourd reads ajaw. In most famous example of this strategy is probably Cara-
general, the polity referenced by the emblem glyph signi- col: beginning as a client of Tikal, Caracol switched sides
fied a city and probably a certain amount of the sur- in a.d. 562 and, aided by Calakmul, witnessed the defeat
rounding land. In many cases, small sites were estab- of its former overlord (Grube 1994; Martin and Grube
lished at strategic locations within larger polities, such 2000). Although Tikal and Calakmul did attack each
as El Cayo, built on an island near Piedras Negras. The other and each other’s allies directly, sometimes an ally
rulers of some subordinate centers were merely called of Tikal would attack an ally of Calakmul or vice versa. As
ajaw or had specialized titles such as sajal instead of the will be seen, neither Quirigua nor Copan was isolated
full emblem glyph. Many of these sublords acknowl- from the tension between Tikal and Calakmul. In fact,
edged the dominance of their overlord in the texts they Quirigua’s explosive growth in the eighth century may be
commissioned. In some rare instances, lords of subordi- explained by reference to these external political relation-
nate centers used the same emblem glyph title as their ships, apparently affording its most famous ruler a new
overlords. An example is B’alam Ajaw of Tortuguero, route to power through warfare and sacrifice rather than
who was a war leader under K’inich Janab’ Pakal I of Pa- dynastic inheritance.
lenque during the seventh century. Many of these politi- The focus of this book is the history of this ruler, who
cal hierarchies were expressed through complex refer- led Quirigua into its period of maximum political power
ences to “overkingship” in hieroglyphic texts.2 Thus, during the eighth century, reigning from a.d. 725 to 785.
some lords are stated to be yajaw “the ajaw of ” another. According to the hieroglyphic inscriptions, his name was
Others conducted actions that are said to have taken K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, or K’ak’ Tiliw for short
place ukab’jiy (or uchab’jiy) “under the supervision of ” an (Fig. I.3a).5 Like many elite names of the Classic period,
overlord. Political expansion, therefore, was not defined this name derives from that of a deity, thereby evoking
in terms of territorial acquisition per se but by subordi- both his superhuman power and divine ancestry. The
nation of rulers and their dynastic centers. first part of the name includes the words for “fire” (k’ak’)
Of further importance in maintaining the hierarchy of and tiliw, which is probably a derived form of the root til,
different polities was the intense rivalry between Tikal meaning “burn,” followed by chan “sky.” The last ele-
and Calakmul, the largest urban settlements in the Clas- ment of this name, yo’at/yo’pat, alternates with a glyph
sic Maya lowlands.3 Recent evidence suggests that the that depicts a lightning deity who holds a lobed stone ob-
economic success and growth of many Classic-period ject, often in a quatrefoil shape (Fig. I.3b).6 This object
polities were closely tied to a site’s political relationship symbolizes the caves in which the Classic Maya consid-
with these two great powers. Although the precise mech- ered many deities, especially the lightning spirits, to re-
anism of these interactions is still being investigated, in- side. It is also utilized by the Yo’at/Yo’pat lightning spirit
to crack the carapace of the cosmic turtle, resulting in the
rebirth of maize, as discussed below (Fig. I.4). The ap-
proximate translation of this ruler’s name as “fire-burn-
ing celestial lightning god” is truly awesome, represent-
ajaw
ing a significant claim to divine identity.
By 725, when this ruler assumed the title of divine lord
divine [name of Quirigua]
of Quirigua, many of the sites in the Maya lowlands were
experiencing growth and concomitant political tensions.
The neighboring site of Copan in particular was under-
I.2. The Quirigua emblem glyph, from Stela C, D8. Drawing by going a population explosion that had begun to stress
author. the valley’s carrying capacity. Its ruler, Waxaklajun Ub’ah

4 lightning warrior
 K’awil (formerly known to scholars as “18-Rabbit”), wit-
nessed the expansion of Copan during the reign of his
predecessor and probable father, Smoke Imix, who had
reigned for most of the seventh century, from a.d. 628
to 695. Even so, the end came sooner than Waxaklajun
Ub’ah K’awil could have anticipated, when he was cap-
k’ak’ tiliw chan yo’at/yo’pat tured and sacrificed under the auspices of K’ak’ Tiliw in
a 738.
ti li In this regard Copan was not alone, for this was a time
of ruthless conflict and power struggles among elite
centers, many of which witnessed the humiliation of de-
k’ak’
feat in war and the capture of their rulers. Calakmul, for
example, suffered the loss of its ruler, Jaguar Paw, in 695.
yo’at/yo’pat
In 711 Palenque also lost its king, K’an Xul, to its enemy
Tonina. The victors in these struggles often commis-
sioned major art programs. Tikal, for instance, was en-
chan joying a renaissance under Jasaw Chan K’awil; and
master artists at Yaxchilan, under the auspices of Shield
b Jaguar, were working on Temple 23 and its great lintels
featuring his wife, Lady Xok. The ruler of Naranjo, K’ak’
I.3. Variants of the name of K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat:
a, QRG Stela I, D3b–C4; b, QRG Zoomorph B, glyph 16. Draw- Tiliw Chan Chaak, had just completed a series of suc-
ings by author. cessful raids in the Yaxha region and commissioned a
number of exquisite stelae to commemorate himself and

maize deity Yo’at/ Yo’pat

I.4. Resurrection of the maize deity by the actions of a light-
ning deity (Yo’at/Yo’pat). Classic polychrome vessel, Museum
of Fine Arts, Boston (K731). Drawing by author.

introduction 5
his redoubtable mother, Lady Six Sky. One of the most
astonishing success stories of the times, however, was
that of Dos Pilas, a renegade dynasty that split from Tikal
in the mid-seventh century. Led by a series of aggressive
rulers who had allied themselves with Calakmul, this
polity expanded rapidly, conquering several sites in the
region. Ruler 2 of Dos Pilas, who acceded in 698, over-
saw the translation of his polity’s new wealth and status
into massive architectural programs, such as the El
Duende group. Quirigua’s political strategies bear com-
parison to those of Dos Pilas in some respects. It seems
likely that those in power remained well informed con-
cerning developments in polities both near and far and
adjusted policy accordingly, waiting for the perfect mo-
ment to strike at those in their path.
What is particularly significant about the history of
K’ak’ Tiliw is the singular role of monumental texts and
images in celebrating the ruler’s exploits, by presenting
these acts in certain supernatural contexts. During his
long reign, Quirigua was embellished with eight known
stelae, one large zoomorph, and two smaller zoom-
orphic sculptures. The monuments are of intrinsic sig-
nificance to archaeology and art history for their massive
scale, elaborate carving, and excellent state of preserva-
tion (Fig. I.5). In view of their colossal size, their high
sculptural quality, and the eloquent poetics of their hier-
oglyphic texts, the sculptures of Quirigua stand out as
some of the greatest achievements of Classic Maya civ-
ilization. They are also nearly all in situ, which locks them
into a precise spatial and temporal context. But even
more important is the survival of the Quirigua monu-
ments as a complete series between the dates of a.d. 746
and 810, spanning the reigns of at least three kings. Few
Maya sites provide such a comprehensive record of artis-
tic development over time. In spite of these qualities, pre-
vious studies have not adequately contextualized the art
or politics of Quirigua within the greater Maya or Mesoa-
merican traditions. In Maya studies, Quirigua is usually
considered of secondary importance, owing to its mar-
ginal location and relatively unassuming architecture.
This study highlights the importance of the sculptures of
Quirigua as a major source of information concerning
ancient Maya spirituality and political theory that can be
related to a specific historical context.
I.5. QRG Stela F, north face. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Ar-
Sculptural Formats and Practices at Quirigua
chaeology, vol. 2, Plate 35. From the facsimile edition of Biologia
Artistic traditions clearly express the political and spiri- Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published 1974
tual ties between Quirigua and other Classic Maya by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further re-
centers. These practices drew indirectly upon traditions production prohibited.
that had been developed by one of the most ancient civ-

6 lightning warrior
ilizations of Mesoamerica, the Olmec of the Gulf Coast
of Mexico (de la Fuente 1973; Drucker 1952; Milbrath
1979). One of the major centers associated with this cul-
ture, La Venta, flourished between 1000 and 600 b.c.
Sculptural technique at La Venta was varied, with ex-
ecution in both high and low relief. Among the Olmec in-
novations seen at La Venta were some of Mesoamerica’s
first upright stone monoliths or stelae as well as rectan-
gular thrones and volumetric sculptures in the forms of
humans, colossal human heads, animals, and supernat-
ural beings. The Olmec also sometimes associated altars
with stelae, as at the highland site of Chalcatzingo
(Grove 1984: 62–64). The stela form may have evolved
from the Olmec celt or ceremonial axe, which was identi-
fied with maize (Porter 1996; Taube 1996). This symbol-
ism is expressed in a set of celtiform stelae set up at the
foot of La Venta Mound C (Fig. I.6). These monuments
depict supernatural beings wearing elaborate head-

I.7. La Venta Stela 2. Drawing by author.

dresses crowned with a trefoil maize icon.7 Together

with the upright form of the stela, such botanical im-
agery has led some researchers to associate these monu-
ments with concept of a “world tree,” a symbolic axis of
communication between levels of the universe (Freidel,
Schele, and Parker 1993: 134–135; Reilly 1994). But the
Olmec stela was not exclusively a supernatural effigy; it
could also portray historical personages. The La Venta
stelae sometimes show rulers in a narrative mode por-
traying ritual action (e.g., Stela 5), but these rulers can
also be represented iconically, bearing the implements of
office and/or placed in cosmological or supernatural set-
tings (e.g., Stelae 1 and 2; Fig. I.7).
As the Olmec culture at La Venta waned, numerous
centers elsewhere in Mesoamerica preserved and elab-
orated these sculptural forms, including thrones or sup-
ports as well as stelae. Upright carved slabs appeared for
the first time in the Maya lowlands in the Middle to Late
I.6. La Venta Monument 25/26. Drawing by author. Formative period, at sites such as Nakbe and El Mirador

introduction 7
(Hansen 1989; Matheny 1987). Although these monu- this type of scene, the antecedents of which can be traced
ments were the direct ancestors of Classic stelae, also to Middle Formative Olmec stelae such as La Venta Stela
participating in the development of the stela were centers 2. Although iconographic and epigraphic similarities
in Chiapas, the Guatemalan highlands, and the Pacific suggest that the early lowland Maya stela was more
slope, particularly Izapa, Abaj Takalik, El Baúl, and Kam- closely related iconographically and stylistically to the
inaljuyu, all of which thrived in the Late Formative period sculptures of El Baúl and Kaminaljuyu than to those of
(300 b.c.–a.d. 250). At these centers, the stela format Izapa, the importance of Izapa in promulgating the stela
was exploited even more than it had been among the Ol- form should not be discounted. As the stela spread
mec. At most of these centers and especially at Izapa, ste- throughout the Maya lowlands in the Early Classic pe-
lae were placed at the base of mounds in a manner rem- riod, it retained a number of its Late Formative features.
iniscent of La Venta. It passed from kingdom to kingdom as a unified concep-
Although each of these major Late Formative centers tion, replicating the low-relief style and primary function
featured stelae bearing varied iconography, one image is as an expression of the political and religious institution
common to all four centers: the ruler shown in the ritual of kingship.
of conjuring spirit beings, who appear above him, as on As a defining feature of Classic Maya civilization, the
Izapa Stela 4, Kaminaljuyu Stela 11, and El Baúl Stela 1 stela has been subjected to intensive study; and several
(Fig. I.8). When they adopted the stela form in the sec- interpretations have been put forth to explain the sym-
ond and third centuries, lowland Maya rulers preferred bolism of this class of monuments. One of the most im-
portant of these is the suggestion that stelae may sym-
bolize the “world tree.” According to Mircea Eliade
(1964: 120, 194, 269–274), this concept refers to a cosmic
tree located at the center of the world that serves to con-
nect the three cosmic realms of the heavens, earth, and
underworld and is a source of life. Part of the original
support for the association of stelae with the world tree
was an erroneous decipherment of the glyph for “stela”
as te’ tun or “stone tree.” We now know that the Maya
termed these monuments lakam tun, possibly translated
as “huge stone” or “banner stone.”8 Nevertheless, there
is ample support for identifying “world trees” both in the
Maya ethnographic record and in ancient Maya art.9 In
fact, most of K’ak’ Tiliw’s portraits show him wearing
the “God-C” apron, which Linda Schele and Mary Ellen
Miller (1986: 77) convincingly identify as a representa-
tion of the trunk and branches of a sacred tree (Fig. I.9).
This costume element appears in diverse contexts
(such as figurines and carved panels), however, and is
not specific to stelae; thus it cannot be taken as proof
that the stela itself symbolizes a tree, like the apron.
There is in fact no costume element or other icon that
specifically marks stelae as symbolic trees. As an alterna-
tive to this generic symbolic equation, it seems more pro-
ductive to look for specific evidence on how the Maya
conceived of individual monuments or programs and
thereby gain a sense of the complex history of religious
meanings conveyed by the monuments. In the context of
I.8. El Baúl Stela 1. Drawing by Linda Schele, © David Schele, such an analysis, it is not only the similarities but also the
courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican differences between monumental symbolisms that are
Studies, Inc. significant.

8 lightning warrior
 a

I.9. Comparison of: a, “God-C” apron from royal portrait of

QRG Stela F, north; and b, central icon from Palenque Temple
of the Cross main panel. Drawings by author and Linda Schele,
© David Schele, courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of
Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.

introduction 9
 While the general status of Classic Maya stelae as arbo- der and separated by periods: 9.1.0.0.0. In our calendar,
real effigies is open to question, there is ample evidence this date corresponds to August 28, 455. On this date,
to associate them (in addition to zoomorphs, altars, and Stela C records that an early king of Quirigua set up a
other types of monuments) with rituals of cosmic re- stela. In fact, stelae were usually erected to commem-
newal (see Christie 1995; Newsome 2001). Stone monu- orate such whole k’atun endings. Often, however, monu-
ments were incorporated into elaborate cosmological rit- ments were also dedicated on quarter-k’atuns, which
uals that established the shape and quality of both time Mayanists term hotuns. At Quirigua, for example, the
and space. To the ancient as well as the contemporary known stelae of K’ak’ Tiliw were set up on 9.15.15.0.0,
Maya, time does not unfold in an entirely linear sequence 9.16.0.0.0, 9.16.5.0.0, and so on. Mayanists refer to such
but rather as a perpetual cycle of repeating events, initi- anniversaries of the Creation as “period endings” (see
ated by cosmic reordering or Creation. Monuments and Thompson 1950: 181).
architectural programs reproduced aspects of this cos-
mic order through their conformation to sacred proto-
C D
types and their dedication according to the precise sched-
ule dictated by a complex calendrical system.
The connection between monuments and cosmogene-
sis was articulated through the use of the Long Count 1
calendar, a system for recording time that emerged dur-
ing the Late Formative period and later spread through
ISIG
the southern Maya lowlands, appearing first at Tikal in
a.d. 292. The Long Count calendar explicitly referenced
2
Creation mythology, as it was used in hieroglyphic texts
to count the number of days elapsed since the date of
Creation, which was August 13, 3114 b.c., according to
9 b’aktuns 3 1 k’atun
the Classic-period sources. In fact, Long Count records
on stelae are featured information, usually occurring
first in the text and sometimes even written larger than
other glyphs.
As exemplified by the west text of Quirigua Stela C 4
0 tuns 0 winals
(Fig. I.10), the Long Count begins with an oversized in-
itial series introductory glyph (ISIG) which may read tzik
hab’ “count of years,” into which is infixed a glyph or “pa-
0 k’ins 5
tron” associated with the appropriate month in the 365-
day hab’ or “vague year.” Following the ISIG are five units
of time, each with a numerical coefficient. The high-
est unit, which scholars designate the b’aktun (144,000
days or about 400 solar years), is followed by the k’atun 6
(7,200 days or about 20 years), then the tun (360 days),
winal (20 days), and finally k’in (single day).10 On Stela C
west, the date is written with the numeral nine (a bar rep-
a stone,
resenting five units and four dots representing single he plants 7
Tutum
units) in the b’aktun position. A single dot (framed by
two space-filling curls) precedes the k’atun glyph, while
glyphs for “zero” accompany each of the smaller tem- divine
poral units. Combining the units with their coefficients, Quirigua
Yol K’inich 8
this date can be calculated in the following manner: ajaw
[9 x 144,000] + [1 x 7200] + [0 x 360] + [0 x 20] + [0] days
after the beginning of the current cycle. Traditionally,
I.10. QRG Stela C, west text, C1–D8. Drawing by author.
scholars represent the date on Stela C west in an abbrevi-
ated form, listing the coefficients only, in descending or-

10 lightning warrior
 Carved on the opposite (east) face of Quirigua Stela C morphic sculpture at Quirigua was related to a local in-
is an inscription that clarifies the connection between the terpretation of the lore of cosmogenesis.
monument dedication and the events of Creation (Fig. It is noteworthy that while the Quirigua account is ex-
I.11). This text is one of the most detailed accounts of tremely detailed, parts of its content are consistent with
these events that survives from the Classic period, con- texts from other Maya sites. For example, both the Tablet
taining many unique elements. It begins with a Long of the Cross at Palenque and Piedras Negras Altar 1 men-
Count record of the “zero” date of Creation, rendered as tion the events of Creation at the First Three-Stone place,
13.0.0.0.0. Following this are the corresponding posi- which is named in the same manner as on Quirigua Stela
tions in the tzolk’in or 260-day calendar, 4 Ajaw, and the C (Fig. I.14a, b). The Creation text of the badly damaged
hab’, 8 Kumk’u.11 Together, these notations are referred Dos Pilas Panel 18 also mentions the First Three-Stone
to as the Calendar Round. Several events are associated place (Fig. I.14c). Usually, local elite traditions embroi-
with this date, including a list of sacred platforms or dered the narrative of cosmogenesis by incorporating dy-
thrones set up by supernatural beings. The first of these nastic ancestors as observers of the events. The key motif
objects is dedicated by two deities known as the “Pad- of the erection of sacred stones, however, was a widely
dlers,” aged beings who in ceramic scenes are often accepted component of Classic-period lore. Its codifica-
shown paddling a canoe. This stone is set up at a place tion in the inscriptional record may have been histori-
called nah ho’ chan “First Five Sky” and is identified as a cally linked to the spread of period-ending ceremonies
“jaguar platform/throne stone.” The second stone ded- involving stelae and other monuments.
ication is performed by an unknown deity at a location The setting of primordial stones was both a principal
that may read lakam kah “Large Town.” The second stone structuring concept for space and time and a metaphor
is referred to as a “snake platform/throne stone.” Finally, for social order. As promulgated by the Classic kings, the
the third stone is bundled by Itzamnah, a prominent pa- lore of Creation took on a decidedly elitist tone, implying
tron of rulership. The stone set by Itzamnah is stated to that the paradigms established by the gods were the in-
be a “water platform/throne stone,” and its place of ded- heritance of rulers. As such, cosmogenesis became a
ication is “??-Sky, First Three-Stone place.” The entire royal prerogative that was periodically enacted through
process is overseen by an entity called “Six Sky ajaw,” ceremonial performance. Through various techniques,
which David Freidel, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker (1993: rulers drew upon the aesthetic and symbolic significance
73–74) identify as the “Maize God,” but for which I offer of popular technologies, such as domestic architecture
a different interpretation (see Chapter 5). The narrative and agriculture, transforming them into statements of
of Stela C is a metaphor for monument dedication by the dynastic legitimacy and esoteric power. In the Classic pe-
ruler. His rituals reenact the ordering of the cosmos and riod, the stela gained widespread popularity due to its
compare him to the supernatural beings associated with suitability as a vehicle for political expression. A king’s
each of the three stone platforms or thrones. ritual action of stela erection replicated the actions of the
As discussed in subsequent chapters, specific details creator gods. Further, the workings of the Maya calendar
of this text were elaborated in order to emphasize the placed each period ending on a day with the same name
meaning of certain monumental art programs at Quiri- as the king’s political office, Ajaw. Thus, when a king
gua. In particular, boulder sculptures in the form of commissioned a stela in his own image, his identity be-
composite animals were conceived as effigies of these came conflated with the cycle of 360 days. In this way, the
thrones or platforms of Creation (Fig. I.12; Looper religious significance of the anniversary of Creation was
1995b, 2002b). For example, Zoomorph G is named with appropriated. The stela allowed the king to be linked to
a logograph (T150) which depicts a bundle of bones (Fig. the most fundamental definitions of space and time,
I.13a).12 Elsewhere in Maya art, the bone bundle is em- thereby asserting his supernatural nature.
ployed as a throne for supernatural beings (Fig. I.13b) or Beyond its inherent symbolic value, the stela had other
a support for sacred objects (Fig. I.13c). A polychrome ritual functions as a supernatural interface. Since their
vase shows a spirit seated on the T150 glyph, which is invention, stelae had been physically associated with
placed atop a round personified stone that is similar to mounds and pyramids. The universal Mesoamerican
the zoomorphs of Quirigua (Fig. I.13d). There are unfor- conception of mounds as effigy mountains and of moun-
tunately no archaeological data from Quirigua to prove tains as the abode of spirits and ancestors suggests a
exactly how these monuments were used in ceremony. function of stelae as portals to the supernatural world. As
What is clear is that the unusual elaboration of zoo- Evon Vogt (1970: 14–16) notes, the function of the mod-

introduction 11
 A B

three stones 7 they plant

are bundled

a stone,
Stingray
Jaguar 8
Paddler
Paddler

it happened jaguar platform/

at First 9 throne
Five Sky stone

A B he plants
a stone 10 [deity]

snake platform/
it happened
throne
at Large 11
stone
2 Town?

and then
Itzamnah
3 it happened, 12
0 k’atuns
13 b’aktuns [he] bundled
a stone

water
4 0 winals it happened
0 tuns platform/ 13
at ?? Sky
throne
stone

0 k’ins 5 4 Ajaw First Three- 14 13 b’aktuns

Stone place are completed

under his
supervision
15 Six Sky ajaw
6
8 Kumk’u

I.11. QRG Stela C, east text. Drawing by author.

ern cross shrines of the Tzotzil Maya of Zinacantan as su- also in recognition of the nature of the cross as a living
pernatural “doorways” may be close to that of Classic ste- being (Bricker 1981: 102–109; Vogt 1970: 14–16). Similar
lae. There are numerous parallels between the uses of wrapping or binding ceremonies were central to the use
such crosses and ancient stelae, including the practice of of stelae in the Classic period, recorded prominently in
“dressing” the object. Postconquest Maya crosses are the inscriptions (Stuart 1996). In one of the rare depic-
adorned with flowers and vegetation as well as actual tions of a Classic stela, the monument is shown wrapped
clothing, not only to make the object ready for ritual but with a cloth sash (Fig. I.15). In the New Year’s pages of

12 lightning warrior
the Postclassic Dresden Codex (pp. 26d–28d), upright world, implying the specialized function of the altar as
wooden posts are also adorned with capes and sashes the point at which energies of sacrifice are magically
(Fig. I.16). It has been argued that these posts are analo- transferred to the spiritual beings that wait behind or
gous to Classic stelae (Grube and Schele 1988; Schele and alight upon a stela, such as the jaguar shown on the vase
Stuart 1985). The dressing or wrapping of these posts in Figure I.15.
suggests that they, and perhaps Classic stelae as well, Hieroglyphic texts also contain references to sacrifices
were considered to have been vessels for living spirits.13 performed upon or in front of stelae in the context of
The Dresden Codex images and Classic vase scene their dedication. The text of Quirigua Stela F (Fig. I.18a)
noted above also suggest that stelae served as loci for records the commonest of these events, a “scattering,”
sacrifice. While the codical image shows an offering which in this case is performed on the monument itself.
plate and incense burner placed before the wooden post, Here, as elsewhere, the substance scattered is ch’ah
the vase depicts a flat stone in front of the stela, upon “drops (of incense)” (Love 1987).14 A common Classic ti-
which is shown a sacrificed child. This image relates to tle, ch’ahom(a) (Fig. I.18b), refers to the king as “one who
the scenes of bound captives that adorn many actual al- offers drops (of incense).” The interpretation of ch’ah
tars, such as Tikal Altar 8 (Fig. I.17). Here the carved im- as “incense” is convincing, as a ch’ahom(a) glyph from
age preserves the sacrificial offering. The Dresden Codex Copan depicts a figure depositing a glyph which reads
scenes show blood offerings before the post, a ritual im- pom “copal incense” into a censer (Fig. I.18c; W. Fash, in
plied by the form of actual altars such as that of Copan Schele 1989c). Nevertheless, it is likely that blood and
Stela 4, which has a shallow depression on its upper sur- other precious substances were burned along with the
face and drainage channels. In fact, many altars are incense, providing a rich feast for the spirits.15 The scat-
carved in the image of the quatrefoil portal to the under- tering ceremony may relate to planting practices of Maya

I.12. QRG Zoomorph B, east face. From Maudslay 1889–1902,

Archaeology, vol. 2, Plate 9. From the facsimile edition of Biolo-
gia Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published
1974 by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further
reproduction prohibited.

introduction 13
a

I.13. Glyphs and associations for “thrones” or “supports”:

a, glyph for “support” or “throne” (T150), depicting a bundle
b of bones; b, deity seated on a bone bundle, Dresden Codex,
p. 53a; c, assemblage of sacred objects placed on a bone bun-
dle, Chinos Black-on-Cream sherd excavated at Buenavista,
Belize, MSBX76 (drawn after Reents-Budet et al. 2000: Fig. 6a);
d, deity seated on a bone bundle, placed atop a zoomorphic
stone, detail of a Classic polychrome vessel. Drawings by
author.

a b c

I.14. References to “Three-Stone places” in inscriptions from

various sites: a, Palenque Temple of the Cross, main panel, C7;
b, Piedras Negras Altar 1, N2; c, Dos Pilas Panel 18, B6. Draw-
ings by author.

14 lightning warrior
I.15. Supernatural beings in association with a stela: Classic
polychrome vessel (K718). Drawing by author.

farmers, in which liquid offerings are poured into the

ground. In this sense, royal ritual structurally reproduced
popular practices, establishing connections with com-
mon people but at the same time veiling rulers in an aura
of awesome spiritual power.
Several stela scenes which include burning incensar-
ios, such as Nim Li Punit Stela 15 (Fig. I.19), demonstrate
that the burning of these offerings was essential to the
proper ritual use of the stela. This image shows the scat-
tering ritual in progress, in which standing figures cast
drops toward an incense burner placed on the ground.
The burning of offerings before a Classic stela strongly
recalls the rituals carried out before adorned crosses of
modern Zinacantan, in which the cross is readied for su-
pernatural communication by the burning of incense and I.16. Itzamnah sacrificing a turkey before a yax itzamnah te’.
candles, the “souls” of which provide nourishment for Dresden Codex, p. 28c. Drawing by author.
the supernatural beings assembled behind the cruciform
“doorway” (Vogt 1970: 14–16).
Even though some sculptors signed their works, there The depiction of a bone stylus on this panel, however,
is little additional information about the profession from suggests that this is no scene of actual carving, as bone
the Classic period (Montgomery 1995; Stuart 1989b, would be suitable for carving only the softest stone. For
1989c). An unprovenanced panel in the museum at Emil- the sophisticated relief sculpture of sites such as Copan
iano Zapata in Chiapas, Mexico, displays what appears at and Quirigua, the sculptor would probably have begun
first glance to be the sole Classic-period image of a carver by pecking out the rough form with rough tools of flint,
at work (Fig. I.20). He is shown seated with crossed legs, followed by work with a wooden mallet and small chisels
touching a zoomorphic carved stone with what appears of varying sizes made of flint or quartz. Drills were em-
to be a bone stylus. The text above the sculptor’s hand ployed as well, and much of the undercutting seen at Co-
contains the “lu-bat” compound which introduces sculp- pan was probably begun by drilling at an angle to the sur-
tors’ signatures, thus identifying the nature of the event face of the block. Glyphic portions of monuments were
depicted (Stuart 1989b, 1990).16 first roughed out into blocks, as demonstrated by several

introduction 15
I.17. Tikal Altar 8. Drawing by Linda Schele, © David Schele,
courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican
Studies, Inc.

incense is
on????
scattered
ch’a ho

stone object, name, b

ma
its divine 1 Ajaw

stone
pom (copal incense)

a c

I.18. Ritual scattering of incense and the ch’ahom(a) title: a,

QRG Stela F, C9–C11a; b, QRG Stela C, D14; c, CPN Structure
9N-82 bench, detail. Drawings by author.

16 lightning warrior
examples of unfinished texts at Dos Pilas, and then fin- in wood among the sixteenth-century Yukatek suggests
ished as the rest of the monument (Schele and Miller that the activity was accompanied by penitential rituals
1986: 39). Rubbing with an abrasive stone such as sand- (Tozzer 1941: 159–161; see also Tate 1992: 30–31, 2001a,
stone would have provided the smooth finish desired for 2001b). He observed that when new images of gods were
most sculptures and was probably a technique used to desired, the (male) artisans were shut inside a specially
sculpt sandstone at Quirigua. The Madrid Codex shows constructed hut and performed their work accompanied
gods carving deity heads or masks using the axe, awl, by periodic incense-burning and bloodletting. In six-
and drill; however, the heads being fashioned in these teenth-century Tzotzil, the association between sculpt-
scenes are probably made of materials other than stone ing and bloodletting may be suggested by the term ’an,
(Fig. I.21).17 At Quirigua, K’ak’ Tiliw’s sculptors em- which means both “to carve” and “to let blood” (Laugh-
ployed primarily sandstone, which—when freshly quar- lin 1988: 136). Even in the twentieth century, Ch’orti’
ried and moistened—would likely have yielded fairly ea- Maya sculptors who make sacred crosses practice sexual
sily to stone tools and is amenable to either deep or abstinence, fasting, and work in isolation in the forest, in
shallow relief.18 order to remain “in constant spiritual communication
As a final step, most Maya monuments were probably with God” (Girard 1995: 279–280). Such a relationship
painted. While evidence for polychrome painting exists between the roles of artist and penitent may also have
at some sites such as Yaxchilan and Piedras Negras, the been extant in the Classic period, appearing in the con-
Quirigua monuments preserve only traces of red pig- text of the lordly office of itz’at “artist, sage, wise man.”
ment (for example, on Zoomorphs B and P). It is possible The supernatural prototypes of the itz’at are the deity pair
that the Quirigua sculptures were uniformly coated with known as the Paddlers, who are called chan itz’at “sky art-
red paint, a color symbolic of powers of birth, sacrifice, ists,” possibly in reference to their role as the primordial
and cosmic renewal. There is no evidence for a naturalis- artists who painted the sky (Barbara MacLeod, cited in
tic use of color at the site, nor for the use of color to dif- Schele 1992b: 257–259). The relationship between the
ferentiate sculptural details. Paddlers and bloodletting is clear from numerous im-
In general, our knowledge of the details of the sculpt- ages and texts (Stuart 1984). In addition, a noble bearing
ing process in the Classic period is limited. Nevertheless, the itz’at title is shown in charge of the bloodletting ritual
Diego de Landa’s account of the carving of deity images depicted on Dos Pilas Panel 19 (Houston 1993: Fig. 4-19).
Even though the letting of blood during sculpting
mentioned by Landa has not been conclusively doc-
umented in the Classic period, the collectivity of the art
production indicated in his report parallels Classic prac-
tices. Where the tradition of signing sculptures existed,
larger objects such as stelae often bear the signatures of
multiple artists, indicating that large commissions were
likely collective undertakings. Piedras Negras Stela 12
alone has the signatures of eight different sculptors.
Nevertheless, the execution was evidently carefully con-
trolled, so that multiple artists’ hands can rarely be se-
curely identified on large monuments, including most of
those at Quirigua.
Although a few sculptors’ signatures include titles
which suggest that they were also painters, Classic Maya
elites seem to have placed a higher value on the arts of
writing and painting than on sculpture.19 Not only are
there many more images of scribes than of sculptors in
Maya art, but writing and painting are often shown as be-
ing of divine origin. On a bone from Burial 116 at Tikal,
an artist’s hand holding the Classic calligraphy brush
emerges from the maw to the underworld (Fig. I.22).
I.19. Nim Li Punit Stela 15, detail. Drawing by author. Even the supernatural patrons of artists, the Pawatuns,

introduction 17
I.20. Emiliano Zapata panel. Drawing by David Stuart.
are never represented with the tools of sculpture—only
the paint pot and brush of the scribe (see Fash 2001: Fig.
74).20 Such profound elevation and deification of the
scribal arts may explain in part why large-scale Classic
Maya sculpture designed for public display is so over-
whelmingly graphic in style, as the planar nature of relief
technique requires thinking in graphic terms. With the
few exceptions of certain periods at Copan, Tonina, and
a perhaps very late Piedras Negras, Classic Maya sculptors
conformed closely to the aesthetics of the graphic arts,
usually treating monumental sculpture as little more
than enriched paintings and often retaining the hairlike,
fluid lines characteristic of the calligraphy brush and sty-
lus.21 In contrast to these norms, sculptors at Copan of-
ten moved beyond the realm of the graphic, sometimes
creating truly volumetric (“in-the-round”) altars and
thrones in the forms of animals and composite crea-
tures.
b
At Quirigua the earliest stelae are clearly subordinate
I.21. Gods carving masks, as shown in the Madrid Codex: a, to architecture, being located on or adjacent to platforms
p. 96d; b, p. 99d. Drawings by author. in the typical Classic Maya manner. During the reign of
K’ak’ Tiliw, however, sculptures achieved an elevated
status, becoming nearly independent objects. The vast
open space of the Quirigua Great Plaza served as the set-
ting for these monuments, which were arranged accord-
ing to cosmological patterns (Fig. I.23). Although it was

18 lightning warrior
based on a design that originated in Copan, K’ak’ Tiliw’s the history of Quirigua and Copan. Such sculptural diver-
Great Plaza is so immense that the sense of surrounding sity casts a considerable doubt on the concept of a uni-
architecture which is always present at Copan is greatly fied “Quirigua style” or “Copan style,” which appears
reduced at Quirigua. Among all Maya sites, it was Quiri- frequently in the literature on Maya art. Although the
gua that came closest to severing the traditional associa- preference for certain basic sculptural formats at each
tion between stela and mound/pyramid, which had en- site may certainly be documented, careful formal com-
dured since the time of the Olmec. When standing near parisons over periods of twenty or even five years at
them, K’ak’ Tiliw’s stelae convey the sense of being com- either site reveal the relatively dynamic nature of sculp-
pletely self-supporting, demanding equal viewing from tural traditions in the Maya Southeast. By the eighth cen-
all four sides. Further enhancing the impact of these tury, when the monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw were created,
monuments is their huge size, which completely dwarfs the history of forms and techniques utilized at the two
the audience. Given that the original plaza floor was nearby sites was rich indeed, immersing the sculptors in
about a meter below its current level, the viewer’s head a complex artistic culture and resulting in spectacular
originally would not have reached the level of the ruler’s sculptural achievements.
feet on some of the stelae. Such effects of scale and set- One purpose of this study is to explore the nature of
ting maximize the presence of the monuments and sug- the transformations within this extraordinary sculptural
gest the central importance of stone sculpture in the ar- tradition. In particular, how may we reconstruct the fac-
tistic program. tors which fostered the changes in the style and icon-
Several other features of K’ak’ Tiliw’s sculptures set ography of eighth-century sculptures at Quirigua during
them apart from general aesthetic trends in the Classic the reign of K’ak’ Tiliw? Such a question has been asked
period, but these are shared to an extent with nearby of Quirigua sculpture previously, although it has never
Copan. Frequently evident at the two sites is a sense that been fully explored. In nearly all discussions of Quirigua
artists were highly experimental, working within a sculpture, the approach has been largely formal, with
milieu that favored technical virtuosity. At Copan the only recent speculation on the relationship of art to relig-
sculptors during the reigns of the twelfth, thirteenth, and ious and political history. In the earliest of these studies,
fifteenth rulers explored the dramatic and dynamic ef- Herbert Spinden (1913: 175–177) attempted to support
fects achieved through deeply undercut and broken stone an erroneous theory that Quirigua was colonized follow-
surfaces (Fig. I.24). At Quirigua the best artists manipu- ing the abandonment of Copan by noting many similari-
lated layered parallel planes in moderately low relief to ties in iconography and representational mode between
define shapes and create shadows from the intense sun- the two centers.22 In Spinden’s (1913: 175) view, stylistic
light of the Great Plaza (Fig. I.25). There is also an development proceeded automatically, disconnected
awareness at both sites of the variety in types of cuts and from politics, the details of which were unknown at the
surface treatments possible in stone sculpture, a broad time: “The course of development of the stelae and altars
spectrum of which were used at one point or another in may be said to begin at Quirigua where it leaves off at Co-
pan.” Tatiana Proskouriakoff ’s (1950: 131) brief but
more sensitive discussion of Quirigua sculpture likewise
avoids political speculations, focusing exclusively on for-
mal developments. The discovery of the historical identi-
ties of the rulers of Quirigua by David Kelley in 1962 had
little effect on the study of their monuments, which was
largely confined to the identification of the subjects of
the portraits (Kubler 1969: 15–18; Miller 1983). The only
major study of iconography at Quirigua is Andrea Stone’s
(1983) unpublished dissertation on the zoomorphs,
which related their imagery to concepts of cosmology
and creation. Generally, scholars have avoided discuss-
ing the political dimensions of style and iconography.
Clearly, a study of the nature proposed here necessitates
I.22. Bone from Tikal, showing a scribe’s hand and brush the development of a theoretical framework for such art
emerging from the spirit world. Drawing by author. historical interpretations.

introduction 19
20 lightning warrior
Facing page
I.23. Map of the Quirigua site core. After Coe and Sharer 1979:
Fig. 1. Courtesy of University of Pennsylvania Museum of Ar-
chaeology and Anthropology. Key: M1. Stela A; M2. Zoomorph
B; M3. Stela C; M4. Stela D; M5. Stela E; M6. Stela F; M7.
Zoomorph G; M8. Stela H; M9. Stela I; M10. Stela J; M11. Stela
K; M12. Altar L; M13. Altar M; M14. Altar N; M15. Zoomorph
O; M16. Zoomorph P; M17. Altar Q; M18. Altar R; M23. Altar
O'; M24. Altar P'.

I.24. CPN Stela H, northwest, detail. Photo by author. I.25. QRG Stela E, north face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

conceptualized, ritual is a fundamental mode through

Art and Ritual
which humans create “reality” and bring order to the
The problem of the relationship between Maya visual cul- world. As Suzanne Preston Blier (1996: 189) states: “Rit-
ture and politics is itself dependent on the definition of uals . . . offer through their formality and relative fixity
rulership in this society. In this study, two concepts are a means of measuring, mastering, and making sense of
utilized to interpret the nature of royal power: ritual and the world at large.”
persona. The first of these has received less attention in Recent scholarship has sustained a vigorous debate
art history than in anthropology, despite its relevance to concerning the social functions of ritual (Bell 1992). Ac-
the field. While ritual is often understood within the con- cording to one school of thought, rituals are essentially a
text of “religious performance,” to which the “secular symbolic language through which cultural meanings
ceremony” bears little resemblance, this distinction is may be grounded in individual experience (Turner 1967).
not useful for the ancient Maya. A working definition of As one of the proponents of this approach, Sherry Ortner
ritual as a “prescribed system of proceeding” (Blier 1996: (1978: 8), states, “As actors participate in or employ sym-
189) is useful, not only because it encompasses a variety bolic constructs, their attitudes and actions become
of performances but because it recognizes the role of po- oriented in the directions embodied in the form and con-
litical intervention through the regulation of ritual (see tent of the construction itself; the construct—the model
also Rappaport 1999: 24). Far from being irrational, if you will—makes it difficult for them to ‘see’ and re-
meaningless rote ceremony, as it is sometimes popularly spond to the situation in a different way.”

introduction 21
 The limitations of this approach are clear. For one ical”) interpretations in direct opposition to ritual
thing, it is based on the ethnocentric assumption of a (Thompson 1950: 63–65). In Freidel and Schele’s view,
fundamental opposition between the individual and the public performance and charismatic ritual were crucial
collective, in which individual difference is a “problem” to the power of Maya rulers, through which they could
that is “solved” through ritual. Further, it overempha- sway the loyalties of people who viewed and participated
sizes the cognitive, propositional aspects of ritual.23 It in these ceremonies. Performances that displayed differ-
does not deal with the fundamental nature of rituals as ences in regalia, spatial position, and access to sacred
performances, in which nonpropositional, nonsemantic materials and objects maintained hierarchical distinc-
formal elements play a key role in forging social rela- tion between nobility and commoners. According to
tions. In fact, numerous studies have explored these as- Schele and Freidel, the rituals of the ancient Maya elite
pects of ritual. For example, Bruce Kapferer’s (1979b) were carried out principally in order to effect cosmologi-
analysis of an exorcism rite in Sri Lanka demonstrated cal changes. This definition of ancient Maya power ac-
that changes in the relationships of ritual participants knowledges the transformational role of ritual and sug-
were effected through the manipulation of media, space, gests that power is meaningful not in an abstract
and audience/participant focus. Rather than merely pro- symbolic sense but to the extent that it is invoked ritually.
viding a passive dramatic backdrop for a communicative While power among the ancient Maya was exerted in
act, performance may be understood as a medium in the social world, its principal source was perceived as the
which social relations are transformed (see Geertz 1966: normally invisible “otherworld,” manifested in the form
7). An analysis of ritual must consider not only its se- of various spirit forces which together composed the liv-
mantic content, conveyed through verbal texts, but also ing cosmos.24 Perhaps the most potent of these was k’uh,
the way in which the performance reveals experiential roughly translated as “holiness,” which was identified
truths through bodily praxis. with royal blood. Another distinct spiritual force rec-
While this conclusion contributes to an anthropologi- ognized by the Maya translates roughly as “white flower
cal theory of ritual, it does not constitute a historical spirit.” This essence was thought to reside in the breath
model. In order to understand the history of ritual, we but was also profoundly associated with procreation and
must find ways to connect one performance to another, particularly with umbilical cords. Interestingly, each of
documenting continuities and changes as they are these concepts associates spiritual power with sub-
enacted by specific human agents. In Maya archaeology, stances that emerge from the interior of the body. Ac-
significant steps in this direction have already been taken, cordingly, a fundamental ritual pattern involved the
and it is now argued that ancient Maya political history opening of the body so that its immanent forces could be
cannot be separated from ritual. The work of Linda Schele manifested. For example, through the perforation of the
and David Freidel in particular has been dedicated to un- body and drawing of royal blood, the power inherent in
derstanding how numerous aspects of ancient Maya po- this substance was revealed and put to use. Likewise, the
litical interaction were articulated within a framework of sacrifice of a captive’s intestines magically manifested
ritual performances. In two studies these authors argued the powers of the umbilicus. A less violent context for the
that the origin of Classic-period culture was marked by an deployment of spiritual essences was the formal speech
abrupt change in ritual (Freidel and Schele 1988a, 1988b). and song of the elites, which released the forces of breath
In their view, this took place in the Late Formative period and the particular powers of sex and procreation.
across the Maya lowlands of the Peten and Belize, when Ancient Maya power, then, could be accessed through
monumental architectural structures bearing images of ritual procedures that centered on the manipulation of
supernatural beings were built as theatrical stages by an the body. Such a focus may imply that Classic Maya polit-
emerging nobility. The conduct of rituals in this context ical ritual derives from or was otherwise historically re-
provided a basis for these rulers’ claims to supernatural lated to traditions of shamanistic curing and midwifery.
ancestry. Eventually, the deity images of the facades were In fact, glyphic texts that accompany such scenes of deity
replaced by portraits of rulers, thereby fixing divine iden- conjuration occasionally refer to the event as the “birth”
tities in a more permanent form. of the deity. Another expression used in the context of
These interpretations stand in dramatic contrast to bloodletting is the same as that which relates a child to
previous reconstructions of ancient Maya culture, espe- its mother.25 Such metaphors may exemplify the elite ap-
cially those promulgated by the eminent scholar J. Eric S. propriation of popular ceremonies that existed in Mesoa-
Thompson, who saw political (sometimes called “histor- merica before the advent of kingship.26

22 lightning warrior
 Rituals designed to release the power of the other- “images in penance.”27 These inscribed images thus
world required a sophisticated means for channeling awaken thoughts and feelings in the viewer through their
these tremendous forces. Such was the function of arti- sculptural forms, iconography (images), and spatial rela-
facts that we designate as “art,” such as bloodletters, tions with architecture and landscape and (in ancient
bowls for sacrifice, altars, ceramic burners, and stelae. times) through interpretation and display in ritual per-
Many of these objects served as implements or tools, in- formance. Because the lintel was installed in a manner
cluding the stingray spines and obsidian lancets that that made viewing by living humans difficult, its primary
were used to puncture the flesh. Ritual objects also con- intended audience may have been ancestral. Its specifi-
tained and stored these energies, much like a battery. The cally penitential subject matter may also suggest this, as
dedication sequence of a stela, in which cloth or rope such an image might have been considered particularly
bindings fixed the energy of sacrifices in the monument, moving to the ancestors.
illustrates this well. The creation of a work of art may it- A similar propitiatory function is suggested by other
self have been conceived as the infusion of matter with lintels and wall panels at Yaxchilan and Copan, which
spiritual power, while ritual use enhanced that power. feature texts written in mirror image. While this could be
The intentional breakage or destruction of a work of art an example of scribal virtuosity, such an arrangement
was also an essential part of the life history of the object, may imply that the texts were meant to be read through
as its power was thereby released to be put to some other the walls or from the sky, that is, by a divine audience.
use. This belief, for example, probably lay behind the de- One stela at Piedras Negras even has an inscription on its
posit of fragments of monuments in the foundations of upper surface, invisible to the earthbound human viewer.
stelae at Copan. Works of art were used to manipulate Similarly, many beautifully carved monuments, such as
space and create a sacred landscape for ritual. Accord- the sarcophagus of the king K’inich Janab’ Pakal I of Pa-
ingly, three or four objects placed in a triangle or square lenque, never saw the light of day, being entombed deep
constituted a magical diagram, creating a liminal space beneath massive architectural structures. These exam-
appropriate to ritual. In sum, Maya artworks may be con- ples serve as reminders that artworks were meant to be
ceptualized as technology of ritual transformation, viewed and cherished not only by a community of living
which extended the potential of the human agent to humans but also by the ancestors. As an activity that was
manage sacred energies inherent in certain materials, sanctioned by traditional convention, the carving of a
idealized geometric forms, and chronological symme- text or image had the effect of a magical formula, making
tries. the inscribed event happen, regardless of whether it was
In addition to its functions as ritual implement, con- seen by human eyes.
tainer, and tool for spatial modeling, visual art served as The making of art was not only the creation of reality
a communicative medium, a site of ritual inscription through ritual but a fulfillment of the ceremonial obliga-
through which performances were documented and tion of the elite. Texts and representational art actualized
committed to collective memory. Many monuments, the rituals that the elites were required to perform,
such as the stelae of Quirigua, were relatively accessible through their control of sacred materials and knowl-
to the general populace and featured images of what edge. Further, because ancestors are reborn through
were likely public dance performances by rulers (Looper their descendants, what the living memorialized through
2001). Others, such as Yaxchilan Lintel 24 (Fig. I.26), art was in a real sense also remembered by the dead. The
bear texts and images that may have been intended for a value of monumental art, and in turn the spiritual power
more restricted audience consisting of elites and their of the elite, lay in its capacity to incarnate memory and to
ancestors. This monument was installed in a temple stimulate reflection and emotion in a diverse and yet in-
doorway so that it could only be viewed just inside or out- terrelated audience. Even public monuments may be
side the doorway, depending on the light. The image fea- considered to be primarily offerings, transactional ob-
tures a Yaxchilan ruler holding a burning torch over his jects intended to restructure social relations among the
kneeling wife, who draws a thorn-studded rope through living and the dead.
her punctured tongue. Blood scrolls on her face stand as The function of Maya art as offerings or gifts was also
memorials of this ritual, as do the blood-spattered paper crucial in negotiating social status. Trade and exchange
strips in the basket before her. The two main framed networks kept Maya courts supplied with luxurious and
texts, located at the top and at the middle left margin of exotic materials from which art was made. These materi-
the panel, complement the two figures, labeling them as als were worked and combined with local materials in

introduction 23
24 lightning warrior
special ways to produce other commodities, such as genres of text and image simultaneously disclosed and
painted pottery (Reents-Budet 1994). Monumental concealed the knowledge of its (elite) designer(s). The
sculpture, for instance, required not only locally quarried great abundance and complexity of the pictorial images,
stone but also specialized tools made from rare imported obscured and revealed through overlapping of sculpted
stone. The technical and esoteric knowledge implied by forms, suggest the wealth of esoteric knowledge claimed
the production of art objects enhanced the prestige of the by the rulers and partially manifested for the uninitiated.
elite. But such objects and knowledge had no social value Hieroglyphic inscriptions are also of critical impor-
if hoarded. Like the potlatch celebration of the native tance in this regard, in their selectivity and even through
peoples of the Northwest Coast of North America, which the practice of literacy itself. As discussed by Stephen
must be witnessed in order to generate prestige, ritual Houston, the standardization of Maya writing and its
knowledge embodied in art had to be selectively shared high degree of elaboration imply that it was probably not
with others. In this way, rituals and art objects partic- fully readable by much of the population (Houston 1994;
ipated in a network of social and exchange relationships Houston and Taube 2000). This would have been espe-
that bound people to the ruler (Clark and Blake 1994). cially relevant at ancient Quirigua, where most of the lo-
But while they forged social ties, art objects also masked cal populace was non-Maya. Although evidence is slim
social and political inequalities both within and between for the Classic period, written texts were performed
cohesive communities (Earle 1990). through song or other oral presentation during the colo-
Large sculpted stones erected in a public space could nial period (Thompson 1972: 13; Tozzer 1941: 153). If
embody social exchange too, as their creation and ma- such practices of “recitation literacy” were extant in the
nipulation implied a massive investment in resources, Classic period, then the public display of written texts
even to those who had not actually witnessed the process may have emphasized the knowledge that could only be
of moving them. (This aspect of the monuments still in- accessed through ritual performances. In such a manner,
spires awe today.) Nevertheless, the fixity and the mas- valuable information was selectively distributed to the
sive scale of monuments permanently withhold them people, with the implication that additional wealth lay
from free economic circulation. At Quirigua restriction behind the inscriptions. Monumentality, for the ancient
of access was further implied by the impassive, unap- Maya, thus provided the elite “owners” of the monu-
proachable features of the royal portraits that stare over ments the potential for retaining their identity and per-
the heads of the viewer, as well as perimeter foundations, petuating it into the future. In the words of Weiner (1992:
which functioned rather like a velvet rope at a museum. 8), such objects “bring a vision of permanence into a so-
The sculptures were thus kept from the general popu- cial world that is always in the process of change.”
lace, even though they were given as a public offering.28
Art and Personae
As such, monumental sculptures exemplify the paradox-
ical nature of certain gifts, which—as discussed by An- The importance of art in stabilizing identities prompts a
nette Weiner (1992)—are retained as much as given. This consideration of the specific ways in which ancient Maya
is especially true for objects of great sacred or cosmolog- monumental portraiture embodies the social person. In-
ical significance, such as monumental images. Their deed, one of the remarkable aspects of Classic Maya art
monumentality served as a means of governing their so- and one that distinguishes it from other areas of the
cial circulation, of preventing the separation of the ob- Americas is its “personalized” quality. Specific persons
jects and the cosmological meanings they embodied are represented, sometimes on more than one monu-
from the persons who commissioned them. ment, and histories relate momentous events in the lives
In the same way that the monumental object functions of kings. In addition, the relatively naturalistic propor-
as a paradoxical gift, so the information that it com- tions of Maya art, together with an abundance of inciden-
municated was both given and withheld. The formalized tal physiognomic detail such as fingernails and strands
of hair, convey a strong sense of immediacy and physical
Facing page presence of the subject. A few Maya representational tra-
ditions, such as that of Palenque, encouraged highly nat-
I.26. Yaxchilan Lintel 24. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Archae-
ology, vol. 2, Plate 86. From the facsimile edition of Biologia Cen- uralistic royal portraiture, with particular emphasis on
trali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published 1974 by distinctive facial characteristics (Griffin 1976).
Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further repro- Accordingly, in recent decades some scholars have
duction prohibited. written Maya art history in terms of human actors, even

introduction 25
to the extent of using iconography, architecture, and in- been but was no longer consciously contemplated. In
scriptions to reconstruct personalities and intentions of this view, artistic intentions are situated in the relation-
rulers (e.g., Jones 1977; Newsome 2001; Schele and Frei- ship between the context of artistic production and the
del 1990). Such an approach is grounded in Western art object itself (Baxandall 1985: 42). Intentionality is thus
historical tendencies, exemplified especially by Ernst one of the deceptions of art. While we assume that a spe-
Gombrich’s (1966: 35–57) attempts to glimpse the per- cific group of people must have made the physical work
sonalities of the Medicis through the works they com- of art, the integration of these people into a broader webs
missioned. Despite this precedent, however, such an ap- of social interaction inextricably links agency into sys-
proach must proceed with caution, at least in the ancient tems of behavior that are not reducible to the sum of
Maya context (Fash 1998; Houston 1989). For example, it their parts. As stated by Alfred Gell (1999: 163), works of
seems unlikely that we would be able to “reconstruct” art seduce the viewer/interpreter into a “network of in-
the personality of a ruler, since the artifacts and the ruler tentionalities whereby, although each individual pursues
are so tenuously associated. In particular, in ancient (what each takes to be) his or her own self-interest, they
Maya art history we have very limited evidence concern- all contrive in the final analysis to serve necessities which
ing patterns of patronage and the specific relationship of cannot be comprehended at the level of the human be-
the ruler to the artists. ing, but only at the level of collectivities and their dynam-
The monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw are particularly decep- ics.” The indeterminacy of art lies in the magical ability
tive in this regard, as the main subject of both their texts of the artist to transcend the understanding of the spec-
and image is the king. The standard rhetoric of the in- tator. Indeed, Gell (1999: 172) describes the artist as an
scriptions claims for the king sole responsibility for their “occult technician,” whose work “mediates between cre-
dedication. Given this unitary “personal” focus, it seems ative agency and the power of the collectivity.”
only natural for the historian to look for the impetus for Such considerations suggest a different approach to
these works in the mind of the king himself. In addition, studying the subjectivity and personalization of art at
the themes of many of the images and texts are highly Quirigua, not based on personality as a fact or primal
subjective, relating to dreams and trance experience. The source, but rather with the goal of reconstructing the role
small scale of the community and the centralization of of the “self ” as defined historically by the society (see
art production only strengthen our suspicions that it was Mauss 1985: 3). A number of studies by Stephen Hous-
the king himself who planned the images. Nevertheless, ton, David Stuart, and Carolyn Tate have proposed mod-
while the king could have designed the monuments or els for interpreting ancient Maya representations in
have otherwise assumed some responsibility in their pro- terms of the “self ” (Houston and Stuart 1996, 1998;
gramming, it is essential to remember that we have no Stuart 1996; Tate 1992: 11–25). Houston and Stuart in
evidence to confirm or deny this supposition. It is also particular observed that Maya monuments were not con-
possible that the design could be attributed to a master ceived as false simulacra but rather as living entities that
scribe, another member of the royal family, a council of shared in the essence of the rulers. The term used to refer
lineage heads, a shaman-priest, or some other religious to such images, b’ahil, was derived from b’a(h), which
specialist. In short, there is no documented connection meant not only “self ” and “person” but also “head.” As
between the king and the inception or execution of the such, it identifies the head and face as a particularly sig-
work, making the attribution of intention to a particular nificant locus of personality—a concept that goes far to
person difficult. explain the compositional focus on the king’s face at
On a more abstract level, the search for a basis of art in Quirigua and other sites. Images of a ruler not only em-
a single personality ignores the problems associated bodied the royal self in multiple permanent forms but
with the concept of artistic intentionality. While this were considered to function as active agents on the
study takes as given the proposition that humans are en- ruler’s behalf. In this way, the Maya overtly acknowl-
dowed with agency, it also recognizes that the attribution edged the general function of art and artifacts as second-
of artistic creativity to a reconstructed historical state of ary agents, capable of propagating causal sequences of
mind is problematic. In particular, the voluntary causes events as extensions of the human agents who made
attributed to historical individuals may have been im- them (see Gell 1998: 15–17).
plicit in the cultural institutions in which the actors unre- Two examples of the attribution of agency to stone
flectively took part. Other intentions may have become sculptures are illustrated in inscriptions from Quirigua.
acquired through a history of behavior which had once One is on Stela E east (Fig. I.27a), where the events of the

26 lightning warrior
period-ending are introduced with a glyph that assigns
agency, followed by ub’ahil “his image.” The next glyph
block is of astronomical significance, preceding the name
of K’ak’ Tiliw.29 This passage suggests that the ceremony
was conducted under the authority of the royal image, de-
picted in an astronomical guise. A second reference to an
active, living monument may appear in a partially eroded
passage on the west face of Stela D (Fig. I.27b). Here the
text records an event associated with the dedication date [period ending]
of the monument as ajawaj, or “it is made ajaw,” a phrase
related to expressions for royal accession.30 Next may be
the glyph for “his image” (ub’ahil), followed by a series of
illegible signs. The final glyph of the clause is tunil “stone
object.” This passage, then, may suggest that for the pe-
riod-ending ceremony a stone monument (presumably
Stela D) was itself made ajaw.
The recognition that stelae function as surrogates for
royal authority has further implications for the under-
[it was] under the
standing of their imagery. In particular, it suggests that
supervision of his
the monumental portraits may have served to propagate image
and perpetuate the gaze of the king. As discussed by
Stephen Houston and Karl Taube (2000), ancient Maya
conceptions of the sense of sight were not the same as
the view developed by modern science, in which the eye K’ak’ Tiliw
is a passive receptor of light. In contrast, the ancient
Maya eye was an “emanating eye” that actively changed
the world by exerting the will of the viewer. Thus, a com- a
mon title (or nominal component) of kings, k’inich,
meaning literally “sun-faced” or “sun-eyed,” expresses
the searing heat and brilliant light that were believed to
emanate from a ruler’s face or eyes. Like the sun, the and then it is
gaze of the ruler was probably credited with the capacity made ajaw
to engender life.
Part of the dedication of a monument was the witness-
ing of its sanctification by the ruler or some other noble,
which may have animated the representation (Houston his image? young?

and Stuart 1998; Houston and Taube 2000). In particular,

this event may have opened the eyes of the carved figure,
investing them with the power of sight on the ruler’s be-
half. Indeed, the aloof gazes of ancient Maya stela por- stone object
traits are strongly suggestive of the establishment of a
b
wide visual field, with the implication of control of
events within that field. For the contemporary Yukatek,
an orientation above or movement upward is considered I.27. References to agency of monuments at Quirigua: a, Stela
E, D15–C19; b, Stela D, B22–A23a1. Drawings by author.
to be relatively powerful or beneficent (Hanks 2000:
26–28). The Classic Maya glyphic expression yichnal also
expresses this notion of an encompassing visual field
that was crucial in validating ritual (Houston and Taube
2000). Cognate with modern Yukatek yiknal “in front of,”
this expression is also inherently hierarchical, linking

introduction 27
subordinate persons to a ruler or deity. In fact, certain feathers, and bone were attached to the trunk, head, and
texts from Quirigua use the yichnal in substitution for limbs to infuse these various parts of the body with their
ukab’jiy “under his supervision” (Looper 1999: Fig. 15). power. Notably, many of these materials were derived
Stelae such as those of Quirigua may have been con- from loci that were associated with supernatural forces.
ceived in part as instruments for extending and perpetu- Bones were literally at the core of the living body, while
ating the dominant gaze of the ruler, but also as a means other materials were acquired from distant, and there-
for invigorating those in the visual field with the royal fore symbolically powerful, sources. Jade and quetzal
“heat.”31 feathers came from the mountains, suggesting a celestial
A group of portrait stelae such as those associated with identification, whereas shells came from the sea and
K’ak’ Tiliw, then, may be interpreted as a means of dis- were thereby associated with the aquatic underworld.
tributing royal agency throughout the landscape, embod- Thus, ceremonial attire was cosmological and transfor-
ied in a series of distinct visages. A study of ancient Maya mational, magically infusing the elite person with spiri-
personhood thus requires an examination of the mean- tual energy. These details are highly elaborated on Maya
ings not of individuality but rather of the “dividuality” of monuments, a testament to their iconic power. The prin-
the self—to borrow a term from Marilyn Strathern (1988) cipal emblem that served as a seat of spiritual power is a
—which was achieved through representational art. In mask and/or headdress. During ceremonial perform-
this view, there is no a priori category of the self separate ances, rulers could become one with the spirits that the
from the collaborative practice of its figuration. Further, mask or headdress embodied, thus effecting their physi-
we must acknowledge that the self is not a static entity but cal and psychological transformation. Maya rulers also
one which changes and evolves over time. commonly signaled control over divine forces through
In order to define the changes in self-presentation in the display of deity images in the hands. In this way,
Maya monuments and to interpret the social and histori- masks, headdresses, costume, and other regalia served
cal forces that contributed to their making, a term em- as a means of forming and manipulating personae, de-
ployed in psychology and literary criticism is useful. The fining the precise relationships between the ruler and di-
term “persona” is used in literature to distinguish be- verse supernatural entities.
tween the author and the narrator (Fowler 1987: 176– An examination of the supernatural personae of rulers
177) and in psychoanalysis to refer to an “arbitrary seg- entails a consideration of the nature of Maya supernatu-
ment of collective psyche” (Jung 1953: 105).32 Both of ral identities themselves. Did Maya rulers identify with a
these conventions make use of the metaphor of the mask generalized impersonal supernatural essence or with
or “second self ”; and, in fact, the term “persona” origi- distinct divine personalities? The answer to this ques-
nally denoted the masks worn by actors in Greek theater. tion, as can be imagined, is far from simple, mainly be-
Although the concept of persona is not often employed cause the subject of the nature of Maya divinities is still
by art historians, this etymology suggests the applicabil- debated (Houston and Stuart 1996; Marcus 1978; Pros-
ity of the term to representational visual culture. In the kouriakoff 1965: 470–471, 1978; Thompson 1970: 198;
present study, “persona” is used to define diverse Vail 2000). The Maya spirit world was and remains com-
“selves” as they are manifested in art, thereby implying plex, populated by entities of distinct types. One was
the critical distinction between the identities of the sub- known as way, the spiritual co-essence of a person,
ject of a portrait and the guises presented in a portrait which usually took the form of a composite animal
image. Persona, unlike personality, is a culturally con- (Grube and Nahm 1994; Houston and Stuart 1989). In
structed mask or a conventional identity that may be addition, the term k’uh, which was used to refer to an im-
changed in relation to dynamic social circumstances. personal divine essence, could also reference a specific
In ancient Maya culture, personae served as an impor- incarnation in a deity image (Houston and Stuart 1996).
tant mode of mediation between the individual and so- Such complexities suggest that to identify Maya super-
ciety and are thus crucial in understanding the dynamics naturals indiscriminately as “gods” is inappropriate.
of agency. When manipulated by elites, personae ex- Among the most significant of the differences between
pressed the nature of social hierarchy and inequality. Maya deities and the modern Western conception of
This function of persona is grounded in the widespread gods is the Maya deities’ nonexclusive association with
Mesoamerican practice whereby rulers legitimated their fairly broad domains such as agriculture, war, and death.
authority through the display of powerful emblems, of- For example, in a statistical study of the Madrid Codex,
ten tied to the body. Materials such as jade, shell, quetzal Gabrielle Vail (2000) demonstrated that nominal glyphs

28 lightning warrior
and attributes are used to group diverse deities into three ferred to in the inscriptions by the term “Yo’at/Yo’pat”
loosely defined, overlapping contexts. The fluidity of and appear in scenes of the resurrection of maize (Fig.
roles and attributes of ancient Maya deities helps to ex- I.4). Despite these differences, the deities can be
plain their tendency toward multiplicity and hybridity. grouped into a single complex, based on their shared
The spirits of lightning are a good example of an an- iconography and associations with thunderstorms and
cient Maya deity complex (Looper 1991a). Across the the portals between realms of the cosmos. Their particu-
Maya area, derivatives of the proto-Maya term *kahoq are lar manifestations depended on specific ritual require-
used to refer to the thunderstorm as either a physical or ments which, in turn, were grounded in local histories
spiritual phenomenon (Kaufman and Norman 1984: 117; and traditions.
Spero 1987: 231). Thus, in Ch’ol the lightning spirit is Likewise, the ethnographic record suggests that Maya
called “Chaak” or “Chahk” (Attinasi 1973: 249; Aulie and divinities are not conceived as possessing timeless per-
Aulie 1978: 46), while in Yukatek “Chaak [cháak]” refers sonalities or singular identities but rather undergo pe-
to rain or to the deities of thunder, lightning, and rain riodic and often seasonal transformation. As facets of a
(Barrera Vásquez 1980: 77; Bricker, Po’ot Yah, and Dzul cosmic totality, Maya deities are born and die as they sat-
de Po’ot 1998: 61). In the Classic period, the term isfy their roles in the universal biography. They may
“Chaak” is attested as a designation for various super- change names, appearances, attributes, specific do-
natural beings, who share a core cluster of features (Fig. mains of influence, age, and even gender. For example,
I.28). These include bivalve shell earflares, reptilian eyes, one of the chief Ch’orti’ deities is a solar being during the
serpent markings on the body, a shell diadem, a knotted dry season but transforms into a maize spirit upon the
pectoral or belt ornament, and a snakelike snout. Many arrival of the rainy season (Girard 1995: 350). In addi-
carry hafted axes and trefoil stones and are shown in a tion, Rafael Girard (1995: 278) observes the tendency for
jumping movement. contemporary Maya deities to multiply geometrically
Not only do these beings seem to preside over diverse into compound manifestations. The same phenomenon
domains (such as fishing, sacrifice, and caves), however, is well known from the Yucatan, where deities commonly
but most are named with qualifiers, such as Chaak Xib’ have a quadripartite aspect, being associated with the
Chaak, Ux B’olon Chaak, ’O/’Ohl Chaak, and Yax Ha’al four cardinal directions (Thompson 1970: 198–199).
Chaak. The distinctions seem to correlate to the ritual Such concepts provide a basis for the consideration of
domains with which the deities are associated. For exam- monumental images as aspects of royal personae, which
ple, Yax Ha’al Chaak frequently appears in codex-style change depending upon calendrical, historical, and rit-
pottery scenes together with a particular “death god” and ual requirements. Multiple images required the interven-
a jaguar deity who has been thrown upon a mountain tion of diverse deities on behalf of the ruler.
(see Robicsek and Hales 1981: 39–43). Other lightning While costume and other regalia represent an impor-
deities are similar in appearance to the Chaaks but are re- tant dimension of royal personae, naming practices were
also significant in communicating the divine attributes
of a historical identity. In some instances, these identi-
ties converged, when headdresses were used to display
deity heads and other elements that correspond to rulers’
names (see Martin and Grube 2000: 77). Another
approach to merging these identities was the perform-
ance of ceremonies appropriate to the domain of one’s
supernatural namesake. As we shall see, this particular
strategy was highly elaborated during the reign of K’ak’
Tiliw. Names, however, are not equivalent to personae
but are a distinct mode of marking social identity. Dis-
tinctions are usually made between rulers and the deities
after whom they were named. Personae seem to have
more in common with royal titles, which often stress the
performance of ceremonial duties or cosmological asso-
I.28. Yax Ha’al Chaak, from a Classic codex-style vessel (see ciations and which are not required to express the iden-
Robicsek and Hales 1981: vessel 20). Drawing by author. tity of the ruler as a historical entity.

introduction 29
 The potentially complex relationship of names to per- Such comparisons suggest distinctive traditions of per-
sonae and other social identities is well illustrated by the sonae, which associate rulers with diverse sources of
example of seasonal ceremonial activity of the Kwakwa- power. Usually, these traditions are grounded in local
ka’wakw people of the Northwest Coast (Jonaitis 1991). histories of representation; however, sometimes they can
In the nineteenth century the Kwakwaka’wakw winter be shown to be borrowed from site to site and even to be
season was dominated by the tseka or Winter Dance. This manipulated competitively. The patterns of difference
was a season in which the spirit world spilled over into and correspondence among personae may be construed
the human world, manifested in the performance of as evidence of political discourses, articulated through
masquerades and the induction of men into initiation so- ritual. Ultimately, variation in personae reveals the
cieties. During this season, people set aside their secular manner in which power and authority were articulated
names and assumed sacred “winter names” and identi- and negotiated during the Classic period.
ties based on the nature of their participation in the cere-
Methodologies
monies. Initiated persons were classified as Seals, who
danced, and Sparrows, former dancers who now man- Having established the theoretical foundation of this
aged the performances. Participants were also organized study, it is useful to outline briefly the methodologies
according to secret societies, some of which involved employed in the analysis. In particular, it is essential to
masquerade performance as spiritually potent beings. discuss the value of each set of data in relation to the
Rights to these diverse identities were generally acquired questions I have posed. One of the most illuminating of
through marriage. these data sources is the corpus of inscriptions that em-
How this system functioned in a person’s biography is bellish the monuments of Quirigua. (Complete tran-
illustrated in a narrative called “The Acquisition of scriptions and translations of the Quirigua texts appear
Names,” recorded by Franz Boas (1925: 113–357). This in Appendix D.) These texts include declarations of dom-
story describes how a father prepared his son to succeed inance and subordination, warfare and alliance, and
him by bestowing successive names upon him, accom- other political events that are frequently “disguised” in
panied by the distribution of gifts and observance of ap- ritual terms. For example, a military victory is phrased as
propriate rituals. Manhood is marked by the presenta- the throwing down of a war implement. The monumen-
tion of a special name which gives the son the right to tal texts thus provide a rich historical background for in-
participate in feasts. Following this, the father, in con- terpreting iconography and style. The basic approach to
junction with the son’s father-in-law, sponsors a Winter the decipherment of these texts is based on linguistic
Dance, in which the son appears as various characters, principles of syntax and phonetic substitution, as has
including Eater-of-the-Ground, a grizzly, and a fool been discussed elsewhere (Schele 1982; Schele and
dancer. After two winters, he retires as a Sparrow. This Grube 1994: 1–75; Stuart 1987b). Above the level of syn-
example shows that the purpose of Kwakwaka’wakw tax, a discourse analysis of a text (or several related texts)
masquerade performance is not to illustrate a name but allows for identification of major events and actors and
rather to support the change in social status signaled by of episodes in linked events (Josserand 1991). Such anal-
the acquisition of the name. Both the name and mas- yses expand the possibilities for reconstruction of politi-
querade participation are dictated by a complex genea- cal relationships, implicit in the actions of human actors
logical system that is manipulated to enhance status. and their supernatural patrons.
Likewise, when considering ancient Maya identities, it Epigraphers and archaeologists have occasionally ex-
is useful to consider them in the context of personal his- pressed reservations about the relation of Maya inscrip-
tories and political strategies. In contrast to the ethno- tions to history (e.g., Houston 1993: 9; Mathews 1985:
graphic case of the Kwakwaka’wakw, the only unambig- 52–53). It has even been suggested that this is no “true
uous evidence of ancient Maya elite ritual is provided by history” but one so inextricably entwined with mythol-
the ceremonial cities themselves, embellished with rep- ogy as to render it useless as an interpretive category.
resentational images and hieroglyphic texts. And while it Like any history, however, that inscribed on K’ak’ Tiliw’s
would be inappropriate to treat Maya artworks as reflec- monuments represents a carefully selected and inte-
tions of ritual akin to photographic documents, royal grated narrative mainly concerning human actors, the
portraiture can be used to identify specific personae and “truth” of which is dependent on the point of view of the
to trace their development over time. Monumental per- compiler(s). Further, because any historical reconstruc-
sonae may also be expected to vary among different sites. tion is a dialogue with the past, but limited in that we

30 lightning warrior
must formulate the questions, an interpretation of an- particular prominence in recent years is the attempt to
cient Maya texts is a political reconstruction. Thus, the reconstruct a narrative of Maya cosmogenesis by com-
goal of this project is to reconstruct the propositions bining Classic-period texts and imagery with passages
made by the texts of Quirigua and contextualize them from the Popol Vuh. This colonial-era K’iche’ epic relates
through local and regional comparisons. the story of Creation and the origins of the K’iche’
In addition, it would be a mistake to assume that Maya people. The following summary of this narrative is based
hieroglyphic texts present a “confusion” between myth on the most recent reconstruction by Schele and Ma-
and history. On the contrary, ancient Maya texts reveal thews (1998: 36–37). The basic plot of this narrative con-
distinctive genres of history (stories about humans) and cerns the destruction of the previous, third Creation,
mythology (stories about the deified ancestors), identi- which ended on 13.0.0.0.0 (August 13, 3114 b.c.), and
fied through contrasting time frames, with mythic events the establishment of the present cosmos by a pair of
taking place prior to and shortly after the renewal of the Hero Twins named Junajpu and Xb’alanke’ (in Classic
cosmos in 3114 b.c. (Marcus 1992: 8). In the inscriptions times, Jun Ajaw and Yax B’alam) and their father and un-
commissioned during the reign of K’ak’ Tiliw, not only is cle, twin maize spirits. The story begins in primordial
this distinction rigorously observed through the tem- times, when the maize deities (called Jun Junajpu and
poral sequencing of narrative, but texts describing his- Wuqub’ Junajpu in the Popol Vuh) were playing the ball-
torical and mythical events are often relegated to differ- game, a Mesoamerican sport in which two teams com-
ent spatial zones on the monument. As at other Maya pete using a large hard rubber ball, scoring points by
sites, mythic narratives provided the sacred charter for means of floor markers or rings installed in the court in
the actions of the king of Quirigua.33 Thus, the distinc- which the game was played.
tion between history and myth was not one of truth ver- The vigorous actions of this game disturbed the lords
sus invention as it is in the modern Western worldview. of Xib’alb’a, the Maya underworld. The Xib’alb’ans, por-
Indeed, mythic narratives were probably seen as inher- trayed as spirits of disease and death, summoned the
ently factual, being handed down through the genera- maize deities into their abode, subjected them to a series
tions and written in the movements of the stars and other of tests, and then dismembered and decapitated them,
natural cycles. burying their parts in a Xib’alb’an ballcourt. The skull of
The Classic-period conceptualization of art and its Jun Junajpu was hung in a tree adjacent to the ballcourt,
production as strongly inspired by supernatural powers where it remained until the daughter of a Xib’alb’an lord
lent to artworks an a priori spiritual significance, a pres- came up to the tree and spoke with the skull. When the
ence which demanded respect and awe. Such attraction woman held out her hand, the skull spat into her palm,
was significantly reinforced by the emotional affectivity whereupon she became pregnant. Fearing her father’s
of form, whereby anthropomorphic or therianthropic wrath, the woman fled the underworld and eventually
images evoke sympathetic reactions in the viewer’s body. gave birth to a pair of boys, known as the Hero Twins.
In addition, Maya imagery is replete with symbols of They are called heroes because one of their tasks was to
spiritual and physical power, conveyed through an icon- destroy various monstrous beings which dominated the
ography of gesturing human figures in costume. As previous Creation, such as a false sun named Wuqub’
George Kubler (1969: 48) observed, the long duration of Kaqix (“Seven Macaw”).
the Classic Maya style and iconography implies the exist- These twins, like their father, were also avid ballplay-
ence of a generally agreed-upon system of symbolic ers and were likewise called to stand trial before the lords
values assigned to images. These values were surely sta- of Xib’alb’a. Being more clever than their father, how-
bilized to a considerable degree by the full integration of ever, they survived all of the torments their hosts inflicted
the writing system with iconography. Such considera- on them and eventually tricked the Xib’alb’ans them-
tions have supported the application of a structuralist ap- selves into being sacrificed. This being done, they at-
proach to Maya iconography.34 According to the structur- tempted to resurrect their forebears in the ballcourt. The
alist paradigm, elements of dress, ritual objects, place of maize spirits, reborn as infants, grew quickly, like maize
action, posture, and gesture all had conventional con- plants, into young adults and began to make prepara-
ceptual associations, which could be manipulated and tions for the dawning of the new Creation. After being
configured with hieroglyphic texts into pointed rhetori- dressed by their sons and certain goddesses, they awak-
cal statements. ened a series of aged deities, including the Paddler gods
One area of structuralist research that has achieved and a patron of merchants known as God L, who helped

introduction 31
cleanse the world through a great flood. The Paddlers unique to Maya art history but has been attempted in di-
ferried the maize deities to a place of Creation marked by verse fields, such as the art of the Dogon (e.g., Laude
a turtle, where they were resurrected through a cleft in 1973). In addition to the problem of historical confusion
the shell made the Yo’at/Yo’pat manifestation of light- intrinsic to the pastiche, however, the very existence of
ning. On 13.0.0.0.0 the maize spirits directed the gods to elaborate collective myths is suspect. As noted previously
set up three cosmic hearth stones. On the same day, cel- in the discussion of the symbolism of stelae, it is highly
estial cords, probably identified with the umbilicus of the unlikely that a cultural zone as large and diverse as that
reborn maize deity, descended to earth bearing sus- of the Classic Maya would be characterized by such uni-
tenance. On 13.0.1.9.2 (February 5, 3112 b.c.), 542 days formity in narrative traditions. In fact (as we shall see in
later, the maize deities completed their work on this subsequent chapters), not only were the monuments of
fourth Creation by establishing the three-dimensional Quirigua distinctive, but the stories of cosmic ordering
space of the cosmos, conceived as a house. They marked inscribed on them preserve many unique motifs that are
the four corners, measured the sides, and in the center specifically tied to local historical circumstances. While
planted a great ceiba tree (Ceiba pentandra). As this took structuralism is useful when developing theories about
place in the dry season, the ceiba tree was in flower and motifs, it cannot by itself explain why a motif appears in
thus was conceived as a tree of life. The final event in this a given instance in history. A historically engaged inter-
cycle was the spinning of the tree as a world axis, setting pretation of images must consider both structure and
the stars in motion. context.
This story as reconstructed above is not merely a The most basic level of contextual analysis is analysis
model for the establishment of cosmic order but can be of the program in which an image is located. In this
viewed as an allegory of ancestor veneration, a funda- book, the term “program” is used in its traditional art
mental concept in Classic Maya religion. In addition, the historical sense, as developed especially in the field of
narrative may be interpreted as a model for Classic Maya medieval and Renaissance art (Gombrich 1972; von Sim-
rulers as manifestations of the Hero Twins, keepers of son 1988: 228). It refers to a complex of images and texts
cosmic order and caretakers of the ancestors. Further, and the conceptual scheme that underlies this complex.
Schele and Freidel suggested that this narrative was read To be considered a program, a group of monuments
in the movements of the Milky Way during the course of must be located in a contiguous space, oriented in the
the year (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993; Schele 1992b). same direction or along the same axes, and erected in the
According to their model, certain canonical orientations same general period. At Quirigua, as at many Maya sites,
of the Milky Way, such as the two extending from north the webs of meaning established among written texts
to south and one from east to west, are symbolized by and images are not necessarily limited to single monu-
specific icons in Maya art, such as the crocodilian known ments but extend to multiple monuments arranged in
as the Cosmic Monster and the centipede jaws that mark groups. In this regard, Classic Maya art is highly sophis-
the entrance to the underworld. The linkage of the Crea- ticated, comparable to medieval church portals or Bud-
tion narrative to regular celestial movements strongly dhist architecture.
implies not only its universality but also its coherence as A focus on the programmatic aspects of art privileges
a discrete sequence of events. the designer’s point of view. This is an important point,
While there is much to be said for the idea of interpret- because the Quirigua monuments were created within a
ing Maya iconography in terms of nocturnal celestial im- multiethnic milieu, with a substantial non-Maya compo-
ages, caution should be exercised in the application of nent. Presumably, different social groups at Quirigua
the “master narrative” of cosmogenesis, as described would have participated in various ways in the execution
above, to isolated examples of Maya art. In particular, it and use of the sculptures, resulting in diverse interpreta-
can be observed that the Creation story presented above tions of their meaning. Even within the Maya minority,
is assembled through a process of bricolage, in which distinctions in social status must have related to different
elements from diverse historical traditions and contexts points of view with regard to the monuments. A com-
are combined into a single historically disconnected nar- plete understanding of the social significance of the
rative. The entire process is based on the assumption of Quirigua program is beyond the scope of the present
the existence of an underlying collective and transhistor- book, as it would necessitate a status-sensitive compara-
ical Maya narrative that is expressed in fragmentary form tive analysis of both Maya and non-Maya monumental
in art and literature. In fact, such an approach is not practices within the region (see Ashmore n.d.). In con-

32 lightning warrior
trast, the explanatory perspective taken in the following tions through time contribute significantly to the local
chapters begins by reconstructing the often esoteric distinctiveness of art from the largest Maya centers. In
messages of the monuments themselves and then ex- addition, as Carolyn Tate (1992: xi) observed, the Maya
panding their interpretations into ever widening social “conceived the imagery of each monument in relation to
spheres by integrating archaeological data. The reader nets of meanings woven by the symbols on previously ex-
should remain aware of the limitations and biases of isting monuments placed throughout the city.” Accord-
such an approach. ing to Tate, such webs of significance had a political in-
Because of the complexity of monumental sculpture terpretation, as they served to foster a sense of local
programs, it is essential to characterize precisely the re- identity among the inhabitants of the locales where the
lationship of images to spatially linked written texts. As art was displayed. An implication of this observation is
discussed by Janet Catherine Berlo (1983: 13), written that deliberate copying of ritual iconography from site to
texts that are physically linked to images may be either site could be taken to indicate political relationships and
conjoined (juxtaposed) or embedded (integrated into an im- positioning. Quirigua serves as an excellent test case for
age). The standard monumental mode at Quirigua segre- this theory, through the richness of its iconography and
gates pictorial images from written texts, placing them completeness of its sculptural record. It will become ap-
on distinct faces of the monument. In all cases, pictorial parent that the sculptures of Quirigua are replete with
images are presented as primary information, placed on iconographic quotations not only from the local past but
the broadest faces of the monuments or directed toward from the ceremonial traditions of Copan. The specific
major performance areas or processional routes, while iconographic and textual targeting of these works reveals
written texts are relegated to a secondary position, the dynamism of local and regional ideologies of politi-
usually placed on the narrower sides of a monument or cal ascendancy.
on the reverse. This hierarchy of image over written text While an examination of iconography within a tem-
is standard for Maya art and has implications for the in- poral and spatial matrix provides a means for evaluating
terpretation of the meaning of monuments. the politico-religious history of art, stylistic continuities
A useful model for understanding these relationships, and disjunctions are also worthy of detailed analysis.35 In
presented by Flora Clancy (1986), draws on Roland Bar- the words of Willibald Sauerländer (1983: 254), “Style is
thes’s theories of relay and anchorage to suggest that the mirror which makes all the buildings, the statues, the
written texts can either complement or supplement im- images of the past accessible to aesthetic historicism, for
ages in Maya art. Thus, texts may either constrain or an- its dreams and for its files.” As will be demonstrated,
chor meaning, by describing the events depicted; or they clear patterns of stylistic development can be distin-
may extend the significance of the image by providing guished in Quirigua sculpture during the forty-year pe-
additional information relating to it, through a process riod of continuous sculptural commissions. The most
of relay. At Quirigua images and texts are related to each obvious change is an increasing emphasis on the sculp-
other through both of these processes. Because the texts tural block and its rectangular cross-section. Further, re-
often relate multiple events which take place at different lief becomes increasingly shallow, so that by the last dec-
times, the text is related to the image through relay. One ades of the eighth century carved designs are conceived
or two of the clauses in a monument’s text, however, will and executed as little more than slightly “enriched”
normally be referenced (anchored) in the image. Thus, drawings, wrapped around the surfaces of a three-di-
there is often a clear resonance between the poetics of mensional block. How can these changes be explained?
image and text that contributes to the aesthetic impact of Are they the result of an intentional move by the artist(s)
the artwork. In addition, the reading order of the text to express some concept, or are they merely a sort of ar-
may suggest a reading order of images, in the cases tistic “drift,” the secondary result of other cultural proc-
where there is more than one image. In the end, the deci- esses? Moreover, can stylistic changes be related to polit-
pherment of the patterns of relations of image, text, and ical power—and, if so, how?
space allows for the reconstruction of the particular mes- As noted by Whitney Davis (1990: 26), current concep-
sage that the sculptures present to the audience. tions of style are firmly rooted in traditions of Classical
Previous studies of Maya sculpture have noted a strong rhetoric, in which style involves rules for intended verbal
retrospective focus of iconography, wherein elements effects, such as persuasion or elaboration. Accordingly,
from earlier sculpture are frequently quoted in later these discussions center on informational content of
works (Proskouriakoff 1950; Schele 1979). Such repeti- style and intentionality. Nevertheless, as defined tradi-

introduction 33
tionally in art history, style is not some inherent quality (725–738), when Quirigua was directly subordinate to
or occult entity residing in a work of art but an abstrac- Copan and its sculptors worked closely in line with the
tion, based on comparison between artifacts. Further, practices of the larger center. This chapter theorizes that
patterns of similarity in artifact styles cannot necessarily the concept of personae in sculpture, which was already
be attributed to common historical causes; in other present in the Early Classic period, was actively sup-
words, we cannot always successfully read “from style to pressed through the prohibition of portrait images dur-
history” (Davis 1990: 26). ing this period.
This qualification is especially relevant to the case of Chapter 3 discusses the political and religious signifi-
ancient Maya sculpture, when we know relatively little cance of the sacrifice of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, which
about its context of production and use and even less was celebrated in a series of portrait stelae erected soon
about indigenous concepts of style. For example, the ap- after the event. These monuments, which become in-
parent conservatism in stelae from a certain site could be creasingly ambitious in scale and execution, reveal ev-
attributed to a number of factors, such as workshop his- idence of archaism, an apparent reference to the local dy-
tories, deliberate copying of models, or working prac- nasty and the ruler’s legitimacy therein. In addition, the
tices. Judging from style alone and without independent decapitation provided the basis for the development of a
data, it is not possible to determine which of these inter- distinct association of K’ak’ Tiliw with the lightning
pretations is correct. Conversely, neither can differences deity Chaak, which remained crucial to his legacy. Chap-
in sculptures, such as the changes in those at Quirigua, ter 4 introduces the most complex program of K’ak’
be taken as sole evidence of particular historical relation- Tiliw’s career, a group of stelae erected on Platform 1A-1
ships. Instead, as argued by Davis (1990: 25), style is nec- between a.d. 761 and 780. These sculptures imbued the
essarily the index or symptom of the presence of a histor- site with a living presence and permanent ritual authority
ical entity rather than the result of it. This being the case, of the king through the inscription of multiple personae.
considerable care must be taken in correlating sculptural Nevertheless, the entire program celebrates the cosmo-
style and politics. In this study, political relationships are logical significance of K’ak’ Tiliw’s dominant identity as
constructed primarily by using inscriptional and icon- a manifestation of Chaak. The climax of this program,
ographic data, with stylistic comparisons serving to en- discussed in Chapter 5, presents a local twist on the lore
rich and extend these interpretations. In such a manner I of Creation, demonstrating the cosmological implica-
hope to bridge the gap between style and social history, tions of the dedication of thrones/platforms by the ruler.
which has been a perennial problem in Precolumbian art Chapter 6 documents the transformation of the com-
history. plex personae of K’ak’ Tiliw after his death, by his suc-
The strong historical focus of this book dictates its or- cessors. The change is dramatic, as his successors at first
ganization. It begins in Chapter 1 by tracing the origins focused on K’ak’ Tiliw as a great warrior then later
of Quirigua as a Classic Maya center back to its very hum- shifted to a more ambiguous presentation under new po-
ble beginnings as a small trading colony. Despite its sub- litical circumstances. Despite these transformations, the
ordinate status, the artistic legacy of Early Classic Quiri- characterization of the deceased ruler as a source of di-
gua is of great importance for the development of more vine power attests to the cumulative impact of K’ak’
ambitious programs during the reign of K’ak’ Tiliw. Tiliw’s own monuments on historical consciousness at
Chapter 2 documents the early years of this ruler’s reign Quirigua.

34 lightning warrior
 1
LIFE AT THE CROSSROADS

Quirigua before K’ak’ Tiliw

when k’ak’ tiliw assumed the throne as ruler of substantial structures. Nevertheless, there is evidence
Quirigua in a.d. 725, the site over which he ruled bore that the area may have been occupied as early as the Late
little resemblance to the ruins we see today. Penetrations Formative period (prior to a.d. 100; Ashmore 1987;
of the acropolis undertaken by the University of Penn- Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983). Although no struc-
sylvania Quirigua Project revealed that the complex was tures in the vicinity of Quirigua have been securely identi-
very small prior to the eighth century. In fact, before his fied as Formative in date, a small number of artifacts ap-
accession, few architectural groups existed in the vicinity pear to be from this early period (Ashmore 1980a).1 These
of the site core. Nevertheless, several monuments from include a group of sixty-three figurines and one chert
the period before K’ak’ Tiliw have been discovered, in- blade, possibly from Loci 122 or 123, groups located on
cluding two stelae dating to the late fifth century. To- the floodplain south of the river (Fig. 1.1).2 The layout of
gether with a circular mid-seventh-century monument, one of these compounds, the unexcavated Locus 122, sug-
Altar L, the inscriptions, iconography, and styles of these gests a similarity to certain architectural complexes of the
monuments reveal that Quirigua was not politically or ar- Formative-period highlands, which are typified by a com-
tistically isolated. These monuments provide insight into bination of pyramidal mound and elongated plaza,
the political climate of this period but also constitute a oriented northeast to southwest (Ashmore 1984: 372,
historical legacy that was evoked in the sculpture pro- 1987: 219; see also Borhegyi 1965: 12, 14).
grams of the Late Classic period. In addition, several ret- On the north bank of the river, two sculptures, Monu-
rospective accounts of the early history of Quirigua ap- ments 29 and 30, hint at a parallel Late Formative–period
pear in the very late monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw and his occupation in this area (Ashmore 1984: 372, 1987: 219;
successors. These texts are the only sources relating to Sharer 1990: Figs. 48, 49). These two sculptures were
the founding events of the Quirigua dynasty and are cru- found together in a modern drainage ditch located to the
cial for understanding the rhetorical significance of north and northwest of the site core. Both are roughly co-
K’ak’ Tiliw’s monuments. lumnar schist monuments, measuring just over 1 m in
The reconstruction of the origins of Quirigua is prob- length. They are extremely eroded on all surfaces but ap-
lematic due to its location on the lower reaches of the Mo- pear to represent anthropomorphs or monkeys with
tagua River. Situated at the point where the valley broad- their hands clasped to their chests, standing on pedestal
ens into a huge plain, Quirigua has, over the centuries, supports. The form of these sculptures is related to tradi-
been subjected to the periodic flooding of the river and tions originating with the Olmec and flourishing during
the subsequent deposit of large quantities of silt. Not only the Late Formative period in the Guatemalan highlands,
do such floods tend to sweep away cultural remains, but Pacific slopes and coast, Honduras, and the Isthmus of
the silt also buries early features, making their local- Tehuantepec of Mexico (see Miles 1965: 248–250). The
ization and identification difficult. Further, the frequent presence of the pedestal sculpture form at Quirigua sug-
changes in the river’s course may obliterate even the most gests already at this early date the participation of the

35
lower Motagua valley population in a cultural sphere that the initial investigations of these structures, it was ob-
included many peoples in Honduras and highland served that the plaza arrangement with a square eastern
Guatemala.3 Such cultural similarities served as the burial shrine is similar to a pattern seen at Tikal (Becker
foundation for more concrete political relationships be- 1972). This was taken to imply political or cultural ties
tween Quirigua and Honduran centers, which developed between the two sites. The recent excavation of the Co-
during the Early Classic period. pan early acropolis, however, suggests a closer compari-
son of the Quirigua shrine with the fifth-century struc-
Quirigua in the Early Classic Period ture at Copan known as Hunal, which contains the burial
Substantial archaeological evidence for a settlement at of its founder and also faces west (Ashmore n.d.; Sharer
Quirigua appears after about a.d. 400. It was around this 1997). While the structure was begun as a palace, the Co-
time that the first phase of the acropolis was built, in the pan founder’s burial transformed it into a symbolic and
form of a modest patio group oriented roughly to the car- spatial pivot for superimposed construction (Fash and
dinal directions (Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983: 2–4).4 Fash 2000; Sedat and López 1999; Sharer, Traxler, et al.
Construction materials were crude, consisting mostly of 1999; Traxler 2001: 56, 58). Although the dates of con-
silt fills with cobble and schist-slab faces for the mounds struction of the early acropolis at Quirigua are uncertain,
and cobble walls. The southern structure built during this its broad similarity to the early Copan acropolis suggests
phase of the acropolis, Structure 1B-1-2nd, consisted of a its closer political ties to the Honduran center rather than
north-facing double-roomed building situated on a to Tikal, where similar court structures do not appear un-
mound of about 1 m in height. On the east side of the til the Late Classic.
court, Structure 1B-6-2nd was built on a terraced platform The intimate political relationship between Quirigua
with a western stairway. The structure apparently served and Copan suggested by Early Classic architectural lay-
as a shrine for a burial which was located under the build- outs is confirmed by historical data, recorded in both
ing. This tomb was intruded 1.3 m into sterile river silt contemporary and retrospective inscriptions. The official
lined with schist slabs and contained the remains of an history of the establishment of rulership at Quirigua is
elite person, probably male, with jade-inlaid teeth and a found in several cartouches on Zoomorph P, a monu-
jade bead placed in the mouth (Jones, Ashmore, and ment dating to a.d. 795 (Fig. 1.2). The first of the events
Sharer 1983: 4). Ceramic offerings associated with this is the “coming” to what is known to Mayanists as a
burial confirm its Early Classic date, although there is no “founding house,” a locus associated with the rituals
firm evidence to prove that it belonged to the dynastic through which dynastic founders connected their au-
founder of Quirigua, as has been suggested (Sharer 1978, thority to the prestige of the central Mexican metropolis
1997). It is also possible that the burial may be that of a of Teotihuacan (Grube and Schele 1992; Grube, Schele,
later ruler or even another elite person. and Fahsen 1991; Schele 1992a; Schele and Grube 1992a;
The Early Classic period also witnessed construction Stuart 2000). This event transpired on September 6, 426,
elsewhere in the region, including two Groups, 3C-7 and but it did not necessarily take place at Quirigua. Three
3C-8, located on the floodplain north of the acropolis. In days later, on September 9, was the erection of a stone
addition, several more distant settlements were estab- monument and the accession of Quirigua’s first ruler,
lished. These include Locus 002, founded on a lookout nicknamed Tok Casper, under the authority of the foun-
ridge west of the valley groups, Locus 011, located near der of Copan’s Classic period dynasty, K’inich Yax K’uk’
the mouth of the Quirigua River, and Locus 057 on the Mo’ (Grube, Schele, and Fahsen 1991; Looper 1999;
Jubuco River, several kilometers southwest of the flood- Schele 1992a; Stone 1986; Stuart 1992b; Stuart and Schele
plain center (Fig. 1.1).5 Typical of the construction of this 1986b). A passage from the Copan Hieroglyphic Stairway
period are low earthen platforms faced with small river may also refer to the accession of this Quirigua ruler (see
cobbles or, for larger structures, rounded-faced rhyolite Chapter 3). These events took place on precisely the same
blocks, with clay mortar and crushed rhyolite floors. The dates as founding events for the Copan dynasty, as re-
source for this building material was a series of rhyolite corded on CPN Altar Q in 775. On the first of these days,
outcrops located between four and eight kilometers up the Copan ruler is said to have received the God K scepter
the Motagua River. of kingship; and on the second, to have “come” to the
The arrangement of the earliest phase of the Quirigua “founding house.”
acropolis is highly suggestive of the site’s far-flung polit- These texts indicate that, at least from the perspective
ical associations during the Early Classic period. During of Late Classic Quirigua, the foundation of the dynasty

36 lightning warrior
 1.1. Map of the Quirigua region, after Jones, Ashmore, and
Sharer 1983: Fig. 6.5. Courtesy University of Pennsylvania Mu-
seum of Archaeology and Anthropology.

occurred in conjunction with and overseen by the first site of his eventual burial, was built in the talud-tablero
king of Classic Copan. When considered in light of re- style of Teotihuacan (Sharer, Traxler, et al. 1999). These
cent archaeological data from Copan,6 however, the innovations suggest the founder’s origins from the cen-
hand of Tikal can be detected in these affairs as well. This tral Peten, where Teotihuacan styles first appear in the
is suggested not only in the Tikal-style inset corners and Maya area. In fact, chemical tests of the remains of K’in-
apron moldings of the Yax platform commissioned by ich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ indicate that he was not a native of Co-
K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ but also in later structures such as pan (Buikstra 1997; Sharer, Traxler, et al. 1999). Further,
Yehnal, built by his successor, Popol Hol. The founder a personage referred to as “K’uk’ Mo’ ajaw” appears in
was also responsible for the introduction of art styles as- an early text from Tikal (Schele, Grube, and Fahsen
sociated with Teotihuacan to Copan. For example, Hu- 1993). Thus, although it is still not absolutely certain,
nal, the first structure in his building program and the there is considerable support for the thesis that Classic-

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 37

 C D
period dynastic kingship at both Quirigua and Copan
was instituted as part of a mission to establish Tikal’s au- 9.1.0.0.0
thority in the Southeast. This model explains the appear- 6
(Aug. 28, 455)
ance of central Peten–derived features at both Early Clas-
sic Quirigua and Copan. It is to be expected as well that
Quirigua would display numerous traits characteristic of
Copan, the regional capital to which Quirigua was di- he plants 7 a stone,
rectly subordinate. Tutum
A second retrospective account of fifth-century rulers
from Quirigua appears on Stela C, which dates to a.d.
Yol K’inich 8 divine
775; but here there is no reference to external authority Quirigua
(Fig. 1.3). This inscription records the erection of a mon- ajaw
ument by a ruler named Tutum Yol K’inich in a.d. 455.
While this ruler’s name has sometimes been identified
with that of the founder, Tok Casper, differences be-
9
tween the names of these persons suggest that they may it happened at [location]
have been successive rulers.7 The Stela C text is crucial to
K’ak’ Tiliw’s political rhetoric in that it establishes his
links to a high king of Quirigua who was active less than [location]
10
thirty years after the founding of Copan’s dynasty.

1.3. QRG Stela C, C6–C10. Drawing by author.

8.19.10.10.17 Similar caching practices at the two sites add to the ev-
(Sept. 6, 426) idence for related elite traditions at Quirigua and Copan
and then he comes founding house in the Early Classic period (Ashmore 1980b: 41; Ash-
more, Schortman, and Sharer 1983: 59; Kidder, Jen-
nings, and Shook 1946: 145; see also Schele 1990b). Not
only are cache vessels of a type limited in range to Copan
and Quirigua, but, in addition, the Maya of Copan and
8.19.10.11.0 Quirigua (like those of the Guatemalan highlands) com-
(Sept. 9, 426)
monly burned cinnabar to yield mercury in caching ritu-
als. Finally, jade “hunchback” figures found in monu-
he plants a stone, ment caches are similar at Quirigua and Copan and
he fastens the related sites in central Honduras and the Guatemalan
headband highlands. Such similarities parallel a general ceramic
affinity between Copan and Quirigua documented in the
Early Classic period. Some of Quirigua’s Early Classic
Tok Casper serving vessels and the majority of its storage vessels are
similar to “southeastern” types, seen at Copan and Chal-
under his [title] chuapa, in El Salvador (Ashmore 1984: 373; Willey et al.
supervision 1980). These relationships argue for Quirigua’s partic-
K’inich kalomte’ ipation on both elite and nonelite levels in the broad
K’uk’ Mo’
southeastern Maya cultural sphere centered on Copan,
divine beginning in the Late Formative period. These cultural
Copan ajaw
connections not only provide the basis for the political
relationships documented between Quirigua and Copan
1.2. QRG Zoomorph P, cartouches 7, 6, 5. Drawing by author. during the Classic period but are also expressed in the

38 lightning warrior
sculptural traditions of the two sites during the Early
Classic period.

Stela U
The earliest known inscribed monument from Quirigua,
Stela U, provides a contemporary historical record that is
consistent with the above official histories derived from
very late sources. This monument is a schist stela, ap-
proximately 2.7 m in height, now broken in two pieces.
Sylvanus G. Morley (1935: 49) found the monument lying
on the lower terrace of Locus 002, the hilltop site west of
the floodplain center which he named Group A. The
monument had originally been set up on this lower ter-
race, in front of a stairway leading to the upper terrace
and its south-facing, single-room building, Structure 1
(Sharer et al. 1983: 43). The stela foundation was of soil
lined with stones; and its dedication cache, disinterred
by vandals, consisted of ceramic vessels containing cin-
nabar, mercury, shale chips, and a bone fragment. Based
on ceramic associations, the Stela U cache vessel type,
and the round-faced masonry style of the first phase of
Structure 1, it is certain that this was the original site of
the stela (Ashmore 1980b: 36, 38, 42, 1981).
The figure on the obverse of Stela U is heavily eroded,
but portions of the figure which continue onto the sides
of the monument are well preserved (Fig. 1.4). This
“wrap-around” compositional mode, seen here for the
first time at the site, is typical of Quirigua sculpture
(Clancy 1990). On both sides at the top are remains of the
interlace and loop elements which are part of the figure’s
earflare assemblage, as preserved on the Early Classic
Monument 26 (discussed below). The presence of inter-
lace designs on the two sides of Stela U suggests that the
front face of the stela represented a ruler in frontal view.
Below the mat elements, open serpent maws disgorge
profile faces adorned with earflares and wrapped head- a b
bands. The serpents are the termini of a double-headed
serpent bar held by the figure on the obverse. The large 1.4. QRG Stela U: a, side 1; b, side 2. Drawings by author.
tooth emerging from the mouth of the well-preserved
head on the right side indicates that these heads rep-
resent supernatural beings, born out of the spirit world hab’ is archaistic, recalling the text structure of the earli-
via the serpent. Glyphic elements which identify the dei- est lowland Maya stelae, such as the Hauberg Stela. It is
ties appear above their foreheads. also found on Copan Stela 16, which probably dates to
A fairly well-preserved inscription with an initial series 9.1.17.4.0 (a.d. 472; Schele 1990a; Schele and Miller
occupies the reverse of Stela U (Fig. 1.5). The date re- 1986: 191). This suggests a connection between scribal
corded is the hotun ending 9.2.5.0.0 10 Ajaw 8 Pop (April traditions of the two sites at this early date. The person-
18, 480), followed by a second date less than a year later age mentioned on this monument is nicknamed “Turtle
(Looper 1999). Interestingly, the Long Count is truncated Shell,” who completed his ritual under the supervision of
after the tun, and the calendar round is reversed, with the a person bearing a west kalomte’ title (Schele 1990b). This
hab’ coming before the tzolk’in. The reversal of tzolk’in and title, which is of considerable political significance, is

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 39

 A B that Turtle Shell was acting under the auspices of an out-
sider, probably the ruler of Copan, who frequently as-
sumed the title.10 Although the personal name of the
overlord is not given, he was probably Ruler 5 or 6.
Whoever he was, his association with the west kalomte’ ti-
1 tle suggests political ties between Quirigua, Copan, and
Tikal during this period.

Monument 26
2 Monument 26, a schist stela dedicated a few years after
Stela U, confirms links between Quirigua and Copan in
the Early Classic period but also implies connections
3 with the larger sphere, including Tikal and Uaxactun
(Figs. 1.6, 1.7). This shaft, which would originally have
measured about 2 m in height, was found in 1979 by
the University of Pennsylvania Quirigua Project. The
9.2.5.0.0.
(Apr. 18, 480) monument was broken in antiquity, and only two large
4
fragments are known: an upper fragment about 1 m in
length and a lower piece about 0.6 m long. Both were
9.2.5.11.0 found out of archaeological context in the vicinity of
(Nov. 24, 480)
Group 3C-7 and were probably originally associated with
5
a broad (more than 768 m2) earthen platform, 3C-1 (Fig.
“places”
1.8; Ashmore, Schortman, and Sharer 1983: 60).11 The
crushed rhyolite surface of Platform 3C-1 supported a
6 flat, round schist altar, Monument 27, which was placed
Turtle just south of the stairway that marked the north face of
Shell the platform. Atop the platform was constructed a single
rectangular structure, 3C-14, made of earth and rhyolite
rubble and faced with rounded-faced rhyolite masonry
7
typical of the Early Classic period (Ashmore 1980b: 37).
Excavations near the eastern side of Structure 3C-14
encountered a well-built rhyolite chamber containing a
collection (Cache 1) of three pairs of plain red everted-
8 rim bowls, placed lip to lip and holding large amounts of
supervised kalomte’
by the west
cinnabar (partially burned to yield mercury), bits of py-
rite, faunal remains, and six pieces of carved light green
1.5. QRG Stela U, text. Drawing by author. jadeite (Ashmore, Schortman, and Sharer 1983: 58). The
jades included a pair of unfinished earflares, a pair of
fists, and a pair of hunchback figures, which may rep-
resent shamans or shamanic assistants in trance (Schele
one of a set of compounds which couple a cardinal direc- 1990d). This cache probably served to dedicate Structure
tion with kalomte’, a term of uncertain translation.8 When 3C-14, with the three vessels arranged in a triangle in ref-
combined with the direction “west,” the title was re- erence to the three stones placed by the gods to organize
stricted to the most powerful of Classic-period dynasties, space at Creation. Although the foundation for Monu-
especially that of Tikal, and seems to be closely associ- ment 26 was not located with certainty, it is possible that
ated with legitimation through reference to Teotihuacan. a stone-lined pit located on an axis west of Structure 3C-
Accordingly, it is particularly associated with Tlaloc-Ve- 14 served this purpose.
nus warfare, a martial complex of ritual and iconography Like Stela U, Monument 26 bears a figure of the ruler
adopted by the Maya from Teotihuacan.9 As no known on the obverse and sides (Fig. 1.6) and a text on the re-
personage from Quirigua ever bore this title, it is likely verse (Fig. 1.7). The initial series of the text records a date

40 lightning warrior
corresponding to late 493, either October 28 (9.2.18. shortly follows the initial series date. The dating of this
13.1) or November 6, 493 (9.2.18.13.10). While the initial stela to the period ending rather than the initial date is
series date has often been taken as the dedication date of also consistent with other stelae from the site. Like Stela
the monument, there is good reason to think otherwise. U, these are always associated with period endings,
A substantial portion of the text is, in fact, missing, marking one of the four divisions of the k’atun. In addi-
which has destroyed critical details. On the lower frag- tion, the date will have critical implications for the
ment, however, a “scattering” ritual is followed by a understanding of K’ak’ Tiliw’s later sculptural commis-
“sky-god, earth-god” expression. In Maya inscriptions, sions, in particular, Stela H. The initial date of Monu-
this ritual formula is exclusively associated with period ment 26 is nevertheless associated with several events,
endings, implying that the broken area once included an including the accession of a person named Mih Toh, who
explicit reference to the 9.3.0.0.0 k’atun ending that bears the title of “fourth in succession.” A third succes-
sor is also mentioned, but in an uncertain context.12
While this text makes no explicit statement regarding
relationships to Copan, it does suggest cultural connec-
tions to the larger center. In particular, the date of acces-
sion of the fourth successor is close to the date of maxi-
mum elongation of Venus as Morning Star on October
31. This astronomical association is in line with tradi-
tions of Copan, which favored this point in the Venus
cycle for royal accession.13 Although circumstantial, such
a similarity in dynastic traditions between the two sites
supports the inference that they were in close contact
and even of common origin, as suggested by the text of
Zoomorph P.
Conceived as a wrap-around composition, the Monu-
ment 26 figure bears strong stylistic as well as icon-
ographic similarity to the slightly earlier Stela U. The por-
trait of the fourth successor is shown frontally, clutching
a double-headed serpent bar to his chest (Fig. 1.6). The
beads which surround the face probably symbolize petals
and liken the ruler’s face to a flower, a metaphor for life
and fertility.14 Below the nose are two additional beads
(probably dangling from the pierced septum), also asso-
ciated with flowers, which symbolize the sweet-smelling
spirit essence embodied in the breath of the living king
(see Houston and Taube 2000). The headdress of the lord
consists of a single personification head, the forehead of
which is wrapped with a band holding a T533 “Ajaw
face” with side scrolls and a vertical blade. This feature is
an Early Classic version of the personified royal head-
band or “Jester God” (see Fields 1989). Above the person-
ification head is an oval cartouche containing what
appears to be, on the left side, the mirror commonly in-
cluded in Early Classic images of God K. Atop the car-
touche is a large maize cob with the foliage peeled back
to display the rows of kernels.
The king’s earflare assemblages are very elaborate and
stylistically typical of the Early Classic period. They fea-
ture interlaces at the sides of the face, loops emerging
1.6. QRG Monument 26, figure. Drawing by author. from the top of the interlaces, and pendant disks and

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 41

 A B C D bell-like ornaments below. The large earflare disks are
displayed adjacent to the interlaces. Vertical struts
emerge from the tops of the interlaces, pass through the
1 1
mouth emanations of the personified headdress, and ter-
minate in serpent heads. Sandwiched between the ear-
2 flare disks and the personified headdress are braided ele-
2 ments with discoidal termini and, on the right side, a
trilobed motif. These elements commonly appear as part
of the ancient Maya earflare assembly (for example, on
3 Tikal Stela 2 and Copan Stela P) and probably represent
3 glyphs for sak “white.” Together with the interlaces and
serpent heads, these signs suggest a conceptualization
4 of the earflares as a cosmological “white flower,” an im-
4 portant Maya metaphor for breath and life force. In fact,
earflares were often rendered as petaled flowers and
sometimes had square-nosed serpent inserts that rep-
5
resented the stamen of the white flower of the ceiba tree
5 (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 394; Looper and Kap-
pelman 2001; Stuart 1992a). Part of the symbolism of the
6 headdress of Monument 26, then, identifies the ruler
Basket Skull,
6 with the ceiba tree, the principal biological metaphor for
third in
succession the cosmic axis that connects humans to the celestial
7 spirit world.
Little else of the costume is visible on Monument 26,
7
Mih Toh is except the interlace-and-disk cuffs and matching belt
8 made ajaw and a beaded pectoral which includes a human head with
closed eyes. To the figure’s sides, just below the serpent
9.2.18.13.1 9 heads, float two circular forms with hatched interiors,
the image? of
8 surrounded by curls. Below these medallions fall scrolls
(Oct. 28, 493) the fourth in
or succession representing divine energy or k’uh. The position of the
9.2.18.13.10 10 medallions, below the otherwise empty serpent jaws,
9
(Nov. 6, 493) suggests that they are to be read as the objects that
emerge from the maws of the serpent bar. The falling
11 10 [9.3.0.0.0 scrolls support this contention, as they are shown
12 (Jan. 30, 495)] emitted directly from a double-headed serpent bar on
other monuments (for instance, K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela H;
see Chapter 3). Although the details of the medallions
are unique to Monument 26, they are similar in design
scattering, and location on the monument to the shields which ap-
z1
sky god
pear on several Copan stelae, including I, 7, and 60 (Fig.
1.9). In the context of Quirigua Monument 26, shields
earth god are conjured from the spirit world through a vision rite,
z2
an image that underscores the king’s control of the su-
pernatural forces of war. This interpretation may be rein-
z3
forced by the closed-eyed human head that the king
wears as a pectoral, although usually such trophy heads
1.7. QRG Monument 26, text. Drawing by author. are worn inverted.

Facing page
1.8. Map of QRG Group 3C-7. Drawing by Wendy Ashmore.

42 lightning warrior
quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 43
1.9. CPN Stela 60. Drawing by author after field drawing by
Linda Schele, courtesy Instituto Hondureño de Antropología e
Historia.

Although the feet of the figure are missing, the lower

fragment of Monument 26 does preserve a basal register
showing a personified mountain that is wrapped around
to the sides of the monument (Fig. 1.6). The right side
displays a stepped motif on the forehead, which cor-
responds to the cleft opening in the mythological moun-
tain of Creation, which in the Classic period was called
Yax Hal Witz “First True Mountain” (Schele and Freidel
1991). Analogous to the Broken Place, Bitter Water Place
of the Popol Vuh where the seeds of all cultigens were kept
and where humanity was created, the First True Moun-
tain was a source of fertility and life for the ancient Maya,
who believed that humans and maize contained the same
divine essence. Further, the First True Mountain depicted
on the Tablet of the Foliated Cross (Fig. 1.10a) is shown
floating in the waters of the primordial sea, the place
where souls go at death and out of which they emerge in a
resurrection.15 The cleft at the top of the First True Moun-
tain serves as the portal through which souls of ances-
tors, in the form of the spirit of maize, are resurrected

1.10. Sacred mountains with personifications of maize: a, Pa-

lenque Temple of the Foliated Cross, main panel, detail; b, Bo-
nampak Stela 1, detail. Drawings by author and Linda Schele,
© David Schele, courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of
b
Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.

44 lightning warrior
through the ritual acts of the descendant, as shown on
Bonampak Stela 1 (Fig. 1.10b). In fact, standing atop the
cleft in the mountain, the ruler on QRG Monument 26 is
represented in the guise of the maize deity himself. This
role is affirmed by the maize cob at the top of the head-
dress. The figure on Copan Stela H wears a similar per-
sonification head and cob (Fig. 1.11). On this monument,
the maize-deity costume is worn in the context of the
carving of an ancestor’s bones as part of the rituals lead-
ing to resurrection (Schele and Grube 1992b; Schele and
Mathews 1998: 154–158). The same configuration ap-
pears on the Tablet of the Foliated Cross from Palenque,
which shows K’inich Kan B’alam II dressed as the per-
sonification of maize standing atop the mountain where
the plant first appeared (Fig. 1.10a).
Additional details of the basal register of Monument
26 suggest a second symbolic referent for the mountain
upon which the ruler stands. The paired snakes that de-
scend from the corners of the creature’s mouth identify it
as a version of Snake Mountain, a mythical place associ-
ated with the origins of warfare, civilization, and legiti-
mate rulership. As such, this icon reinforces the symbol-
ism of the shields that emerge from the double-headed
serpent bar held by the ruler.
Although it appears widely throughout Mesoamerica,
Snake Mountain is most familiar to modern scholars
under its Nahuatl name, “Coatepec.” As documented in
central Mexican sources from the early colonial period,
Coatepec was the birthplace of the Aztec patron deity
Huitzilopochtli and the site where he defeated his en-
emies. Huitzilopochtli also initiated agricultural prac-
tices at this place, through the establishment of a well of
water in the ballcourt at the base of the mountain. With
its serpent balustrades, the Templo Mayor of Tenochtit-
lan itself represented this sacred location, combined
with a manifestation of the mountain of sustenance or
Tonacatepetl (Broda 1987: 77; Matos Moctezuma 1984,
1987; Townsend 1982).
The trope of Snake Mountain was not restricted to the
Aztecs, however, nor to the Late Postclassic or colonial
periods. It has been documented in architectural form at
Teotihucacan and El Tajin as well as widely throughout
the Maya area as early as the Late Formative period
(Koontz 1994; Schele and Kappelman 2001; Schele and
Mathews 1998). One of the most elaborate architectural
versions of Snake Mountain among the Maya was Struc-
ture E-Sub-VII, built at Uaxactun in the Late Formative. 1.11. CPN Stela H, west face. Drawing by author.
Like the Templo Mayor, this structure included refer-
ences to the Snake Mountain, through snake effigy
masks on the lower tier of the façade, as well as to a

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 45

mountain of sustenance (probably the First True Moun- field but do not fill it completely (Figs. 1.13, 1.14, 1.15).
tain), through the stucco masks installed on the middle Within the registers, forms are executed with slightly
tier (Ricketson and Ricketson 1937: Figs. 33, 37). rounded outlines but retain vertical and horizontal lines,
The combined references to warfare and sustenance in harmony with the overall design. Of greatest impor-
on the Uaxactun building have a direct parallel in the tance in breaking the grid is the “crab-claw” posture of
iconography of Quirigua Monument 26. At Quirigua, the ruler’s arms, which form two strong diagonals point-
however, the more complex stela format with its hierog- ing toward the face. A few asymmetrical details break the
lyphic text and royal portrait links these themes with
concepts of ancestor veneration. Specifically, we may
note the passage of the stela text that mentions rituals for
the third successor. The maize iconography with which
the fourth ruler is associated on Monument 26 may com-
memorate these rites of ancestor veneration. The same
thematic convergence occurs on Copan Stela H (Fig.
1.11), where the ruler as a maize spirit wears “flapstaff ”
war banners in his headdress during the conduct of an-
cestral rites.

Sculptural Style in the Early Classic Period

The political relationship between Quirigua and Copan
expressed by the inscription of QRG Stela U is mirrored
by strong stylistic and iconographic similarities between
QRG Monument 26 and the sculpture tradition of Early
Classic Copan. The frontal representation of the king on
Monument 26 is perhaps the most salient of these fea-
tures, probably deriving in part from images such as Co-
pan Stelae 60 (Fig. 1.9) and 53, dated to the last half of
the fifth century a.d. (Schele 1990a).16 Although only the
waist sections of the figures on both monuments survive,
the figure is clearly represented in frontal view. Stela 60
also shows the elbows of the figure as well as the lower
parts of a serpent bar, which was evidently clutched to
the chest in a manner similar to Monument 26. The pose
and vision theme of Stelae 60 and 53, in addition to the
shields visible on Stela 60, set a precedent followed by
most of the later stelae of Copan. Their iconography was
also followed closely at Quirigua. In particular, the Stela
60 and Monument 26 shields are placed in the same po-
sition relative to the figures (Linda Schele, personal com-
munication, 1990).
Despite these similarities, the surface treatment and
arrangement of forms are different at the two sites. The
figure of Monument 26 is laid out in a rectilinear grid, di-
vided into five horizontal registers on the front of the
monument, visible in the upper fragment (Fig. 1.12). The
divisions marking these registers are located at the belt,
shoulder, forehead, and headband of the personification
head. The lower fragment is composed of a single reg-
ister. On the sides of Monument 26, like those of Stela U, 1.12. QRG Monument 26, upper fragment, obverse. Photo by
individual elements of the front protrude into a blank Thomas Tolles.

46 lightning warrior
1.13. QRG Monument 26, upper fragment, side detail. Photo
by Thomas Tolles.

1.15. QRG Stela U, detail, side. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

rigid symmetry of the figure, such as the elements in-

scribed by the oval cartouche in the headdress and re-
peated diagonal details, such as the interlaced designs of
the earflare assemblages and belt. The front of the stela
displays very little ground, with individual forms distin-
guished by slight variation in relief depth.
Although incised lines accent some shapes, in general
both Stela U and Monument 26 show an unusual sim-
plicity and clarity of design. By contrast, the artist of Co-
pan Stela 35 (Fig. 1.16), which dates to approximately the
second quarter of the fifth century, enlivened the image
with small dots, tickings, and double and triple contour
lines.17 Overlapping is frequent. The early Tikal stelae (1,
2, 28), which pack the visual field with minute zoom-
orphic heads, scrollwork, and beads, also differ from the
simplicity seen at Quirigua (Fig. 1.17). At Tikal—and
even more so at Copan—curved, diagonally placed forms
create a sense of swirling motion around the king’s body,
while at Quirigua forms are locked within a static grid.
Perhaps the most telling example of this is the rendering
of the Quirigua vision serpent as a rigid bar, whereas at
1.14. QRG Stela U, detail, side. Photo by Thomas Tolles. Copan the serpents have flexible bodies (Stelae 35, 60).

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 47

1.16. CPN Stela 35. Drawing by Barbara Fash, courtesy Insti-
tuto Hondureño de Antropología e Historia.

Also dramatically different from the representation of

rulers elsewhere is the compositional focus on the ruler’s
face at Quirigua. This is achieved on Monument 26
through the frontal representation and the pattern of
small beads that frames the ruler’s visage, calling atten-
tion to it. The hand and arm posture of the ruler forms a
pedestal for the face as well. Although the Monument 26
facial type can perhaps be traced ultimately to examples
such as Tikal Stela 4, the face on Monument 26 is large
compared to the monument width and dominates the
composition more than examples from the Peten.18 The
faces portrayed in the Quirigua monuments are also
more delicately modeled than the remainder of the com-
positions, thus lending them emphasis. This can be seen
1.17. Tikal Stela 2. From Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Fig. 2.
not only in the subtly curved eyebrow ridge and indenta- Drawing by William R. Coe, courtesy of University of Penn-
tion of the eye socket on the lord’s face on Monument 26 sylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology.
(Fig. 1.12) but also in the beautifully abstract cheekbone
and nose of the deity emerging from the serpent on the
side of Stela U (Fig. 1.18). The modeling of this figure’s
face contrasts with the flat serpent jaw and costume de-
tails below.
One additional prominent feature of Monument 26
and Stela U, the wrap-around composition, warrants fur-

48 lightning warrior
ther comment, as it is one of the major differences be- and sides as do the Tikal stelae, which place backrack
tween later Quirigua and Copan sculpture. Copan Stelae poles with knotted accents at the edges. The free play of
60 and 53, which served as prototypes for later stelae at continuous relief designs over both front and sides of the
Copan, have a totally different compositional mode from stela is a trait unique to Quirigua, developed to its fullest
the monuments of Quirigua, treating the front face of the potential in the programs of K’ak’ Tiliw, together with
slab as distinct from the sides. This approach to the stela additional features of the Early Classic style.
figure, termed the “panel” compositional mode, contin- While certain stylistic details suggest associations be-
ued to be employed into the Late Classic period at Copan tween the Early Classic stelae of Quirigua and those of
(Clancy 1990). Even the heavily undercut stelae seen dur- Tikal and Copan, one of the closest correspondences yet
ing the reign of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil represent the found is between Quirigua Monument 26 and Uaxactun
extreme of a series of experiments in high relief and un- Stela 20 (Fig. 1.19; Ashmore n.d.; Clancy 1999: 105; Jones
dercutting, in which the figure, as if inflated, emerges
from the flat slab to varying degrees.19 The Quirigua ste-
lae, in contrast, simply take a frontal design and wrap it
around the monument, in the manner of Tikal Stelae 1, 2
and 28, which feature complex images of backracks on
their side panels (Fig. 1.17). In fact, lacking more local
precedents, these early- to mid-fifth-century Tikal monu-
ments seem the most direct models for Stela U and Mon-
ument 26 of Quirigua, which also adopt the personified
basal register seen at early Tikal and at other more cen-
trally located sites such as Caracol (Jones and Sharer
1980). Nevertheless, there are differences between the
two compositions. The approach seen at Quirigua pre-
serves the integrity of the stela as a four-sided monu-
ment, without drawing attention to the interface of front

1.18. QRG Stela U, detail, side. Photo by Thomas Tolles. 1.19. Uaxactun Stela 20. Drawing by author.

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 49

and Sharer 1980; Rands 1968: 518). Although they differ dle Classic, an interpretation supported by ceramic ties
markedly in execution, the two stelae share numerous with the Peten through the seventh century (Jones and
iconographic and compositional features, including the Sharer 1980).21 In addition, Quirigua may have been the
frontal pose, crab-claw gesture, shields in association victim of an attack sometime in the sixth or seventh cen-
with the serpent-bar, and a zoomorphic headdress sur- tury. Evidence for this theory is seen in the condition of
mounted by a large cartouche. both Stela U and Monument 26. Both of these monu-
The contexts of these two monuments are also closely ments were broken at the knees, and the left eye of Mon-
comparable. Both were dedicated on 9.3.0.0.0 and in as- ument 26 was scratched away. These treatments are char-
sociation with radial pyramids (pyramids with stairways acteristic of stelae that have been subjected to intentional
on all four sides). Stela 20 at Uaxactun was set up in front defacement, such as Tikal Stela 31, which may have been
of the eastern stairway of Structure E-VII. Although its damaged by invading warriors from Calakmul and Cara-
precise dedication site is unknown, Monument 26 was col. In apparent conformity with a ritual proscription,
found in the vicinity of Structure 3C-14, which also had royal portraits were selectively damaged in such raids,
four stairways. Furthermore, the iconographic refer- probably in order to limit the ability of the royal persona
ences of Monument 26 to the mythic Snake Mountain embodied in sculpture to exercise authority.22 Also like
and First True Mountain have a direct parallel in the Late Stela 31, Monument 26 shows very little weathering, sug-
Formative mask program of the Uaxactun pyramid, dis- gesting that after its vandalism it was buried or otherwise
cussed above. Quirigua Monument 26 therefore rep- protected from the elements.
resents a synthesis of the Uaxactun program, reflecting While the agents responsible for the attack are un-
the iconography and composition of Stela 20 in its fig- known, there is some evidence that Quirigua maintained
ural portion and commemorating the earlier E-Sub-VII ties with Copan into the sixth century. Unlike Quirigua,
mask program in its basal register. Copan saw considerable expansion during the early sixth
Such correspondences among Early Classic monu- century, under the patronage of the seventh and eighth
ments and buildings at Quirigua and Uaxactun were rulers in the line of K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’. Ruler 8 over-
surely not accidental. They are probably related to the po- saw a major expansion of the acropolis complex, includ-
litical reordering of the Maya area that began with the ing the structure called Ante, which bears a step dating to
takeover of Uaxactun by Tikal in the late fourth century 542. The importance of Ruler 7 prompted his commem-
and continued with the establishment of new dynasties oration by the twelfth ruler of Copan, the great Smoke
in the Southeast in the early fifth century. The similarities Imix, on CPN Stela E. A connection between Ruler 8
between Quirigua and Uaxactun monuments in the late and Quirigua is found among the burial furniture of his
fifth century imply that these ties remained vital, with a tomb. Tests of ceramic vessels from this tomb suggest
direct flow of artistic ideas among the various centers that several of the wares had been made in the vicinity of
that composed the alliance network. Indeed, the early Quirigua (Reents-Budet et al. n.d.). Although they can-
phase of Copan Structure 10L-4, located in the Great not be specifically linked to the rulers of Quirigua, these
Plaza, is structurally comparable to the Quirigua radial vessels indicate that there was a degree of contact be-
pyramid (see Cheek and Milla Villeda 1983: 79). Both tween the sites around the mid-sixth century, with Quiri-
southeastern buildings apparently evoke prototypes gua possibly playing the role of a tributary to Copan. Af-
from the central Peten. Like the Aztec Templo Mayor, ter this time, there is a silence in the archaeological
these two Early Classic structures probably symbolized record of about a century, when Quirigua seems to have
mountains of sustenance and warfare. lain virtually dormant. Archaeological evidence shows
that the old floodplain center of Group 3C-7 experienced
The Transition to the Late Classic Period
considerable damage wrought by heavy floods in the
Shortly after the fairly active years of the late fifth century, seventh century (Ashmore 1987: 219–221). This suggests
Quirigua entered a period of misfortune. Not only are no that a natural disaster, such as a hurricane, may have
monuments known at Quirigua between 495 and 653,20 contributed to Quirigua’s woes.
but building activities seem to have slowed or ceased
during the period. In the absence of data, it is difficult to Altar L
attribute the hiatus to a specific cause. One possibility is A revival of sorts at Quirigua may be documented with
that Quirigua’s malaise may have been related to the the dedication of Altar L, a large rhyolite disc about 1 m
poor economic and political fortunes of Tikal in the Mid- in diameter and 0.25 m thick, carved with a crude relief

50 lightning warrior
image of a ruler seated cross-legged on a pair of glyphs, 14, 652). The Venus sign in the headdress of the lord
facing right (Fig. 1.20).23 Dating to a.d. 653, this monu- seated inside the cartouche commemorates the period
ment was found out of primary context, reused as a “ta- ending, which coincided with the heliacal rising of Venus
ble altar” near the acropolis. The figure shown on Altar L as Evening Star. Such commemorations are common at
wears a large mosaic collar with an overlying necklace Copan. The monument itself was probably dedicated
and pendant, a large belt, wristlets, and anklets. His several months after the period ending, however, on the
headdress is a personification head with serpent wings, date inscribed to the left of the figure, 9 Chuwen 14 Sek,
surmounted by a Venus sign. A day-sign cartouche in- or 9.11.0.11.11 (June 2, 653). The event associated with
scribes the figure, as well as accompanying texts, and the this date is a “house censing,” a ritual in which buildings
entire composition is framed by still more text on the were purified by incense,24 followed by the expression ak-
right and left edges. A damaged double-bar coefficient ’taj ti nep? nah “dances with/at ?? building.” The name of
appears atop the cartouche. The cartouche and coeffi- the current Quirigua ruler, K’awil Yo’at/Yo’pat, is written
cient identify Altar L as an example of a class of monu- to the right of the figure. The ruler mentioned here is
ment known as a “Giant Ajaw” altar. In this case, the day known only from this monument and is not given a suc-
Ajaw is indicated by the portrait of the ajaw or king cession number. In addition, because it was found out of
seated in the center of the cartouche. The date recorded primary context, the building commemorated by this al-
by the large day sign is likely the same as the 12 Ajaw cal- tar is unknown.
endar round recorded on the lower right of the rim text, Altar L implies connections with Copan not only
corresponding to the k’atun ending 9.11.0.0.0 (October through the commemoration of Venus events, which

9.11.0.11.11 A B C
building
(June 2, 653)

divine
F
Copan
1 ajaw G
tzak 1

2
2
hul
3
3 K’awil Yo’at

4 4

Smoke
5 5
Imix
12 Ajaw
(9.11.0.0.0)

6 6

house censing

dances with/at??
1.20. QRG Altar L. Drawing by author. D E

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 51

were so important to the rulers at Copan, but through the firmly into the political sphere of Copan. Until the pre-
historical content of the text. The name of the twelfth cise meaning of the verbal expression that introduces the
ruler of Copan, Smoke Imix, appears in the rim inscrip- name of the Copan king is known, however, political in-
tion, beginning on the left side and ending with his em- terpretations of the Altar L text must remain tentative.
blem glyph title on the right. Although the event with Adding to the mysteries of Altar L is its style, which is
which this king is associated includes the verb hul “ar- strikingly different from that of any known sculpture of
rive,” it is preceded by a second verb, tzak “conjure,” Copan (Fig. 1.21). Not only are many of the glyphs ex-
which makes it difficult to interpret.25 During the same ecuted in a peculiar style, with their lines left in high re-
period ending, Smoke Imix dedicated a huge program of lief and the inner parts cut back to the ground, but crude
seven stelae at Copan, erected in the site core and periph- incising completes their details. This carving style is
ery.26 In addition, a stela was dedicated at the outlying unique to this monument, suggesting that Altar L was
site of Santa Rita. This program seems to have marked a executed by local artists and not by members of a Copan
critical point in a steady drive toward political expansion workshop. Certain details of the glyphs, as well, point to
or consolidation that began during the reign of the pre- the local inspiration of this altar, such as the form of
vious ruler, B’utz’ Chan (Fash 1983; Stuart 1992b: 175). T168 ajaw which appears in the two emblem glyphs (G1,
By the 9.11.0.0.0 period ending, the kingdom of Copan C5). On Altar L the po elements of T168 feature a “+”
already extended far beyond the valley pocket (Fash 1998: shaped infix, recalling the Early Classic Quirigua conven-
248-249). Thus, the citation of Smoke Imix on Altar L tion that also appears on Stela U and Monument 26. This
may be interpreted as an attempt to bring Quirigua more version of T168 was used at Copan through the reign of

1.21. QRG Altar L. Photo by Jesse L. Nusbaum, courtesy of Mu-

seum of New Mexico, neg. no. 60996.

52 lightning warrior
B’utz’ Chan (e.g., Stelae 7 and P) but was abandoned by
the time of Smoke Imix.
The most striking divergence of Altar L from Copan
tradition, however, is the format of the altar itself. Such
“Giant Ajaw” altars are not known at Copan and seem to
be most common at the site of Caracol.27 At Caracol the
“Giant Ajaw” format appears as early as a.d. 495 and
usually depicts the Ajaw date of the dedication within a
quatrefoil cartouche. Quirigua Altar L is a variant on the
type, using the basic Caracol form but cleverly incorpo-
rating a historical figure into the composition to rep-
resent the day name. While the political significance of
this form is unclear, it should be observed that there were
long-standing political ties between Caracol and the
Southeast. The most noteworthy of these connections
was the mention of the Copan king Waterlily Jaguar on
Caracol Stela 16, dated to 534 (Grube 1990b; Houston, in
Stuart 1992b: 174). Unfortunately, the political interpre-
1.22. QRG Altar Q. Drawing by author.
tation of this reference to the Copan king is unclear.

Structure 1B-sub.4 and Altars Q and R

At about the same time that Altar L was dedicated, major
modifications of the Quirigua acropolis were begun.
Among the most significant of these was the first ball-
court constructed at the site, Structure 1B-sub.4.28 This
impressive structure was built of rhyolite blocks and
closely approximated the Copan ballcourts in orientation
and dimensions. Two small twin structures with north-
facing doorways, 1B-sub.2-2nd and 1B-sub.3-2nd, were
also built at this time at the northern end of the ballcourt.
The axis between these two structures coincided with the
alley axis of the ballcourt, suggesting that they may have
been part of the same architectural complex. Although it
has not been confirmed by excavation, two small rhyolite
disks, Altars Q and R, probably originally functioned as
alley markers for the court (Figs. 1.22, 1.23). With a third
stone, they would have been installed along the major
axis of the court, in typical Classic Maya fashion. In fact,
Altars Q and R are almost identical to the markers of Co- 1.23. QRG Altar R. Drawing by author.
pan Ballcourt IIa in size and shape, and their quatrefoil
borders are similar to those of the markers pertaining to monuments together formed a triad of ballcourt markers.
all known phases of the Copan court. The images and Not only are Altars Q and R thicker and much narrower
styles of the “altars” are also similar to each other, fur- than Altar L, but the Q and R figures are executed with an
ther supporting the idea that they were originally close in elegance of line absent from the Altar L figure. Further,
date, if not part of a single program. They are executed in certain details of Altar Q, such as the kawak markings,
a shallow relief style with the ground cut back from the give evidence of line control superior to Altar L. Unfor-
figure and incising for most of the details, with relatively tunately, because Altars Q and R were found out of their
little modeling (Fig. 1.24). original context in the acropolis court in front of Struc-
Nevertheless, Altars Q and R are sufficiently different ture 1B-6, these conclusions remain unproven; and the
in style from Altar L to cast doubt on the notion that these hypothetical third ballcourt marker is still missing.

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 53

 identify him as a deity associated with maize and the
moon, known elsewhere in Maya art (Fig. 1.25).29 The
large bivalve shell on the belt is typical of the maize deity,
as are the abundant jewelry and headdress type. The
hand posture may also reflect the typical dance pose of
the maize deity. It is likely that a similar maize/moon
deity is represented on Altar R. In the Classic period, the
figure was connected to the ideology of ballcourts
through a myth similar to that recorded in the Popol Vuh.
A place of trial and death for the various heroic person-
ages in the myth, ballcourts served Classic kings as a
metaphor for warfare and a prime venue for captive sac-
rifice (Miller and Houston 1987; Schele and Freidel 1991;
Schele and Miller 1986: 241–258). Ballcourts were a limi-
nal space in the Maya architectural vocabulary, represent-
ing the entrance to the underworld. The cartouches of
the Quirigua markers were “windows” through which
the beings of the underworld could be witnessed, as
through the mouth of a cave (Schele and Freidel 1990:
1.24. QRG Altar Q. Photo by Thomas Tolles. 487–488). The skeletal centipede heads that appear at
the notched corners of the cartouche symbolize the maw
which leads to the underworld, thus stressing its identifi-
Both Altars Q and R show figures seated cross-legged cation as a spiritual portal.
on oval objects inscribed with plain borders. The figure A similar portal with an ancestor inside and also
on Altar Q faces to the viewer’s right; that of Altar R, to marked with skeletal heads appears on the center ball-
the left. The figures have one hand placed on the hip, the court marker from Yaxchilan Structure 14 (Fig. 1.26).
other held out, palm up. Short texts once accompanied Other portals are represented on stelae from Yaxchilan,
the figures, but these are now eroded beyond recogni- usually in the upper registers and enclosing images of
tion. Because the Altar Q figure is in much better con- ancestors. Normally, the Yaxchilan stelae (1 and 10) have
dition than its counterpart, the discussion of these mon- pairs of these cartouches, but Stela 4 (Fig. 1.27) shows a
uments’ iconography must focus on this image alone. figure inside a moon sign instead of an ancestor car-
The object on which the figure is seated can be identified touche. This lunar symbol recalls the final episode in the
as a stone, as it bears kawak markings: the “grape bunch” Hero Twins narrative of the Popol Vuh, in which Junajpu
on its left half and a dotted semicircle on the right. and Xb’alanke are apotheosized as the sun and moon.
Glyphs also appear on the stone; a sak “white” sign is vis- The context of this apotheosis is their attempt to reas-
ible next to the “grape bunch,” while the other sign is not semble the parts of their father and uncle, the equivalent
clear. The vertical strip which runs in front of the stone of the maize deities, which had been buried in an under-
has double knots at its top, suggesting that the stone is world ballcourt. Thus, the appearance of the deity of
tied with a band. This detail may relate to the Classic maize on the altars is consistent with their proposed
Maya practice of dedicating monuments by wrapping function as ballcourt markers, as these figures would
them with rope or cloth bands. The curved sign to the left have embodied the potential of the ballcourt for the res-
of the figure is a moon symbol. The figure is dressed urrection of maize and ancestors, as well as death by sac-
mostly in jewelry, including a huge mosaic collar with rifice.
medallions at the chest and shoulders, each having
pendant bead assemblages. The belt is also elaborate, Stela T
featuring a large bivalve shell in front. The wrists and an- The influence of Copan in the latter part of the seventh
kles are adorned with mosaic cuffs, while the head is century seems to have motivated not only architectural
wrapped in a cloth to which a bell-shaped element with projects at Quirigua but also a revitalization of the local
projecting serpent head is added. stela tradition. This is marked by Stela T (Fig. 1.28), ded-
Several elements of the attire of the figure on Altar Q icated on the 9.13.0.0.0 period ending by an unknown

54 lightning warrior
ruler, possibly in conjunction with the modifications of action with regions to the northwest. The material ev-
Locus 002 (Group A; Morley 1937–1938, vol. 4: 86–89). A idence first appears in the Early Classic period, when cer-
schist column of roughly the same size and format as tain locally manufactured polychrome bowls found at
Stela U, which was erected more than two hundred years Quirigua resemble late Tzakol wares from the Peten
before, Stela T exhibits a conservatism typical of early (Ashmore 1980b: 42; Ashmore, Schortman, and Sharer
Late Classic Quirigua sculpture. Unfortunately, both text 1983: 60). Such influences parallel the introduction into
and image are so badly eroded as to preclude any exten- Copan of forms of architecture, monumental modes,
sive discussion of the monument’s historical signifi- and iconography typical of Early Classic Tikal in the early
cance. fifth century. The Peten influences that begin to shape
Quirigua in the early fifth century, then, seem likely to
Quirigua as a Border Site have resulted from a complex sequence of incursions
By the end of the seventh century, Quirigua was begin- into the Southeast by immigrants from Tikal, heading
ning to show signs of revival, having declined in the sixth for Copan. Quirigua functioned as an outpost or “way
century. Although the data indicate that Quirigua’s station” in this relocation, established at a crucial trans-
closest political and cultural ties through this period fer point for overland trade routes between the Peten and
were with Copan, several features also suggest an inter- Honduras (Ashmore 1980a: 27; Jones and Sharer 1980).
It also provided access to the sites in southern Belize, via
water routes, and to the jade and obsidian sources of the
highlands.
Thus, poised between major regions of the Maya
world, Quirigua has all the hallmarks of a border site.
Controlled directly through Copan, its art styles re-
mained conservative and eclectic, exhibiting features typ-
ical of both Copan and the Peten. One of the best exam-
ples of this hybridity is in the monumental sculpture
tradition, in which Stela U and Monument 26 have a
wrap-around mode and basal register typical of early Ti-
kal sculpture, a calendrical structure and ritual associa-
tions reminiscent of Copan, and a frontal composition
and iconography related to monumental art at both Uax-
actun and Copan. The Early Classic architecture of Quiri-
a gua also recalls both Copan and Peten prototypes.
The Sub.4 ballcourt may also have conformed to this
pattern. Constructed during a period when Copan was
exhibiting great political strength, the Quirigua ballcourt
was designed in the same style as that of Copan and was
of almost exactly the same dimensions and close to scale.
The ballcourt was thus an overt sign of Copan’s hegem-
ony over Quirigua. But in addition the ballcourt may have
had a symbolic dimension that marked Quirigua as a
border site. Throughout the Maya area, ballcourts were
closely associated with borders, on multiple symbolic
levels. Not only did they represent a threshold between
different cosmic realms, but they were often built in a
transitional architectural space. For example, the Copan
ballcourt is situated between the acropolis and Great
b Plaza, near the causeway entrance to the plaza. As Susan
Gillespie (1991) has argued, the sacrificial ceremonies
1.25. Maize/moon conflated deities: a, Classic incised vessel, associated with the ballgame, particularly decapitation
detail; b, Pearlman conch, detail. Drawing by author. and dismemberment, ritually evoked the division of time

quirigua before k’ak’ tiliw 55

 into agricultural seasons, marked by the movements
of celestial bodies. These ceremonies, and the architec-
tural setting in which they occurred, constituted a mech-
anism for marking and maintaining social and political
boundaries. Accordingly, Maya ballcourts were frequent-
ly associated with warfare and were sometimes built to
commemorate conquest. This is documented in the Post-
classic Guatemalan highlands at sites such as Cawinal,
where ballcourts served to mediate between different
lineages and even diverse ethnic groups (Fox 1991). A
similar role may be suggested for the ballcourt of Quiri-
gua, a site located in a border region with a population
not ethnically related to the Maya elite (Scarborough
1991: 141). Here the ballcourt functioned as a venue for
rituals that mediated not only between Peten and Copan
Maya but between these and the local populations they
dominated.
The subordinate political status of Quirigua may also
be discerned from the titles borne by its rulers. Until the
monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw, no clear examples of the full
1.26. Yaxchilan Structure 14 center ballcourt marker. From emblem glyph are apparent. On Stelae U and T and Mon-
Tate 1992: Fig. 66. Drawing by Carolyn Tate. ument 26, erosion and breakage might be blamed for
this deficiency; but even on Altar L the “Quirigua ajaw”
title at C3 seems to lack the critical k’uhul “divine” prefix
that identifies high kings. This is in marked contrast to
retrospective accounts of the Early Quirigua rulers that
were commissioned by K’ak’ Tiliw and his successors.
For example, K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela C attributes a full Quiri-
gua emblem glyph to Tutum Yol K’inich. The discrepancy
between contemporary and retrospective histories is im-
portant in that it casts considerable doubt on the validity
of dynastic continuity claimed by K’ak’ Tiliw. There is no
question that the texts exaggerate the autonomy of the
Early Classic site. As will be seen in the following chap-
ters, the veneration of the ancient rulers of Quirigua ex-
tended even to quoting many of the iconographic fea-
tures of their stelae. In this way, the Late Classic rulers
claimed a legitimate and ancient legacy of ancestral king-
ship.

1.27. Yaxchilan Stela 4, detail. From Tate 1992: Fig. 86. Draw-
ing by Carolyn Tate.

56 lightning warrior
 2
A RESTIVE VASSAL

The Early Reign of K’ak’ Tiliw

today an astonishing array of late-eighth- and early- ing else is known about his ancestry, however, because
ninth-century stone sculptures dominates the site of parentage statements are entirely absent at Quirigua.
Quirigua. These were erected by rulers during an era in This omission is noteworthy and stresses the distinctive
which economic conditions favored lavish patronage of quality of the persona at Quirigua as an identity that
the arts. The monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw stand tallest in frequently shifts as it is presented in a series of compos-
this group and were all carved after the approximate mid- ite supernatural guises.
point of his reign, several years after the site achieved in- The historical records relating to the first twenty years
dependence in 738. The early years of this king’s reign of K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign conjure a relatively tranquil image
were also marked by significant art projects. And while of Quirigua. We know of his accession only from monu-
they cannot equal the later monuments in scale or elab- ments commissioned years after the event, which took
oration, they are nevertheless a testament to the political place on 9.14.13.4.17 12 Kab’an 5 K’ayab’ (January 2,
ambitions of the ruler and foreshadow the great works 725) (Fig. 2.1). On Stelae E and F the accession is re-
that were to come. corded as the receiving of a God K image, whereas Stela J
During the years between the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw commemorates the event as the fastening of the royal
in 725 and the breach with Copan in 738, monumental headband. Zoomorph G states that he was “seated in
artistic activity was focused on architectural programs in ajaw-ship.” The age of the king upon accession was be-
the acropolis. While remnants of these programs can be tween twenty-eight and thirty-eight, as calculated from
seen today, our extensive knowledge of them is largely titles that appear on his late monuments.2 One other
due to the excavations carried out by the University of piece of information included in the retrospective ac-
Pennsylvania in the 1970s. The structures, as well as the counts of K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession is extremely important
small sculptural monuments also commissioned during to the understanding of the political rhetoric of his mon-
these years, enhanced the growing power of the ruler by uments. Stela E states that the accession happened under
evoking supernatural locations that were contacted dur- the authority of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, the thirteenth
ing ritual performance, even while he was not yet rep- ruler of the Copan dynasty (Fig. 2.1a; Stuart 1987a,
resented in portraiture. Thus, they supported the later 1992b). This pattern, in which Quirigua rulers were
development of a series of supernatural personae for the stated to be subordinate to those of Copan, is consistent
king that were linked to the reordering of the cosmos in with earlier inscriptions from Quirigua, such as Stela U.
the remote past. In fact, the emphasis on developing su- It is also in agreement with the interpretation of various
pernatural identities for K’ak’ Tiliw has somewhat hin- mid- to late-seventh-century monuments, such as Altar L
dered the understanding of this man as a “historical” fig- and the Sub.4 ballcourt, which suggest statements of
ure. For example, it seems reasonably certain that K’ak’ subordination.
Tiliw was a local lord, as his emblem glyph title features The retrospective texts of Quirigua also record events
the “gourd” sign that refers to the Quirigua polity.1 Noth- for two of the period endings during the early years of

57
a

K’ak’ Tiliw under the supervision of

receives God K Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil

receives God K K’ak’ Tiliw

it was 9/many fire-shark headband for him/on K’ak’ Tiliw

fastened conjured his head

he was in ajaw-ship K’ak Tiliw

seated

2.1. Accession of K’ak’ Tiliw: a, QRG Stela E, A8–B9a; b, QRG

Stela F, B6–A10; c, QRG Stela J, F4–F8; d, QRG Zoomorph G,
K'2a1–b1. Drawings by author.

K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign, although they are not well under-

stood (Fig. 2.2). The earlier of the two happened in 731, Altar M (Dedicated September 15, 734)
on the first k’atun ending after his accession (9.15.0.0.0), Two small, stylistically similar rhyolite sculptures, Altars
and is recorded on Stela E and Zoomorph P. The account M (Fig. 2.3) and N (Fig. 2.4), can also be assigned to this
of Zoomorph P (Fig. 2.2a) is especially interesting as it period (a.d. 725–738). When Catherwood visited the site
records not only the dedication of a monument but also in 1840, these two monuments were found at the base of
an event involving Sky Xul, the king who succeeded K’ak’ the east staircase of the Ballcourt Plaza, serving as sup-
Tiliw. Although this text is recorded on one of Sky Xul’s ports for Altar L (Morley 1937–1938, vol. 4: 95; Stephens
own monuments and the actual monument to which the 1841, vol. 2: 122). Although this arrangement recalls the
text refers has not been found, the passage suggests the “table altar” forms of sites such as Piedras Negras, it
possibility that this ruler was alive over fifty years prior to could not have been their original configuration, because
his accession and thus was possibly a son or younger rel- Altar L is earlier in date than M and N. It is likely that this
ative of K’ak’ Tiliw. Again, there is no genealogical state- rearrangement of the monuments can be attributed to
ment at Quirigua to confirm their relationship. The sec- the ninth-century occupants of the site. Unlike Altar N,
ond period-ending record relating to the early years of Altar M can be dated with precision, as its inscription of
K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign is better understood. It appears on four columns and five rows includes a dedication date of
Stela I of Jade Sky and records the planting of a stela by September 15, 734 (9.15.3.2.0; Fig. 2.5). In addition, the
K’ak’ Tiliw (Fig. 3.7). The date is July 26, 736 (9.15.5. text names the monument with a compound that com-
0.0), the last period ending before the capture of Waxak- monly refers to thrones and altars, perhaps reading kuch
lajun Ub’ah K’awil (the following chapter discusses this tun, literally “seat-stone” (MacLeod n.d.). Interestingly,
period-ending record in greater detail). the text seems to name the agent of this dedication as

58 lightning warrior
someone other than K’ak’ Tiliw. This person is refer- vine”), however, but this example dates to the time prior
enced only by a title, however, and therefore cannot be to the conflict with Copan. Instead, the “black Copan
identified. The name and titles of the sponsor of the ajaw” title is probably related to a number of locations
monument dedication, K’ak’ Tiliw, complete this text. mentioned in the Copan and Quirigua inscriptions that
The titles K’ak’ Tiliw bears at this early date—“black include the “black” sign (Schele 1989d; Schele and
Copan ajaw” and “south kalomte’”—have relevance to the Grube 1990b). This title also appears on Nim Li Punit
political context of Quirigua at this time. The first of Stela 2, a monument erected in 731, only a few years be-
these titles has often been mistaken for the Copan em- fore Quirigua Altar M, in the name of a companion of the
blem glyph and thought to imply a dominion over Copan agent of the stela erection (Schele and Grube 1994: 159).
following the capture of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil (Fash This occurrence suggests that it may be a title that indi-
2001: 151; Fash and Stuart 1991: 167; Riese 1986: 95–96, cates a lord’s origin within one of the districts affiliated
1988: 75). Not only is this title distinct from the emblem with the Copan polity. Thus, its use by K’ak’ Tiliw is suit-
glyph (having a prefixed ik’ “black” rather than k’uhul “di- able for his role as a vassal of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil.

K’ak’ Tiliw

Sky Xul
8

11

9.15.0.0.0
(Aug. 22, 731)

9 he plants a stone
12

9.15.0.0.0
(Aug. 22, 731)
13
a 10 b

2.2. The 9.15.0.0.0 period ending at Quirigua: a, QRG Zoo-

morph P, cartouches 8–13 (rearranged); b, QRG Stela E, B10–
A11. Drawings by author.

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 59
 connotation of political subordination or regional affili-
ation.
The final title appearing in the text of Altar M is par-
tially eroded, but enough remains to identify it as a title
that names K’ak’ Tiliw as an ajaw of Quirigua. While this
might be an example of the full emblem glyph, the first
part is eroded, making this difficult to ascertain. A
curved outline on the upper left implies the presence of a
prefix, but this might be either a T228 ’a complement or a
T36 k’uhul. The first clear example of a full Quirigua em-
blem glyph (with k’uhul) is on Stela H. Epigraphers have
noted that the name of the site incorporated into this title
(or the full emblem glyph) is similar to that of Pusilha,
2.3. QRG Altar M, side. Photo by Thomas Tolles. suggesting a possible political relationship between the
two sites (Marcus 1976: 45; Proskouriakoff 1993: 56).
This correspondence is not exact, however, as the Quiri-
gua gourd is usually represented on its side, whereas that
of Pusilha is upright. Based on the known syllabic value
of the gourd as tzu, Schele and Grube (1994: 118) sug-
gested that the emblem glyph at both sites reads tzuk
“partition, province,” indicating the subordination of the
two sites to Copan. A relationship between Pusilha and
Copan also seems to be implied by the appearance of
names similar to those of Copan rulers B’utz’ Chan and
Smoke Imix in the texts of Pusilha Stelae D and M, in as-
sociation with the gourd emblem glyph. Along with the
“black Copan ajaw” title which appears on Quirigua Altar
M, such similarities may suggest inclusion of Quirigua in
2.4. QRG Altar N, side. Neg. no. 5126, McClure photo, cour- a large political sphere reaching from Copan into south-
tesy San Diego Museum of Man. ern Belize.
Artistic traditions, however, draw finer lines between
these diverse zones. The panel-style monumental format
Although it is unlikely that the “black Copan ajaw” men- and marginally literate inscriptional style of most stelae
tioned on Nim Li Punit Stela 2 is K’ak’ Tiliw, the passage from southern Belize clearly distinguish them from
indicates that at least one site in southern Belize was po- those of Quirigua and Copan, suggesting that artistic in-
litically linked to Copan and Quirigua in the Late Classic terchange between the Quirigua-Copan sphere and
period. southern Belize was limited. Among the few artistic links
Various iconographic similarities in the art of Copan, between Quirigua and Pusilha are the zoomorphic sculp-
Quirigua, and Nim Li Punit parallel the distribution of tures of felines at Pusilha (Altars V, W, X), which may be
the “black Copan ajaw” title. Prominent at all three sites related to the zoomorphic format of Quirigua (see Joyce
is the “turban” headdress, worn by rulers and high lords et al. 1928: 339; Morley 1937–1938, vol. 5: Pl. 167). Not
at Copan (e.g., Stela 6, Altar Q) and Nim Li Punit (Stela only is the iconography of the Pusilha sculptures differ-
15; Fig. I.19) and appearing on ceramic figurines at Quir- ent from that of the sculptures of Quirigua, but their date
igua (Altman and West 1992: Fig. 10). is uncertain. Further, at about 1 m in length, the Pusilha
The other title attributed to K’ak’ Tiliw on Altar M has feline sculptures are somewhat smaller than Altar M
a less provincial significance. The “south kalomte’” title, (1.25 m) and Altar N (1.8 m) and certainly diminutive
seen here for the first time at Quirigua, is used by rulers compared to the later massive zoomorphs of Quirigua.
of Copan prior to the time of Altar M—for example, by In contrast, the artistic ties between Quirigua and Co-
Smoke Imix on Altar K. The title, therefore, is one bor- pan are strong and are clearly exemplified by Altar M. Al-
rowed by Quirigua from the Copan kings that bears no though Morley (1935: 150) considered Altar M (Fig. 2.6)

60 lightning warrior
to represent a feline head, Stone (1983: 51) pointed out not found in primary context, we cannot be certain of its
that the multiple curved fangs that emerge from the original function. The presence of the toponym on Co-
beast’s mouth are characteristic of a reptile, either a croc- pan Stela B (dated to a.d. 731) suggests that Copan was
odile or a snake. She suggested that the crosshatched the specific inspiration for the iconography of the Quiri-
imix (reading ha’ “water”) eyelid of the Altar M creature gua sculpture, which was carved only about three years
identifies it with a crocodilian shown on the “Vase of the later. In fact, the inscription of Altar M uses a distance
Seven Gods,” which bears an imix sign on its tail.3 The number to connect the dedication date of the monument
creature may not be a specific animal at all, however, but specifically to the date on which Copan Stela B was ded-
rather a three-dimensional rendition of a rare toponymic icated. This strongly implies that Altar M was a direct re-
glyph. This sign appears only twice in Maya texts, on Co- sponse to the Copan stela.
pan Stela B and on the Palenque Temple of Inscriptions,
Altar N (Dedicated ca. 734)
west panel (Fig. 2.7). In the Palenque example, the cross-
hatched glyph is placed in front of the head, instead of Altar N (Fig. 2.8) is sculpted in the form of a turtle shell,
being infixed into the eyelid as in the Copan and Quiri- with an aged figure emerging from one end. At the other
gua examples. In both glyphic contexts, the toponymic end is a skeletal head, turned sideways and with a mirror
function is assured by the presence of T86 nal superfixes. sign in the forehead (Fig. 2.9). Based on the turtle shell
In the example from Palenque at least, this location is on and head with aged features and net headdress, Stone
a supernatural plane. (1983: 57) identified the sculpture as a representation of
In its original context as a monumental toponym, Al- God N. Although this image is the unique example of a
tar M may have identified a structure or ritual area with bicephalic God N in a turtle shell in Maya sculpture,
this particular place name. In addition, when the king there are several similar instances of God N on Classic
performed rituals in association with or even on top of vases. Usually, the rear head is not skeletal but rather
the monument, it may have symbolically situated the lord takes the form of a waterlily-adorned aged god (see Ro-
in a supernatural domain. Unfortunately, because it was bicsek and Hales 1981: vessels 57–59). The upper surface

A B C D

1 [agent]

9.15.0.0.0
(Aug. 22, 731) 2 under the supervision
of K’ak’ Tiliw

9.15.3.2.0 3
(Sept. 15, 734)

and then 4 black Copan ajaw,

he makes his south
throne?

5
[kalomte’], Quirigua
ajaw

2.5. QRG Altar M, text. Drawing by author.

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 61
 net headdress, the shells they often hold are one of their
attributes, as is the star-shaped shell pendant worn by
the emerging deity depicted in Figure 2.10. The deer ear
sported by many of the trumpeting God N figures may
symbolize his patronage of scribes.
Although the iconographic and thematic relationship
of Altars M and N is unclear, the two monuments are sty-
listically similar (Stone 1983: 58). Both sculptures have
characteristic bold, rounded forms, uncomplicated by
small detail. The sculptures are also of comparable size
and are made of rhyolite of very similar appearance. The
2.6. QRG Altar M, side. Drawing by author.
stylistic qualities of Altars M and N yield other insights
of political and historical significance. First, these two
monuments represent the beginnings of the tradition of
zoomorphs at Quirigua, a sculptural form that has a

b
2.7. Toponyms: a, Palenque Temple of Inscriptions, west 2.8. QRG Altar N, side. Drawing by author.
panel, J3; b, CPN Stela B, west face, E1. Drawings by author.

of the Altar N turtle shell is carved with an image of a

squint-eyed, long nosed mask, identified as the Principal
Bird Deity (Stone 1983: 58).
Called Pawatun, the deity that appears on Altar N was
a prominent denizen of the underworld who had a
number of roles in the Classic period, including patron
of scribal arts, sky bearer, and, as a cognate of the high-
land god Mam, spirit of mountains, thunder, and the
sacred calendar (Coe 1973: 14–15; Schele and Miller
1986: 54; Taube 1992: 92–99; Thompson 1970). A numb-
er of vase paintings depict vision serpents disgorging
God N, either blowing shell trumpets or fondling wom-
en (Fig. 2.10). These vase scenes have been interpreted as
representations of the conjuring of God N upon the birth
of an infant, in order to determine the child’s spirit com-
2.9. QRG Altar N, rear. Neg. no. 5123, courtesy San Diego Mu-
panion (Taube 1994). As a lord of the earth, God N is seum of Man.
charged with guarding these companions. Even though
the God N variants in these scenes do not wear the usual

62 lightning warrior
 2.10. God N emerging from serpent jaws. Classic polychrome
vase (K1382), detail. Drawing by author.

number of historical antecedents elsewhere. Certainly, of Stela A convey little more than information concern-
its use at Quirigua may be partly ascribed to a familiarity ing the dedication of the stone. Quirigua Altar M thus
with the zoomorphic altars of Copan executed during the follows closely in the steps of the artistic developments
reign of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil (Fig. 2.11). The of the larger center. This is not to say, of course, that the
rounded form of the Quirigua altars is surely a feature Quirigua monuments are wholly derivative of the tradi-
descended from the Copan experiments in plasticity that tions of Copan. On the contrary, not only is their subject
began during the reign of Smoke Imix and continued matter distinctive, but the incorporation of a text into a
into the early eighth century with works such as CPN Ste- zoomorphic altar was unprecedented, even at Copan.
lae A, D, F, and 4 and Structure 10L-22 of Waxaklajun The zoomorphic altars at Copan have no inscriptions un-
Ub’ah K’awil (Fash n.d.). The treatment of QRG Altars M til the time of Yax Pasaj (Ruler 16). Nor is the graphic
and N is comparable to that of the Cosmic Monster style of the glyphs on Altar M closely comparable to the
sculpture that frames the inner doorway of CPN 10L-22 texts of Copan.
(Fash 2001: Fig. 77). Although there are no inscriptional In addition, the Quirigua zoomorphs, beginning with
records that confirm direct contact between the sculp- Altars M and N, are reminiscent of the very highly devel-
ture workshops of the two cities at this time, both stylis- oped tradition of zoomorphic sculpture found in the
tic similarities and the dramatically improved technique Guatemalan highlands and Pacific coast during the Late
of the two sculptures compared to QRG Altar L seem to Formative period (Stone 1983: 43–48). As discussed in
support the notion that the sculptors of Altars M and N Chapter 1, the pedestal sculpture tradition and caching
were trained at Copan. It is reasonable to suggest that the practices at Late Formative and Early Classic Quirigua ex-
stylistic similarities between these two altars and the hibit similarities to those of the highlands, suggesting
monuments of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil are sympto- the long duration of this influence and/or interaction. In
matic of a cultural interaction between Copan and Quiri- addition, Stone (1983: 48) noted that QRG Altar V, a
gua that paralleled the political relationship of the two small sculpture representing a human head emerging
kings who commissioned these sculptures. from serpent jaws of probable Classic date, is very sim-
The textual content of Altar M also clearly links this ilar to serpent heads 1, 4, and 5 of Ballcourt 2 at Guaytan,
monument to those of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. As ob- a site located in the upper Motagua valley.4 Indeed, of the
served by Stuart (1992b: 170), Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s major Classic lowland sites, Quirigua is one of the most
monumental texts are distinctive in that they generally closely connected geographically to the highland region,
focus on rituals of dedication. With a few notable excep- via the Motagua River. Quirigua’s economic interests in
tions, such as Stela J, even fairly lengthy texts such as that the upriver jade and obsidian sources may have fostered

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 63
2.11. CPN Altar of Stela D. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

an artistic interaction with the sites a relatively short tion phase is based on stratigraphy and a comparison
journey beyond. with the material used for the textually dated Altar M
(Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983: 7; Sharer 1978: 57).
Structure 1B-2 (Constructed ca. 720–740) Like this monument, the construction facings are made
K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession not only heralded a revival of predominantly of rhyolite, carefully cut into small, flat-
sculpture at Quirigua but also inaugurated major archi- faced blocks. As such, the style of masonry is a dramatic
tectural renovations of the site core. The remodeling of change from the cobble facings and silt fills used pre-
the acropolis during this time copies quite closely the viously in the acropolis but also differs from the Early
late architectural projects of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, Classic round-faced masonry style.
reinforcing the sculptural statements embodied in Altars The most ornate building of this period was Structure
M and N and transforming Quirigua into a miniature 1B-2 (Morley 1913, 1935; Sharer 1990: 86). Also termed
replica of Copan. The origin of K’ak’ Tiliw’s architecture Structure B, this edifice was first investigated by the ar-
in that of Copan, however, could have had other interpre- chaeologist Earl H. Morris in 1912. The building was
tations than the expression of his political subordina- constructed on the southwest corner of the acropolis
tion. Like Altars M and N, the architectural projects of court upon a stepped platform and measures approx-
K’ak’ Tiliw were double-edged, serving both as a state- imately 13.5 m long (E–W) by 8.2 m wide (N–S). Morley
ment of cultural and political connectedness and as a (1935: 135) estimated that it may originally have been
proclamation of the power of the Quirigua polity and the about 5.2 m high. Subsequent acropolis building cam-
status of its ruler as king. paigns gradually but partially covered its supporting
The acropolis construction associated with the period platform, front stairway, and south, east, and west sides.
between the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw and the sacrifice of Nevertheless, the ritual and historical significance of this
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil constitutes a distinct phase in building was such that it remained accessible through-
which accessibility to the acropolis became significantly out the rest of the history of the acropolis.
more restricted. The main structures include Structure The single centrally positioned doorway looks north
1B-2, an addition on 1B-1-2nd, and a wall connecting this upon the plaza and gives access to a transverse room
addition to 1B-18-2nd, located on the east side of the with two doorways (Fig. 2.12). One doorway to the west
court (Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983: 4–5; Sharer et leads to an L-shaped room fitted with a masonry bench.
al. 1979; Sharer et al. 1983). The dating of this construc- The other inner doorway is on an axis with the outer door

64 lightning warrior
and leads to three small rooms arranged in a series. In cluded “grotesque head motives” on the four corners and
the last of these rooms, Morris found a polychrome vase in the middle of the south and west walls. His reference
in the form of a grotesque human head, now in the St. is to sculptural cornice decoration consisting of rows of
Louis Museum of Art (Morley 1935: 136–137). In addi- incisors with curls at each side. These sculptural dec-
tion, near the vase a set of hematite hexagonal disks orations are executed in a “mosaic” technique, in which
about 1.6 mm thick and not more than 2.5 cm wide was large designs are built up of aggregated small, individ-
recovered (Morley 1913: 358). One side was highly pol- ually carved pieces, each attached to the façade with a
ished, and in some cases the edges were rounded. These tenon. Morley photographed the southern wall dec-
objects probably had been attached to a backing and oration, which has now been partially dismantled (Fig.
served as a mirror. Each of the three major doorways had 2.13). His photo shows that symmetrical stepped designs
two pairs of stone hooks for hanging curtains (one pair flanked the side curls, which were placed on a projecting
at floor level, the other about 1.2 m up the jamb). The panel just below the incisors. The Morley photograph
stone bench in the western room measures about 2.3 x also shows that a course of stones carved with a horizon-
1.1 m and is hollow, with an inner chamber measuring tal groove ran above the incisors. Other dotted curls oc-
about 0.8 m wide and 0.8 m high running the entire cupied the register of the incisors, above the stepped ele-
length of the bench. Inside this bench, Morris found ap- ments. These are visible in the modern reconstruction of
proximately twelve 3.6–4.5 kg smoke-blackened river the building. At present, only one set of incisors is intact,
cobbles. located on the northwest corner (Fig. 2.14). Empty gum
The exterior of Structure 1B-2 was decorated on all brackets flank the six teeth.
sides with relief carvings, making it one of the most elab- A second level of sculptural decoration on 1B-2 is lo-
orately embellished structures of its time at Quirigua. cated on the wall surface below the cornice with its inci-
Morley (1913: 357) reported that these sculptures in- sors. Uncovered by the Pennsylvania Project, these mo-

2.12. Plan of QRG Structure 1B-2. Drawing by Thomas Tolles.

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 65
2.13. QRG Structure 1B-2 south façade, ca. 1910. From Morley
1913: 359.

saic sculptures consist of rosettes with inset faces out of

which emerge scrolls (Fig. 2.15). Today three of the
upper termini of the scrolls may be seen, evenly spaced
across the south façade of the structure, one directly be-
low the location of the center maw. The west façade was
found to have two rosette figures, one of which is partly
visible. Morley (1937–1938, vol. 4: 82, 244) observed that
a similar rosette and face embellished the north façade,
just to the right of the doorway, partially buried by a later
stairway. His illustration shows that this rosette had
T533 Ajaw faces on either side (Fig. 2.16). These data in- 2.14. QRG Structure 1B-2, detail of northwest corner façade
dicate that the building originally had nine rosette mo- mosaic sculpture. Photo by Thomas Tolles.
saics: two on the north side, two each on the east and
west, and three on the south. A schematic reconstruction
of the south façade sculptural elements is shown in Fig- The combination of sculpted elements on the cornice of
ure 2.17. 1B-2 recurs on the upper temple platform stucco masks
Archaeologists traditionally interpret this building as from Tikal Structure 5D-33-2nd, which symbolize
functioning as a dwelling or palace (Morley 1913: 355; mountains (Fig. 2.19; Schele and Freidel 1990: 169).
Sharer 1978: 66). An examination of the symbolism of its Based on the correspondence of elements between these
sculptural ornamentation, however, suggests that it had two temple façades, the design of the 1B-2 cornice may
an additional sacred significance. The maws which be identified as a representation of a personified hill or
adorn its cornice are found on many other Classic Maya mountain (Fig. 2.17). The symmetrical stepped elements
buildings that seem to have served as temples. They are correspond to the eyes of the mountain face; the incisors,
particularly prominent on temples that represent sacred to the mouth; and the upper dotted curls, to the forehead
mountains, such as Copan Structure 10L-22 (Fig. 2.18). emanations, which probably represent maize foliage. Be-

66 lightning warrior
 cause the Quirigua design compresses the entire moun-
tain face into a single cornice register, the eyes and
mouth are placed on the same level. The eye icons closest
to the corners of the building pertain to the mouths that
occupy the corners. The rosette/face/foliage combina-
tions that appear on the wall surfaces below the cornice
also have an equivalent at another Classic site. For this
design, the analogy is the mid-sixth-century temple at
Copan known as Ani.5 The Copan design, executed in
stucco on the wall below the cornice, consists of squared
niches framing aged faces (Fig. 2.20). One of these faces
has star-shaped ear ornaments. Foliage emerges from
the tops of the niches and cascades down the sides, and
2.15. QRG Structure 1B-2 south façade rosette mosaic sculp- rosettes are located to the sides of the niches.
ture. Drawing by author after Sharer 1990: Fig. 56. Assuming the equivalence of the decorations on the
two temples, the designs may be interpreted. The aged
faces and star-shaped shell earflares of the Ani niche fig-
ures identify them as God N or Pawatuns. The rosettes
that appear on both temples are circular and inscribed
with radiating arcs. Thus, they may be identified with a
fairly common glyph, T538 (Fig. 2.21), which also func-
tions iconographically as a flower in various contexts.
One of the clearest examples is from an Early Classic tri-
pod vessel, where the rosettes float among other floral
glyphs that read nikte’ “Plumeria” and are punctured by
hummingbirds (Fig. 2.22). The Ajaw faces that flank the
rosettes on the north façade of 1B-2 (Fig. 2.16) also rein-
2.16. QRG Structure 1B-2 north façade rosette mosaic sculp- force their meaning as flowers, because the Ajaw face
ture. Drawing by author after Morley 1937–1938, vol. 4: Fig. functions iconographically as a flower (Stuart 1992a).
147. The foliage that sprouts from the niches of Ani is rather
generalized, but that which emerges from the flowers on

2.17. QRG Structure 1B-2, reconstruction sketch of south el-

evation (not based on precise measurements). Drawing by au-
thor and Thomas Tolles.

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 67
 2.19. Tikal Structure 5D-33-2nd stucco. Drawing by Linda
Schele, © David Schele, courtesy Foundation for the Advance-
ment of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.

2.18. CPN Structure 10L-22, detail. Drawing by author.

1B-2 clearly is maize foliage. A cob-shaped form appears

atop the stalk, and tassels issue from the floral sign just
a
above it (Fig. 2.15).
The combination of Pawatun/flower/maize foliage on
the temple façades recurs in a glyphic context as one of
the toponyms on Copan Structure 10L-22A (Fig. 2.23a).
Here the Pawatun head is employed to represent the nu-
meral “five,” and the maize foliage is nal, a toponymic
identifier. The “Five-Flower” toponym refers to a specific
supernatural location and is related to several similar
flower-locations that appear widely in Maya art.6 Al-
though the glyphic elements that name these places do
not precisely agree and therefore are probably not exactly
the same as the 10L-22A toponym, it is apparent that
floral places in general, and the Five-Flower place in par-
b
ticular, have strong associations with the realm of the
dead as well as with the Creation of the world. The Five- 2.20. CPN Structure “Ani,” details of façade stucco decoration.
Flower place also relates to the conception of a supernat- Drawings by author after field drawing by José Espinoza, cour-
tesy Early Copan Acropolis Program, University of Pennsylva-
ural “Flower World” realm, documented among Uto-Az-
nia Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology and Instituto
tecan speaking peoples of Mesoamerica and the Greater Hondureño de Antropología e Historia.
Southwest, at Teotihuacan, and among certain highland
Maya groups (Hays-Gilpin and Hill 1999; Hill 1992;

68 lightning warrior
 sonified waterlilies. Another example of the association
of the Five-Flower place with the rebirth of maize ap-
pears in the text of Altar 1 of Piedras Negras (Fig. 2.26).
This text begins with an account of Creation, including a
reference to the manifestation of the First Three-Stone
place where maize was reborn on August 13, 3114 b.c.
Following additional information, the text states that a
2.21. T538. Drawing by author.
king of Piedras Negras (in this case, a divine ancestor)
oversaw these events at the Five-Flower place. Thus, the
Five-Flower place is a location where Creation and the
primordial sprouting of maize took place.
The T538 dotted rosette of the Five-Flower toponym
appears in iconographic contexts that feature themes of
birth. A codex-style vase (Fig. 2.27) shows the spirit of
maize being born out of a water register containing split
ajaw signs as well as tiny rosettes. The glyphic caption

place

2.22. Hummingbird piercing flower, adjacent to rosette. Early

Classic carved vessel, detail. Drawing by author. a Five Flower

Houston and Taube 2000; Taube 2000). In some ancient

Five-Flower
Maya inscriptional contexts, the Five-Flower place ex-
plicitly names a burial site of rulers. For example, on a
panel from Cancuen, a “five-flower mountain” is re-
ferred to as a tomb (Fig. 2.23b). Similarly, on Piedras Ne-
Mountain
gras Lintel 3, the burial of Ruler 4 also takes place in a
“five-flower mountain” (Fig. 2.23c).7 The identification
of mountains as Five-Flower places in the Cancuen and
Piedras Negras texts is also evident on a vessel from Tikal his tomb
(Fig. 2.24), which couples an image of a mountain with b
the toponym. Flower icons also mark the mountain
monsters in the basal registers of Caracol Stelae 4 and 11
(Beetz and Satterthwaite 1981: Figs. 5a, 12).
Other inscriptions suggest that the Five-Flower place
is a mythological location where the rebirth of maize oc-
curs. On the “Cosmic Plate” (Fig. 2.25), the toponym oc-
curs in conjunction with references to a “Black Hole”
place and a “Black Lake” location. This place clearly cor- c he is buried Five-Flower Mountain
responds to the scene below, which shows Chaak par-
2.23. References to the Five-Flower place: a, CPN Structure
tially submerged in the black water, framed by the jaws of 10L-22A glyphic detail; b, Cancuen panel, O5–O7; c, Piedras
the black hole. Below the Chaak is an image of the spirit Negras Lintel 3, V5–U6. Drawings by author and Barbara Fash,
of maize, rising from a skeletal head marked with per- courtesy Instituto Hondureño de Antropología e Historia.

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 69
 Five-Flower place cave

2.24. Five-Flower Mountain, details of a Classic-period vessel.

Drawing by author.

2.25. Classic codex-style vessel (the “Cosmic Plate,” K1609).

Drawing by author.

70 lightning warrior
 K L M N O P

13.0.0.0.0 it happened at First Three-Stone it happened at the

(Aug. 13, 3114 b.c.) place Five-Flower place

2.26. Creation narrative. Piedras Negras Altar 1, K1–P2. Draw-

ing by author.

which accompanies this figure in one scene may identify

him as aj siy ich “he who is born from liquid” (Houston
and Taube 2000: 281). Another vase (Fig. 2.28) shows a
cacao tree bearing the head of a deity, which grows out of
the same flower. This image—possibly related to the Po-
pol Vuh tale in which the head of First Father, Jun Junajpu,
is hung in a tree and comes to impregnate the daughter
of one of the underworld lords (Taube 1985: 175)—un-
derscores the association of this flower with reproduc-
tion. The flower occurs as well in a toponym which in-
cludes ik’ “black” and kab’ “earth,” appearing on QRG
Stela A (Fig. 2.29a) and Piedras Negras Stela 3 (Fig. 2.27. Deity born from a flower. Codex-style vessel (K2723), de-
2.29b). At Piedras Negras the toponym adorns the legs of tail. Drawing by author.
a throne upon which Lady K’atun Ajaw and her daughter
are seated. The bench of this throne also bears the topo-
nym as well as a scene in which a person holds a vision
serpent. As these vision serpents are used in metaphor-
ical scenes of birth on Yaxchilan Lintels 13 and 14, the
Black Earth Flower place would seem to be a place of
birth and ancestor communication, similar to the Five-
Flower place.
The close associations between the Five-Flower place,
a mountain, and a place of resurrection suggest that the
Five-Flower place may be a variant of or qualifier for the
Classic Maya Creation mountain, the Yax Hal Witz, out of
which maize first emerged (Freidel, Schele, and Parker
1993: 138–139; Schele and Freidel 1991). The Classic-pe-
riod practice of naming burial locations after the place of
resurrection of maize reinforces the equation of the dead
ancestor with the spirit of this plant. Although it is not
known if Quirigua Structure 1B-2 marks a burial site, it 2.28. Cacao tree sprouting from flower. Polychrome vessel
seems likely that the mountain masks of its cornice (K5615), Museo Popol Vuh, Universidad Francisco Marroquín,
together with the Five-Flower toponyms of its walls iden- Guatemala, detail. Drawing by author.

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 71
 Maya sweatbaths, however, Linton Satterthwaite (1952:
black place 25) expressed doubt about Morley’s interpretation,
pointing out mainly that 1B-2 does not have most of the
architectural features commonly associated with Classic
earth flower Maya sweatbaths. Most notably, it lacks the typical sym-
metrical layout and drains. Nevertheless, the boulders do
a suggest the possibility that the room was used as a
sweatbath at least occasionally and was perhaps more
symbolic than functional.
If the west room of 1B-2 was a sweatbath, even a sym-
bolic one, then it would reinforce the meaning of the edi-
fice as a whole. As discussed by Stephen Houston (1996),
Mesoamerican sweatbaths have close symbolic associa-
tions with birth. One of the most common uses of the
baths is as a treatment for the mother both before and af-
ter childbirth. In many Maya communities, parturition it-
self traditionally takes place in the sweatbath. In the
Mam village of Santiago Chimaltenango, Guatemala, the
structure is so closely associated with birth that the after-
birth is buried under its floor (Wagley 1957: 129). The de-
sign of one of the rooms of 1B-2 as a sweatbath could be
seen as a means of providing a place where the ancestors
could be reborn through the vision rite. This hypothesis
might even be supported by the pyrite mirror pieces
found in the structure, as such mirrors are associated
with supernatural communication. Further, the place-
ment of a sweatbath in a building that represents a
mountain is consistent with the symbolism of sweat-
Black Earth baths as caves.
Flower place The construction of 1B-2 shortly after the accession of
K’ak’ Tiliw modified the meanings of adjacent struc-
b tures, specifically the ballcourt, Structure 1B-sub.4. In
2.29. Black Earth Flower place: a, QRG Stela A, D4; b, Piedras the plans of the ceremonial centers throughout Mesoa-
Negras Stela 3, detail. Drawings by author. merica, a ballcourt or sunken court was often located at
the foot of or near the principal mound or pyramid (Frei-
del, Schele, and Parker 1993: 132–137, 146–155; Reilly
tify the building as an effigy of Quirigua’s local maize- 1989). In many cases, the principal mound can be inter-
mountain. The symbolic significance of 1B-2 approx- preted as symbolizing the mountain of Creation for the
imated that of Copan Structure 10L-22, although the Co- city. This tradition is exemplified in the Middle Formative
pan structure is also a local variant, perhaps identified period by the Olmec site of La Venta, in which the conical
with Mo’ Witz or “Macaw Mountain” (Wagner n.d.). mound of Complex C is axially aligned with the sunken
This interpretation of 1B-2 is consistent with one of its court of Complex A. The twin embankments framing a
peculiar interior features, the hollow bench of the west plaza space between these two units may be an early ball-
chamber in which Morris found a number of smoke- court. The more complex architectural environments of
blackened river cobbles. Morley (1935) took these stones the Classic-period Maya exhibit a number of variations
as evidence that the room may have been used as a sweat- on this pattern. For example, in the Copan acropolis the
bath for ritual purification. The stones, heated in fires pyramid symbolizing the mountain of Creation, Struc-
outside the building, could have been introduced under- ture 10L-22, is fronted by a “false ballcourt,” a courtyard
neath the bench and, after dousing with water, could embellished with a triad of markers similar to those seen
produce the steam needed for a sweat. In his analysis of in masonry ballcourts. Both the sunken courts and ball-

72 lightning warrior
courts are often interpreted as places of sacrifice and en- defeat of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil (Marcus 1976; Riese
trances to the underworld. For the Maya, they are also 1980, 1986). It is now evident that Waxaklajun Ub’ah
manifestations of the cleft in the Creation mountain K’awil himself began this massive project, dedicating the
(Schele and Freidel 1991). Thus, Maya ballcourts func- lower section of steps in a.d. 710 (see Morley 1920: 272).
tioned as the loci for sacrificial acts which magically in- According to a recent analysis of the style and discourse
duced the growth of maize and the rebirth of ancestors patterns of the stairway text by David Stuart (n.d.b),
out of the watery underworld. about half of the present height of the structure can be at-
The Sub.4 ballcourt stressed the symbolism of the ad- tributed to Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. The upper sections
jacent 1B-2 as the mountain of Creation of Quirigua be- of this text recorded accessions and death dates of the
cause the ballcourt itself represented the cleft in this Copan rulers, possibly beginning with the founder, K’in-
mountain. Both buildings were oriented on the same ich Yax K’uk’ Mo’. The intact Steps 4, 5, and 6 feature a
axis and opened onto the same ritual space, the acropolis lengthy record of the death and burial of Smoke Imix,
court, thereby strengthening their mutual symbolic asso- suggesting that the stairway bore a special dedication to
ciations. The remodeling of the acropolis by K’ak’ Tiliw this predecessor of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. The large
in this particular manner, however, was by no means a and richly furnished Chorcha tomb found deep inside
simple expression of sacred geography. Taken in its his- Structure 10L-26 (Burial XXXVII-4) was likely that of
torical context, the building program emerges as a pro- Smoke Imix himself (Fash 2001: 111). If this interpreta-
found statement of political authority and revitalization tion is correct, then the Hieroglyphic Stairway was con-
for the city. The construction of mound/pyramid plus ceived during Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s reign as both a
plaza/ballcourt combinations in Maya sites often can be dynastic monument and a funerary memorial to Smoke
linked to the Mesoamerican concept of “centering,” in Imix.
which architectural groups replicate cosmic patterns in Structure 10L-26 was only one of many commissions
order to sacralize the constructed spaces (Freidel, Schele, sponsored by this ruler (Cheek 1986; Schele, Grube, and
and Parker 1993; see also Ashmore 1989). While such Stuart 1989; Stuart 1989a). In 715, a few years after the
cosmological structures provided the basic spatial vocab- completion of the stairway, the Copan king completed
ulary for Maya architecture, it is also apparent that the the final version of Structure 10L-22. The ballcourt was
Creation mountain is associated with the concept of city remodeled during the following years, to be dedicated in
founding. The Popol Vuh defines historical cities in terms 738. In addition, during this period considerable effort
of mountains, thus associating them with the mytholog- went into enlarging plaza areas and renovating struc-
ical mountain of origin, Pan Paxil, Pan Kayalaa, “Broken tures on the east, west, and north edges of the site core.
Place, Bitter Water Place.” In addition, the mythological K’ak’ Tiliw’s 1B-2 can be seen as inspired by Waxaklajun
mountain is itself referred to as a tinamit “city, citadel” Ub’ah K’awil’s 10L-22, since both buildings represent
(Tedlock 1985: 163, 182). In the Popol Vuh the mythologi- the sacred mountains of their respective cities. Even its
cal mountain represents the supernatural prototype for mosaic technique of sculptural adornment can be specif-
urban settlement. ically linked to the Copan tradition (Riese 1986). The new
Using this analogy, the construction of Structure 1B-2 form of the Quirigua acropolis featuring a symbolic Cre-
at Quirigua may be interpreted as a refounding or re- ation mountain deliberately emulated recent devel-
newal of the city. Even though the structure added to an opments at Copan.
already existing architectural complex, its particular
Conclusion
symbolism as a sacred mountain proclaimed Quirigua’s
self-identification as a polity. When seen in the context of The imitation of diverse aspects of Waxaklajun Ub’ah
the contemporary architecture of Copan, the early con- K’awil’s architectural and sculptural styles, formats, and
structions of K’ak’ Tiliw take on even more pointed sig- imagery by Quirigua artists prompts reflection on the
nificance. During the years preceding a.d. 740, Copan meanings of these influences. The stylistic and technical
witnessed significant construction within the site center, correspondences between Quirigua and Copan architec-
overseen by the king Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. Some of ture are so close as to suggest that Copan artists actually
the most important of these projects centered on Struc- worked at Quirigua or that Quirigua artists were appren-
ture 10L-26. ticed in workshops at Copan. Thus, stylistic similarities
In the past, most archaeologists thought that the Hier- are a symptom of a political relationship of subordina-
oglyphic Stairway of Structure 10L-26 was built after the tion and cultural exchange. A somewhat different read-

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 73
2.30. CPN Great Plaza. The stelae visible in this photograph
were commissioned by Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil during the
early eighth century. Photo by author.

ing is suggested by the iconography of these structures. It should be noted, however, that in his early years as
As discussed above, the new temple built by K’ak’ Tiliw ruler K’ak’ Tiliw commissioned no known portrait im-
represents a local sacred mountain. The construction of ages. This is in dramatic contrast to Waxaklajun Ub’ah
such a temple symbolized the refounding of the sacred K’awil, who erected no fewer than five spectacular por-
center. The new constructions, then, suggest not only trait stelae during this period. These monuments (CPN
the connections between Copan and Quirigua but the Stelae 4, H, A, B, and D) were placed in one of the most
growing political autonomy of Quirigua. important public spaces at Copan, the Great Plaza (Fig.
It is possible to discern in the early architectural pro- 2.30). In view of the importance of this genre at Copan,
jects of K’ak’ Tiliw the germ of the idea to transform the total absence of monumental portraits at Quirigua
Quirigua into a new capital of the Maya Southeast, ri- seems significant. Furthermore, after Quirigua’s inde-
valing Copan. Beyond the symbolic meaning of these pendence, each monument commissioned by K’ak’ Tiliw
structures, the very mass of construction which was featured a royal portrait, and sometimes more than one.
undertaken during this time—together with the com- Given this radical change in art forms before and after
missioning of carved, inscribed monuments—speaks the conflict with Copan, one could speculate that monu-
eloquently of the relative autonomy that Quirigua seems mental portrait images may have been prohibited at
to have gained upon the accession of its new king. In- Quirigua during the reign of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil.
deed, the inscription of Altar M says nothing of the sub- Such images may have been seen as an overt public state-
ordinate status of K’ak’ Tiliw, a very bold omission for a ment of political independence, inappropriate for a vas-
lord supposedly subject to the Copan king’s authority. In sal lord. Instead, the monuments erected during K’ak’
fact, this monument claims K’ak’ Tiliw himself as the Tiliw’s early reign suggest more general and depersonal-
overlord of another unknown agent. ized themes of city founding within a sacred landscape.

74 lightning warrior
 The possibility that portraiture was forbidden to K’ak’ situation, about which the overlord Waxaklajun Ub’ah
Tiliw while he was a vassal raises interesting prospects K’awil would have had reason to worry. The sudden flo-
for the understanding of this genre of art. As discussed rescence of the former colony with new sculptural and
earlier, royal portraits served rulers as a principal mode architectural commissions speaks for a dramatically dif-
of multiplying and memorializing personae. With each ferent political and economic climate in the lower Mo-
representation, the charismatic power of a ruler was dra- tagua valley. Even though the later monuments of K’ak’
matically enhanced as performance spaces were claimed Tiliw imply that the decapitation of the Copan ruler in
and personalized. Without such images, rulers were se- 738 formed the foundation of his authority, the archae-
verely restricted in their ability to generate a personal ological and artistic evidence suggests that almost im-
identification with a public ritual space and, by exten- mediately after the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw in 725 power
sion, with the polity. Portraiture, then, may have func- was rapidly being consolidated around the ruler. Al-
tioned as a means by which supreme rulers maintained though it is tempting to ascribe this resurgence in part to
their authority, literally embodying the cosmos and the charismatic performances of its ruler, supported by new
polity. Subordinates such as K’ak’ Tiliw had to be satis- art programs, the sudden and dramatic rebirth of Quiri-
fied with building sacred landscapes and performing in gua strongly hints at the presence of an outside hand in
them, their bodies only temporarily totalized though the affairs of the small site. Indeed (as will be seen in the
spirit possession. The tension between such fleeting ex- next chapter), sometime between a.d. 725 and 738 K’ak’
periences and a permanent cosmological identity fixed in Tiliw ceased to be a loyal vassal of Waxaklajun Ub’ah
portrait images may have contributed to the constant K’awil and began conspiring with distant and powerful
stress on the structures of political hierarchy during the enemies of Copan. These developments soon unfolded
Classic period. into a series of events that would shape the history and
When the early history of K’ak’ Tiliw is considered as a art of the two cities for years to come.
whole, a picture emerges of a potentially volatile political

t h e e a r ly r e i g n o f k ’ a k ’ t i l i w 75
 3
REBELLION AND REVIVAL

The First Stelae of K’ak’ Tiliw

the inhabitants of Quirigua in the late 730s had rea- of the present chapter. This monument group occupied
son to praise the ancestors. The population was expand- the southern part of the Great Plaza and consisted of two
ing, and the surplus from agriculture and trade was be- stelae, H and J, and possibly a third monument, Stela S.
ing transformed into monumental architecture and The later program, built upon a slightly raised platform
sculpture in the site core. Presiding over this time of to the north of Stelae H and J, is discussed in Chapters 4
plenty was the ruler K’ak’ Tiliw, whose monumental and 5.
commissions simultaneously expressed the cultural Although these two programs explicate the supernatu-
bond with Copan and asserted the eminence of the local ral and political implications of the sacrifice of the Co-
ruler. Monumental art and architecture during the first pan ruler, they also suggest that the event initiated an ex-
ten years of his reign boldly negotiated the line between tended period of competition between Quirigua and
subordination and independence. Finally, in 738, ten- Copan. This conflict apparently entailed the transfor-
sions between the two centers reached a critical point, re- mation of the Quirigua acropolis into a defensible cita-
sulting in the capture of the Copan ruler by Quirigua. del, fitted with high terraces and perimeter walls. Far
Taking advantage of this unexpected maneuver, K’ak’ from ignoring its aggressive neighbor, Copan was forced
Tiliw beheaded his former overlord in a ritual which to deal with the political crisis, responding through a
would radically transform the ceremonial center of Quir- number of architectural and sculptural projects which al-
igua. As later monuments clarify, this sacrifice was not ternately proclaimed the regional hegemony of the Co-
merely a political act but one replete with supernatural pan polity and celebrated the heroism of its ruler. In sum,
significance. The ruler had demonstrated that he could Copan rapidly rebounded from its defeat, led by two
wield the spiritual powers necessary to guarantee the rulers whose art programs literally and symbolically built
safety, fertility, and prosperity of the polity. upon the works of their unfortunate predecessor.
Among the many events chronicled on Quirigua’s
The Defeat of the Copan Ruler
monuments, only the sacrifice of the Copan ruler is given
the same prominence as K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession. In fact, The defeat of Copan by its former colony is one of the
the same four monuments that record the accession also most dramatic stories from ancient Maya history. The
proclaim this victory. To judge from the monuments of pivotal date in this episode, 9.15.6.14.6 6 Kimi 4 Sek
K’ak’ Tiliw and his successor, the two rituals set the (May 3, 738), corresponds to the date of sacrifice of the
course for the site’s emergence as the new capital of the ruler of Copan, Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil.1 The method
southeastern Maya area. At Quirigua these episodes are used in this execution was decapitation, probably per-
celebrated in two distinct programs of monumental formed with a flint axe. In Maya art this technique is
sculpture for which an enormous ritual space north of shown performed by supernaturals, as on the Altar de
the acropolis, the Great Plaza, was constructed. The ear- Sacrificios vase (Fig. 3.1). Chaak, the deity of lightning
lier program, erected between 746 and 756, is the topic and thunder, also commonly wields the hafted axe used

76
in this ceremony (Figs. I.28, 2.25, 3.13). The sacrifice The death of the Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil is also re-
was not a mere mortal act but was laden with supernatu- corded in a passage from the Hieroglyphic Stairway, the
ral overtones. Attesting to this significance, the event most important monument commissioned at Copan fol-
was mentioned on three of K’ak’ Tiliw’s stelae, J, F, and lowing the conflict with Quirigua (Fig. 3.3). The manner
E, and posthumously on Zoomorph G (Fig. 3.2). of presentation here is different from that at Quirigua,
revealing distinct interpretations of the significance of
the ruler’s death at the two sites. The account of his death
recorded on the Hieroglyphic Stairway uses a common
metaphor which refers to the departure of the breath
from the body and makes no reference to decapitation.
This event is followed by the phrase tutok’ tupakal, how-
ever, a couplet that literally reads “with his flint, with his
shield.” As this record is unusual, it is difficult to inter-
pret. While it may allude to the death of the ruler by arms,
it may also be read as a figurative reference to his death
“in war.” Whatever its precise translation, this inscrip-
tion apparently presents Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil as a
hero rather than a humiliated victim.
Apart from the accounts of the death of Waxaklajun
Ub’ah K’awil, there is limited evidence for the context of
3.1. Self-decapitating deity. Altar de Sacrificios Vase, detail.
the conflict. Certainly, there is no indication that lord
Drawing by Linda Schele, © David Schele, courtesy Foundation
for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.
was captured on 9.15.6.14.6, as implied by various au-

a he is decapitated Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil

b he is Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil under his K’ak’ Tiliw it happened Black Hole
decapitated supervision at place

c he is Waxaklajun
decapitated Ub’ah K’awil d he is decapitated Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil under the supervision of
K’ak’ Tiliw
3.2. The death of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil: a, QRG Stela J,
H3–G5; b, QRG Stela F, A12b–B14a; c, QRG Stela E, B12b–
A13a; d, QRG Zoomorph G, L'3b2–L'4. Drawings by author.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 77

 9.15.6.14.6 (May 3, 738)

is born Yax Ha’al Chaak first?? then it is raised? his flint and shield at
Turtle Mountain

[death] with his flint, Waxaklajun

with his shield Ub’ah K’awil

3.3. Events of May 3, 738, as recorded on the Copan Hiero-

glyphic Stairway. Drawing by the author based on Gordon
(1902: plates 12 and 13).

thors (Riese 1986: 96; Sharer 1990; Stuart and Schele aklajun Ub’ah K’awil.” Although they are not otherwise
1986a: 12). The last date associated with Waxaklajun mentioned at Quirigua, Chante Ajaw and K’uy Nik? Ajaw
Ub’ah K’awil at Copan prior to his execution was the (“Four Lord” and “Ceiba Flower? Lord”) are named
dedication of Copan Ballcourt III on 9.15.6.8.13 (January frequently in the texts of Copan and are even depicted in
10, 738), only 113 days before his death (Grube et al. sculptural form, on the bench from Temple 11 (Fig. 3.5).
1989). It has been suggested that Waxaklajun Ub’ah The Stela I passage may therefore be an account of the
K’awil was captured when he went to war to secure cap- battle between Copan and Quirigua, phrased in ceremo-
tives to inaugurate this structure (Schele and Freidel nial terms. Rather than describing the actual capture of
1990: 487). As there is no evidence that either Quirigua or the Copan king, the text records the capture and possibly
Copan was attacked at this time, it is probable that Quir- the burning of wooden images of the ancestral deities of
igua warriors ambushed the lord of Copan during an at- Copan.
tempted attack on another site. This interpretation of the account on Stela I is sup-
Although the details of the revolt remain elusive, a text ported by analogy with events in Classic Maya history and
on Stela I (a monument commissioned by the sixteenth by comparison with ethnohistorical sources. In the Clas-
ruler of Quirigua) suggests that the battle and sacrifice sic period, statues of patron deities or ancestors were
were separated by a few days (Fig. 3.4). The text begins frequently carried into battle on stepped palanquins or
with the date 9.15.6.14.0 (April 27, 738), which was six litters (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 310–317). Intact
days prior to the decapitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah wooden statues are rare in the archaeological record.
K’awil, followed by two events.2 The first is difficult to However, plaster casts were made from the remains of
decipher but probably refers to the capture or piercing of stuccoed wooden images found in Tikal Burial 195 (Har-
wooden images, while the second refers to the kindling rison 1999: 102, Figs. 59, 60). In such a form, the gods
of a fire by drilling. The recipients of this action are could be captured, as, for instance, appears on the Nar-
named as ancestral deities of Copan or, in the words of anjo palanquin taken by Tikal and shown on Temple 4
this text, “Chante Ajaw, K’uy Nik? Ajaw, the gods of Wax- Lintel 2 (Fig. 3.6; Martin 1996). On this lintel the jaguar

78 lightning warrior
 image is referred to as the god of the defeated Naranjo
ruler, just as Chante Ajaw and K’uy Nik? Ajaw are called
gods of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil on QRG Stela I. Aztec
ethnohistorical documents also refer to the capture and
sometimes destruction of the god images of conquered
cities (Hassig 1988; Sahagún 1950–1982, Bk. 2: 182).
The historical account of Stela I also contains crucial
information for understanding actions taken by K’ak’
Tiliw against Copan. Appearing above the details of cap-
ture or destruction of the Copan ancestor images is an
account of the 9.15.5.0.0 period-ending rituals, includ-
ing the erection of a stela by K’ak’ Tiliw (Fig. 3.7). The
following passage, beginning with a second unclear verb
or relationship glyph, reveals that a second personage
was involved in this period ending. This person is identi-
fied as Wamaw K’awil, the high king of Calakmul, lo- K’uy Nik? Chante Ajaw
cated far to the northwest in Campeche, Mexico.3 Con- 3.5. Ancestors from CPN Structure 10L-11 bench. Drawing by
sistent with the global politics of the Classic Maya realm, author.
it is profitable to speculate about the reasons for the long
journey of this ambassador. During the Classic period, in 659 and later clashed with Dos Pilas and Calakmul
Calakmul was the most powerful rival of Tikal (Martin (Grube 1996: 8; Houston 1993: 102–110; Mathews 1979;
and Grube 1995, 2000). Both sites focused much energy Schele and Mathews 1993: 116). Copan as well had been
on forming alliances with smaller sites, which were closely connected with Tikal since the early fifth century.
sometimes quite distant from the “superpowers.” For Thus, a possible interpretation of the passage on Stela
example, the ruler of Tikal, Shield Skull, visited Palenque I is that Calakmul, intending to bring about the collapse
of Tikal’s allies, may have conspired with K’ak’ Tiliw to
C D turn against Copan. Even though it is not clear exactly
how the Calakmul lord participated in the period-ending
festival at Quirigua, the timing of this interaction is sig-
6 nificant, occurring between the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw
as a vassal of Copan and his aggression against Copan.
The text from Stela I, then, may be taken as evidence that
the revolt was related to “superpower” politics of the
7 their wood northern Peten. Although the texts of Quirigua are silent
is pierced/
9.15.6.14.0 with regard to exactly when the site became involved with
captured?
(Apr. 27, 738) Calakmul, there is reason to suspect that initial contacts
were made soon after K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession. The rapid
8 growth of Quirigua during this period suggests that the
Chante Ajaw
their fire site received external political, and possibly military, sup-
is drilled port. In addition, the construction of such monuments
as Altar M and Structure 1B-2—with their implications
9
for political autonomy—strongly suggests that Quirigua
Ajaw
K’uy Nik?
had begun to break away from Copan early in his reign.
This interpretation of the text of Stela I brings into
sharper focus the relationship of Quirigua to Copan in
10 Waxaklajun the early- to mid-eighth century. First, it provides an an-
his gods Ub’ah K’awil swer to the “David and Goliath” question, which asks
how tiny Quirigua managed to defeat the ruler of much
larger Copan. Furthermore, why did Copan not avenge
3.4. QRG Stela I, C6–D10. Drawing by author. the loss through a counterattack against Quirigua? In re-

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 79

3.6. Tikal Temple 4 Lintel 2. From Jones and Satterthwaite
1982: Fig. 73. Courtesy of University of Pennsylvania Museum
of Archaeology and Anthropology.

80 lightning warrior
cent studies of the political machinations of Calakmul C D
during the Late Classic period, it has been argued that an
alliance with the great city often brought with it a prom- 1

ise of military support (Martin and Grube 1995, 2000).

Although the evidence from Quirigua is circumstantial, it
is highly unlikely that Copan would have failed to retali-
ate had there not been an implied threat of reprisals by 2 9.15.5.0.0
Calakmul. It is probable that the involvement of Calak- (July 26,
mul in Quirigua affairs after the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw 736)
went far beyond the ritual act of stela dedication re-
corded retrospectively on Stela I. Calakmul may have en-
couraged K’ak’ Tiliw to revolt against his overlord and 3 K’ak’ Tiliw
provided troops to undertake the mission. planted
his stela
The identification of the role of Calakmul further sug-
gests that Quirigua elites were close observers of political
events elsewhere in the Maya world, probably through a divine
4
network of diplomat-spies. As an example, it is difficult Quirigua ajaw
[relationship]
to conceive that they would have been unaware of events
in the Petexbatun, where B’alaj Chan K’awil of Dos Pilas
defeated the Tikal king Shield Skull in 679, under the
5
auspices of Calakmul (Mathews 1979). While this history
Wamaw Chik Nahb’
is not wholly analogous to Quirigua’s revolt against an K’awil divine ajaw
overlord, the benefits of an alliance with Calakmul would
have been made clear from this episode.4 Further, the
dramatic expansion of Dos Pilas, with architectural and 3.7. QRG Stela I, C1–D5. Drawing by author.
monumental art programs commissioned during the
reign of Itzamnaj K’awil, would perhaps have convinced self emphasize those ritual actions that ensured indepen-
the leaders of Quirigua of the advantages of an alliance dence, focusing on the contrast between his accession as
with Calakmul. a former vassal and the decapitation of Waxaklajun
It is also interesting to observe that the account of Ub’ah K’awil. One of the primary means of commem-
K’ak’ Tiliw’s Calakmul connection on Stela I was not orating the decapitation is through the symbolism of the
commissioned during K’ak’ Tiliw’s lifetime but long af- Great Plaza (Fig. 3.8), the huge public space that was
ter his death. This treatment has parallels in Maya histo- built in the years after 738.5 The original plaza consisted
ries from other sites. At Caracol, for example, the ruler of two parts. The southern half, with a thin cobble and
K’an II (r. 618–658) recorded the history of his father’s slab facing over naturally deposited silt, was chosen as
move from the orbit of Tikal to that of Calakmul in the the site for Stelae H and J. The northern part of the plaza,
mid-sixth century on Altar 21 (Grube 1994). In contrast, built to accommodate K’ak’ Tiliw’s later monuments
the monuments of the father, Yajaw Te’ K’inich II, lack (Stelae F, D, E, C, and A and Zoomorph B), was distin-
references to external political powers. The same holds guished from the southern half of the plaza by being
for the monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw, which never acknowl- raised about 0.5 m above it (Platform 1A-1; Fig. 3.9). A
edge assistance in the revolt. During the reign of K’ak’ series of seven low, narrow mounds formed the eastern
Tiliw, it was probably not advantageous to admit depend- boundary of the Great Plaza, at least two of which (Struc-
ency on a foreign power—and, at any rate, Quirigua was tures 1A-8 and 1A-10) were fitted with central, west-fac-
distant enough from Calakmul to have avoided true he- ing staircases. Excavations of the southernmost of these,
gemonic control by the larger site. Structure 1A-10, indicated that a small platform fronted
the structure, and its summit platform also supported a
The Great Plaza superstructure made of adobe blocks. The western
While the text of Stela I contains information which en- boundary of the plaza was formed by the channel of the
hances our understanding of the politics surrounding Motagua River: flowing from the southwest past Loci 011
the revolt, the monumental programs of K’ak’ Tiliw him- and 025, it made a sharp southward turn and, passing

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 81

82 lightning warrior
Facing page ning and rain, who wields a type of hafted axe used in de-
3.8. QRG Great Plaza plan. Modified from Jones, Ashmore, capitation sacrifice. This image reinforces the associa-
and Sharer 1983: Fig. 6.3. Courtesy of University of Pennsylva- tion of the Black Lake and Black Hole with decapitation
nia Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Key: 1. Str. 1A- sacrifice. The Postclassic Maya Dresden Codex also
3; 2. Platform 1A-1; 3. Platform 1A-3; 4. Str. 1A-8; 5. Str. 1A-10; shows a water-filled hole in the earth (a cenote) as the
6. Platform 1A-2; 7. Acropolis; 8. Str. 1A-11; A. Stela A; B. domain of Chaak (Fig. 3.10d).
Zoomorph B; C. Stela C; D. Stela D; E. Stela E; F. Stela F; G. Two monuments in the southern part of the Great
Zoomorph G; H. Stela H; I. Stela I; J. Stela J; K. Stela K.
Plaza at Quirigua refer to this supernatural location. One
reference appears in the text of Stela H, naming the loca-
tion where the monument was erected (the Great Plaza)
as the Black Lake place (Fig. 3.11a). The “lake” grapheme
the acropolis, turned again toward the east. The plaza from this toponym also appears on the northeast corner
apparently served as a “gateway” to the ceremonial of the base of nearby Stela J (Fig. 3.11b; Grube, Schele,
center, as it was fitted with a dock that extended from the and Fahsen 1991). The toponymic references on these
plaza edge between Structures 1A-11 and 1B-21, west of two stelae confirm that the Great Plaza was named after
the axis of Structure 1A-11 (Ashmore, Schortman, and the Black Lake place. In addition, not only does the base
Sharer 1983: 56, 61). of Stela J include the “lake” toponym, but the jaws which
When visitors disembarked at Quirigua, they did not define the Black Hole serve as a basal register for the
enter an ordinary public zone. On the contrary, the Great west-facing image of the ruler. These clues suggest that
Plaza was symbolically identified with the place of sac- the Great Plaza represented the Black Hole, Black Lake
rifice of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, thereby commem- place. The association of the plaza with an aquatic un-
orating this pivotal event in Quirigua history. This mean- derworld is consistent with the symbolism of plazas in
ing was inscribed in the texts and iconography of several the Maya area (Schele and Grube 1990a). The passage of
monuments, including Stela F, which identifies the loca- the Motagua River along the plaza’s edge visually rein-
tion where the decapitation occurred (Fig. 3.10a). This forced this symbolism at Quirigua.
toponym consists of the glyph for “black” infixed into a In summary, the site of the decapitation of Waxaklajun
grapheme representing skeletal jaws, used in Maya art as Ub’ah K’awil was commemorated at the primary public
a marker for the cavelike entrance to the underworld. On space of Quirigua, identified with the entrance to the un-
other monuments K’ak’ Tiliw is given a title that names derworld, the “Black Hole.” The “lord of the Black Hole
him a lord of this “Black Hole” supernatural place. In place” title on monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw serves as a me-
several contexts, such as the “Cosmic Plate,” this loca- morial to the sacrifice in this location but also identifies
tion is associated with a second toponym, “Black Lake the monuments as part of the extended metaphor of the
place” (Fig. 3.10b; Stuart and Houston 1994: 77). In the plaza. The formulaic description of the sacrifice as a de-
accompanying image (Fig. 3.10c), the jaws that frame the capitation at Quirigua may be interpreted as a reference
composition symbolize the Black Hole place, while the to the supernatural symbolism of the Great Plaza. This
Black Lake appears as the water band in which the cen- kind of sacrifice is the domain of the lightning deity
tral deity is shown partially submerged. The central deity Chaak, who presides over the same supernatural loca-
of the Cosmic Plate is Chaak, the Maya patron of light- tion, as seen on the Cosmic Plate (Fig. 3.10c) and in the

3.9. Schematic north–south section of the Quirigua Great overlying plaza; d. Stela D and its platform; e. discontinuous
Plaza, from Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983: Fig. 6.4. Cour- cobble stone surface; f. Stela F and its platform; g. Platform
tesy of University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and 1A-3; h. platform of Str. 1B-17 (acropolis).
Anthropology. Key: a. Platform 1A-1; b. Str. 1A-3; c. silt strata

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 83

a it happened at Black Hole
place

b Black Hole place Black Lake place

Chaak

3.10. Openings in the earth as a domain of Chaak and decap-

itation: a, QRG Stela F, A14b–B14a; b, “Cosmic Plate” (K1609)
detail of text; c, “Cosmic Plate” (K1609) detail of image; d,
Dresden Codex, p. 39c. Drawings by author.

Dresden Codex (Fig. 3.10d). As the agent who oversaw who destroys enemies by transforming into lightning
the decapitation, K’ak’ Tiliw is presented as an incarna- (Montejo 1984). Among the Ch’ol, the thunderbolt spirit
tion of Chaak, akin to the supernatural beings illustrated Chahk protects towns from evil (Aulie and Aulie 1978:
in pottery images from other sites. 46). The Tzotzil tell many tales about Chauk or Thunder-
In assuming the ritual identity of a lightning god, bolt, who destroys enemy warriors with an electrical
K’ak’ Tiliw drew upon deeply rooted associations of storm (Spero 1987: 92–93). War leaders of numerous
lightning with warfare. Indeed, one of the most common Maya groups are reported to transform themselves into
war titles in the Classic period was kalomte’, depicted as a lightning in order to attack enemies. For example, a
Chaak holding the sacrificial axe.6 Related beliefs sur- K’iche’ captain named Izquín Ahpalotz Utzakibalhá, or
vived the Spanish invasion. One of the most venerated Ja- Nehaib, assaulted the conquistador Pedro de Alvarado in
kaltek culture heroes is El K’anil, the “man of lightning,” this form (Recinos 1957: 88).

84 lightning warrior
 The reference to the place of sacrifice of Waxaklajun Black Lake place is the portal through which maize
Ub’ah K’awil as the Black Hole may have yet another plants sprout, symbolized by the maize spirit shown di-
function: to commemorate the appearance of the sky on rectly below the Chaak.
the night of the decapitation. According to Freidel, The associations of zenith passage, decapitation, rain,
Schele, and Parker (1993: 87–88), the Black Hole was vis- and agriculture not only are expressed in K’ak’ Tiliw’s ar-
ualized in the sky when the Milky Way formed a partial chitecture and sculpture programs at Quirigua but also
ring around the horizon. On May 3, 738, the night of the constitute essential elements of rites performed by the
sacrifice, the Milky Way reached this configuration after contemporary Ch’orti’ Maya. As discussed by Rafael Gi-
sunset. Thus, as the axe fell on the Copan ruler’s neck on rard (1966, 1995), the Ch’orti’ officially inaugurate the
this evening, the Milky Way resembled a great portal or rainy season on April 30–May 1, marked by the zenith
maw into which Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s spirit fell passage of the sun. On this date, the Ch’orti’ believe that
upon death. A similar event is shown on the Palenque the fertility god impregnates the earth when passing
Sarcophagus Lid, in which the deceased ruler enters the through the zenith at noon (Girard 1966: 36). This date is
road to the underworld through a skeletal maw (Schele marked by astral phenomena, such as significant posi-
and Miller 1986: Pl. 111). The construction and identifica- tions of Orion, the “Cross of May,” and the Pleiades
tion of the Great Plaza with the Black Hole, Black Lake (Fought 1972: 59; Girard 1966: 63). In addition, a gno-
place celebrated the sacrificial ritual which charged the mon or the body may be used to verify that the “lord is
plaza with sacred significance. moving straight” (Girard 1995: 183).
It is essential to remember that the Black Hole config- Even before this date, however, the Ch’orti’ elders con-
uration is a seasonal orientation, visible at various times duct crucial rain-making ceremonies both in the ceremo-
at night from mid-January to mid-June (Milbrath 1999: nial house and at certain sacred locations in the land-
288–291). Therefore, the Milky Way orientation alone scape. The first is on April 22, when a cross is planted at
can not explain why the sacrifice took place exactly on the spring that is the source of the La Conquista River,
this date. In fact, May 3, 738, was likely chosen because it symbolically identified with the underworld (Girard
was the date on which the sun made its first zenith pas- 1966: 66). This cross, made of the heartwood of the
sage of the year at Quirigua.7 That is, at noon on this mother cacao (Gliricidia sepium) and covered with green
date, the sun stood directly overhead. The Great Plaza’s conte leaves, is inscribed with the name of the elder who
designation as the “Black Hole, Black Lake place” recalls made it. It is set in front of the spring, added to the
the solar zenith passage because both the supernatural crosses planted during previous years. Stones are col-
location and the zenith passage are closely tied to the be- lected at the spring, later to be planted in the corners of
ginning of the agricultural season. The image of the Cos- the temple or in the lower corners of the saint’s table.
mic Plate (Fig. 3.10c), in fact, shows that the Black Hole, Shortly thereafter, at midnight on April 24 or 25, a cere-

a
Black Lake celestial cave? b

“lake” jaws of “hole”

3.11. Designations for the Great Plaza: a, QRG Stela H, N1–N2;

b, QRG Stela J, rollout of basal register, north–northwest.
Drawings by author.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 85

mony is held at the La Conquista spring (Girard 1966: summoned to come to the table to drink the chilate laid
68–79). Here two ritual structures are prepared: one out for them. This complex ritual sequence is followed
between the cross and the spring which serves as an of- by the planting of the fields, accompanied by additional
fering to the sky gods, and another near the fire, with a decapitations and blood sacrifices of turkeys in holes
pit for offerings to the earth, termed palangana, convento, dug in the milpa (Wisdom 1940: 441–444). Girard (1966:
or mesa (Fought 1972: 525). Concerning this offering, 123, 126) states that the seed is consecrated on April 25
Fought’s (1972: 468) informant states: “They say that and that planting proceeds from this date until May 4,
there it was put up, the basin of the spirit of the earth. depending on the altitude. Similar ceremonies of rain-
They say that when everything is being set down, chilate, making and offerings to the earth also occur later in the
chickens, turkeys, incense, they say that it is as if on that agricultural season in association with the second plant-
table they had placed everything. And the spirit of the ing of the milpa, which occurs around August 12 or 13,
earth rises and takes everything which was placed in marked by the second zenith passage. These ceremonies,
front of him.” however, are held on a smaller scale than those that are
The climax of the ceremony is the sacrifice of chilate held around the first zenith passage (Girard 1966: 207).
and then two turkeys, which have been allowed to copu- The points of correspondence between the modern
late: Ch’orti’ rainmaking ritual and the ritual documented at
Quirigua are remarkable. First is the decapitation of the
After the elder has poured the contents of the five containers
of chilate into the sacred pit, to “feed” the Earth, he orders
Copan ruler on the date of first zenith passage at Quiri-
the number one slave to perform the sacrifice. The slave then gua, which recalls the annual turkey decapitation con-
holds the turkey in the air over the pit and with the help of ducted by the Ch’orti’ on the zenith passage, in order to
the other slave, with a single slash of his sharp knife cuts off cause rain to fall. In addition, both modern and ancient
the head of the bird so it falls into the hole. The elder comes rituals took place at locations associated with the under-
to verify that all the blood of the bird falls into the center of world. For the Ch’orti’, the place of sacrifice is a sacred
the pit, and personally lends his assistance by squeezing the spring. At Quirigua the place of sacrifice is identified as a
turkey’s neck. Then, the same slave opens the breast of the “Black Hole,” recreated in the architectural form of the
animal and with great dexterity takes out the heart and intes- Great Plaza. The use of “black” in the name of this place
tines, which he throws into the cavity; then he does the same may reflect the Ch’orti’ association of rainy season rites
with the legs. Next the slaves pluck the turkey completely
with this color. As Girard (1966: 106) notes, the principal
and fill the pit with the feathers. The same operation is per-
elder who conducts the rain ceremonies wears a dark
formed on the hen turkey. It is half past two in the morning.
(Girard 1995: 113)
(blue) headband.
In addition, at Quirigua, a ritual of fire-drilling oc-
Regarding these opening rites of rainy season, Girard curred six days prior to the sacrifice of the Copan ruler
(1995: 199) states that “everywhere the blood sacrifice of (see Fig. 3.4). This is comparable to the ritual sequence
birds is prevalent and indispensable” (see also Wisdom of the Ch’orti’ of Chiquimula, who perform a new fire
1940: 437–440). ceremony prior to the rites of sacrifice at the beginning
Back in the village, the elders induce the coming of of the rainy season. This occurs at the end of a period of
rain using a variety of techniques. First, the foliage dec- labor, in which the fields are cleared of vegetation, con-
orations of the saint’s altar are renewed with green leaves cluded by the time of the vernal equinox (March 20) or
gathered from the spring (Girard 1966: 89). Water, frogs, Holy Week. The peak of this sequence occurs on Sat-
and fish collected from the spring are placed in the ca- urday of Holy Week, when the officiating elder puts out
noe, which symbolizes the underworld (Girard 1966: the temple fire and starts a new fire, from which the do-
77). In addition, the temple interior is moistened with mestic hearths are relit. Importantly, in Chiquimula, this
sacred water (Girard 1966: 92). Next, two male and two ritual is conducted using the ancient technique of drill-
female elders sit in chairs placed around the table located ing, in which a stick that is placed in a socket on a board
in front of the saint’s altar and then stand simulta- is spun between the hands until sparks appear. The same
neously. This ritual, called “raising the sky,” is conducted action is represented in the Dresden and Madrid Codi-
with close attention to synchronized action so as not to ces, conducted by deities (Fig. 3.12). This event signals
imbalance the cloud layer. Its function is to summon the that it is time to burn the fields. Although the modern rit-
Working Men to arise into the sky from their position at ual is timed according to the Christian calendar, it still
the corner posts (Girard 1966: 95). The gods are thereby precedes the solar zenith passage and is conducted spe-

86 lightning warrior
cifically to produce the clouds from which the rain will Although scholars commonly associate Mesoameri-
eventually fall. Overall, then, both modern and ancient can captive sacrifice with agricultural ceremony, the sac-
Maya ritual sequences include fire-drilling followed by rifice of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil represents the unique
decapitation events on the solar zenith passage, per- historically documented occurrence of this ritual se-
formed at an underworld location. It seems highly un- quence from Classic Maya history. An examination of the
likely that this correspondence of multiple events is due contexts of other fire-drilling and decapitation events
to chance. yields no other examples which correlate with the inau-
guration of the rainy season. While it is likely that cere-
monial cycles similar to the rainy season rites of the
modern Ch’orti’ were widely conducted during the Clas-
sic period, they were not generally raised to the level of
high royal drama. This prompts a consideration of why
the sacrifice of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil was conducted
in such a manner. Among the possible motivations may
have been that such a ceremony was consistent with the
ritual identity inherent in K’ak’ Tiliw’s name. As stated
earlier, this name may be roughly translated as “fire-
burning celestial lightning god,” after a variant of the
lightning and rain god that splits the carapace of the cos-
mic turtle to bring forth the sprouting of maize. The
Great Plaza therefore can be interpreted as a ritual site
that symbolically reinforced one of the most stable su-
pernatural personae of K’ak’ Tiliw, as an incarnation of
the rain and lightning deity Chaak, who was closely asso-
ciated with agricultural fertility.
a Copan apparently acknowledged a variant of this per-
sona in its own monumental programs. As part of the
sequence which describes the conflict and the death of
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, the Copan Hieroglyphic Stair-
way notes the birth of a supernatural entity called Yax
Ha’al Chaak as well as an event involving martial em-
blems at a place called kok witz or “Turtle Mountain” (Fig.
3.3). This particular manifestation is also shown on
painted pottery in a dance performance accompanied by
a Waterlily Jaguar and a death god (Fig. 3.13). According
to David Stuart (personal communication, 2002), this
passage explains the supernatural context for the sacrifi-
cial event, in which the Quirigua ruler took on the guise
of a “First Rain Chaak.” This text is significant not only
because it confirms the interpretation of the sacrifice of
the Copan ruler as a meteorological ceremony but also
because it affirms the authenticity of Maya supernatural
personae even between competing historical traditions
that emphasize distinct aspects of the event. At Quirigua
the identity is conveyed through the creation of a symbol-
b ically charged ritual setting associated with perform-
3.12. Deities drilling fire: a, Madrid Codex, p. 38b; b, Dresden ances of the victorious ruler. In contrast, at Copan a con-
Codex, p. 6b. Drawings by author. cise and explicit text names only the supernatural cause
of the Copan king’s downfall.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 87

3.13. Yax Ha’al Chaak in a scene of sacrifice, from a codex-style
vase (K1152). Drawing by author.

3 was identified by a single course of masonry aligned

Stela S (Dedicated June 4, 746)
north–south and faced on the west side. If this platform
The supernatural events set in motion by the conflict be- did indeed serve as the foundation for Stela S, its place-
tween Copan and Quirigua are recorded only long after ment would put the monument close to the alignment of
the event; in fact, more than seven years elapsed before Stela J with the north–south axis of the Great Plaza.
the historical record resumed at Quirigua. Although the Stela S is badly eroded on all sides, possibly in part as a
retrospective account of Stela I mentions the planting of result of having been dragged from place to place in an-
a stela for the 9.15.5.0.0 period ending, this monument tiquity (Fig. 3.14). The monument was carved of sand-
has not been located; nor has the stela associated with stone, the preferred material for architecture and sculp-
the next period ending, 9.15.10.0.0, also mentioned in a ture during the later part of K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign, and
later account. This second celebration is cited on Stela F features a figure representing the ruler on the obverse.
and includes an enigmatic statement reading merely la- Texts occupy the reverse and sides. The text begins on the
kamtun xukpi “huge stone [stela] Copan” (see Fig. 4.6). reverse, with a record of the dedication of the monument
The lack of actual monuments from this early period fol- (Fig. 3.15a). Unfortunately, most of the reverse text is dif-
lowing the conflict with Copan suggests that this was a ficult to read, and the side to the right of the figure is to-
time of economic consolidation and restructuring, dur- tally illegible. A few glyphs on the left side, however, are
ing which new (sandstone) quarries were opened at a site readable, including the name of the ruler K’ak’ Tiliw,
approximately 3.5 kilometers north of Quirigua. We may spelled syllabically, in typical early fashion (E1–E2; Fig.
assume that technological infrastructure was being de- 3.15b). The figural side of Stela S (Fig. 3.16) preserves lit-
veloped at this time to support the transportation of tle more than the general outlines of the royal image, ev-
multi-ton stones to the site core. idently in frontal pose. A few details of the headdress are
For the next hotun, however, an actual stela has sur- in slightly better condition, including fanlike projections
vived: Stela S. It was found in Group 7A-1 (Morley’s of feathers, over the left side of which is superimposed a
Group B; Fig. 1.1), the westernmost floodplain group lo- vertical device that includes zigzag struts. This element
cated on the north bank of the ancient Motagua River may represent a staff, similar to those held by rulers of
(see Morley 1923, 1935, 1937–1938). Its excavators re- Tikal, as on Stela 30 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Fig.
marked that the Stela S foundation in Group 7A-1 is char- 50). Zigzag staffs also appear on Copan Stela A (Fig.
acteristic of the late Stela I and unlike the foundations of 3.40), and this would appear to be the most direct source
the other early K’ak’ Tiliw stelae, H and J (Jones, Ash- for the image on Stela S.
more, and Sharer 1983: 19–20). Thus, the monument Although very little can be said about Stela S due to its
must have been translated to this site from another loca- poor preservation, aspects of its style and compositional
tion, possibly in the Great Plaza. Even though the origi- mode may be placed within a historical context. Most se-
nal location of Stela S has not been securely identified, a cure is the frontal representation, which clearly derives
likely candidate is the small Platform 1A-3 located about from the earlier stelae of Quirigua, such as Stela U and
80 m south of the edge of the north monument platform Monument 26. The dedication date of the monument on
(1A-1; Fig. 3.8). Although of unknown size, Platform 1A- a hotun may also be compared to earlier practices at Quir-

88 lightning warrior
3.14. QRG Stela S, reverse. Neg. no. 5120, courtesy San Diego 3.16. QRG Stela S, figure. Drawing by author.
Museum of Man.

A B C D 1 E F
1 2
1
2
3 3
2
4

5 3
5

6
4
6

7
5
8 7

6
9
8
7
10
9
8
11
12 10
a b

3.15. QRG Stela S, text: a, reverse; b, left side. Drawings by author.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 89

igua. For example, Stela U has an initial series date of
9.2.5.0.0, and the other three early Quirigua monuments
(Monument 26, Altar L, and Stela T) celebrate k’atun end-
ings. Judging from the retrospective account of Stela I,
the practice of regular hotun monument dedications be-
gan on 9.15.5.0.0, two hotuns before the dedication of
Stela S.
Stela S is also the earliest known example of the dra-
matic increase in monument size, one of the artistic in-
novations that took place at Quirigua during the reign of
K’ak’ Tiliw. The height of the carved part of the shaft is
about 2.8 m, whereas the basal dimensions are approx-
imately 1.6 x 1.2 m. Thus, even though Stela S is small
compared to the colossal monoliths that followed, it is
much more massive than the slender Early Classic stelae
of Quirigua. In this respect, the stela seems to manifest a
general trend in Late Classic monuments toward in-
creased size (Proskouriakoff 1950). The confinement of
the figure to the obverse of the stela and the lack of a ba-
sal register also diverge from local tradition and perhaps
betray Quirigua’s lengthy domination by Copan. The
general format of the monument, with a figure on the
obverse and texts on the other three faces, may derive
from formulae established at Copan. No earlier monu-
ment at Quirigua displays this format, and the mode is
very common at Copan, appearing in the stelae of the
seventh, tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth rulers.
In the end, very little can be said about Stela S because of
its badly eroded state of preservation. Nonetheless, the
sculptural composition suggests continuities with the
traditions of both Quirigua and Copan.

Stela H (Dedicated May 9, 751)

To celebrate the second k’atun ending of his reign, K’ak’
Tiliw commissioned Stela H, a monument which makes
a pointed political statement during the period following
the sacrifice of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. The stela was
erected adjacent to Structure 1A-11 and to the west of the
plaza axis, roughly opposite Structure 1A-8, one of the
markers for the plaza’s eastern edge (see Fig. 3.8). The
figural side of Stela H faced the river, oriented toward the 3.17. QRG Stela H, west face. Drawing by author.
river traffic (Fig. 3.17). Its foundation consisted of a deep
pit, dug through the plaza pavement and filled with rock
and clay. A 25-cm-long flint blade, interred below the ing both the rectangular cross-section of the sculpture
stela butt, served as the dedication cache for the monu- and its inaccessibility. The visitor to the plaza could not
ment (Strömsvik 1941: 81–82). The foundation of Stela H casually brush against the monument but had to make
was built up to form a roughly square platform about 0.5 the conscious decision to mount a rather substantial step
m high and 8.5 m on a side, framed by large blocks and and enter into a new and more intimate space. In the
filled with rubble. In effect, this platform created a sep- public context of the Great Plaza, this arrangement
aration between the viewer and the monument, enhanc- seems meaningful and may be viewed as an attempt to

90 lightning warrior
enhance the sacrosanct qualities of the stela. The subtle An astronomical interpretation of God K adds another
spatial barrier could have been understood as a meta- dimension to our understanding of this iconography.
phor for social hierarchy and in particular for the esoteric In a survey of Classic Maya monuments, Susan Milbrath
knowledge and power possessed by the ruler, whose im- (1999: 233–240) found a correlation between appear-
age dominates the composition. ances of God K imagery and certain positions of the
In contrast to Stela S, the format of Stela H is remarka- planet Jupiter, especially with periods of retrograde mo-
bly similar to the Early Classic Quirigua Stela U and Mon- tion. Significantly, the dedication date of Stela H, May 9,
ument 26. The figure on the obverse (west) is portrayed 751, approximated the first stationary point of Jupiter. A
frontally, standing on a zoomorphic basal register, with monument dedicated on the same day, Tikal Stela 20,
portions of the figure wrapped around the north and
south sides. This model, with the reverse (east) devoted
to the text, is also found on the early stelae. In addition,
the imagery of Stela H is nearly identical to that of Monu-
ment 26. The heavy eyelids, mirror nose marking, kawak
markings, and stepped forehead of the agnathous zoom-
orph on which the ruler stands identify the basal register
as a personification of a hill or mountain, following the
iconography of Monument 26.8 On the relatively well-
preserved north face of Stela H (Fig. 3.18a) the wrap-
around design of the mountain can be seen as a full-fig-
ure personification of maize, identified by his jewelry,
high hairline, and the maize plant that emerges from his
head. Here the deity is shown clinging to the foliage that
sprouts from the earflare scroll on the mountain person-
ification. Although absent on the much smaller Monu-
ment 26, the Stela H maize spirit appears in the same
structural position as the maize deities that emerge from
the mountain earflare curls on other Classic monu-
ments, such as Bonampak Stela 1 (Fig. 1.10b).
The figure standing on top of the mountain basal reg-
ister is shown holding the rigid double-headed serpent
bar, as on Monument 26. Also similar to Monument 26 is
the use of scrolls of sacred energy and the implements of
war which emerge from the bar on the north and south
sides of Stela H (Fig. 3.18). On the more elaborate Stela
H, however, spears are shown together with shields. God
K figures, identified by the smoking torches embedded
in their mirrored foreheads, manipulate these war em-
blems. In some texts, God K is called k’awil, a term which
has been interpreted as a statue into which a supernatu-
ral being is called in ritual as well as the spirit itself (Frei-
del, Schele, and Parker 1993: 199).9 The combination of
God K and weapons portrayed on Stela H may thus be in-
terpreted as an image that expresses the supernatural ba-
sis of warfare. The scrolls that surround the God K fig-
ures as they emerge from the serpent-headed bar signify
the sacred energy that the king manipulates through the
a b
emblems of war. The spears held by the deities may also
relate to the dedication cache for Stela H, which con- 3.18. QRG Stela H: a, north face; b, south face. Drawings by
sisted of a flint blade. author.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 91

also commemorates this event through a prominent God symbolism of the vertical axis of the royal body. In the
K image, positioned at the apex of the ruler’s headdress form of a standard “God-C” apron, it is rendered as a
(Milbrath 1999: 237, Pl. 17). Such events may have been frontal face bordered on the sides by two serpent heads
interpreted as astrologically auspicious for conducting and below by a woven pattern with leaves. These ele-
certain ceremonies because they offered access to sacred ments serve to identify the ruler’s body with the sacred
energies. The imagery of monuments such as Stela H ceiba tree, demonstrating his ritual role as a cosmic pillar
suggested that the rulers were able to direct these ener- and pathway for supernatural forces (Schele and Miller
gies, through their manipulation of instruments such as 1986: 77). In addition, the interlace, leaves, and other
the double-headed serpent bar. The regular association elements that spill from the apron deity’s mouth refer to
of iconography with celestial events implies the ruler’s a complex of floral imagery that embodies the ruler’s re-
ability to predict such auspicious moments when access productive capacity (Looper and Kappelman 2001). As a
to celestial power is possible. Thus, the power of the whole, the king’s costume on Stela H develops a cosmo-
ruler derived from his or her knowledge of celestial logical persona for the ruler, in which his standing body
cycles and the rituals necessary to direct these energies becomes an axis of communication between sky, earth,
toward earth. and underworld.
The costume of the Stela H figure (Fig. 3.17), like that The correspondence between the iconography and
of Monument 26, is largely standard for Classic-period format of Stela H and Monument 26 is striking and sug-
royal portraiture, although the later monument is better gests that Stela H may represent a conscious decision to
preserved. The lord is shown with typical high-backed appropriate or quote the older monument. In fact, the
sandals, here given personification heads and elaborate spatial contexts of the two monuments were similar in
conical instep tassels. The better-preserved examples of that both Monument 26 and Stela H were erected adja-
these sandals at Quirigua (Stelae F, D, and E) dem- cent to radial pyramids. Just as Monument 26 was set up
onstrate that these heads and adornments represent wa- near Structure 3C-14, Stela H was planted next to Struc-
terlilies and thus mark the cosmic zone at the lord’s feet ture 1A-11. Stela H and Structure 1A-11 thus serve to rec-
as the aquatic realm of the underworld. Representations reate the original Group 3C-7 program, presumably pay-
of the ruler’s jade or shell jewelry include large ear- ing homage to the ancient rulers of Quirigua.
spools, a mosaic necklace bearing medallions with inset Confirming the parallels between the two monument
faces on the shoulders, and mosaic cuffs. Knee orna- groups is the dedication date of Stela H, which is re-
ments take the form of medallions with pendant beads. corded on the east face (Fig. 3.19). The Long Count and
The ruler wears a heavy belt with repeating interlace Calendar Round date of 9.16.0.0.0 2 Ajaw 13 Sek (A1–E2)
adornment and pendant Oliva shell tinklers, worn over a is followed by additional calendrical information and the
jaguar-skin skirt bordered with chevrons and probably a dedication sequence, which identifies the place of stela
feather fringe. Because of the association of such heavy erection as the Black Lake, a name for the Great Plaza
belts with the ballgame, a metaphor for war and agricul- (Fig. 3.11a; Grube, Schele, and Fahsen 1991). Remarka-
ture, it is possible that the belt symbolizes the earthly bly, the k’atun ending recorded on Stela H fell exactly
realm of the cosmos. The celts that dangle from the front thirteen k’atuns after the period ending celebrated on
belt head may also imply this, given their general associ- Monument 26, 9.3.0.0.0. Owing to the structure of the
ation with maize. In the context of the stela composition, calendrical systems, both dates also occurred on 2 Ajaw.
the belt marks the midpoint between the underworld The symmetry of these two dates as 2 Ajaw k’atun endings
zone of the feet and the celestial zone identified with the provided a basis for comparing K’ak’ Tiliw to the Early
head. The headdress itself features a large personifica- Classic rulers of Quirigua, reinforced through the icon-
tion head with “serpent” wings surmounted by a canopy- ography and format of Stela H. There is no doubt, how-
like version of the headdress of the creator deity and ar- ever, that the ruler who commissioned Stela H was will-
chetypal magician, Itzamnah. One unusual costume ing not only to appropriate the power of his ancestors
element appearing on this stela is the scroll device at the but also to proclaim his control over maize and war. The
headdress apex. This may correspond to the maize foli- martial iconography of Stela H, which was commis-
age that occurs in the equivalent position on Monument sioned on the first k’atun ending after the decapitation of
26. Both monuments show the ruler as the resurrected Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, reinforces the ritual identity of
maize deity, standing on the mountain of Creation. the ruler as an embodiment of the lightning deity that de-
The king’s loincloth on Stela H further emphasizes the capitates enemies and splits the shell of the cosmic turtle

92 lightning warrior
to yield sustenance for the people. It may likewise be in-
terpreted as a warning to Copan and its allies that the A–B
Quirigua ruler could wield the supernatural and physical C–F
forces of war.
This pattern of quoting an earlier iconography within
the context of a calendrical cycle is not unique to Quiri-
gua. At Tikal, several years before the dedication of Quir-
igua Stela H, the ruler Jasaw Chan K’awil installed a se- 9.16.0.0.0
ries of lintels in the superstructure of his future burial (May 9,
pyramid, Temple I. On the third lintel of this structure, a G–J 751)
hieroglyphic text records a series of events conducted to
celebrate the defeat of the lord of Calakmul. These events
took place on the date 9.13.3.9.18 12 Etz’nab’ 11 Sak,
which fell exactly thirteen k’atuns after another important
date in Tikal history, 9.0.3.9.18 12 Etz’nab’ 11 Sip, the last K–N
date recorded on the Early Classic Stela 31. This was the
date of death of Spearthrower Owl, a lord possibly from
Teotihuacan whose son began a new lineage of rulers at
Tikal. The origins of this figure are reflected in the icon-
ography of the sides of Stela 31, which show warriors O–R
dressed in Teotihuacan garb. Apparently in commem-
oration of these historical figures, the central Lintel 2 of
Temple I depicts Jasaw Chan K’awil (“Ruler A”) as a Teo-
tihuacan warrior, seated on a palanquin that is also
adorned with Teotihuacan imagery. As observed by S–V
Schele and Freidel (1990: 210–211), the jaguar imagery
assumed by the ruler on the obverse of Stela 31 recurs on
Temple I Lintel 3 in the form of a large Waterlily Jaguar
protector figure. Thus, even though the references are
much more complicated at Tikal, the specific quotation
W–Z
of imagery in conjunction with the completion of large
cycles of time is similar to the case of Quirigua Stela H. 9.15.17.9.5?
(Nov. 25,
Further, such parallels could serve to reinforce the identi-
748)
fication or even to suggest the reincarnation of ancestors
through their descendants. Stela H draws on the author-
ity of the earlier stela, suggesting the antiquity of the lo-
cal dynasty and the continuity of rulership.
With the recognition of this citation of earlier icon-
ography, different modes of archaism may be identified
in Maya art. The distinction between revival and survival
provides a useful model for understanding such citations
(Greenhalgh 1987: 20–24). A revival results from the di-
rect copying of an “original” ancient object and may be
understood as an intentional reference to some aspect of 3.19. QRG Stela H, east face. Drawing by author.
the past. In contrast, a survival derives from a continuous
series of replications of a form, with no necessary knowl-
edge of its source.10 Instances of survivals of ancient
forms are numerous in Maya art, such as the use of dou-
ble-headed serpent bars at Late Classic Copan, which are
part of a chain of representations extending back to the

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 93

Early Classic period. Because the tradition of erecting monuments support this contention, but Stela H at Quir-
stelae at Quirigua was interrupted for a period of nearly igua occupies an analogous position to Stela J at Copan.
two centuries, between the dedications of Monument 26 Just as Stela H addresses those who enter the Quirigua
in 495 and Stela T possibly in 692, Stela H can assuredly Great Plaza near its main point of entry, so was Stela J
be classified as a revival. Because it was found out of pre- erected at the entrance to the Middle Plaza at Copan. At
cise context, it is not known if Late Classic sculptors had Copan the stela was located at the terminus of the cause-
access to Monument 26 itself. Even if the stela had been way from the urban zone of Sepulturas (Fig. 3.22). Like-
lost, however, the imagery of the monument could have wise, Structure 1A-11, the radial pyramid built adjacent to
been preserved in manuscripts. QRG Stela H, may have been partly inspired by Structure
But not all features of Stela H derive from Monument 10L-4, the radial pyramid located at the boundary of the
26. Many novel elements are stylistic or relate to format, Copan Great Plaza and Middle Plaza. Such similarities
such as the interlace pattern used as a frame for the in- argue that the Quirigua artists were looking to Copan for
scription (Fig. 3.20). Although various scholars have po- some concepts of format, planning, and programming.
sited Cancuen Stela 3 as the inspiration for the Stela H in- Further, the analogous position of Quirigua Stela H
terlace, the Cancuen stela very likely postdates QRG Stela and Copan Stela J supports the interpretation that the
H and is probably not its model.11 Rather, the text format Quirigua Great Plaza was itself a variation on the Copan
of QRG Stela H is likely a greatly simplified variation on Plaza (Ashmore 1987; Maudslay 1889–1902, vol. 5: 6;
the text frame of the east face of Waxaklajun Ub’ah Morley 1920: 428). At Quirigua, however, the program-
K’awil’s Stela J at Copan (Fig. 3.21; Fash and Stuart 1991; matic idiom of Copan is used to express a distinctly ag-
Morley 1937–1938, vol. 4: 111; Proskouriakoff 1993: 131; gressive message through the militaristic imagery of
Riese 1986).12 Not only do the relative dates of the two Stela H and the symbolism of the Great Plaza as a monu-

3.20. QRG Stela H, east face. Photo by Jesse L. Nusbaum, cour-

tesy of Museum of New Mexico, neg. no. 60956.

94 lightning warrior
 ment to the sacrifice of the Copan ruler. Indeed, the pa-
tronage of the Copan Great Plaza and its sculptures by
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil adds an ironic twist to their re-
interpretation by K’ak’ Tiliw. Beginning with Stela H, the
Quirigua monuments significantly surpass the stelae of
Copan in height, as his Great Plaza also eventually out-
stripped that of Copan in scale. K’ak’ Tiliw’s new monu-
ments suggest both the military superiority of Quirigua
over Copan and the autonomy of the Quirigua polity
achieved through revolt.
Because it is the first well-preserved stela of K’ak’
Tiliw, Stela H merits a detailed stylistic analysis. Like its
great size, the stylistic features of the stela are surprising,
representing a mélange of features with diverse origins.
One stylistic feature seen on Stela H that later becomes
standard for Quirigua sculpture is the conformation of
lines to a rectilinear grid. This can be seen clearly in the
scroll designs on the sides of the monument, as well as
in the basal register (Fig. 3.23). While diverse origins
have been posited for this style, including sculpture of
Veracruz or Yaxchilan or San Agustín Acasaguastlan pot-
tery, a local source seems more likely (see Miller 1983:
133; Proskouriakoff 1950: 144). As discussed in Chapter
1, a strong sense of rectilinear composition is typical of
Early Classic Quirigua sculpture. In addition, it can be
found in architectural sculpture from the early part of
K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign. For example, many of the leaf forms
from Structure 1B-2 have squared outlines, a tendency
that probably derives from the Copan architectural sculp-
ture tradition. At Quirigua this aesthetic preference be-
came thoroughly incorporated into freestanding sculp-
ture. It is useful to compare, for example, the basal
register mountain from Stela H to the mountain masks
from the corners of Copan Structure 10L-22 (Fig. 2.18).
Both examples show a similar squaring of earflares and
scrolls, especially evident above the earflares. In addi-
tion, certain details of the Quirigua mask, such as the
heavy striated eyelids and kawak markings on the fore-
head rendered as disks with inscribed circles, seem
closely linked to the Copan precedent. While the squar-
ing of forms at Copan could be explained by the necessity
to fit forms onto rectangular stone blocks, at Quirigua
the preference is purely an artistic choice that mimics the
forms of an architectural façade.
Stela H also incorporates specific stylistic elements
typical of the sculpture of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil.
3.21. CPN Stela J, east face. Drawing by author and Linda
Schele. These include the rounding of the face and headdress
elements as well as the frontal representation of the ear-
flares (Fig. 3.24). Like the early Monument 26, the face of
the Stela H figure receives emphasis. On the later monu-

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 95

96 lightning warrior
Facing page Other stylistic features of Stela H suggest even closer
3.22. Plan of CPN main group. Drawing by Barbara Fash, after ties to Copan sculpture, and especially to the stela tradi-
Hohmann and Vogrin 1982. Courtesy Instituto Hondureño de tion. Adjacent to the God K figures (Figs. 3.25, 3.26), the
Antropología e Historia. ground is deeply cut away, leaving dark pools of shadow
out of which the gods appear to leap. The treatment of
hairlike, trailing features, such as the serpent beard on
the north face, approaches that of equivalent elements

3.23. QRG Stela H, west face, detail of basal register. Photo by

Thomas Tolles.

ment, however, it is achieved in a different manner. On

Stela H the dark cavity produced by the headdress em-
phasizes the face which emerges into the light below, a
technique clearly derived from the Copan sculptors’ in-
terest in dramatic shadow effects. In fact, the use of con-
trasting shadows is a dominant design concept seen on
the obverse of this stela. The arms and belt are sur-
rounded by deep cuts, producing dark shadows. The en-
tire leg zone is cut deeply from the ground, but with little
rounding. This aspect of Stela H recalls earlier stelae at
Copan. So too does the relaxed hand position of the fig-
ure on Stela H, which is different from that of the Monu-
ment 26 ruler and much closer to Copan Stela 4, for ex- 3.24. QRG Stela H, west face. From Morley 1937–1938, vol. 5:
ample. Plate 178d, courtesy Carnegie Institution of Washington.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 97

on certain Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil stelae. On Copan
Stelae H and D, for instance, these elements flicker
across the dark holes in a dramatic staccato effect. Both
the diagonals formed by the curvilinear elements of the
snake head and beard and the deity’s posture and spear
angle recall the sculpture of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, as
does the appearance of the God K itself. Copan stelae, in
general, are noted for the abundant small spirit beings
that float about the main figure, but the animated expres-
sion and very large oval eye of the God K on Stela H seem
particularly close to the figures conjured by Waxaklajun
Ub’ah K’awil (Fig. 3.27).
Despite these similarities, the overall approach of the
sculptors of Stela H was to emphasize four flat faces of
the stone block. For example, above the God K figures
appear broad, flat expanses of simplified, tonguelike
feathers. Further, below the deities, the scrolls of sacred
energy unroll along the empty ground, strongly empha-
sizing the block of the stela. An emphasis on flatness is

3.26. QRG Stela H, south face, detail showing God K with war
implements. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

especially evident on the basal register of the north face

(Fig. 3.28). Here the maize deity is rendered in a single
plane, with little more than incised details. In this re-
spect, the maize deity passage closely follows the style of
certain earlier Quirigua sculptures, in particular, Altars Q
and R and even Altar L. This emphasis on planarity and
blockiness of the stela represents a marked difference
from previous figural stelae at Copan, in which flattening
is seen only in text areas. On most Copan stelae, espe-
cially those of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, the figures are
surrounded by small superimposed, obliquely placed,
dynamic masses that fill all available space. In addition,
the human figure at Copan often projects out into space,
rather than being confined within the “bounding planes
of the prism,” as at Quirigua (Kubler 1984: 253).
Stylistic inconsistencies are also clearly apparent on
the obverse of Stela H, in which the rounded modeling of
3.25. QRG Stela H, north face, detail showing God K with war the figure’s head and headdress strongly contrasts with
implements. Photo by Thomas Tolles. the extremely flat rendering of the figure from the ser-

98 lightning warrior
 (1999: 82; see also Proskouriakoff 1993: 132) stated that
the sandstone of Quirigua is “a particularly hard and re-
sistant red rock that defied attempts to transpose the
three-dimensionality of Copan, try as Quirigua sculptors
might to achieve it.” This view contradicts that of Morley
(1935: 28), who observed: “The Quirigua sandstone, for
the most part, is close grained and of even texture. When
first quarried it is somewhat soft but hardens with expo-
sure to air. The close even grain of this stone made for
uniform results under the chisels, since it provided an
evenness of resistance upon which the ancient sculptor
could rely, thereby permitting him to carve as and how he
would; while its softness, when first quarried, made for
ease in carving with his tools of flint, diorite and ba-
salt.”13 In fact, sandstones vary greatly in compactness

3.27. CPN Stela D, detail showing God K. Photo by author.

pent bar downward (Fig. 3.24). In this lower area of the

obverse, and in the squared scrolls of sacred energy on
the north and south sides as well, is plainly evident the
preference at Quirigua for the integrity of the squared
stone block, documented as early as Monument 26. Also
divergent from Copan sculpture is the level of the hori-
zontal compositional break on Stela H. While composi-
tions at Copan usually break at the waist, QRG Stela H is
divided at shoulder level, above the serpent bar. As such,
it strongly recalls the prototype of Monument 26. This
interpretation of the local derivation of flattened planes
typical of Late Classic Quirigua sculpture differs from
that of Arthur Miller (1983: 133), who attributed this fea-
ture to influence from Yaxchilan. It seems much more
likely that the preference for flattening is a deliberate ar-
chaism deriving from local Early Classic monuments.
An additional interpretation of the emphasis on the
low-relief sculptural style at Quirigua deserves comment.
This is the notion that the style of carving at Quirigua is
limited by the potential of the material out of which the 3.28. QRG Stela H, north face, detail of basal register, show-
monuments are carved. For example, Mary Ellen Miller ing maize deity. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 99

and durability, their hardness depending upon the rel- missing in both Monument 26 and Stela U, and Stelae S
ative porosity and type of material that binds the sand and T are hopelessly eroded. Therefore, it is impossible
grains that compose the stone. The cementing substance to determine whether there was a local precedent for this
of the hardest sandstones is nearly pure quartz, whereas iconography.
other agents such as iron oxide, clay, and calcite can pro- In sum, Stela H is an example of both stylistic revival
duce far softer stone. A surface examination of the Quiri- and survival. Many elements, especially the flattening
gua sandstone reveals fairly large pores, suggesting rel- of the figure and the emphasis on the rectangular block
ative ease of carving; however, this appearance may be of the monolith through a wrap-around composition,
the result of weathering. Without scientific testing of seem to have been deliberately copied from the local
stone taken directly from the ancient quarries, the degree Early Classic tradition. Some stylistic qualities, such as
of hardness of the Quirigua sandstone will remain un- squared forms, seem related to eighth-century architec-
known. tural sculpture, which in turn is highly derivative of the
Regardless of the properties of the medium, we can Copan tradition. Other stylistic features, including dra-
see that hardness does not seem to have been particularly matic shadow effects, appear to be more directly compa-
limiting to the development of Quirigua sculpture. This rable to Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s stelae, resulting in a
is readily apparent in the areas adjacent to the face of peculiar tension in the monument’s overall effect. The
many stelae (including H), in which large quantities of most direct explanation for this divergence in style would
stone were removed to create three-dimensional mod- be a relative lack of centralization in the sculpture work-
eling. In general, hardness or softness does not dictate shop responsible for the execution of the stela. In con-
sculpture style; it only determines the length of time re- trast to later Quirigua sculptures, which were clearly
quired for carving. Other stone qualities such as tensile dominated by a master who ensured a relative stylistic
strength or friability may limit the sculpture process, al- unity, Stela H shows a mixture of styles that are not re-
though only in extreme cases. The potential of sandstone solved or integrated. What is particularly interesting
to allow highly plastic effects is readily seen outside of about the trajectory of Quirigua sculpture following the
the Maya sculpture tradition, in Jain sculpture of India, conflict with Copan is that it reveals no evidence of in-
for instance. In this tradition, sculptors pushed the me- fluence from Calakmul, which is supposed to have as-
dium to its limits, producing works with lacelike per- sisted Quirigua in its rebellion. This observation sup-
foration and extreme undercutting. As noted by Arthur ports the theory that the interaction between Quirigua
Miller (1983: 130), Maya art styles were not so much and its ally was of limited extent and duration, perhaps
driven by medium but depended upon workshop tradi- involving only military and ritual assistance. There is no
tions, with little encouragement of deviation from estab- significant impact of the sculpture, architecture, or lit-
lished norms. This type of process, called “formed habit erary traditions of Calakmul on the art of Quirigua. In
style” by Miller, is structured according to cultural insti- contrast, the art of Copan continued to exert a powerful
tutions or technologies and supported by a visual tradi- influence over Quirigua, as can be seen in subsequent
tion.14 monument commissions.
One iconographic feature of Stela H that is also differ-
Stela J (Dedicated April 12, 756)
ent from Copan representations is the sandal style with a
conical instep tassel. While many Copan portraits are Although it was erected only one hotun after Stela H, Stela
shown with elaborate sandals, they often feature inverted J not only manifests a different aesthetic conceptualiza-
personification heads as ankle-guards (as on Stela C) and tion but also demonstrates the quality expected from a
elaborate knotting but without conical decoration. The well-coordinated workshop. At about 5 m in height,
decoration of the sandals on QRG Stela H more strongly Stela J approximates its predecessor in scale and was
recalls designs seen frequently in the Peten, as on the erected as the central pivot of the southern part of the
contemporary Tikal Stela 20, but also on Piedras Negras Great Plaza (Fig. 3.8). It was placed close to the major
Stela 32 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Fig. 29; Proskou- axis of the Great Plaza but farther south than Stela H.
riakoff 1950: Fig. 30). While there is no known precedent Strömsvik (1941: 82–83) describes the Stela J foundation
for this type of decoration at Quirigua, this should not as a rectangular platform 6.5 m to a side and 0.5 m high
immediately be taken as evidence of external “in- built on the cobble plaza surface and bordered by large
fluence,” as none of the known earlier Quirigua monu- stones. The stela butt rested on a large stone and was
ments preserve the foot area of the figure. This area is braced by stone wedges and a clay, pebble, and rubble

100 lightning warrior

fill. The cache was a house-shaped clay box, the contents These two interpretations may be resolved through the
of which were not preserved. The association of Stela J acknowledgment of the common origins of the two dy-
and Stela H as a single program is suggested not only by nasties with K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’, according to the offi-
their similar size but by the orientation of both monu- cial histories of the Late Classic period (Grube, Schele,
ments with the figure facing west toward the river. Both and Fahsen 1991; Looper 1999; Looper and Schele 1994).
monuments also share the conception of a stela as a As discussed in Chapter 1, Zoomorph P, a Late Classic
four-sided monument with a figural obverse and reverse monument, records the founding of the Quirigua dy-
inscription. Stela J does, however, diverge from Stela H nasty under the authority of the Copan founder on the
in its use of the side panels to display additional texts. same dates as the establishment of rulership at Copan.
The inscription on Stela H is badly damaged, but it is The ambiguity of the reference to the succession may be
likely that it was a straightforward dedication text with interpreted as an attempt to imply the position of K’ak’
little narrative complexity. The text of Stela J, in contrast, Tiliw as the inheritor of the succession of K’inich Yax
is both beautifully carved and elegant in its rhetorical K’uk’ Mo’ and thereby cast Quirigua as the preeminent
structure, pointing the way toward the elaborate narra- capital of the Southeast. It seems likely, as Riese (1986)
tives seen in the later monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw, starting proposed, that the use of the “fourteenth in succession”
with Stela F. The text begins on the east side (Fig. 3.29), title was indeed a statement of rivalry between K’ak’
with an enormous ISIG occupying the entire width of the Tiliw and the fourteenth ruler of Copan, K’ak’ Joplaj
rectangular panel of the inscription. The following Long Chan K’awil (“Smoke Monkey”).
Count date of 9.16.5.0.0 (A6–B10), written using only The texts that occupy the north and south sides of
head variants, represents a technical advance over the Stela J (Fig. 3.30) seem to convey the same message, for
previous two monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw. Additional they cleverly compare K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession and the
chronological and dedicatory records follow, including decapitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, suggesting
an account of penitential bloodletting rites and the re- the necessary link between the two events. Both texts
sulting materialization of a vision serpent. K’ak’ Tiliw’s have the same basic structure and begin with distance
name and titles appear next and include “south kalomte’,” numbers that count from the period ending recorded on
“black Copan ajaw,” “fourteenth in succession,” and the east face. As the north text returns to an earlier date
“Black Hole” titles.15 The east text of Stela J thus con- than the south, it is probably meant to be read first. The
stitutes a very elaborate description of the period-ending event featured on the north text is the accession of K’ak’
ritual, in which K’ak’ Tiliw erected the monument, Tiliw on 9.14.13.4.17 12 Kab’an 5 K’ayab’, recorded as the
made offerings, and manifested a vision serpent through fastening of the headdress. The south text, in contrast,
trance. records the decapitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil on
Although most of these titles have been discussed pre- 9.15.6.14.6 6 Kimi 4 Sek. Following this phrase is a rec-
viously, the “fourteenth in succession” title appears for ord of the ruler’s receiving of the God K scepter, a phrase
the first time on Stela J and has been valuable for the po- usually associated with accession to the throne. Because
litical interpretation of K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign. This title in- the verb recording this event is not otherwise marked, it
cludes a T573 “hel” sign, identified by Riese (1984) as a can be assumed that the time frame has shifted to the pe-
count of rulers from a founder. Here it is combined with riod ending when the monument was dedicated.
a coefficient of fourteen, therefore identifying K’ak’ Tiliw Not only do these texts compare the events of acces-
as the fourteenth successor of the “founding house.” The sion and decapitation through their placement on oppo-
next glyph, ch’ahom(a) “incense-offerer,” is probably used site north and south sides of the stela, but they are also
here as a reference to the founder. Noting that the lord both tied to the 9.16.5.0.0 period ending through dis-
sacrificed by K’ak’ Tiliw was the thirteenth successor of tance numbers. As such, the events of accession and de-
the Copan dynasty, Riese (1986) proposed that K’ak’ capitation are given as background information for the
Tiliw’s use of the “fourteenth in succession” title was an period ending, thus presenting them as dual supports for
attempt to usurp the Copan succession, through a refer- the ruler’s power. A similar rhetorical strategy is utilized
ence to Copan’s dynastic house. Jones and Sharer (1980) on Caracol Altar 21, albeit in a much more complicated
suggested instead that the succession referred to in the manner. On Altar 21 both the accession of Yajaw Te’ K’in-
Stela J text is the local Quirigua line, given the references ich II under the authority of Tikal and an attack by Tikal
to an Early Classic fourth successor on Monument 26 against Caracol appear as background information sup-
and a probable founder of Quirigua on Zoomorph P. porting subsequent aggression against Tikal (Grube

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 101

 A B C D

6
6

his
penance his offering
7
7

[vision
8
8
event]
a

9
9

10
10

11
11

K’ak’ Tiliw
12
12

13
13

south 14 kalomte’
14

black ajaw
9.16.5.0.0
Copan 15
15 (Apr. 12, 756)

founding
he scatters
fourteenth house
incense? 16
16 in succession

[name of incense- Black Hole

offerer
17
17 monument] place
he plants

18
18

b
3.29. QRG Stela J, east text: a, ISIG; b, A6–D18. Drawing by author.
 E F G H

1 1

2 2 9.15.6.14.6
(May 3, 738)

9.14.13.4.17
3 (Jan. 2, 725) 3 decapitation

accession
Waxaklajun
4 4 Ub’ah K’awil

he receives
5 5

6 K’ak’ Tiliw
K’awil 6
(God K)

K’ak’ Tiliw 7 7

8 8

a b

3.30. QRG Stela J: a, north text, E1–F8; b, south text, G1–H8.

Drawing by author.

1990a; Schele and Grube 1994). The pattern at Quirigua The imagery of the obverse (west face) of Stela J ampli-
is closely analogous, presenting K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession fies selected themes from the monument’s text (Fig.
under external authority as the justification for his action 3.31). The figure is shown in the frontal mode typical of
against the overlord. While one view might characterize Quirigua stelae. This portrait deviates from local tradi-
this “retaliatory” rhetoric as pure propaganda, this tion, however, in that the ruler holds a God K scepter in
might miss the mark. It may be possible to consider the right hand (now almost totally eroded). The grasping
these accounts of victimization as an exhortation of the of the God K scepter probably illustrates the text at
ancestors to protect their dependents. Certainly, such ac- H5–G6, which records the taking of a God K image or
counts contradict the notion that ancient Mesoamerican k’awil on the period ending. It is thus a somewhat differ-
texts selectively omitted defeats from official histories ent configuration than that seen in the earlier Stela H, in
(Marcus 1992: 360). In contrast, defeats as well as state- which God K figures emerge from the double-headed
ments of subordination were crucial to native accounts, serpent bar.
often serving the purpose of highlighting more momen- The diverse contexts of this deity suggest that it had
tous events in which the victory was achieved. complex meanings in ancient Maya art. As a scepter, God

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 103

K seems to have particularly close associations with royal
blood and bloodlines (Schele 1976; Tate 1992: 55). This
symbolism is conveyed through several aspects of the
deity, primarily through the transformation of its leg into
a serpent. Images from ceramics suggest that the ser-
pent-leg of God K is in actuality a vision serpent induced
by bloodletting, through which the will of supernaturals
and ancestors is made apparent to the living. Further,
God K has a close association with mirrors, one of the
most ancient Mesoamerican symbols of the portal to the
spirit realm, out of which gods and ancestors are reborn.
Finally, as a scepter (actually a personified axe) the being
represents the power of lightning, wielded by the king
(Baudez 1992; Coggins 1988a). It is this last symbolic
value that seems most relevant to the interpretation of
Stela J, as it complements the meanings conveyed
through the monument’s textual reference to the decap-
itation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil and its location in the
Great Plaza. Together, these elements develop a persona
for the ruler as lightning deity.
On Stela J the meanings of the God K scepter are ex-
panded through its display with other emblems. One of
these key elements, a shield emblazoned with an image
of the Jaguar War God, is held in the left hand, opposite
the scepter. Although badly eroded, diagnostics of this
deity—the “cruller” under the eyes and shell beard—are
still visible. The significance of the shield as a war imple-
ment is clear, as is the jaguar emblem, which evokes the
powers of a great nocturnal hunting animal.16 Further, as
a possible symbol of the moon during the dry season
(Milbrath 1999: 124–126), this deity may reflect the sea-
son when men typically went to war.17 The round shape
of the shield also may suggest this astronomical identifi-
cation.
In addition to these two hand-held emblems, however,
the king also wears a distinctive pectoral, consisting of a
central medallion with infixed deity head, flanked by arc-
ing panels from which emerge a tab and volutes. The
form of the pectoral is related to the glyph reading sak
“white,” suggesting a designation of this emblem as the
“sak-pectoral” (Fig. 3.32).18 All elements are rendered as
mosaic, with individually cut pieces (possibly shell or
stone) attached to a backing. This type of object may be
worn either as a belt or as a pectoral by the rain and light-
ning deity Chaak, as depicted on pottery and monumen-
tal art such as Quirigua Altar O' (Fig. 3.32b). Rulers 3.31. QRG Stela J, west face. Drawing by author.
wearing regalia of Chaak also may wear the pectoral, as
on La Pasadita Lintel 2, Yaxchilan Stela 11, the Dumbar-
ton Oaks panel from Palenque (Fig. 3.32c), and several
stelae from Naranjo (6, 7, 12, 13, 20, 28).

104 lightning warrior

 flowering branches of a cosmic tree. While this associa-
tion is vaguely suggestive of fertility, it is not very conclu-
sive. A better clue comes from the identities of the me-
dallion infixes. In some examples from Quirigua, the
infixed emblem is the Jester God, a deity that not only
personifies the royal headband of kingship but also has
a aquatic traits (Fig. 3.32a).21 For example, several exam-
ples of Jester Gods have features typical of the “Xok,” a
supernatural shark, such as barbels or fins on the cheek
and triangular shark teeth (Fig. 3.33). A principal role of
this creature in Maya mythology was as the vehicle for the
rebirth of maize; in fact, the maize deity commonly
b wears a Xok headdress or belt to commemorate the event
(Fig. 3.34).
The aquatic characteristics of the Jester God seem to
justify the association of the pectoral with the rain deity
Chaak. But in addition these iconographic elements un-
derscore the association of the pectoral with the rebirth
of maize. The floral qualities of the pectoral also suggest
c
this attribution, as the resurrecting maize spirit is shown
bedecked with floral regalia. Further, some variants of
the pectoral have infixes of small human faces with
stepped haircuts that may represent the personification
of maize. The skull which sometimes appears on these
pectorals may likewise refer to the resurrection of maize.
d In Maya thought, corn kernels are conceptualized as
tiny skulls which, even though dry and hard, contain the
3.32. Sak-pectorals: a, QRG Stela F north, detail; b, QRG Altar
O', detail; c, Dumbarton Oaks panel, detail; d, Naranjo Stela 7, powers of life. The same concept is realized in the cere-
detail. Drawings by author. mony of accession, in which the Jester God headband
is presented to the king. As discussed by Karl Taube
(1994), this ceremony involved the ritual death of the
One example of the sak-pectoral from Naranjo is par- ruler through a surrogate human sacrifice, followed by
ticularly interesting, as it features a skull in place of the
central disk, oriented sideways (Fig. 3.32d). This detail
suggests an iconographic merging of the sak-pectoral
with another common type of pectoral, which I refer to
as the “bar pectoral.”19 This type of pectoral usually has
bell-shaped ends, out of which emerge three bell-and-
bead elements. On some monuments, the bar and sak-
pectorals are worn together, as on Dos Pilas Stela 15 and
Tikal Stela 16. A survey of Maya iconography suggests
that, when accompanied by the Jaguar War God shield
and God K scepter, the sak-pectoral or bar pectoral is
closely associated with period-ending ceremonies.20
But what can be concluded about its specific symbolic
reference? In Maya iconography, both sak glyphs and
bell-and-bead elements such as those attached to the bar a b
pectoral are part of a complex of floral imagery (Stuart 3.33. Jester Gods with Xok features: a, Palenque Temple of the
1992a). Positioned horizontally at the chest level of the Foliated Cross, main panel, detail; b, Palenque Tablet of the
ruler, the sak-pectoral suggests an identification with the Slaves, detail. Drawings by author.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 105

 a

3.34. Maize deities with Xok attributes: a, QRG Stela J, A11; b,

Classic Holmul-style vessel (MS1416), detail. Drawings by au-
thor.

his mystical rebirth, likened to the resurrection of the throne matches the snake-footed God K scepter. The
maize plant. The sak-pectoral is a key symbol of this new identity of the third stone as a “water platform/throne” is
status, embodying the powers needed to enter the consistent with the aquatic associations of the storm
bloody, watery realm of the underworld and emerge tri- deity Chaak and with the theme of the rebirth of maize
umphant, a manifestation of life and sustenance. from the underworld. The triad of emblems also com-
As noted above, the triad of shield, scepter, and pec- memorates three principal ritual domains of the ruler—
toral is closely associated with period-ending ceremo- warfare, communication with ancestors through blood-
nies of the Classic period. Further, they were likely dis- letting, and mystical death/rebirth—symbolized by the
played in remembrance of the three stones of Creation three stones of Maya Creation mythology. The God
which established the basis for the ceremony. Support- K/Jaguar War God shield/pectoral complex of imagery
ing this conclusion is the close correspondence between appears on QRG Stela J in order to forge an analogy be-
the identities of the three stones and the domains signi- tween the period ending and cosmic renewal.
fied by the triad of regalia. The first stone of Creation, Many of the other costume elements worn by the ruler
a jaguar platform/throne stone, corresponds to the Jag- on Stela J refer to cosmological concepts commonly at-
uar War God shield, while the second (snake) platform/ tributed to Late Classic rulers. The elements that identify

106 lightning warrior

him with a cosmic tree include the “God-C” apron, ear-
flares, and a tall headdress consisting of three stacked
personification heads topped by the Principal Bird Deity.
This sacred bird is frequently shown perched atop trees
in supernatural contexts. The heavy belt with shell tin-
klers may symbolize the earthly realm pierced by the cos-
mic axis. The ruler’s large jade or shell mosaic collar with
frontal and shoulder medallions, knee bands with me-
dallions, skirt, and headdress flanges with interlaces and
serpent heads are all familiar from Stela H and are found
frequently in Late Classic royal costume.
At the top and bottom of the royal image, however, ap-
pear icons which are not common on Maya stelae and
which refer to victory over Copan through a supernatural
metaphor. The basal register upon which the figure
stands consists of a head, probably that of a personified
waterlily, held between open profile centipede jaws (Fig.
3.31). These jaws are skeletal and have the long “snaggle
teeth” that identify them with the portal to the under-
world, elsewhere known as the “Black Hole.”22 The jaws 3.35. QRG Stela J, north, detail of basal register. Photo by Tho-
wrap around to the north and south sides of the stela and mas Tolles.
are connected by scrolls to heads which have glyphic ele-
ments for “lake” in the forehead (Fig. 3.35). On the east
side of Stela J (Fig. 3.36), this basal register continues as
a panel that represents the surface of the underworld
using a structure formed by parallel horizontal dotted
layers separated by dotted diagonal bars. Inside the
frame formed by these bars is a large le glyph, which is
also commonly found in images of the surface of the un-
derworld and which stresses the powers of fertility inher-
ent in these waters. In Yukatek, lel is a word for “semen”
(Barrera Vásquez 1980: 445). As discussed previously, the
combination of elements appearing on the basal register 3.36. QRG Stela J, east basal register. Drawing by author.
of Stela J identifies the plaza where the stela stands as a
replica of the “Black Hole, Black Lake” supernatural lo-
cation where the sacrifice of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil Tonina Monument 3 and Naranjo Stela 8. A variant of the
took place. skeletal centipede/flint combination appears as a frontal
The headdress also contains prominent martial im- badge of the headdress worn as part of the Tlaloc-Venus
agery, displayed on the north and south faces (Figs. 3.37, war costume, for example, on Piedras Negras Stela 35
3.38). Emerging from behind the serpent wings of the (Stone 1989). On the Naranjo example a stepped skyband
Principal Bird Deity and a stepped skyband device por- similar to that on Quirigua Stela J appears in the head-
trayed on the west face are huge skeletal centipede maws dress, suggesting that the skyband and centipede/flint
out of which issue serrated flint blades. On the north side staff may form an iconographic unit. The emergence of
are preserved three knots at the base of the centipede the flint from the portal to the spirit world represented by
head, indicating that these blades are the termini of the centipede implies the supernatural origins of war, a
staffs. The same type of staff is shown in varied configu- theme strongly underscored by the shields and trapezoi-
rations in Maya art (Fig. 3.39). On Copan Stela A they dal banners that dangle from the centipede chins. On
emerge from the serpent bar and descend adjacent to Stela J the shields have three dots, a pattern also seen on
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s legs (Fig. 3.40). They also ap- the shields at Copan and on those held by warrior figures
pear in headdresses on several monuments, including on painted ceramic vessels (Fig. 3.41). The trapezoidal

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 107

3.37. QRG Stela J, north face, text removed. Drawing by au- 3.38. QRG Stela J, south face, text removed. Drawing by au-
thor. thor.

108 lightning warrior

 3.40. Zigzag staff with shield adjacent to ruler’s leg, CPN Stela
A, detail. Drawing by author and Linda Schele.

3.39. Zigzag staff as a ceremonial spear, Reitberg Stela. Draw-

ing by author.

banners are a part of Tlaloc-Venus warrior attire, for ex-

ample, dangling from the kneebands of the Naranjo
Stela 2 figure and the warriors from Copan Structure 10L-
26 (Fash 2001: Fig. 91). Thus, while the basal register of
Stela J commemorates a specific victory of K’ak’ Tiliw,
the ruler’s headdress voices a challenge to the current en-
emies of Quirigua. The persona conveyed on Stela J, like
that of Stela H, is pointedly martial.
The design of the text and image of Stela J in order to 3.41. Warrior with dotted shield. Classic codex-style vessel
promote K’ak’ Tiliw’s status and announce the indepen- (K1248), detail. Drawing by author.
dence of Quirigua is echoed by transformations in the
monument’s style of carving. When compared to Stela H,
it is clear that the execution of Stela J is more consistently

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 109

focused on interpreting features characteristic of the
Early Classic stelae of Quirigua. The sophisticated low-
relief carving of Monument 26 (Figs. 1.12, 1.13), which
raises individual forms away from the block almost en-
tirely in parallel planes, frequently employing double
outlines to emphasize individual shapes and linear conti-
nuity, is recalled throughout Stela J (Fig. 3.42). The rel-
atively blocky qualities evident in Monument 26 are also
apparent and indeed exaggerated in Stela J, in which the
rounding of edges and slightly curving lines of Monu-
ment 26 give way to a stricter adherence to precise verti-
cals and horizontals, even more than in Stela H. Com-
pare, for example, the earflares of the early and late
monuments, which in Monument 26 (Fig. 1.13) are rel-
atively rounded, gently slipping from the grid and on
Stela J (Fig. 3.42) are far more rectilinear, with only slight
rounding of the corner lobes. The format of the rear text
with its large ISIG may also have been inspired by the
Early Classic local corpus. The ISIG of Stela U, for in-
stance, is double sized, extending across both columns
of text.
As on Monument 26 and Stela H as well, the face is a
major compositional concern on Stela J; but in this case
the emphasis is achieved through the breadth and sim-
plicity of execution of the face relative to the surrounding
ornament. In this respect, Stela J is closer in style to Mon-
ument 26 than to Stela H. Whereas the Stela H face pro-
trudes abruptly toward the viewer, that of Stela J floats
gently from the shadows. And yet Stela J does not totally
escape the legacy of Copan. The frontally placed earflares
and the graceful sweep of the feathers on the stela sides
toward the front derive ultimately from Copan sculptures
(Fig. 3.43; Proskouriakoff 1950: 131). The legs of the
QRG Stela J figure also stand out from the ground and
are even slightly undercut, recalling Copan models. Sig-
nificantly, however, all of these features are apparent on
QRG Stela H, suggesting again that they were residual,
having been reinterpreted through their execution in lo-
cal modes to become typical of the Late Classic monu-
ments of Quirigua.
Further contributing to the distinctiveness of this
sculptural style is the rendering of the hieroglyphs of 3.42. QRG Stela J, west face. From Morley 1937–1938, vol. 5:
Plate 178d, courtesy Carnegie Institution of Washington.
Stela J. In harmony with the geometric qualities of the
frontal figure, the glyphs conform to a strict grid and are
broadened, thus straightening the edges of the individ- tail, curvilinear execution, and, during the reign of Wax-
ual signs (Fig. 3.44). Moreover, the simplicity and the aklajun Ub’ah K’awil, conception of glyphic blocks as
flatness of the glyphs draw attention to the flat plane of plastic masses (Fig. 3.45). The tradition of broad, flat
the block, as do the parallel relief planes of the figure. treatment of glyphs at Quirigua seems to have been be-
Such treatment of glyphs is distinct from Copan glyphic gun on Stelae S and H but is only seen clearly for the first
styles, which are notable for the complexity of linear de- time on Stela J. As will be seen, this stylistic tendency be-

110 lightning warrior

comes increasingly exaggerated during the reign of K’ak’ the appearance of the CPN Stela D glyphs. Nevertheless,
Tiliw, culminating in the squared, platelike glyphs of Ste- when rendered according to local aesthetic rules of draw-
lae E, C, and A. The only feature of the Stela J text that ing and modeling, these features are transmuted into a
seems clearly to evoke Copan is the full-figure form of distinctive new style.
the hab’ patron in the ISIG, which may have been inspired Perhaps most salient of the non-Copanec features on
by the remarkable CPN Stela D of Waxaklajun Ub’ah Quirigua Stela J is an emphasis on the squared shape of
K’awil. Full-figure glyphs also appear on earlier Copan the stone block. Prior to the reign of Waxaklajun Ub’ah
monuments, such as Stela 19, and contemporary sculp- K’awil, stela figures at Copan protruded little from the
tures at Copan (as discussed below). The animated ex- block. Beginning with CPN Stela C, however, they began
pressions and widely opened mouths of many of the to be increasingly undercut, suggesting a projecting fig-
glyphs on the Quirigua monument may also be related to ure and an irregular silhouette when viewed from the
side. Carvings such as CPN Stela D are so plastically con-
ceived as to seem akin to clay figures, fused to almost in-
visibly thin rectangular slabs (Fig. 3.46). Quirigua Stela
H, despite its exaggerated wrap-around composition, re-
tains something of this quality in the deep modeling of
the head area. In contrast, the figure of QRG Stela J clings
tightly to the massive block of the stela, with most of the
forms arranged in a single plane (Fig. 3.47). The only
deep carving occurs in the area around the face and head-
dress personification heads and adjacent to the legs, and
yet the facial treatment is much shallower than that seen
on QRG Stela H. Overall, the monument is treated as a
squared shaft sheathed in delicate, overlapping shallow-
relief forms. The plumes that wrap sharply around the
sides of the stela, superimposed upon other continuous
elements, only exaggerate the blockiness of the stone
mass and the flatness of its faces (Fig. 3.48). As on Stela
H, areas of ground are plainly visible, especially adjacent
to the legs and on the monument sides. The emphases of
both of these monuments on empty ground, four distinct
faces, and flattened forms recall the Early Classic tradi-
tion and may have been interpreted as a means of form-
ing an identity distinct from Copan, based on patently lo-
cal models. The implementation of the basal register in
Stela J also continues the Quirigua tradition established
in the Early Classic period. Because it is absent at Copan,
this compositional element points to the antiquity of the
Quirigua tradition and continuity with the nearby QRG
Stela H.
The attempt to redefine local Quirigua sculpture may
have extended to the iconography of Stela J, as well. As
Kubler (1969:14) noted, the God K scepter which appears
on Stela J is seen nowhere at Copan (see also Stone 1983).
Although it is possible that this iconographic complex
was derived from Petexbatun sites such as Dos Pilas, we
might be advised to use caution in interpreting the
source of the imagery on Stela J. Given the precise cop-
3.43. QRG Stela J, north face, detail of headdress. Photo by ying of the iconography of the Early Classic Monument
Thomas Tolles. 26 in Stela H, it is possible that Stela J quotes some other

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 111

3.44. QRG Stela J, east text detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

as yet unknown antique local sculpture. Nevertheless, its

presence on Stela J and repetition on K’ak’ Tiliw’s next
three stelae argue for its interpretation as an icon-
ographic complex that was identifiably non-Copanec
and that could be used to develop a local identity.
To recapitulate, Stela J represents the first unified and
confident expression of a local Late Classic sculptural
style at Quirigua. Apparently, between 751 and 756, the
workshop responsible for stela carving was radically
overhauled, replaced by highly skilled artists who were
overseen by a strong master sculptor. But where did this
master originate? Although work on the acropolis at the
time involved some sculpture, there are no known build-
ings that approach the refined control exhibited on Stela
J. At present, archaeological evidence does not support
the identification of this master with another site. The
style is utterly foreign to contemporary Copan; nor does
southern Belize offer a likely candidate. Whoever the art-

3.45. CPN Stela A, detail of text. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

112 lightning warrior

 ists of Stela J were, their attention to detail and control of
technique represent a refocusing of energy in monumen-
tal art at the site. From this point on, each stela is con-
ceived as a challenge, as if the power of high-quality
sculpture was suddenly recognized and as much energy
as possible was invested in each new project.
These changes in sculpture at Quirigua may be inter-
preted in several ways. On the one hand, exquisite sculp-
tures may have awed the people who visited the Great
Plaza, suggesting the power and sophistication of its rul-
ing elite. The reinterpretation and exaggeration of local
Early Classic stylistic features on a colossal scale may
also bespeak the role of this and subsequent stelae as
memorials to the antiquity and independence of Quiri-
gua. The texts of Stela J complement these stylistic sug-
gestions through accounts of the period-ending rituals
of K’ak’ Tiliw that demonstrated his possession of the
supernatural powers of a sovereign ruler. The texts also
tout the crucial violent action of K’ak’ Tiliw that formed
the foundation of his power. Reinforcement for this mes-
sage comes through the placement of the stela itself in
the plaza, which was a memorial to the sacrifice of Wax-
aklajun Ub’ah K’awil, and through prominent symbols
of warfare displayed in the figure’s headdress. But in ad-
dition to these political considerations, it is important to

3.46. CPN Stela D, west face. Photo by author.

3.47. QRG Stela J, view of north and west faces. Photo by Jesse L.
Nusbaum, courtesy of Museum of New Mexico, neg. no. 60958.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 113

 K’ak’ Joplaj Chan K’awil, was markedly different from
that of his predecessor. Instead of amplifying the per-
sona of the ruler as mythic hero, stress was placed on the
political unity of the various lords subordinate to the
high lord of Copan. A forum for this strategy was the
building of Structure 10L-22A, which was probably ded-
icated on 9.15.15.0.0, the same date as Quirigua Stela S
(Fig. 3.49a).23 This structure has been identified as a Po-
pol Nah or Sak Nikte’il Nah, a council house in which the
various lords of the polity would meet for festivals and
learn sacred dances. The adjacent Structure 10L-25 prob-
ably served as the platform on which the lords’ dances
were performed (Fash 1992).
Eight sculpted toponymic glyphs adorned the cornice
of Structure 10L-22A, above which were seated figures
that may depict lineage heads from the locations named
by the glyphs. Although it is clear that some of these to-
ponyms correspond to supernatural locations, we have
already seen that such names could be used to refer to the
built environment, especially ceremonial centers. Fur-
ther, one of the place name glyphs on Structure 10L-22A
corresponds to glyphs found on three different buildings
in Group 10L-2, a palace compound south of the Copan
acropolis (Andrews n.d.; Andrews and Fash 1992). The
roof comb of Structure 10L-22A featured a large figure
seated on a jaguar-headed throne, presumably an image
of K’ak’ Joplaj. Thus, the sculptural program of the tem-
3.48. QRG Stela J, north face, detail of glyph panel. Photo by
ple stresses the subordination of minor lords to the di-
Thomas Tolles.
vine lord but at the same time recognizes the increasing
importance of these lesser elites in the political structure
recognize that the sweat and toil of hauling, erecting, of the polity, especially through their associations with
and carving these great sculptures surely was conceived sacred locations.
as a pious offering to the gods and ancestors and a plea At first glance, Structure 10L-22A seems to ignore the
to obtain their blessing. For those responsible for their recent conflict with Quirigua. The building of the temple
creation, as well as their patron, such actions were a itself may have been compelled by the capture and sac-
form of both social currency and magical propitiation. rifice of the previous ruler, however, as a means to garner
support from the nobles at a time when confidence in the
Copan’s Response to the Quirigua Conflict: ruling lineage may have been shaken. Certainly, the pro-
Structures 10L-22A and 10L-26 gram is a dramatic departure from the emphasis on royal
Even though there is no evidence that Copan suffered any portraiture in the monuments of Waxaklajun Ub’ah
ill economic effects from the capture of their ruler by K’awil. But in addition Structure 10L-22A may even in-
Quirigua, the art programs of the two rulers to succeed clude a reference to Quirigua among the cornice topo-
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil express profound concern with nyms. On the northeast corner of the building was found
the ideological implications of the sacrifice of the local the “Black Lake” place (Fig. 3.49b), the location so
ruler and the fragmentation of the Copan hegemony prominently cited at Quirigua. The toponym appears on
(Fash 1983, 1986). Promptly after K’ak’ Tiliw dispatched the base of Quirigua Stela J and the inscription of Stela H
the thirteenth successor of the Copan dynasty, a new and is also featured in a large round cartouche associated
ruler assumed the throne at Copan on 9.15.6.16.5 (June with one of the temples from the Quirigua acropolis,
11, 738; Stuart and Schele 1986a). The approach to mon- now located in the sculpture stacks near the site ware-
umental art during the reign of this rival of K’ak’ Tiliw, house. The prominence of the location at Quirigua sug-

114 lightning warrior

a

3.49. CPN Structure 10L-22A: a, elevation; b, “Black Lake

place” toponym. Drawings by Barbara Fash, courtesy Instituto
Hondureño de Antropología e Historia.

gests that the toponym may have been included on Struc-

b
ture 10L-22A as an oblique reference to the continued in-
clusion of Quirigua as a part of the Copan polity. If Quir-
igua is indeed the referent of the Structure 10L-22A
glyph, it would have been a very subtle and clever politi- tion of the stairway in 710 (Stuart n.d.b). Rather than de-
cal statement, one which denied the defeat of Waxakla- stroy or cover over this monument, it was decided to re-
jun Ub’ah K’awil as justification for Quirigua’s indepen- sume construction using the same iconography, adding
dence. the upper section of the stair and supplementing its re-
Although K’ak’ Joplaj’s Structure 10L-22A may have markable display of images deriving from the art of Teo-
partially inspired the subsequent pronouncements of po- tihuacan.24
litical autonomy in Quirigua Stela H and J, it seems much At Copan the significance of Teotihuacan imagery is
more likely that K’ak’ Tiliw’s early stelae were more di- extremely complex and rich. Like most other Maya sites,
rectly engaged in an aggressive dialogue with the art of its principal reference is the ceremonial complex of Tla-
the next Copan ruler, K’ak’ Yipyaj Chan K’awil (“Smoke loc-Venus warfare. Indeed, the center axis of the Hierog-
Shell”), who acceded on 9.15.17.13.10 (February 18, 749). lyphic Stairway is marked with seated warriors, presum-
While he may have commissioned several buildings, in- ably representing the former rulers of Copan, shown
cluding Structures 10L-20 and 21, K’ak’ Yipyaj’s first ma- reborn from the spirit world out of snake maws. In addi-
jor project was the completion of the final phase of Struc- tion, however, the proliferation of Teotihuacan iconogra-
ture 10L-26, which included the upper section of the phy on Structure 10L-26 was closely associated with the
immense Hieroglyphic Stairway and its crowning temple founder of the dynasty, K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’, as dem-
(Fig. 3.50). The stair was dedicated on 9.16.4.1.0 (May 8, onstrated by the imagery of Structure 10L-16, Altar Q,
755), about a year before K’ak’ Tiliw set up Stela J. The and a ceramic figurine found in the Chorcha tomb within
temple was completed on the hotun ending 9.16.5.0.0 10L-26 itself (see Fash 1992; Freidel, Schele, and Parker
(April 12, 756; Stuart and Schele 1986a). As discussed in 1993: 309). In the context of 10L-26, Teotihuacan im-
the previous chapter, this project had been initiated by agery commemorated the warlike prowess of the dynasty
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, who completed the lower por- that originated from the founder’s control of powerful

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 115

3.50. CPN Structure 10L-26 and Hieroglyphic Stairway, recon-
struction. From Proskouriakoff 1946: 37, courtesy Carnegie In-
stitution of Washington.

116 lightning warrior

spirit beings from the venerable distant metropolis pan, the paramount Tlaloc-warrior of the Southeast,
(Stuart 2000, n.d.b). K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’.
The temple superstructure, also dedicated by K’ak’ Yi- An additional aspect of Stela J suggests that the Quiri-
pyaj, was richly adorned with mosaic sculptures rep- gua design was a direct response to the Hieroglyphic
resenting the goggle-eyed butterfly derived ultimately Stairway. The decidedly elaborate and historical nature of
from Teotihuacan warrior imagery (see Berlo 1984). The the inscription is of particular interest, as such an ac-
roof comb featured six seated warrior images in addition count is totally unprecedented in earlier monuments of
to other motifs related to the iconography of Tlaloc- K’ak’ Tiliw. This was probably inspired by the Structure
Venus warfare (see Fash 1992: Figs. 15, 16; Schele and 10L-26 program at Copan, which, for the first time, fea-
Miller 1986). Inside the temple, perhaps along the back tures personalized historical accounts of an almost ency-
wall, were three panels of text as well as a long horizontal clopedic scope. The stairway was, in fact, dedicated prior
glyphic band that decorated the vault spring (Fig. 3.51). to QRG Stela J, suggesting that the Quirigua designers
In some ways, this “Temple Inscription” is even more re- had ample time to ponder the latest art produced at Co-
markable than the text of the stairway, as its full-figure pan. The impact of the Hieroglyphic Stairway may have
glyphs are composed in two parallel “fonts,” one con- affected the text even to the level of content, as the refer-
ventional Maya and the other with Teotihuacan iconogra- ence to the decapitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil on
phy (Stuart 2000, n.d.b). The context of these inscrip- Stela J is the first of its kind at Quirigua. As we have seen,
tions, located in a chamber at the apex of the most the death of the thirteenth ruler was a featured event on
important dynastic shrine at Copan, suggests that the
mortal audience for these texts was highly restricted.
Rather, the text (and probably the entire Structure 10L-26
art program) was designed to be read by spirits, includ-
ing the very ancestors it commemorated, who by virtue of
their diverse origins were pleased to read inscriptions in
both Maya and Teotihuacan styles. It is essential to rec-
ognize that the Structure 10L-26 program did not ignore
the impact of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil on the site’s his-
tory. On the contrary, not only did the stairway feature a
prominent portrait of the thirteenth ruler dressed as a
warrior, but K’ak’ Yipyaj’s additions include extensive
historical accounts of his reign as well as the record of
his death in war, attributed to supernatural causes. Thus,
in its final form, 10L-26 may be interpreted as a memo-
rial to a hero. There is certainly no indication that the de-
feat was seen as “humiliating” to Copan, as has often
been suggested. From the point of view presented by
Structure 10L-26, Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil died glo-
riously, defending his people, and thus merited a place in
the local ancestral pantheon.
Seen in the context of the Copan Hieroglyphic Stair-
way, the imagery of Quirigua Stela J—in particular the
prominent display of the banners on the north and south
sides of the monument—gains new meaning. As these
banners are part of the same iconographic complex of
warfare that appears on CPN Structure 10L-26, their dis-
play on the Quirigua monument dedicated shortly after
K’ak’ Yipyaj’s Hieroglyphic Stairway suggests a specific
response to the Copan ruler’s program. The banners may
have been interpreted as a reference to the derivation of 3.51. Temple inscription from CPN Structure 10L-26. Photo by
the Quirigua dynasty from the same figure as that of Co- author.

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 117

the stairway. Indeed, one wonders whether the notion of Stela M also replicated the glyphic format of its antece-
developing the rain deity as a persona of K’ak’ Tiliw at dent by one k’atun, Stela D, which opened with an ISIG
Quirigua was a direct reaction to the inclusion of the pas- that occupied a single glyph block. Indeed, because Stela
sage relating to the birth of Yax Ha’al Chaak in the stair- D was dedicated only twenty years before Stela M, it is
way text (Fig. 3.3). possible that the same master who oversaw the design of
Additional passages from the Hieroglyphic Stairway Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s last stela was still alive to di-
may also have been intended for a Quirigua audience. On rect the execution of Stela M. The altar of Stela M, which
Step 62 is recorded the taking of God K by a lord bearing took the form of a Cosmic Monster, also recalls the
the Quirigua emblem glyph (Fig. 3.52). Unfortunately, sculpture of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil in its rounded, ex-
the name of this lord does not correspond precisely to panding masses. The retrospective qualities evident in
any other known ruler; nor is the context of this phrase these two monuments of K’ak’ Yipyaj yet again suggest
known. The name of this person is similar to that of the an emphasis on the continuity of the dynastic tradition of
first ruler of Quirigua, Tok Casper, as inscribed on Copan and of the sculptural styles that developed in asso-
Zoomorph P. Although some details of these names/ti- ciation with one of the greatest art patrons in the city’s
tles differ, the appearance of this text on the Hierog- history, Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil.
lyphic Stairway may have been a way of reaffirming the Although it is badly damaged, enough of the iconogra-
integrity of Copan’s political sphere or, at least, of glori- phy of CPN Stela M is visible to discern its general
fying its past unity. Without the context of this passage, themes. Like many of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s stelae,
its full political significance remains elusive. the main figure holds a double-headed serpent bar,
If Structure 10L-26 celebrates the Copan dynasty as a which emits God K figures wrapping onto the sides of
whole, K’ak’ Yipyaj’s Stela M seems to point to one ruler the shaft. Seven miniature figures, representing the spir-
in particular (Baudez 1994: Fig. 30). The stela and its its conjured through the vision rite, originally appeared
small altar, dedicated on the same date as the temple of atop and to the sides of the headdress and adjacent to the
Structure 10L-26 and Quirigua Stela J, were set up at the legs. The frame for the inscription on the reverse (east)
base of the Hieroglyphic Stairway by K’ak’ Yipyaj, as a probably represents a backrack, of which only beaded
finishing touch to the great war monument (Fig. 3.50; feathers are visible, as seen earlier on CPN Stela 4. The
Baudez and Riese 1990, vol. 2: 134; Morley 1920: 279). feathers also are visible wrapped onto the monument
Like Quirigua Stela J, the monument had a single figure sides. The headdress of the ruler is especially interesting
on the obverse and an inscribed reverse, but its style is from the standpoint of Quirigua iconography. It rep-
utterly different from that of its Quirigua counterpart. In resents a zoomorphic head with long spotted ears, sim-
its heavy undercutting, vision rite theme, and scale, Co- ilar to QRG Altar M. Although this being has been taken
pan Stela M is strongly reminiscent of the sculptures of for a crocodile, the split upper lip and nonspiral eyes are
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, such as Stelae 4 and F. Even its more reminiscent of feline representations (Baudez
glyphic style recalls the sculpture of the thirteenth suc- 1994: 74). From behind bivalve shells located to the sides
cessor. For instance, the Ajaw face in the day-sign car- of this head, spears emerge; the struts of one are just vis-
touche at B2b has the same U-shaped eyes and mouth ible on the right-hand side. These images are wrapped
that appear on several of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s later onto the monument’s sides, where they terminate in
monuments, such as CPN Stela 4, Stela H, and Altar S. open centipede maws emitting personified flints. This

receives God K? Tok Casper? divine Quirigua ajaw

3.52. CPN Hieroglyphic Stairway, Step 62, detail. Drawing by

author based on Maudslay 1889–1902, vol. 1: 32.

118 lightning warrior

imagery is identical to that appearing on contemporary shall see that the contrasting role of ancestors in the his-
Quirigua Stela J. This parallelism suggests that both tories authorized by rulers of Copan and Quirigua is a
monuments promote a martial agenda through the use difference between the two sites that persisted until the
of exactly the same ceremonial complex. In the case of end of K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign.
Stela M, the headdress spears also connect the monu-
The Late Architecture of K’ak’ Tiliw
ment thematically to the Hieroglyphic Stairway, in front
of which it stands. The architectural embellishments of the Quirigua acropo-
Yet another direct iconographic parallel exists between lis undertaken following the defeat of Waxaklajun Ub’ah
CPN Stela M and QRG Stela J. Appearing on the sides of K’awil echo the martial themes of Stela H and J, in that
the Copan monument, behind the ruler’s legs, are large they focused on enhancing the defensibility of the com-
skeletal jaws, a visual metaphor for the portal into the plex. The predominant masonry style of this period con-
world of the spirits and the dead. As we have seen, the sisted of well-carved flat-faced blocks, predominantly
same icon appears in the basal register of Quirigua Stela sandstone, the same material employed by K’ak’ Tiliw for
J; but in this case the jaws are composed in a basal reg- his stelae. Even though the material differs from the rhyo-
ister, visible on the west face beneath K’ak’ Tiliw’s feet lite preferred during the early reign of K’ak’ Tiliw, the flat-
(Fig. 3.11b). This image may be interpreted in more than faced carving style continued earlier traditions. Following
one way. Like the Quirigua jaws, the image may com- the sacrifice of the Copan ruler, work at the Quirigua
memorate the appearance of the night sky on the monu- acropolis focused on restricting access to the western side
ment’s dedication date, in which the Milky Way took the of the court, through the construction of the massive,
form interpreted as the “Black Hole.” In addition, the steep-sided Western Platform, which buried the Sub.4
jaws probably unite Stela M with the adjacent Hierog- ballcourt. A new ballcourt (Structure 1B-7), now visible in
lyphic Stairway and its overall theme of ancestor com- the ruins of Quirigua, replaced the buried structure
munication. Indeed, the entire stairway is conceived as a (Sharer 1990: 78; see also Strömsvik 1952: 203– 204).
vision image, in which the altar at the base takes the Atop the Western Platform was a freestanding wall,
form of an inverted vision serpent head, out of which the Structure 1B-Sub.1 or the “K’inich Ahau Wall,” which
ancestral images located at intervals on the stairway are measured over 23 m long and 1.5 m thick and was cen-
conjured (see Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 369– tered over the stairway which led to the acropolis court
372). The stairway balustrades define the edges of the (Coe and Sharer 1979: 18; Sharer et al. 1979: 50–51). The
serpent’s mouth, with large curls representing its fangs. western face of this wall, which overlooked the river,
The appearance of the maw on Stela M, then, may be read bore a series of five mixed sandstone and rhyolite mosaic
as a reference to the position of the ruler in the spirit masks, which alternated between serpents with human
world. arms and solar deities. A frieze consisting of two concen-
In conclusion, the 9.16.5.0.0 period ending prompted tric ovals flanked by large profile serpent heads sup-
commemorative art programs that were remarkably sim- ported these masks. Although it is extremely difficult to
ilar in theme at both Quirigua and Copan. Both sites fo- date this sculpture precisely, given that it represents the
cused on militarism and attempted to capitalize on the unique known example of figural architectural sculpture
defeat of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. Copan Stela M and in stone from this period, stratigraphy suggests that it
Quirigua Stela J even feature some identical iconography. may be have been completed around a.d. 750. This is
Nevertheless, the particular uses of imagery were differ- consistent with certain stylistic details of the wall, such
ent. At Quirigua martial personae functioned in concert as the rendering of the feathers with a simple incised
with texts and siting to recall the decapitation of Waxak- midrib, which is similar to Stela H (dated to a.d. 751).
lajun Ub’ah K’awil and the advantages this event was Beginning in 756 with Stela J, feathers at Quirigua are
considered to have brought to Quirigua. At Copan milita- carved with parallel incisions to represent the hollow
rism is presented in the context of ancestor veneration, shaft. Interpreting the symbolic and programmatic sig-
in which control of powerful war gods is traced genea- nificance of the wall is also difficult given its uniqueness,
logically to the founder of the local Classic dynasty. In although it may have served as a symbolic marker for the
this account the audience, including the deceased Wax- ritual area in front of the platform or for the platform it-
aklajun Ub’ah K’awil, is asked to witness the heroism of self. The image of solar deities emerging from water-
the divine lords of Copan and approve of the current marked bands may relate to the meteorological themes
ruler, who sought to honor them in such a manner. We promoted by the monuments.25

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 119

 Additional development of the western side of the
Conclusion
acropolis followed the construction of 1B-Sub.1, with the
construction of Structure 1B-4 on its northern end. This During the twenty years following the defeat of Waxakla-
project coincided with the enlargement of the northern jun Ub’ah K’awil, not only was the military prowess of
platform of the acropolis, beginning with Structure 1B-5- Quirigua celebrated, but the site core of Quirigua and
2nd. Just to the west of this structure, 1B-Sub.2-2nd and outlying centers were readied for additional military ac-
Sub.3-2nd were buried and replaced by Structures 1B- tion. By 756, the year in which Stela J was dedicated,
Sub.2 and 1B-Sub.3, which had north-facing doorways Quirigua was being transformed from a scattering of
as did their predecessors. Although situated on a slightly small settlements into an independent polity with con-
lower level than 1B-5-2nd, Structure 1B-Sub.3 was con- trolled access points at its periphery and a defensible cit-
nected by a wall to the earlier edifice, further restricting adel at the center. At the focal point of this activity was a
access to the acropolis from this side. newly planted group of stelae that celebrated both the
At the same time that access to the Quirigua acropolis history of the center and the power of its vigorous ruler.
was becoming increasingly restricted, sites at crucial en- These increasingly tall and sophisticated monuments
trance points to the Motagua valley adjacent to Quirigua (Stelae S, H, and J) were set up in a huge new plaza space
were elaborated. During the eighth century, construction that symbolically recreated a sacred location associated
was carried out at Loci 002, 011, 089, and 092 and proba- with the rain deity where K’ak’ Tiliw claimed to have sac-
bly also at 023/024, 057, and 059 (Fig. 1.1; Ashmore rificed his former overlord. As such, the portrait images
1984: 380; Schortman 1993: 214–215). At greater dis- became vehicles for promoting the persona of the ruler as
tances from the site core, numerous sites in the lower an aspect of this divine entity, which was also conveyed by
Motagua valley saw major construction at this time. his royal name. The texts and imagery of the monuments
Nearly all of these valley centers date between 740 and served to affirm this victory as well as to promise the
850 and were probably not politically subordinate to continuing protection of Quirigua and the fertility of
Quirigua. Their growth attests to a regional prosperity the land through the patronage of the ruler possessed by
during much of the eighth and early ninth centuries. the power of lightning and rain. As colossal sculpted
Usually, construction at the site-periphery loci employed monuments, these stones were also evidence of Quiri-
the flat-faced sandstone facing typical of acropolis con- gua’s newfound wealth. The message was not ambig-
struction. Several of these sites seem to have functioned uous: sacred warfare promises prosperity and fertility.
as “traffic control stations,” including Loci 011 and 057, Each monument in the series is distinctive, not only
which were located at the points at which the Quirigua representing changes within the sculpture workshops
River and the Jubuco River entered the Motagua valley, but also suggesting an intense dialogue with Copan
and Locus 002, which was situated on a promontory through iconography, form, and siting. Quirigua Stela H
overlooking the entire upper valley. Locus 092 might also in particular seems to reinterpret specific features of pre-
be placed in this category, as it was situated at a point vious Copan monuments, such as the interlaced glyphic
where the Jubuco and Morjá Rivers bent toward each frame of CPN Stela J and its location at an equivalent posi-
other, near their confluences with the Motagua. tion in the overall site plan. Quirigua Stela J seems to ad-
Intriguingly, Locus 057 was located on one of the most dress more contemporary developments and can be seen
probable routes to Copan, suggesting that the site at this as a response particularly to CPN Stela M and the Hiero-
time may have been a lookout station for enemy troops glyphic Stairway. As such, the early stelae of K’ak’ Tiliw
coming from Copan or its allied towns, presumably in are symptomatic of the rapidly evolving political stance
Honduras. Such an interpretation is consistent with the at Quirigua. The precise manner in which imagery is
consideration of contemporary acropolis construction as adapted from one monument into another is also highly
defensive in nature and with the celebration of Quiri- suggestive of the notion that Maya monumental images
gua’s military power through the Great Plaza and Stelae functioned as active surrogates for royal authority, which
H and J. In addition, these outlying sites may have been exercised considerable sway over political events. From
way stations designed to mediate diplomatic relation- this perspective, the recurrence of formal features among
ships between Quirigua and small Honduran centers. As several monuments could be interpreted as a map of the
we will see in the next chapter, K’ak’ Tiliw succeeded in political landscape, embodied in human form.
762 in allying himself with one of the former enemies of Deeply ingrained in this aesthetic discourse, however,
Copan that may have been located in this region. is an attempt to ground the revival of Quirigua in local

120 lightning warrior

traditions. Stela H in particular suggests a revitalization which Quirigua was a growing and possibly even an inde-
of the polity through compositional and iconographic pendent center, as implied by the inscription of Stela C,
references to Monument 26, dedicated more than two the comparison between these two monumental groups
and one-half centuries previously by the fourth Quirigua may have suggested the dawning of a new age of prosper-
ruler. Additionally, this monument was set up next to ity and sovereignty during the reign of K’ak’ Tiliw. While
Structure 1A-11, a replica of the ancient Structure 3C-14, making no known reference to a specific antique monu-
which served as the original context of Monument 26. In ment, Stela J further enhanced K’ak’ Tiliw’s prestige
fact, the plaza associated with Structure 3C-14 was used through its meticulous execution and emphasis on a
as a place of ritual after its destruction (Ashmore n.d.). blocklike sculptural mass, legitimated by the great works
This activity was apparently condoned by the court, so of the past. In these features, it distinctly foreshadows the
that the site was left unmodified, to serve as a place of sculptural developments that were to follow in the newest
public gathering for commemorative ceremonies. Be- performance space at Quirigua—Platform 1A-1.
cause the Early Classic may have been seen as a time in

the first stelae of k’ak’ tiliw 121

 4
DREAMS OF POWER

Stelae F, D, and E

of central importance in the promulgation of the Like Stelae H and J, the northern stelae were surrounded
divine personae of K’ak’ Tiliw during the last twenty by raised platforms with large rectangular stone perime-
years of his sixty-year reign was a program of six colossal ters (Fig. 4.2a). Instead of the simple intruded pit of Stela
stone sculptures, including five stelae and one zoom- H, however, the northern monuments were set in their
orphic throne. Continuing the tradition of monument foundations upon stone slabs and braced with other
dedications every hotun, these monuments were arranged large stones set against the shaft (Fig. 4.2b). Gaps in the
in a rectangular pattern, marking off twenty-five tuns of north sides of these foundations suggest that the stelae
history and defining a grand ritual space. Conceived as a were first placed with the upper shaft pointing to the
unified program, this group of monuments represents south and then raised up toward the north, with the butt
an elaborate manipulation of the central concepts of slipping into the socket.2 In their original appearance,
Classic Maya elite lore and serves as both a memorial and the elevated platforms of the stelae planted atop Platform
a political statement. Part of the significance of this 1A-1 enhanced the height of the monuments and created
statement derives from the adaptation of numerous a perimeter that separated the viewer from the shaft by 4
iconographic and rhetorical concepts from earlier sculp- to 6 m.
ture programs at Copan, particularly from those of Wax- Platform 1A-1 also supported a large mound, Structure
aklajun Ub’ah K’awil. Taken in the context of recent 1A-3, built on its northern edge in two phases, cor-
events, these similarities suggest an attempt to appropri- responding to each of the phases of the adjacent plat-
ate the traditions of Copan, thereby legitimating K’ak’ form. The first phase of the structure measured 82.5 m
Tiliw’s political ascendancy. Because of the complexity of from east to west, 20 m from south to north, and 7 m in
the program, however, only the first three stelae of Plat- height. An inset stairway extended along most (63 m) of
form 1A-1 are discussed in this chapter. the south face of Structure 1A-3. A later addition to 1A-3
As a setting for this program, the Great Plaza was en- was undertaken mostly on the northern side of the struc-
larged northward through the construction of Platform ture and was never finished. Formally, this structure
1A-1 (Fig. 4.1). This enormous platform (about 100 x 85 served as the backdrop for the program of monuments
m) was built in two phases, the first supporting Stelae F placed in front of it, indicating that the program’s
and D with a later westward expansion to support Stelae “front” face was directed toward the south. Further, the
E, C, and A and Zoomorph B. The platform was made raised mound suggested a new symbolic dimension for
primarily of river cobbles, filling in a natural depression the Great Plaza, with designated celestial and under-
and rising about 0.5 m above the level of the southern world zones. The raising of Structure 1A-3 and Platform
portion of the plaza, which displayed Stelae H and J.1 1A-1 seems to have identified the northern reaches of the
Like the southern portion of the Great Plaza, the surface plaza with the sky, which complemented the aquatic, un-
of Platform 1A-1 was paved with stone slabs and joined to derworld associations of the southern part of the Great
the southern portions by a simple sloping cobble wall. Plaza. The arrangement of these two spatial zones along

122
 portance to the 1A-1 program. Indeed, the monument is
one of the great masterpieces of Quirigua, leading Mor-
ley (1937–1938, vol. 4: 130) to opine that “Quirigua had
reached its sculptural apogee by the time this monument
was erected, 9.16.10.0.0. The glyphs on the sides of Stela
Structure 1A-3
F [Fig. 4.4] are among the most beautiful in the Old Em-
pire, indeed the writer feels that the glyphs on Stelae F
and D at Quirigua are the finest in the Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Mayarum.” A slender shaft, tapering gently to-
ward the top, Stela F dwarfs its predecessor, Stela J, and
grandly proclaims the beginning of a new program of
Stela A Stela C
monuments. In fact, at the time it was dedicated, Stela F
Stela D
was the tallest monument yet erected by the Maya and
Zoomorph B was only surpassed ten years later by QRG Stela E.
Although both the east and west texts of Stela F begin
with initial series statements, the two texts are not inde-
pendent but rather represent a single continuous narra-
tive (Figs. 4.5, 4.6). Like all of the monuments erected on

Stela E Stela F

4.1. Platform 1A-1 plan. Drawing by author.

a north–south axis evokes a widespread Mesoamerican

template for the creation of sacred landscape, in which a
vertical axis connecting earth with sky and underworld is
reoriented horizontally as a north–south axis (Ashmore
1989; Reilly 1994). While continuing the tradition of
monument dedications in a plaza as seen at Copan, the a
Platform 1A-1 program represents a distinctive symbolic
elaboration that connected Quirigua’s performance
areas into some of the most ancient concepts of architec-
ture in Mesoamerica.

Stela F (Dedicated March 17, 761)

The first monument erected on Platform 1A-1 was Stela F,
an immense (7.3 m) sandstone monolith carved with im- b
ages of the king on the south and north sides and texts 4.2. QRG stela foundations: a, Stela F platform, plan. From
on the east and west faces (Figs. 4.3, I.5). A model for Strömsvik 1941: Fig. 8d; b, Stela E foundation, section. From
iconography, composition, programming, and textual Strömsvik 1941: Fig. 9f, courtesy Carnegie Institution of Wash-
formats that would follow, Stela F is of fundamental im- ington.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 123
 4.4. QRG Stela F, east text detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

Platform 1A-1, the Stela F texts read from the east to the
west, following the movement of the sun.3 This reading
order is suggested by comparison of its texts with each
other and with the predecessor, Stela J. In particular, the
east text of Stela F begins with a statement of the current
period ending, while the west text ends in the same time
frame. This suggests that these points represent the be-
ginning and end of the overall narrative, as otherwise
they would be separated by a redundant initial series. In
addition, as discussed in the preceding chapter, the Stela
J text begins on the east face (reverse) with a description
of the period-ending ritual then shifts time frame to the
recent past on the sides and continues back to the pres-
ent. If read from east to west, the text of Stela F follows a
similar narrative pattern, beginning with the current pe-
riod ending then shifting time frame to the past and con-
4.3. QRG Stela F, south face. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Ar-
tinuing through historical time back to the present.
chaeology, vol. 2, Plate 34 (reversal corrected). From the facsim-
ile edition of Biologia Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival The east text begins with a Long Count date of 9.16.10.
Maudslay. Published 1974 by Milpatron Publishing Corp., 0.0, 1 Ajaw 3 Sip (March 17, 761) followed by a full lunar
Stamford, Conn. Further reproduction prohibited. series (Fig. 4.5). The dedication rites are the scattering of

124 lightning warrior

 incense and the planting or erection of the stela by K’ak’ C14.5 The scale of the shift, however, is truly astonishing,
Tiliw.4 The clauses that follow are presented in a differ- recorded as the passage of 0 alawtuns [206 tuns], comple-
ent time frame, however, associated with dates in the dis- tion of 19 x 207 tuns, ending on a Calendar Round of 1
tant past that constitute a supernatural precedent for the Ajaw 13 Mol. Placing this date in the Long Count proves
current period ending. The shift backward in time frame problematic, in that there is not enough information to
is indicated by the affixation on the “completion” verb at firmly associate it with a particular period ending in the

C D C D

stone,
1 he plants it 11

2 K’ak’ Tiliw 12

3
13 0 alawtuns

14 on 1 Ajaw
completed
13 Mol
5 19 x 207 tuns

15 it happened
6 at

Black Lake 16 13 kalab’

7 place, 0 piktuns on 1 Ajaw

13 Yaxk’in
decapitates,
9.16.10.0.0 17
8 [victim]
(March 17,
761)

under his
18
9 supervision
incense is
scattered

10 [agent] 19

4.5. QRG Stela F, east text. Drawing by author.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 125
 A B A B

9.15.6.14.6
1 11
(May 3, 738)

2 Waxaklajun
12 Ub’ah K’awil
decapitation

3
13
under his K’ak’ Tiliw
supervision

4
Black Hole
14 place
it happened at

5
9.15.10.0.0 stela
15
9.14.13.4.17 (June 30, 741) Copan
(Jan. 2, 725)
he receives
6
God K
the tripod
16 is manifested
14th in
K’ak’ 7 succession,
Tiliw founding
house
17
on 9.15.0.0.0
(Aug. 22, 731)
8

18
black
9 Copan ajaw

9.16.10.0.0 19
10

4.6. QRG Stela F, west text. Drawing by author.

past.6 The completion of 19 x 207 tuns on 1 Ajaw 13 Mol sage further compares the period endings, giving one of
occurs about every 24 trillion years. In essence, this un- the locations where the ancient period ending took place
imaginably large cycle of time suggests that the event as the Black Lake place. This toponym is identical to the
happened “ages ago,” prior to the present Creation. The location where Stela F was planted, the Great Plaza, so
justification for the inclusion of this date is that it pro- named on Stelae H and J. The homology of toponyms
vides a mythological precedent for the period ending cel- casts the dedication of Stela F in a supernatural context.
ebrated by K’ak’ Tiliw on 9.16.10.0.0. The following pas- The passage which terminates the east-face text of

126 lightning warrior

Stela F gives a second mythic prototype for the 9.16.10. solar day corresponding to 13.0.0.0.0 (August 13). The
0.0 period ending. It begins with 0 piktuns (203 tuns), 13 Stela F “era event” thus likens the k’atun ending to the
kalab’tuns? (204 tuns?), followed by a Calendar Round primordial reordering of the cosmos. Moreover, the cita-
date of 1 Ajaw 13 Yaxk’in. Like the previous supernatural tion of this expression in the context of the 9.15.0.0.0 pe-
period-ending records, it is not possible to place this riod ending highlights the identity of its tzolk’in position
Calendar Round in the Long Count, according to stand- with that of 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 8 Kumk’u. This phrase also
ard arithmetical rules. Nonetheless, the placement of incorporates a term spelled k’o-b’a, which has been inter-
this date on 1 Ajaw represents a manipulation of the cal- preted as k’oob’ “hearth stones,” based on a Yukatek word
endar in order to compare the period ending and mytho- (Freidel and MacLeod 2000: 3). In Ch’orti’, however, the
logical dates. The event on this date is a decapitation, fol- cognate of this term, ch’uhp’ or ch’uhb’(en), refers not only
lowed by what must be the name and titles of the to the three stones of a hearth but also to the groupings
unknown supernatural victim, followed by the agent.7 of stones laid at either end of the house as a base for the
The text then continues on the west side of the stela, ridge pole (Fought 1972: 336; see also Wisdom 1950:
moving into a historical temporal frame (Fig. 4.6). In ad- 708). Thus, the “era event” may refer to the foundation of
dition to being a summary of historical events, however, the cosmic house in terms of various supporting tripods,
the west text of Stela F is composed in a narrative not only the hearth. The stone tripod was likely seen by
sequence that specifically enhances the ritual identity of the Maya in the constellation of Orion, partially overlap-
K’ak’ Tiliw as an incarnation of the lightning god, ping with the turtle seen in the belt stars (Fig. 4.7; Frei-
Chaak. The initial series is written in abbreviated form, del, Schele, and Parker 1993: 79–83). In fact, Orion was
without a lunar series: 9.14.13.4.17 12 Kab’an 5 K’ayab’. visible near zenith before dawn on 9.15.0.0.0 (August 22,
The event is the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw, described as the 731).
receiving of a God K image, followed by K’ak’ Tiliw’s Taken in the context of the other events recorded on
names and titles.8 As on Stela J, the “fourteenth in suc- the west text of Stela F, the “era event” may also be inter-
cession of the founding house” title appears in this preted as an important element of rituals of rainmaking
sequence, stressing the antiquity of the Quirigua dynasty (Looper 2003). This interpretation follows from a com-
and its ultimate origins at Copan. Further, K’ak’ Tiliw is parison of the Stela F narrative with contemporary
referred to as a “black Copan ajaw,” thereby expressing Ch’orti’ meteorological practices. As described by Girard
his relationship to a greater polity. Like the text of Stela J, (1966: 8–32) for Quetzaltepeque, the ceremonies com-
the text of Stela F proceeds to compare the accession to mence on February 8, a date corresponding to cosmic
the decapitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. This, then, Creation. The initial act is a pilgrimage to a sacred pool
is the historical event for which the supernatural analogy called El Orégano, located to the west of town. This pool
was provided on the east face. An agency expression is considered to be a portal to the underworld as well as a
names K’ak’ Tiliw as the supervisor of this ritual. As dis-
cussed in the previous chapter, the Black Hole location of
decapitation follows. Next is a record of the 9.15.10.0.0
period ending, noted with only the nonverbal glyphs la-
kamtun xukpi “huge stone [stela] Copan.” Oddly enough,
no stelae are known to have been erected at Quirigua or
Copan for this period ending. Hence the complete signif-
icance of this passage is unclear.
The next event in the Stela F text is of key significance.
The text records the previous period ending as a half-pe-
riod of the k’atun noted at A17, 9.15.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 13 Yax.
The event recorded for this k’atun ending is the “era
event,” a verbal phrase otherwise associated with the be-
ginning of the current era, 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 8 Kumk’u
(see Introduction and Fig. I.11). While its appearance on
Stela F in a historical context is anomalous, it is worth
noting that the date upon which the 9.15.0.0.0 period 4.7. Celestial turtle bearing a stone tripod, Madrid Codex, p.
ending fell was August 22, 731, only nine days after the 71a. Drawing by author.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 127
cosmic basin that feeds the clouds. At the pool a cloth is monument with Stela E, which would be dedicated on
spread on the ground, and upon it are placed five gourds 9.17.0.0.0 in the southwestern corner of the platform. To
of chilate, a ceremonial drink made of maize and cacao. summarize the entire inscription, the east text of Stela F
Arranged in a quincunx, these offerings constitute a records the dedication of the monument, provides an an-
“payment” to the gods (Fought 1972: 416), an enticement cient, supernatural background for the period ending,
to the directional deities that are asked to withhold the and gives an account of a mythical decapitation. The west
wind and rain until the proper time. Upon return to text cites the accession of the king, connects it through a
Quetzaltepeque, the elders perform a ritual in the confra- distance number to the decapitation of the Copan ruler,
ternity house in which malevolent winds are captured and then proceeds through historical period endings to
and sealed in jugs. Otherwise, these winds might escape the current celebration. The west text of Stela F presents
from the underworld, causing disease and crop failure the history of Quirigua as if it were a grand meteorologi-
(see Fought 1972: 266–267). The jugs are placed under cal ceremony. This theme is prefigured by the content of
the altar, a table upon which the image of the local saint the east-face inscription, which highlights a supernatu-
stands, together with containers of virgin water from Es- ral decapitation, a ritual action used by the Ch’orti’ to
quipulas and a “canoe” or wooden trough (see Wisdom control rain. While their specific content varies, we shall
1940: 147). These objects are arranged in a quincunx, see that the narrative structure of Stela F serves as the ba-
with the canoe in the center, the two vessels of water to sic pattern for the subsequent two stelae of K’ak’ Tiliw, D
the east, and the two jugs of “wind” to the west. A second and E, the figural images of which are also similar to
quincunx, this time of river stones gathered previously at Stela F.
the El Orégano pool, is erected on top of the table, under- Like all the other monuments of Platform 1A-1, Stela F
neath the saint’s seat. Finally, a feast is served on an adja- features royal images that explicitly relate to and expand
cent table. upon specific passages of its inscription. The texts and
The purposes of the rites of early February are there- images of the six monuments are thus woven into pat-
fore to gather the sacred materials needed for sub- terns, binding them together into a unified program. In
sequent rituals and to arrange them in the agricultural the case of Stela F, the passage elaborated is the Creation
temple in preparation for the inaugural ceremonies for event cited in the context of the 9.15.0.0.0 period ending
the rainy season, which include the planting of an in- at B16b. As viewed from the dock-entrance to the plaza
scribed cross at the sacred spring on April 22 and the tur- and the acropolis, the 1A-1 program has a clear front
key sacrifice on the zenith passage (discussed in the pre- side, which faces south. Beginning the analysis on this
vious chapter). The correspondence between the Ch’orti’ side, the obverse of Stela F bears the image of the king in
ritual sequence and that described on Quirigua Stela F is a standardized frontal pose, standing upon a basal reg-
shown in Table 4.1. It is, of course, true that the events at ister (Fig. 4.8). Reinforcing the main theme of the in-
Quirigua unfolded over a period of several years and that scriptions, this register is carved in the image of Chaak,
their sequence in the solar calendar is the reverse of that the deity of lightning and rain (Fig. 4.9). Diagnostic fea-
of the Ch’orti’. Nevertheless, the similarity in content of
the ancient and modern narratives suggests that the cere-
Table 4.1. Comparison of Ch’orti’ Rainmaking Sequence and
monies at Quirigua were based on meteorological mod-
Events Recorded on Quirigua Stela F, West Text
els, like those of the Ch’orti’, but performed as royal
drama. The prominent place of meteorological rituals on
Ch’orti’ Quirigua
the monuments of the Great Plaza, and particularly on
Stela F, suggests the importance of the supernatural per-
“Creation”; setting stones “era event” (establishment of
sona of Chaak to K’ak’ Tiliw’s political agendas in the in shrine (February 8) a stone tripod?) (August 22, 731)
years following the decapitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah (Stela F, B16)
K’awil.
erection of inscribed cross “stela Copan” (June 30, 741)
The final passage of the text of Stela F brings the nar-
(April 22) (Stela F, B15)
rative back to the current period ending. A distance
number of 1.16.13.3 counts from the accession, 12 Ka- decapitation of turkey decapitation of ruler at underworld
b’an 5 K’ayab’, to 9.16.10.0.0 1 Ajaw 3 Sip. A half-period at underworld location location (May 3, 738) (Stela F,
(April 30–May 1) A12–B14)
expression anchors this period ending to the next k’atun
ending, 9.17.0.0.0, foreshadowing the pairing of the

128 lightning warrior

 4.9. QRG Stela F, south face basal register, rolled out. Drawing
by author.

tures of this god are the shell earflares and its long, pro-
truding nose. Emerging from the top of this zoomorphic
head is a human (possibly an ancestor) wearing the at-
tributes of royalty, including a mosaic collar, earflares,
and a personified headdress. The hands of this figure
emerge from above the shell earflares of Chaak.
The main portrait of K’ak’ Tiliw shows him in the rit-
ual role as an axis linking earth, sky, and underworld. His
personified-waterlily sandals mark the aquatic under-
world in which he stands, while the huge feathered head-
dress with personification heads places his head in the
celestial realm. The heavy belt assemblage, associated
with the ballgame and agriculture, suggests a symbolic
earthly pivot between the realms. The main heads of the
headdress are the same as those of Stela J, possibly per-
sonifications of the royal crown or “Jester Gods.” Abun-
dant jewelry in the form of knee ornaments, armbands,
cuffs, collar and shoulder medallions, and earflares rep-
resents the flowers of the ceiba tree, as do the square-
nosed serpent heads that border the loincloth and flank
the T1017 (“God C-variant”) head at the apex of the head-
dress. This T1017 head is also characteristic of the cos-
mic ceiba tree and appears repeatedly in the royal cos-
tume of Stela F south, on the shoulder medallions and
loincloth. The loincloth is particularly significant, as its
large size draws attention to the genital area of the ruler.
4.8. QRG Stela F, south face figure, rolled out. Drawing by au- The open mouth of the deity emits a complex of interlace
thor. designs, leaves, beads, earflares, and glyphs reading sak
“white” and the T533 “Ajaw face.” These elements are a
metaphor for breath or life force, implying that life
forces originate in the loins of the king. This symbol,
which appears prominently in the stelae of Quirigua,

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 129
identifies the ruler as a source of life through manifesta- panel and QRG Stela F argues for the interpretation of
tion of male sexual potency. Similar combinations of in- the Quirigua snake as the ecliptic. Indeed, like the eclip-
terlaces, flowers, and serpent heads are common in tic, it is arranged on the stela stretched from east to west.
headdresses at Quirigua (as on Stela F south), probably The double-headed serpent ecliptic on the Palenque sar-
symbolizing the cosmic umbilicus drawn from the sky by cophagus is composed of bell-shaped elements akin to
the ruler. those of QRG Stela F south.
Additional references to the ritual manifestation of vi- The Principal Bird Deity appears in many ancient Maya
tal forces by the king appear in the upper area of Stela F images, marking a celestial zone and grasping a snake-
south. Here an image of a celestial bird or Principal Bird like twisted cord in its beak, as on Caracol Stela 5 or Pied-
Deity perches at the top of the headdress, out of which ras Negras Stela 14 (Fig. 4.11; Taube 1994: 659–660).
descend bell-like forms linked in vertical strands. These Such images are metaphorical representations of the
bell-shaped elements are profile representations of the conjuration or birth of supernaturals, in which the Prin-
central element of earflare assemblages, which symbol- cipal Bird Deity focuses supernatural powers which are
ize ceiba flowers in Maya iconography.9 The king’s hands then transmitted into the world through the serpent. In
grasp these strands of effigy flowers, which descend past this interpretation, the double-headed snake is the an-
his chest, to the bottom of his belt, where they terminate alog of both the birth rope which hangs from the center
in snake heads, splayed outward. The lower jaw of each of the ceiling of a house (onto which a woman holds
serpent is replaced by an assemblage composed of an ir- when giving birth) and the Yukatek utáab’al ’e ka’an
regular shape with two spots, from which are suspended “drawstring of the sky,” a vine that is manipulated in rain
a mat, two beads, and an earflare (out of which emerge ceremonies to guide prayers skyward magically.10 Both
three additional earflares), followed by textile strips. The ropes are symbolic umbilici, capable of channeling di-
same combination of elements emerging from double- vine energies or blessings. The Yukatek cosmic rope is
headed serpent jaws appears in the central icon of the connected to a portal in the center of the sky, where the
main panel of the Palenque Temple of the Cross (Fig. sun sits at zenith.
I.9b). This image has been interpreted as a representa- In Classic Maya images, the manifestation of cosmic
tion of the Milky Way in its configuration as the “world umbilici is associated with the northern sky, as on a pol-
tree,” in which the snake represents the ecliptic running ychrome vessel from Motul de San José (Fig. 4.12).11 In
from east to west (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: this image gods are seated among twisted, snake-headed
78–79). Somewhat closer to home, the same combina- cords, while the text records a divine birth at nah ho’ chan
tion is held in twin serpent mouths that flank the ruler’s witz xaman “first five sky, northern mountain.” The im-
feet on the base of CPN Stela I (Fig. 4.10). The direct sub- portance of the northern location for the manifestation
stitution of snake, bird, and king/cross in the Palenque of the cosmic umbilicus is tied to the arrival of the rainy
season. In the Maya area the onset of the rainy season co-
incides with the movement of the sun northward, from
its southern, dry-season path, toward its zenith. Thus, as
the ecliptic travels northward over the course of the year,
it appears to “pull” the sun toward zenith. As noted in
the previous chapter, the date of the first zenith passage
was celebrated at Quirigua on May 3, 738, by the decap-
itation of the Copan king Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. In
addition to being a political event, this ritual magically
induced rainfall through the flow of blood onto the
earth. It was thus in part an agricultural ceremony, assur-
ing that, while the sun was in the north, the rainfall
needed to nourish growing maize seedlings would come.
Several scenes from the Postclassic Madrid Codex re-
iterate these concepts. On page 10, twisted cords fall
from heaven, bearing a deity enclosed in a shower of rain
4.10. Serpent with spotted element in place of lower jaw. CPN (Fig. 4.13a). This scene is elaborated on page 5, where
Stela I, west face detail. Drawing by author. the twisted cords are rendered as entwined snakes that

130 lightning warrior

4.11. Principal Bird Deity holding cosmic umbilicus in its beak.
Piedras Negras Stela 14, detail. Drawing by author.

4.12. Classic polychrome vessel from Motul de San José. Draw-

ing by author.

descend from the sky and support Chaak, who expels 1987). Another image that connects the twisted celestial
moisture on a prone deity below (Fig. 4.13b). Such im- umbilicus to the rainy season appears on page 19 of the
ages prefigure contemporary Maya beliefs in supernatu- Madrid Codex (Fig. 4.14). This image shows deities per-
ral snakes that bring rain (such as the Chikchans of the forming blood sacrifice using a rope threaded through
Ch’orti’) and represent a continuation of Classic-period their penises. The rope used in this ritual is marked with
notions of the cords as sources of life and vitality (Spero a “sun” glyph, identifying it as the ecliptic (Pope 1999).

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 131
 marked by the Principal Bird Deity. This could be inter-
preted as a ritual action meant to induce rainfall. The
king’s action recalls specifically the posture of the young
goddess shown on side I of a Classic-period vessel (Fig.
4.15), who is represented giving birth with the supernat-
ural midwife, Goddess O, in attendance (Taube 1994).
The image not only implies that the king gives birth (to
a
gods) but—because his birth rope is the ecliptic—casts
him as a creator god, pulling from the sky the umbilicus
of Creation.12 Such an act relates closely to the passage in
the west text of the stela, which mentions the appearance
of the cosmic stone tripod (B16). In Maya myth these
stones were carried on the back of the turtle out of which
maize was reborn through the agency of the lightning
deity, Chaak. The appearance of this deity’s face on the
basal register of Stela F seemingly relates to this mythic
sequence. The imagery of Stela F south may thus be char-
acterized as embodying a dual ceremony, in which rain-
making is combined with world-creation. The image is a
prime example of the linkage between these two do-
mains in Classic Maya royal ritual, in which the period-
b
4.13. The cosmic umbilicus in the Madrid Codex: a, p. 10c, de-
tail; b, p. 5, detail. Drawings by author.

This image represents yet another way in which the com-

ing of rain (symbolized by the sacrificial blood of celes-
tial deities) is closely related to the manifestation of the
cosmic umbilicus-ecliptic.
The Principal Bird Deity from which versions of the cel-
estial umbilicus emerge, as on Quirigua Stela F, probably
identifies the Classic Maya celestial portal. It is likely that
the bird symbolizes a constellation located near the north
celestial pole, such as the Big Dipper. This being may
have been seen as the agent that actually pulled the eclip-
tic northward. When it reached this point, the cords fell to
earth, bringing rain. Indeed, the name of this bird incor-
porates the root itz, meaning “sap, dew, nectar” or other
types of seeping liquid (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993:
410–412). The same root is used to form the Yukatek term
yíitzil ka’an, which refers to a cosmological fluid conduit
that connects sky and earth (Sosa 1985: 435–436). The
Principal Bird Deity’s flower diadem with flowing nectar
also refers to this aspect. The name of the bird connotes
its associations with earthly fructification—in particular,
the flowering of the earth that follows the rains.
The south image of Stela F, then, represents the king
manifesting the floral path of the sun, the ecliptic, which 4.14. Deities using cosmic rope to let blood from penises. Ma-
emerges from the region of the north celestial pole drid Codex, p. 19. Drawing by author.

132 lightning warrior

 lily signs, indicate the surface of the underworld else-
where in Maya art, as on Copan Structures 10L-22 and 11.
The skeletal heads upon which the waterlily personifica-
tions of the headdress perch also signal the surface of the
underworld. Atop their heads appear dotted leaves, bear-
ing doubled diagonal marks. Similar diagonal marks ap-
pear on the waterlily personification heads which adorn
the ruler’s sandal backs.
A second major difference between the two faces of
Stela F is that on the north side the king wears a large tri-
lobed mosaic pectoral emblazoned with the Jester God
and holds in his right hand a God K scepter and in his left
a shield bearing the image of the Jaguar War God. One of
the most remarkable compositional aspects of this im-
age is the manner in which the scepter is held, fully vis-
ible in the right hand and bisecting the entire composi-
tion in a bold diagonal. This dramatic break in the rigid
bilateral symmetry which otherwise dominates the entire
composition serves to emphasize this emblem and,
secondarily, the shield. This triad of emblems repeats
iconography seen on Stela J, erected five tuns earlier. Its
significance is to identify the ruler with the powers of
Creation inherent in growing plants. The shield and
scepter symbolize warfare and ancestral connections, re-
spectively, while the pectoral is associated with transfor-
mation and rebirth through ascension to rulership. In
addition, as a lightning axe, the scepter relates to the
king’s role as a rainmaker (Chaak).
The imagery of the south and north sides of Stela F
thus amplifies the reference to Creation appearing in the
4.15. Classic polychrome vessel (the “Birth Vase”; K5113), side west text, through a dramatic display of the king dressed
I, detail. Drawing by author.
as a cosmic tree, surrounded by the paired forces of
birth. The south face depicts celestial forces, embodied
ending ceremony allowed kings to claim powers over in the cosmic umbilicus, while the north features the fe-
both (pro)creation and production. More specifically, it cund waters of the underworld, identified with after-
elaborates the cosmic domains appropriate to K’ak’ birth. As the monument’s text relates the appearance of
Tiliw as a manifestation of the rain deity and the source the image of the turtle in the sky, the imagery shows the
of sustenance. forces of birth that were contained within this turtle,
The north (reverse) face of Stela F (Fig. 4.16) shows the brought forth and successfully organized and controlled
ruler wearing a nearly identical costume to that on the by the king during the period-ending celebration which
south side, but there are a few salient differences. First, reenacted Creation. These images of birth constitute the
while a celestial cord descends from the headdress on foundation for the interpretation of the king’s accession
the south, here a water band springs out of skeletal as a mystical rebirth. The accession is implied by the sak-
heads, flanked by full-figure waterlily personifications. pectoral/God K/shield combination of attributes appear-
The basal register of Stela F north also differs from that ing on the north side and reinforced by the highlighted
of the south, representing a skull marked with curls sur- textual account of this event. On Stela F the placement of
rounded by rings of dots inscribed within half-quatre- accession text and image within the context of Creation
foils (Fig. 4.17). These markings on the basal skull iden- stresses the congruency of these two events with each
tify it with the aquatic domain of the underworld (Stone other and with the period ending, celebrated through the
1983). Similar skulls, often marked with water or water- dedication of the monument itself.13

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 133
 4.17. QRG Stela F, north-face basal register, rolled out. Draw-
ing by author.

While the monument celebrates the ruler’s control

over the feminine powers of birth, his masculinity is em-
phasized. This quality is apparent in his nudity, the phal-
lic upright quality of the monument, and the stiff apron
that covers (and thus emphasizes) the genital area. It is
also seen in the short beard that the ruler wears on both
obverse and reverse. In fact, this beard recurs on all royal
portraits of the 1A-1 program but is absent on Stelae H
and J, suggesting that it has an iconographic function re-
lated to the symbolism of the program as a whole (as dis-
cussed below). In the context of Stela F, the beard con-
tributes to the mixed sexual persona portrayed by the
ruler, in which the costume signals control of male re-
productive powers, while the posture grasping the celes-
tial cords is associated with feminine powers of birth.

Relations with K’ak’ Yipyaj of Copan

The statement of the origins of royal power that derive
from the birth of the cosmos conveyed through the care-
fully coordinated text and image of Stela F is much more
elaborate than that of Stela J, its predecessor by a hotun.
Notably absent from Stela F is the martial imagery seen
on Stela J. Such an iconographic shift, however, does not
imply that relations with Copan had cooled. On the con-
trary, just as the victory over Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil is
recorded on the west side of Stela F, so K’ak’ Tiliw was
engaged in courting former enemies of Copan. The rec-
ords of these events appear several years after the fact on
4.16. QRG Stela F, north-face figure, rolled out. Drawing by au-
thor. Stela E and on Altars O' and P', commissioned by his suc-
cessor, Sky Xul. The date was November 28, 762, and the
event was the taking of a palanquin or litter of the type
that the Maya employed to transport deity images (Fig.

134 lightning warrior

4.18a). The agent is named with a glyph that includes a birds, such as Mo’ Witz (“Macaw Mountain”).16 What-
sun sign placed above a compound of a jaguar head with ever its location, the texts suggest that many years after
upraised arms. This entity, nicknamed K’in B’alam, is the defeat of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, K’ak’ Tiliw was
termed an ajaw of a site provisionally read as “Xkuy.”14 still engaged in military actions in the former sphere of
Elsewhere in the text of Stela E the same title appears, Copan. In this case, he provided aid to a small site that
together with a toponym composed of a numeral six, a previously had been a victim of Copan aggression. The
“shell-in-hand” sign, and nal (Fig. 4.18b). The “Xkuy citation of this lord on Quirigua monuments implies that
ajaw” is mentioned here as an observer of the period end- the Xkuy lord’s assistance was important in maintaining
ing. The passage recording the receiving of the palanquin Quirigua’s sovereignty. In fact, we might speculate that
concludes with an agency expression, indicating that this site provided support during the war of 738. Such
K’ak’ Tiliw supported the military actions of this lord. disgruntled enemies of Copan would have made ideal
Although the Xkuy/“Six Shell-in-Hand” place cannot allies for K’ak’ Tiliw. Unfortunately, there are no texts to
at this time be identified with an actual site, it is also confirm this.
mentioned on an inscribed cylindrical stone fragment The reference to Xkuy so many years after the sacrifice
from Copan. This text names both Xkuy and the Six of the Copan king also gives substance to the interpreta-
Shell-in-Hand place as a site that was burned by the king tion that warlike iconographic programs at Copan and
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil on February 20, 718 (Fig. Quirigua were directed specifically at each other. More-
4.19).15 The use of the bat head to name this site also sug- over, it shows that the interaction between the two sites
gests that it was in the Copan hegemony, as the Copan falls within well-known patterns of Classic Maya war-
emblem glyph includes a bat main sign (T756ab). The fare. Military campaigns often not only were conducted
name of Copan may have been Xukpi or Xukup, after the over long periods and in series of battles but were carried
motmot, a type of flycatcher (Momotus momota). Addi- out against smaller sites allied to the enemy. Xkuy lords
tional toponyms at Copan derive from the names of were present at the death of K’ak’ Tiliw and were in-
volved in another war in concert with Quirigua in 786
(see Chapter 6). Further, K’ak’ Tiliw’s relationship with
Xkuy in 762 provides circumstantial support for the in-
volvement of Calakmul in Quirigua’s affairs after 736, as
this would have discouraged Copan from suppressing al-
9.16.11.13.1 receives a
liances between Quirigua and Copan’s enemies, such as
(Nov. 28, 762) palanquin? Xkuy. With the protection of Calakmul, K’ak’ Tiliw and
his successor Sky Xul could conduct wars with impunity,
not only gaining trophies, tribute, and prestige for Quiri-
K’in B’alam Xkuy ajaw,
under his
gua but also serving Calakmul’s relentless campaign to
supervision destabilize Tikal and its allies.
The continuing antagonism between Quirigua and
Copan in the 760s is paralleled by contrasting political
programs expressed through monumental art. Ded-
incense-offerer
(K’ak’ Tiliw) icated by the ruler K’ak’ Yipyaj on the same date as QRG
Stela F, CPN Stela N (Fig. 4.20) draws on the most an-
cient iconographic traditions of Copan, depicting the
a
conjuration of supernatural beings through a vision rite.
Intriguingly, like Stela F, K’ak’ Yipyaj’s monument pres-
ents figures on opposite faces, oriented to the north and
he witnesses
Xkuy ajaw, south. At Copan this choice may be understood as a re-
Six Shell-in-Hand vival of local modes of the past, since Waxaklajun Ub’ah
it
place
K’awil and his predecessor, Smoke Imix, both commis-
b sioned double-figured monuments. The earliest of these
was CPN Stela 3, erected by Smoke Imix in 652. Next was
4.18. References to the Xkuy ajaw on QRG Stela E: a, Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s Stela C in 711 (Fig. 4.21).
A14–A16a; b, A20a–B20. Drawings by author. Both the north and south sides of CPN Stela N feature

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 135
 burns
Xkuy

Waxaklajun 9.14.6.5.9 Six Shell-in-

Ub’ah K’awil (Feb. 20, 718) Hand place

4.19. Inscribed cylindrical monument, Copan museum. Draw-

ing by author.

similar imagery, with aquatic iconography dominant.

The headdresses consist of zoomorphic heads topped
with large waterlily pads and blossoms. Small ancestor
figures are seated at the top of the headdress. On the
north face (front), water bands—marked with le glyphs
similarly to QRG Stela J—descend from the headdress
and are terminated by reptile heads, which wrap around
the sides of the stela. These heads are capped with
“smoking ajaw” faces that symbolize the vital force of
breath and have a jaguar ear, a “cruller” wrapped about
the eye, and a long “shell beard.” These elements identify
the creature as an aspect of the Jaguar War God, which
may symbolize the dry season moon (Milbrath 1999:
124–126). The date of dedication of CPN Stela N cor-
responded to the date of new moon during the height of
the dry season. Glyph C of the monument’s lunar series
records this event as the first day of the Jaguar War God
lunation. The God K figures conjured from the double-
headed serpent bar by the ruler may refer to the appear-
ance of Jupiter at two weeks past its stationary point.
Among the most remarkable features of this stela,
however, are the twisted snakes, terminating in square
snouts, that writhe along the edges of the figure on both
sides. These snakes, clearly examples of the cosmic um-
bilicus, emerge from the earth out of supernatural maws
that open behind the ruler’s legs. Shooting upward, the
bodies twist about one another, as on the Motul de San
José vase (Fig. 4.12). Also, like the vase, they bear images

4.20. CPN Stela N, south face. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Ar-

chaeology, vol. 1, Plate 81. From the facsimile edition of Biologia
Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published 1974
by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further re-
production prohibited.

136 lightning warrior

4.21. CPN Stela C, west face. Photo by author.

of deities and ancestors seated along their length. Some pan monument attempts to materialize a supernatural
of these spirit beings have turban headdresses, as if rep- entity, whereas the Quirigua monument depicts a cos-
resenting ancestral rulers of Copan. The name of the tume element that perhaps actually descended from a
monument appears to reference this iconography: yax headdress worn by K’ak’ Tiliw.18 Certainly this icon-
pasaj ha’ ?? tunil “first dawn, water ?? stone object” (A17– ographic over-lap cannot be attributed to chance, any
18). The “dawn” is represented as the earth opening its more than the emphasis on aquatic imagery on both
maws to the east and west, so that spirit beings may be monuments. Like the monuments commissioned a hotun
reborn.17 The emphasis on twisted celestial cords seen earlier, Stela F and Stela N employ similar iconography
in CPN Stela N recalls a similar iconographic theme on to express a common ritual base for competing period-
the south face of QRG Stela F, although the Quirigua ending ceremonies.
monument shows the cords descending from the sky and A different form of competition between the two
rendered as strings of earflare assemblages. The funda- sites is uniquely expressed in certain features that K’ak’
mental difference between the two stelae is that the Co- Tiliw’s stela clearly adapts from various Copan sources.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 137
Outstanding is the inclusion of references to supernatu- While the iconography and texts of QRG Stela F and
ral period endings in the east-face text, which was un- CPN Stela N are similar, the styles of the two stelae are
precedented at Quirigua but which is also employed on strikingly different. Even compared to its antecedent
CPN Stela N on the west face. Here the text shifts tem- QRG Stela J, Stela F is far more columnar in conception
poral frames, moving backward by a distance number of and tapers gradually toward its apex, enhancing the im-
14.17.19.10.0.0 to a 1 Ajaw 8 Ch’en period ending. In pression of its height. To retain legibility of the king’s
what was doubtless a response to this rhetorical strategy, face at such a height, the sculptors realized the facial
the Quirigua text includes not one but two equivalent pe- form and the personification heads of the headdress as
riod endings, both calculated on a scale that dwarfs that rounded masses cut deeply from the ground. Such ex-
of Copan. Coupled with the huge scale of Stela F, the at- ecution allows the face of the king to be visible from a
tempt to surpass Copan on many levels—economic, in- great distance, even in the blazing sunlight of the Great
tellectual, artistic—is readily apparent. But it was not Plaza, which tends to flatten surfaces. The remainder of
merely an attempt to better the art of K’ak’ Yipyaj, whose the figure is executed consistently in an accomplished
stela recalls the precedent of format and textual rhetoric low-relief style, which distinguishes elements of anat-
established by earlier stelae at Copan. The inclusion of omy and costume in layered, parallel planes, following
supernatural prototypes for period endings had been ini- the technique of Stela J. Recalling its predecessor as well
tiated decades earlier on CPN Stela C, which includes at are frequent double outlines and the gentle rounding of
least four ancient period-ending records, one on the selected shapes, such as serpent heads and medallions.
south side and three surviving dates on the north. On Glyphic renderings are similar to Stela J, but the blocks
Stela C the distance between the dedication date of the are more rectangular (Fig. 4.22). Stela F also evokes the
monument and the first ancient period ending is 4,617 style of the Early Classic Monument 26, especially in its
years, while the second date on the north side cor- rectangular cross-section with clearly defined edges and
responds to the end of 13 kalab’tuns (2,050,146.46 years) the wrapping of the figure continuously onto the sides.
prior to Creation. Whereas Stela J emphasized the wrapping of the head-
Through appropriation and adaptation, CPN Stela N dress only onto the sides of the monument, myriad cos-
draws on the prestige of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s great tume elements of the Stela F figures intrude onto the east
stela and, in turn, on the models of that monument. and west panels (Fig. 4.23), including the faces of per-
Therefore, the double-faced format, iconography, and sonified waterlilies, which provide visual interest adja-
textual rhetoric of Stela F erected by K’ak’ Tiliw may be cent to the fields of feathers that occupy the upper half of
interpreted as an attempt to appropriate the sculpture the east and west sides. The king’s elbows, collar, medal-
tradition of Copan and in particular the royal ceremonial lions, and belt heads, in addition to feathers, stress the
heritage that reached back from K’ak’ Yipyaj to Waxakla- wrap-around compositional mode in a much more
jun Ub’ah K’awil and beyond. The reference to CPN Stela consistent manner than on Stela J, the lower section of
C is especially strong, as this monument shows the Co- which is conceived relatively three-dimensionally, akin to
pan ruler in contrasting guises. On the east side, Waxak- Stela H. The emphasis on a wrap-around composition
lajun Ub’ah K’awil wears a caiman apron that probably strongly evokes the sculptural tradition of Early Classic
identifies him with the appearance of the Milky Way at Quirigua.
sunset on the night of the monument dedication in 711 In dramatic contrast to these tendencies at Quirigua,
(Schele and Mathews 1998: 142–144). Further, CPN Stela Copan Stela N is executed with exaggerated undercutting
C features twisted cords adjacent to the headdress, sym- over the entire monument that nearly surpasses the most
bolically analogous to the earflare strings manipulated flamboyant of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s stelae (Fig.
by K’ak’ Tiliw on Stela F south. The west face of CPN 4.20). The twisted celestial cords that the figure man-
Stela C shows the king, this time bearded, standing be- ifests during the vision rite writhe along the length of the
fore an altar in the form of a turtle (Fig. 4.21). While it is monument’s edges, breaking up the silhouette of the
not certain, this image may represent the ruler partic- shaft. The glyphs, too, retain the rounded puffiness of
ipating in one of the supernatural period endings men- Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil’s Stelae A, B, F, and H (Fig.
tioned in the north text, in which a turtle is said to be 3.45). Such adherence to the sculptural aesthetics of the
dedicated at a place called ik’ hun ?? nal (B5–B6). If this in- reign of his predecessor stresses dynastic continuity at
terpretation is correct, it sets the precedent not only for Copan. A similar message may be discerned from the
QRG Stela F but also for QRG Stelae D and E. text on the rectangular slab base of Stela N, inscribed on

138 lightning warrior

4.22. QRG Stela F, east text, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

representations of cloth bindings. Two of these strips

record the accession of K’ak’ Yipyaj’s predecessor, K’ak’
Joplaj, while the other two record the ruler’s own acces-
sion, naming him the son of the former ruler. Thus, the
accessions of the two rulers inscribed on these bindings
provide a symbolic support for the current period end-
ing. The style of the monument seems to echo this em-
phasis on dynastic continuity. Whether or not these cor-
respondences were intentional, the contrasts between
Copan Stela N and Quirigua Stela F are indexes of local
developments, referencing the sophistication and dis-
tinctiveness of native sculptural traditions.

Stela D (Dedicated February 19, 766)

Marking the second corner of the 1A-1 platform is Stela
D, placed at the foot of Structure 1A-3 about 63 m north
of Stela F (Fig. 4.24). At about 6 m in height, the shaft is
somewhat shorter than Stela F but still follows its prede-
cessor in basic format. Inscriptions occupy almost the
entire east and west faces, with the first seven glyphs on

4.23. QRG Stela F, east face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 139
each side realized in spectacular full-figure form (Fig.
4.25). The text begins on the east side with the date of the
monument erection, 9.16.15.0.0 7 Ajaw 18 Pop (February
19, 766) and, like Stela F, with a lunar series (Fig. 4.26).
The dedication rites include both erection of the stone
and a scattering ritual by K’ak’ Tiliw. The name of the
monument, k’an te’ nah chan yo’at/yo’pat “yellow tree
building/first, celestial Yo’at/Yo’pat,” is crucial to the in-
terpretation of its ritual significance. This name is clearly
a celestial reference, as Yo’at/Yo’pat is the name of the
lightning deity responsible for splitting the turtle shell
out of which maize is reborn. The first part of this name
relates closely to this myth as well: it is the same as that
of the Foliated Cross motif at Palenque—a deified maize
plant. The monument, then, is named through a specific
reference to astronomical phenomena that symbolized
the critical moment in Creation lore when maize was res-
urrected through the actions of a lightning deity. This
designation explicitly identifies the stela, adorned with
colossal portraits of the king, as the vehicle for K’ak’
Tiliw’s persona as Yo’at/Yo’pat.
Subsequent events serve to develop this theme. Fol-
lowing the pattern established by Stela F, the Stela D east
text next records the completion of a period ending in the
far distant past, of 13 k’inchiltuns followed by the Cal-
endar Round 7 Ajaw 3 Pop. Once again, the precise
placement of this date in the Long Count remains prob-
lematic. The event recorded for this date is yilijiy ahkul
k’an nun? “he witnessed the turtle yellow ??”—probably a
reference to the vision of the turtle constellation in
Orion’s belt. The agent, K’ak’ Tiliw, is indicated only by a
title that he also carries on Stela F. This passage suggests
that K’ak’ Tiliw saw the turtle through a vision or dream
in which he traveled into the past. Further, in view of an-
cient Maya notions of the vitalizing force of royal sight, it
is likely that this passage implies that through his altered
state of consciousness K’ak’ Tiliw was able to enact the
events of Creation. The place of the vision is indicated
also, with a toponym composed of a yax sign, a dotted
skull with T-shaped pupil, and nal, the toponymic mark-
er. This “dream sequence” is echoed by the final passage 4.24. QRG Stela D, north. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Archae-
of the east side, which records the witnessing of the cur- ology, vol. 2, Plate 22. From the facsimile edition of Biologia
rent period ending by K’ak’ Tiliw. The parallel tzolk’in po- Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published 1974
sitions and verbs of ancient and contemporary period by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further re-
endings recorded in this text suggest that K’ak’ Tiliw also production prohibited.
witnessed the turtle constellation at 9.16.15.0.0. In fact,
on the evening of monument dedication (February 19,
766), the turtle constellation in Orion would have been
visible to all at Quirigua, appearing high in the sky at
sunset (Fig. 4.27).

140 lightning warrior

 The time frame of the west text of Stela D again shifts literally time-traveled through a vision or dream. The
back to the past, beginning with a record of the date king’s attire on Stela D south as well as north includes
9.16.13.4.17 8 Kab’an 5 Yaxk’in (June 6, 764), once more most of the botanical symbols seen previously on Stela F
followed by the lunar series (Fig. 4.28). The event is the (e.g., the waterlily sandals, God C-variant loincloth,
completion of two k’atuns of reign by K’ak’ Tiliw, includ- heavy belt, ornaments, and earflares). The headdress
ing the location where the anniversary was celebrated. flanges on both faces feature floral rosettes to which are
Next is an event involving a deity named Jun Pih K’uh, attached serpent heads and, on the north face, interlaces
followed by a reference to vision rites similar to that re- and earflares. These motifs symbolize the celestial um-
corded on Stela J. The time frame then returns to the cur- bilicus and probably relate to the naming of the monu-
rent period ending, on which the stela is invested with ment after the k’an te’ nah place of the maize deity’s re-
the status of ajaw and K’ak’ Tiliw performs a scattering birth. Following Stela F north, the portraits of Stela D
ritual.19 show the king holding the God K scepter and shield and
Following the pattern established by Stela F, the fig- wearing a medallion ornament, a triad of emblems that
ures of Stela D amplify an astronomical event mentioned underscores his association with the regrowth of maize
in the text: the appearance of the turtle constellation and other plants. Although almost completely eroded,
cited in the east inscription. The figure on the south side remaining outlines of the scepter indicate that it was held
(Figs. 4.29, 4.30) stands on a basal register in the form of diagonally, while the shield is frontal. In the uppermost
the skeletal waterlily personification head, a variant of register of the south-face headdress appears an image of
which also appears on the Stela F north basal register. In the Principal Bird Deity. This image, of astronomical sig-
this case, however, the skull has a yax in the forehead, nificance, also reinforces the supernatural nature of the
dots on the cheeks, and T-shaped pupils. It is thus identi- imagery, as this being is associated with the era before
cal to the place mentioned in the east text where the an- the cosmos was put in order in 3114 b.c.20
cient 7 Ajaw 3 Pop period ending was observed. This ba- The north-face figure (Fig. 4.31) is similar to that of
sal register gives the context for the image of the ruler the south face, although far better preserved. Again the
above as a supernatural location, to which the king has king wields the emblems of power, although oddly the

4.25. QRG Stela D, east text, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 141
 C D C D

13

2
14

3
15

16

5 it is planted,
9.16.15.0.0 17
k’an te’ nah chan
(February 19, 766)
6 7 Ajaw stone,
he scatters incense
yo’at/yo’pat,
18
its divine name

7 19
K’ak’ Tiliw

8
he witnessed
13 k’inchiltuns, 20 the turtle yellow??
since 7 Ajaw
3 Pop

first/green??
9 [K’ak’ Tiliw], 21
place cave?, and
it happened at then it happens
10
9.16.15.0.0, 22 K’ak’ Tiliw
it is witnessed by

11 4.26. QRG Stela D, east text. Drawing by author.

12

142 lightning warrior

 of the sun is probably also implied by the design of the
king’s earflares, which, in contrast with those of the
south face, are rendered as k’in “sun” glyphs. Yet another
astronomical reference may be embodied in the odd ges-
ture of the ruler with the God K scepter. As the date of
dedication of Stela D was close to the second stationary
point of Jupiter, the holding of the figure downward may
symbolize the stasis of the planet.
The imagery of Stela D thus shows the king in contrast-
ing celestial personae. The south face depicts the ruler in
a dream or trance state, journeying into the remote past to
witness (and thereby set in motion) an ancient period
ending. The south basal register gives the name of the
place where the turtle constellation was witnessed in the
remote past, while the Principal Bird Deity in the head-
dress reinforces the pre-Creation context of this event.
The north face, in contrast, shows the king performing
the period ending in 766, with current astronomical
(principally lunar) events symbolized by the basal register
4.27. Sky map, February 19, 766, sunset. Drawing by author..
and headdress. Thus, while Stela F shows the ruler in the
diverse cosmic realms of sky and underworld, Stela D em-
God K scepter is held in the left hand. This is unique in phasizes contrasting temporal frames. Even so, it contin-
the Quirigua corpus. Further, the scepter is held horizon- ues the precedent for double-faced portraits established
tally, at waist level, and the shield is represented in pro- by Stela F and, by extension, Copan Stelae N, C, and 3.
file. The headdress is also different from the south face, Stela D is also closely related to Stela F stylistically,
featuring a skull with moon signs replacing the lower with its carving retaining most of the principles of mod-
jaw, placed atop double avian chan “sky” personification eling, overlapping, and design of its predecessor (Fig.
heads. While Kelley (1977a: 61) took this image to be a 4.32). The most significant innovation of Stela D is the
reference to a lunar eclipse, it is more likely that it sym- modification of the upper portion of the stela into a box-
bolizes the moon on the dedication date of Stela D, like frame in which projecting columns of feathers
which corresponded to the first day of the skull lunation bracket the flat panels to the sides of the face and head-
as noted in the east-face lunar series (C16b). An alterna- dress. On the north side (Fig. 4.33), this frame is only
tive interpretation is that the headdress skull is a refer- partial, beginning at the level of the first personification
ence to Venus, which was in conjunction with the moon head of the headdress and increasing toward the chin of
on this date (Milbrath 1999: 137). the king’s face. On the south, twin columns of feathers
A second reference to the moon may also appear in the extend over the entire length of the headdress, creating
basal register of Stela D north, which depicts the Jaguar dark recessed areas on either side of the royal visage,
War God combined with a glyph having the phonetic thus enhancing the illumination of the face (Fig. 4.30).
value sa. This deity is probably a reference to the dry-sea- First articulated on Stela D, this effect appears consis-
son moon, while its positioning in the basal register may tently in the subsequent stelae of K’ak’ Tiliw, both in-
suggest invisibility or a horizon phenomenon. Although creasing the dramatic focus on the face and headdress
the precise combination of Jaguar War God plus sa is and emphasizing the four sides of the monument. Addi-
unique in Maya art, the sa sign may relate to the record of tional sculptural passages call attention to the rectangu-
the new moon on the Palenque Palace Tablet, which is lar cross-section of the monument, such as a sharper
composed of sa and the head of a Death God, which rep- wrapping of the design around the edges relative to Stela
resents “completion” or “zero” in texts. In Ch’ol, sahten F. The projection of the edge is even used to give convex-
means “gone (moon, new moon)” (Attinasi 1973: 313). ity to the maize deity head still intact on the southeast
Although technically the moon was 1.3 days old on the corner (Fig. 4.34). This emphasis on the wrap-around
night of dedication, it was recorded as dark in the lunar composition recalls Monument 26 as well as earlier ste-
series of the east text.21 The loss of the moon in the glare lae of K’ak’ Tiliw.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 143
 A B A B

13

2
14

15

16
5

17 he completes
6 9.16.13.4.17 the second k’atun
(June 6, 764) in reign

18
K’ak’ Tiliw
7

8 19

9 [event involving 20
Jun Pih K’uh]

10
[vision event] 21

11
9.16.15.0.0
22 and then his image?
(Feb. 19, 766)
is made ajaw

12 he scatters
incense K’ak’ Tiliw
23

4.28. QRG Stela D, west text. Drawing by author.

24
 4.30. QRG Stela D, south. Neg. no. 346, photo by Dr. Gafford,
courtesy San Diego Museum of Man.

4.29. QRG Stela D, south face, rolled out. Drawing by author.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 145
 4.32. QRG Stela D, north face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

4.31. QRG Stela D, north face, rolled out. Drawing by author.

4.33. QRG Stela D, north face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

146 lightning warrior

 Over the years, the monument gradually tilted farther
and farther from the vertical, inspiring much speculation
as to the length of the butt needed to sustain the massive
strain. By 1917 heavy rains had finally softened the mon-
ument’s foundation so much that Stela E fell over com-
pletely yet remained unbroken. The stela’s butt thus re-
vealed was found to be less than 3 m long, with the total
length of the monument being 10.6 m. Weighing in at
around sixty-five tons, the stela is the largest stone ever
quarried by the ancient Maya. In 1934 the archaeologist
Gustav Strömsvik attempted to raise the monument
using a winch and steel cables. Sadly, just short of suc-
cess, the cable broke, sending the monument plummet-
ing to the ground and breaking it cleanly in two pieces.
The concrete used to reconnect the fragments is today
clearly visible near the figures’ necks. The nose on the
north side also has a complicated history, having twice
been cemented to the shaft, only to fall off each time. All
that remains of it now is an iron reinforcing rod installed
in the last futile repair attempt.
Stela E begins the elaboration of the west side of Plat-
form 1A-1, located on its southwest corner. Like Stelae F
and D, the figures on the north and south faces show the
ruler holding the God K scepter and Jaguar War God
shield and wearing the sak-pectoral (Figs. 4.36, 4.37). As
on earlier stelae, these emblems are emphasized by the
fact that they break the compositional symmetry. Also
following the two previous stelae, Stela E features a text
read from east to west, in two initial series inscriptions.
4.34. QRG Stela D, east face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles. The east text records the raising of the monument by
K’ak’ Tiliw, following an initial series date of 9.17.0.0.0
and a Lunar Series (Fig. 4.38).22 The proper name of the
monument derives from the two supernatural beings
Stela E (Dedicated January 24, 771) that occupy the headdress on the north and south faces.
In his book Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and The first glyph (C10), yax chit? (Fig. 4.39a), corresponds
Yucatan, John Lloyd Stephens (1841, vol. 2: 121–122) pub- to the north-face image of a supernatural with “squint-
lished vivid impressions of Quirigua that made the site ing” eyes, a T580 forehead infix (Fig. 4.39b). The yax
and its monuments world-famous, including Stela E sign is located to the left of this head, atop a God-C vari-
(Fig. 4.35). He described the monument as ant head. The second glyph (D10; Fig. 4.40a) consists of
a “shell-in-hand” sign, which signifies “zero” or “com-
an obelisk or carved stone, twenty-six feet out of the ground,
and probably six or eight feet under. . . . It is leaning
pletion,” followed by a compound that refers to the life-
twelve feet two inches out of the perpendicular, and seems force residing in breath: sak nik ik’. The first part of this
ready to fall, which is probably prevented only by a tree that glyph refers to the being in the south-face headdress,
has grown up against it and the large stones around the which has hands replacing the lower mandible and “per-
base. The side toward the ground represents the figure of a centage sign” markings on its cheeks (Fig. 4.40b). This
man, very perfect and finely sculptured. The upper side being substitutes for the “shell-in-hand” sign in the in-
seemed the same, but was so hidden by vegetation as to scriptions. The second part of the glyph at D10 is proba-
make it somewhat uncertain. The other two contain hierog- bly referenced by the flower and serpent imagery in the
lyphics in low relief. In size and sculpture this is the finest of headdress flanges, which refers to the celestial umbili-
the whole. cus.23

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 147
148 lightning warrior
Facing page
4.35. QRG Stela E, south face. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Ar-
chaeology, vol. 2, Plate 27. From the facsimile edition of Biologia
Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published 1974
by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further re-
production prohibited.

4.37. QRG Stela E, north face, figure, rolled out. Drawing by

author.
4.36. QRG Stela E, south face, figure, rolled out. Drawing by
author.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 149
 C D C D

11
1

12
completed 19??
2

13 Ajaw
13 18 Sak
it happened on
3

14
he witnessed it,
Ik’ Ma’
4

15
[location]
5 completed 6??

under the
13 Ajaw 16 supervision of
6 13 Wo Mixnal

Mountain,
it happened at 17 this is
7
First Harvest?
under the
yellow tree
supervision of
building place,
his image
8 18 ??headdress
star

he scatters
incense,
9 19 13 Ajaw
it is planted K’ak’ Tiliw
9.17.0.0.0 (9.17.0.0.0)
(Jan. 24, 771)

[name of stela] 20
10

4.38. QRG Stela E, east text. Drawing by author.

150 lightning warrior

 C10 A18 B18a

a c

4.39. Correspondence of text and image, QRG Stela E: a, C10;

b, north face; and c, A18–B18a. Drawings by author.

D18

D10

4.40. Correspondence of text and image, QRG Stela E: a, D10;

b, south face; and c, D18. Drawings by author.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 151
 Following the model of Stela F, the text shifts the time riod ending, with the event recorded as a scattering of in-
frame back to record two period endings in the remote cense. The final clause of the text refers to the witnessing
past, overseen by supernatural beings. The first follows of these events by the ajaw of Xkuy. This passage under-
the completion of nineteen units of an unknown period, scores the importance of this ally to K’ak’ Tiliw, who was
with the Calendar Round written as 13 Ajaw 18 Sak. It is present at Quirigua to witness and, by implication, to su-
witnessed by a being also mentioned on a carved bone in pervise the dedication of this great monument.
the Dallas Art Museum, at an unknown location (see In addition to providing a selective political history of
Schele 1992b: 166). The second period ending is associ- Quirigua and the supernatural prototypes for the period
ated with the completion of six units of unknown mag- ending, the text of Stela E helps in the decoding of the
nitude on 13 Ajaw 13 Wo, at a place possibly translated as figural portions of the monument. The description of the
“First Harvest Mountain.”24 Interestingly, the temporal current period-ending ritual in the west text is particu-
unit noted here is the same as the name of the Great larly informative, as preceding the name of K’ak’ Tiliw is
Plaza as recorded on Stela H (M2). It is also mentioned as a series of glyphs consisting of a “squint-eyed,” long-
the location of a supernatural event on Stela F (C16). lipped head suffixed by what is probably the syllabic sign
Many of the high temporal cycles have names that are wo, followed by chan “sky” and k’awil (Fig. 4.39c). These
similar or identical to known supernatural locations, glyphs correspond to the iconography of the north-face
suggesting that visits to supernatural locations by Maya portrait, which features the same “squinting” deity with
kings were understood as being synonymous with time- a necklace composed of a “sky” glyph and the flanking
travel. One being who oversaw this second period end- smoking mirrors of God K (k’awil) (Fig. 4.39b). Thus, the
ing, Mixnal, is also mentioned at Yaxchilan in a title for north-face portrait is that of K’ak’ Tiliw performing dur-
the ruler Bird Jaguar (Werner Nahm and Nikolai Grube, ing the 9.17.0.0.0 period ending. Logically, we would ex-
cited by Schele 1991a: 47). pect that the corresponding passage on the east text
In addition, a second supervisor is said to have over- would correspond to the headdress on the south face;
seen this ritual, who is not K’ak’ Tiliw himself but the however, a conclusive comparison is not possible. The
b’ahil or “image” of the ruler. This strongly suggests that compound naming the headdress at D18 reads k’an te’ nah
portraits of rulers were capable of acting as agents on be- nal? ?? hun ek’ or “yellow tree building/first place? ?? head-
half of the rulers themselves. As long as monuments en- dress star” (Fig. 4.40c). The first part of this compound,
dured, so the kings’ power was continuously deployed. k’an te’ nah, may refer to the iconography of the south-
Further, just as monuments perpetuated the royal body face headdress flanges, which feature rosettes with
into the future, they may have been seen as allowing the snake heads (Fig. 4.40b), identical to those of Stela D
king to visit remote places and times through the inte- south. In the Stela D text the same k’an te’ nah combina-
gration of his spirit with the primordial material of tion names the monument. In conclusion, the two faces
stone. Again, the precise Long Count placement of the of Stela E may represent a program exactly analogous to
ancient period endings mentioned in the Stela E text is Stela D, with the south side depicting the ruler conduct-
not possible. The reader is clearly meant to interpret ing the mythic 13 Ajaw 13 Wo period ending and the
these events as supernatural prototypes for K’ak’ Tiliw’s north showing the ruler in the historical present (a.d.
current period ending, for they are immediately followed 771).
by an account of the dedication ritual for Stela E, in The interpretation of the south-face image as the ruler
which drops of incense were scattered. conducting a supernaturally ancient period-ending cel-
The west text of Stela E follows exactly the narrative ebration is supported by the iconography of the basal
structure of Stela F, beginning with an initial series rec- register of this side (Fig. 4.42). This image depicts a per-
ord of the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw but here followed by a sonified hill or mountain holding the Principal Bird
lunar series (Fig. 4.41). The accession is written as the re- Deity in its mouth (Stone 1983). The wings of this bird
ceiving of God K, under the authority of Waxaklajun are wrapped around on the east and west faces of the
Ub’ah K’awil, Copan ajaw. The next date recorded is the monument. Above the wings appear personification
9.15.0.0.0 period ending (a.d. 731), on which an un- heads that emerge from the mountain. At the termini of
known event occurred, followed by records of the decap- these heads are flower signs with emerging fragrance
itation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil in 738 and the taking scrolls. These flowers probably underscore the symbol-
of war trophies by K’in B’alam of Xkuy, the ally of K’ak’ ism of mountains as sources of fertility. As noted in the
Tiliw, in 762. Finally, the text returns to the current pe- context of Stela D, the Principal Bird Deity probably has

152 lightning warrior

 A B A B

11
[event]
1

9.15.6.14.6 12
(May 3, 738) decapitation

Waxaklajun 13
Ub’ah K’awil

3
9.16.11.13.1
(Nov. 28, 762) 14 receives a palanquin?

K’in B’alam 15 Xkuy ajaw, under

his supervision

5
incense-offerer
[K’ak’ Tiliw]
16
6

9.17.0.0.0
(Jan. 24, 771) 17 he scatters incense
7
9.14.13.4.17
(Jan. 2, 725)

K’ak’ Tiliw
18
K’ak’ Tiliw 8 [reference to
receives image]
God K

under the
19
supervision of 9
Waxaklajun
Ub’ah K’awil
Xkuy ajaw, Six
9.15.0.0.0 20 Shell-in-Hand
10 he place
(Aug. 22, 731)
witnesses it

4.41. QRG Stela E, west text. Drawing by author.

astronomical symbolism but also is utilized as a marker The equivalent basal register on the north face has
for a pre-Creation context. This meaning may apply to three linked personification heads that emerge from the
the case of Stela E, suggesting that the above image takes mountain (Fig. 4.43). These heads wrap around the side
place on an extremely ancient period ending at a super- of the monument and run the entire vertical length of the
natural location, possibly the First Harvest? Mountain basal register. Emerging directly from the mountain
mentioned in the east text at C17–D17. mouth on the north face is the youthful visage of a deity

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 153
4.42. QRG Stela E, south basal register, rolled out. Drawing by
author.

with a jaguar pelt on his cheeks, jaguar ears, a beard, and In its sculptural style, Stela E maintains the tradition
a headdress with three leaflike projections. The combi- of excellence begun with Stela J but also continues the
nation of these traits identifies the being as the personifi- trend toward flattening and wrapping of images seen in
cation of the number nine, who in other contexts is the Stelae F and D. Stela E has clearly defined corners for the
Hero Twin named Yax B’alam.25 Clenched between the length of the shaft, increased squaring of scrollwork and
teeth of this god is a phytomorphic element which costume elements relative to Stelae D and F (Fig. 4.46),
branches to the right and left then bends upward. At- and substantially more squared glyphs, which press
tached to this element on both sides, hanging upside against each other in a strict rectilinear grid. The glyphs
down, are heads with Roman noses, pointed incisors, eschew excessive detail, stressing the integrity of the flat
“squinting” eyes, jaguar paws above the ear, and scrolls vertical surface of the stone. Like Stela D, Stela E employs
with leaves emerging from the agnathous mouth. These sunken areas on either side of the king’s face in order to
heads belong to the god who is the patron of the month emphasize the royal visage (Fig. 4.47). The gradual de-
Pax, known to have a phonetic value of te in the inscrip- velopment of this feature from Stela F to D to E shows
tions. Thus, the combination of elements in the basal that the final extreme contrast between the high-relief
register may be read as a glyphic compound b’olonte witz face and low-relief figure is a formal development inter-
“nine mountains,” an expression known from the in- nal to Quirigua. It cannot be convincingly attributed to
scriptions of Copan, appearing on Stela I (Fig. 4.44). In an “influence” from other sites such as Piedras Negras,
the Copan text “nine mountains” occurs in a sequence as suggested by Arthur Miller (1983).26 In addition, Pros-
that appears to name patron deities of Copan. The reason kouriakoff (1950: 144) suggested that
for citing this location on Quirigua Stela E is unclear but there is a particular quality of some of the Quirigua scroll de-
may have been meant to imply K’ak’ Tiliw’s dominion signs which vaguely recalls the decoration of yokes found in
over a location sacred to Copan. This reference to a Co- the Totonac region, and the panels of the ball courts at Tajin.
pan location on Stela E reinforces the political statement . . . This type of design is characterized by abrupt changes
made through the prominent references to a former en- of direction in the outline of forms, by the use of interlaced
emy of Copan, the lord of Xkuy, as an ally of K’ak’ Tiliw elements, and by features of internal decoration of scrolls
in the west text. The mountain imagery may also relate to not typical of pure Maya forms. A striking example of this
the citation of an event on 9.15.0.0.0 in the west text. The style of decoration is the lower panels of Stela E, which uses
monument dedicated on this date at Copan was Stela B, superimposed heads, with the headdress of one serving as
the mouth of the next, and in which the motifs are almost
which features the ruler standing at the entrance of a
entirely obscured by the decorative pattern [see Fig. 4.48].
cave in Macaw Mountain (Fig. 4.45). The mountain im-
agery of QRG Stela E may paraphrase the iconography of But even in this case the search for precedents for such
the Copan stela. features outside Quirigua is not necessary. The “abrupt

154 lightning warrior

4.43. QRG Stela E, north basal register, rolled out. Drawing by
author.

4.44. “Nine mountains” toponym, from CPN Stela I, C3a.

Drawing by author.

changes of direction in the outline of forms” have been

noted previously in the squared scrolls of such monu-
ments as Structure 1B-2 and Stela H. The style of person-
ification heads seen on Stela E basal register is entirely
comparable to squared glyph styles of both Stelae D and
E. Furthermore, the scrolls on the base of Stela E are not
interlaced or “decorative” but represent distinctive icon-
ographic elements, such as the forehead, tooth, nose,
nostril, and mouth scroll of the personification heads.
Nor are there scrolls with inner decoration. In short, the
stylistic features of Stela E have a clear local lineage and
may even have been emphasized in order to draw atten-
tion to that heritage.

4.45. CPN Stela B. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 155
 Left
4.46. QRG Stela E, north face, cast. From Maudslay 1889–
1902, Archaeology, vol. 2, Plate 28a. From the facsimile edition
of Biologia Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Pub-
lished 1974 by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn.
Further reproduction prohibited.

4.47. QRG Stela E, north face, detail of face. Photo by Thomas

Tolles.

Conclusion
The complex of texts and images of Stela E develops
webs of meaning in the Platform 1A-1 program through
iconographic similarities with Stelae F and D. Aside from
their headdresses and basal registers, the royal portraits
of all three stelae are virtually identical, depicting the
king in association with triadic emblems. These identify
him with domains of warfare, supernatural communi-
cation, and rebirth through the universal metaphor of
maize. The God K scepter held by the ruler on all three
monuments further suggests his control of the power of

156 lightning warrior

 umental practices at Copan. While Stela F continues the
trend established by Stela J, quoting iconography directly
from contemporary monuments at Copan, the later Ste-
lae D and E make reference only to earlier sculptures at
Copan and their patrons, such as the reference to the de-
capitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil on Stela E. This
shift coincides with the accession of a new ruler at Copan
and suggests that the political relationship between the
two sites became less antagonistic after the death of
K’ak’ Yipyaj. As the next chapter shows, the culminating
monuments of the Platform 1A-1 program continue this
trend through an almost total disengagement from the
sculptural rhetoric of Copan. Instead, they focus on con-
tinuity of rule within Quirigua and promote the role of
the king as a universal architect.

4.48. QRG Stela E, east face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

lightning. Despite subtle differences among the monu-

ments, these are the dominant personae conveyed
through the iconography and texts.
The first three stelae of Platform 1A-1 are also unified
in other ways. The thematic correspondence of Stelae E
and D is close: both depict the king celebrating an an-
cient period ending on the south face and the historical
period ending on the north. The narrative structures of
the hieroglyphic texts of Stelae E and F are similar, pro-
ceeding from a historical period ending through two par-
adigmatic supernatural period endings on the east side.
The contrasting west-facing texts summarize the history
of the king’s reign from accession, through the decap-
itation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, to the present period
ending. Stela E thus generates links to Stela F through its
text and to Stela D through its iconography. Formally,
too, Stela E is related to both monuments but is espe-
cially connected to Stela F by its extreme height. Exceed-
ing Stela F only slightly in height (8 m as opposed to 7.3
m for Stela F), Stela E functions with Stela F as a huge
gateway into the north monument group of K’ak’ Tiliw.
At the same time, a distinct shift can be noted in the
way that the Quirigua sculptures make reference to mon-

s t e l a e f, d , a n d e 157
 5
FOUNDATION OF THE COSMIC HOUSE

Stelae C and A and Zoomorph B

the three monuments erected for the last two hotun Sky, First Three-Stone place.” Their dedication is over-
celebrations of K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign constitute the climax seen by an entity called “Six Sky ajaw,” which Freidel,
of the Platform 1A-1 program. They also stand as one of Schele, and Parker (1993: 73–74) identify with the
the most remarkable statements of the divinity of a Maya “Maize God.” In my view, there is insufficient evidence to
ruler known from the Classic period. Although Stelae C support this identification.
and A were dedicated as a pair on 9.17.5.0.0 and Zoom- This text is of great importance not only because it is
orph B five tuns later, these three sculptures constitute a the unique record in the Maya inscriptional corpus of the
single symbolic unit, a program within a program, which identities and agents of the three cosmic platforms or
I refer to as the “A-B-C program.” In addition, the monu- thrones but also because it introduces the entire A-B-C
ments were clearly designed to be “read” in a sequence, program by identifying the mythological reference for
beginning with the easternmost monument, Stela C, the three monuments as the three stones of Creation.
then Stela A, and finally Zoomorph B. Likewise, within The sequence in which the supernatural thrones are pre-
each monument, texts are read from east to west and im- sented establishes the pattern for the dedications of the
ages from south (obverse) to north (reverse). In order to three Quirigua monuments from east to west, with Stela
convey a clear understanding of the meaning of these C located farthest to the east and Zoomorph B placed just
monuments, this chapter begins with a discussion of the to the south and west of Stela A (Fig. 5.2). In addition,
group as a whole, before analyzing each monument in the first two platforms are depicted prominently on the
succession. obverse faces of Stelae C and A. Stela C shows an image
The A-B-C program is inaugurated by the east text of K’ak’ Tiliw holding in his arms a platform made of
of Stela C with an account of the creation of the cosmos jaguar pelt and crossed bones, with jaguar heads adorn-
(Fig. 5.1; see Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993; Looper ing the two sides (Fig. 5.3). Great floods of divine energy
1995b; MacLeod 1991; Schele 1992b). The two crucial spew forth from the ends of the object, emphasizing its
events noted here are the appearance and bundling of the supernatural nature and its identity with the first plat-
cosmic stone tripod. The wording used in reference to form of Creation. The second platform is pictured on
the appearance of the tripod is identical to that of Stela F, Stela A, cradled in the arms of K’ak’ Tiliw and matching
dedicated fifteen tuns earlier. The text goes on to describe the first object in all respects, save the snake head ter-
the establishment or dedication of each of these stones, mini which mark it as the second platform (Fig. 5.4).
noting the agents of dedication, the identity of the stone, This object is differentiated from a double-headed ser-
and its location. The first stone is a “jaguar platform,” set pent bar (such as shown on Stela H west) by its bone and
up by the Paddler deities at a place called “First Five Sky.” jaguar pelt construction and by the lack of spirit beings
The second stone, a “snake platform,” is planted by an emerging from the ends.
unknown deity at “Large Town(?).” The third stone is a Finally, the third platform or throne is recreated in ef-
“water platform,” erected by the god Itzamnah at “??- figy at Quirigua, embodied in Zoomorph B (Fig. 5.5).

158
This monument, identified as a platform by analogy with glyph which names Zoomorph B also includes a water-
the other zoomorphs at Quirigua, is carved in the form of lily-adorned creature (Fig. 5.7).
a crocodilian, known to Mayanists as the Cosmic Mon- In the previous chapter it was suggested that the root
ster (Stone 1983, 1985).1 Not only does the aquatic realm metaphor of the three cosmic platforms was a tripod of
of the crocodilian correspond to the third Creation stones used as an architectural support. And indeed, the
stone’s symbolism as a “water platform,” but the patron three Quirigua monuments are set up in a triangle rather
of the third platform, Itzamnah, is closely associated than a line, thus evoking this metaphor. Yet the three
with the Cosmic Monster. For example, polychrome ce- monuments are not equivalent. Although the two stelae
ramics depict the deity seated on thrones or benches that are set up as a pair and share size (ca. 4 m in height),
take the form of a skyband, a device which often rep- shape, composition, and dedication date, both artistic
resents the body of the Cosmic Monster (Fig. 5.6; Carl- form and dedication date distinguish the stelae from the
son and Landis 1985; see also Taube 1992: 36–40). The zoomorphic throne (Figs. 5.8, 5.9). Such patterns of

A B A B

three stones 7
1 they plant
are bundled

2 a stone,
8 Stingray
Jaguar Paddler
Paddler

3 it happened 9
jaguar platform/
at First Five Sky
throne stone

4 he plants 10
[deity]
a stone

13.0.0.0.0 snake platform/

5 (Aug. 13, it happened
11 throne stone
3114 b.c.) at Large Town?

the tripod is
6 and then it
manifested Itzamnah
happened, [he] 12
bundled a stone
5.1. QRG Stela C, east text. Drawing by author.

it happened
water platform/ 13
at ?? Sky
throne stone

14 13 b’aktuns are
First Three-
completed
Stone place

under his 15
Six Sky ajaw
supervision

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 159

 complementation and hierarchy apparent in the monu-
ment program suggest that the three stones of Creation
are not equivalent entities.
This conclusion is supported by a close reading of the
Stela A Stela C syntactic structure of the Stela C east text (Fig. 5.1). The
first two throne-settings are described in a parallel con-
struction or couplet, which emphasizes their comple-
N mentary relationship. Both clauses begin with an identi-
cal verb (utz’apaw “he plants it”), followed by the agent,
location, and name of the stone. Hierarchy between the
Zoomorph B first pair of thrones and the third is conveyed both by the
highlighting of the dedication passage of the third
5.2. QRG Platform 1A-1, plan showing arrangement of Stelae A throne by the conjunction i- “and then” and by the use of
and C and Zoomorph B. Drawing by author. a different verb (k’alaj “it is bundled”) from that em-
ployed in reference to the first two dedications. The syn-
tax following the dedication verb of the third stone also
differs from the first two phrases, reversing the sequence
of location and stone name. The syntactic and verbal var-
iance of the first two passages from the third character-
izes the third throne as distinct, defining its dedication
as a climactic event. In this sense, the narrative structure
of the Stela C text is comparable to the triadic parallel po-
etic form common in spoken Maya verse. In this style, a
variation in the third line of a parallel sequence of three
lines signals the end of the verse (Tedlock 1983: 220).
The patterns of complementation and hierarchy estab-
lished by the narrative of Creation of Stela C are rep-
licated in numerous images and art programs in the
Maya area. The Palenque Palace Tablet, for example, de-
picts the very thrones described in the text of Stela C in
order to support the cosmological connotations of the
5.3. QRG Stela C, south face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles. accession ceremony depicted (Fig. 5.10). The ruler,
seated in central position atop a throne marked with
aquatic (Xok) heads, is flanked by his parents, who are
shown atop jaguar- and snake-headed thrones (MacLeod
1991; Schele 1979: 58; see also Hellmuth 1987: 111–129).
These heads identify the thrones with the three platforms
of Creation. In this image the positioning of the jaguar
and snake thrones to the left and right of the king, as well
as their association with the ruler’s father and mother,
suggests their complementary relationship. In contrast,
the third throne is placed in the center of the composi-
tion and has two heads instead of one, implying its hier-
archical distinction from the others. The Xok-headed
water throne is also the seat of the living king, thereby
distinguishing it from the others by age and generation.
This association of youth with the water throne is con-
sistent with the Quirigua Stela C text, which cites this
5.4. QRG Stela A, south face, detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles. throne as the newest of the triad.
The three thrones represented on the Palace Tablet

160 lightning warrior

5.5. QRG Zoomorph B, east face, text removed. Drawing by also correspond to the identities of three supernatural
author.
patrons of Palenque: GI, GII, and GIII (God One, God
Two, and God Three) (Berlin 1963; Schele 1979: 61). The
jaguar throne corresponds to the jaguar features of GIII;
the snake throne matches GII, a snake-footed deity re-
lated to God K; and the piscine head of the central throne
refers to the aquatic features of GI. At Palenque the major
monument associated with these three deities is the
Cross Group, a triad of pyramids located in the site core
(Fig. 5.11). Arranged around three sides of a rectangular
plaza, each pyramid supports a shrine dedicated to one
of these gods. On the west and east sides of the plaza, the
Temple of the Sun and Temple of the Foliated Cross are
associated with GIII and GII. Framed by these two pyra-
mids and dominating them in height and axial position
is the Temple of the Cross, dedicated to GI. The triadic
5.6. Itzamnah and moon goddess enthroned. Classic poly-
structure of pyramids in the Cross Group thus replicates
chrome vessel (K504), detail. Drawing by author.
in architectural form the complementary relationship of
the jaguar and snake thrones seen at Quirigua and on the
Palace Tablet. The hierarchical dominance of the Temple
of the Cross corresponds to that of the third throne, the
water throne. The identities of the supernatural patrons
of the Palenque Cross Group suggest that the triadic
structure of Maya architecture could codify the same do-
mains of royal power as the three stones of Creation.2
Yet another example that links this poetic patterning
to Creation is found in the period-ending emblems dis-
cussed in the context of QRG Stela J (see Chapter 3).
These insignia include a shield and scepter held in the
two hands and a pectoral worn on the chest. The shield,
emblazoned with a Jaguar War God image, stands for the
5.7. QRG Zoomorph B, glyph 13. Drawing by author. first throne, while the serpent-footed God K scepter cor-
responds to the second throne. Held in the hands, these
two elements form a complementary pair and are distin-

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 161

5.8. QRG Stela C, south face. Photo by Jesse L. Nusbaum, 5.9. QRG Stela A, south face. Photo by Jesse L. Nusbaum,
courtesy of Museum of New Mexico, neg. no. 60884. courtesy of Museum of New Mexico, neg. no. 61305.

emblazoned with a Jaguar War God image, stands for the

guished hierarchically from the third element, whose
first throne, while the serpent-footed God K scepter cor-
aquatic symbolism indicates the third throne. Triadic
responds to the second throne. Held in the hands, these
These insignia include a shield and scepter held in the
two elements form a complementary pair and are dis-
two hands and a pectoral worn on the chest. The shield,
162 lightning warrior
 Temple of the Cross

Temple of the Sun

Temple of the Foliated Cross

GIII GI GII

5.11. Palenque Cross Group, with corresponding supernatural

patrons. Drawing by author.

inguished hierarchically from the third element, whose to the jaguar throne, while the mother sits upon the
aquatic symbolism indicates the third throne. Triadic snake throne (Fig. 5.10). While the jaguar throne rep-
emblems thus cast the king as a creator deity, endowed resents the canonical masculine domain of warfare, the
with the powers to set up space and time through the pe- association of the mother with the snake throne recalls
riod-ending celebration. The body is conceived as an ex- the close association of the female gender with rituals of
pressive medium through which symbolically significant bloodletting and ancestor communication.3 Based on the
poetic structures can be manipulated. biological potential of a woman as mother, this associa-
The three stones of Creation are distinguished not tion is supported by texts and iconography. A number
only through formal and compositional relationships in of monuments principally from Yaxchilan show royal
texts and images but also by gender associations. For ex- women bearing the instruments of bloodletting or com-
ample, the Palace Tablet image assigns the king’s father municating with ancestors through vision serpents.4 In
addition, some women were named after vision ser-
pents, such as Lady Yax Rabbit of Yaxchilan, shown on
Facing page, bottom Bonampak Stela 2 (Mathews 1980: Fig. 3). Yaxchilan Lin-
5.10. Palenque Palace Tablet, detail. drawing by Linda Schele, tel 14 even names a vision serpent as the spirit compan-
© David Schele, courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of ion of one of these women (Houston and Stuart 1989:
Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. Fig. 4). A mythical prototype for the ritual role is re-

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 163

corded in the text of the Temple of the Foliated Cross at
Palenque, where the primordial conjuring of gods
through bloodletting is performed by a maternal god-
dess, Lady Beastie (Schele and Freidel 1990: 254–255).
The supernatural patron of the Temple of the Foliated
Cross (GII, God K) is itself the embodiment of the portal
of ancestral rebirth, matching closely the stereotypical
female role as mother.
In contrast to the first two thrones, the third is associ-
ated with mixed gender identity, embodied in the spirit of
maize (Looper 2002a). The special association of the
third throne with maize is also seen in the elaborate sym-
bolism of the Temple of the Cross at Palenque. Although
the primary deity to whom the temple is dedicated was
GI, the main panel text of the temple also features an ac-
count of the birth and actions of the father of GI, identi-
fied as a personification of maize.5 In fact, the text sup-
presses the name of GI in order to focus attention on the
father. At Palenque the GI portrait head is used in both
the names of the father and the son, highlighting the
conceptual overlap between the two deities, who are
likely aspects of each other. In sum, in the Cross Group
two flanking temples embody masculine and feminine
gender statuses, while the third axial and dominant
structure represents the domain of the androgynous an-
cestral spirit of maize. The dominant metaphor of Crea-
tion conveyed in the Cross Group texts and architectural
layout legitimated the claims of its patron to supernatu-
ral ancestry.

Stelae C and A (Dedicated December 29, 775)

Having outlined the key symbolisms of the primordial
platforms or thrones of Creation, it is possible to inter-
pret additional aspects of the iconography and texts of
QRG Stelae C and A in relation to these domains. On the
obverse of Stela C the king’s costume includes several
elements associated with warfare, including the trape-
zoidal banners and triple knotted zigzag staffs that ap-
pear in the headdress flanges (Fig. 5.12). In the head-
dress shown on QRG Stela J, trapezoidal banners hang
below the circular shields attached to spears. Elsewhere 5.12. QRG Stela C, south face, rolled out. Drawing by author.
in Maya art the knotted zigzag staffs are terminated with
flint blades and associated with war costume (Fig. 3.39).
Also related to military imagery are the anklets worn by In contrast, the corresponding face of Stela A depicts
K’ak’ Tiliw on Stela C. Although somewhat unclear, they the king with symbols of bloodletting (Fig. 5.13). His
appear to represent the head of the war serpent, which headdress consists of an exploded version of the “Quad-
also occurs as anklets on Naranjo Stela 2 as part of a ripartite Badge,” a Classic Maya icon interpreted as the
complete martial costume. These militaristic symbols re- deified plate of sacrificial offering (see Freidel, Schele,
inforce the meaning of the first Creation throne that the and Parker 1993: 216–217). Although the sacrificial plate
ruler holds in his hands. itself is not present, the sun signs adjacent to the king’s

164 lightning warrior

own earflares take the place of the sun-marked plate.
Atop the headdress personification head are several ele-
ments, including a crown of crossed bands surmounted
by a trilobed element. This combination of motifs stands
for the crossed-bands pectoral element that usually ap-
pears in the Quadripartite Badge. The other two ele-
ments of the Quadripartite Badge—a shell (embodying
powers of fertility) and stingray spine (used in blood-
letting)—also appear in this array. Flanking the upper
register of the headdress are profile heads of an anthro-
pomorphic deity associated particularly with cache offer-
ings, identified by the youthful face, the T-shaped sign on
the cheek, and the smoking element replacing the lower
jaw (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 420–421). The dei-
fied plate of sacrifice represented by the aggregation of
elements of the royal headdress on Stela A constitutes a
compact symbol of the ritual of autosacrifice and ances-
tor communication, a domain which was codified by the
second stone of Creation held by the ruler.
The remaining texts of Stelae C and A also contain ele-
ments that reinforce the ritual domains codified by the
first two Creation platforms. The west text of Stela C, in
particular, features a monument dedication by Tutum Yol
K’inich, an early king of Quirigua in a.d. 455, more than
three centuries before the carving of Stela C (Fig. 5.14).6
The date of this event, 9.1.0.0.0 6 Ajaw 13 Yaxk’in, shares
its tzolk’in position with the dedication date of Stelae C
and A. This text underscores the association of the first
Creation stone, depicted on Stela C itself, with a male an-
cestor. In addition, the location for the monument erec-
tion is noted with a combination of undeciphered signs
followed by tz’unun “hummingbird.” The martial and an-
cestral associations of this highly aggressive bird were
well developed in Aztec culture, in which a major patron
of warfare and great male ancestral god was Huitzilo-
pochtli, whose name translates as “Hummingbird-on-
the-Left.” Among the Maya there is some evidence for
similar associations; for example, the glyph for a war
palanquin at Tikal includes a hummingbird superfix.7
The east text of Stela A (Fig. 5.15) features a restate-
ment of the current period ending, 9.17.5.0.0 6 Ajaw 13 5.13. QRG Stela A, south face, rolled out. Drawing by author.
K’ayab’, and monument erection. As with the previous
stelae, F, D, and E, the text then moves to the far distant
past and, on the west face, records the completion of tween this text and the domain of the second Creation
nineteen cycles of an unknown period on 6 Ajaw 13 Yax stone is embodied in the toponym at D4, where the su-
(Fig. 5.16). A god named Ik’ Hun (“Black Headband”) is pernatural period ending took place. An identical version
said to have supervised this period ending at a supernat- of this toponym appears on the legs and front panel of a
ural location called “Black Earth Flower place.” The text bench upon which the wife and daughter of the Piedras
closes with a restatement of the scattering event by K’ak’ Negras ruler K’inich Yo’nal Ahk II are shown seated on
Tiliw on the current period ending. The relationship be- Piedras Negras Stela 3 (Fig. 2.29b). Not only does the as-

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 165

 C D C D

1
hummingbird 10
[location]

2
11 9.17.5.0.0
(Dec. 29, 775)

3
12

4
he scatters 13 K’ak’ Tiliw
incense

14

6 9.1.0.0.0
(Aug. 28, 455)

7
he plants a stone, Tutum

8 divine
Yol K’inich Quirigua ajaw

it happened [location]
at 9

5.14. QRG Stela C, west text. Drawing by author.

sociation of this toponym with women recall the fem- tions, suggesting their interpretation as a pair. The text
inine connotations of the second throne of Creation, but which serves as a basal register for both the south and
the bench panel shows a vision rite taking place in asso- north scenes of Stela C defines the relationship between
ciation with the toponym. The mention of this location the two faces. On the south face (Fig. 5.19a), the text rec-
in the text of Stela A at Quirigua, then, highlights the ords the Calendar Round date 1 Eb’ 5 Yax (9.17.4.10.12)
symbolism of the throne that the monument commem- followed by an unknown verb and then “6 Ajaw stone.”
orates. Since the main logograph of the verb consists of a stela-
Like the two south (obverse) faces of Stelae C and A, like sign with kawak (stone) markings and “6 Ajaw
the imagery of the north (reverse) faces of the monu- stone” is the monument name given on Stela A, it seems
ments also features themes related to cosmic renewal likely that the passage is a record of a prededication event
(Figs. 5.17, 5.18). In addition, like the south-face scenes, involving Stela C or A or both monuments, possibly their
the north faces of the two stelae have similar composi- quarrying. The text and image, therefore, record histori-

166 lightning warrior

cal events, although it should be noted that the text does two texts are continuous (read from south to north), im-
not precisely illustrate the scene that appears above. plying that the scenes are to be interpreted as related and
Rather, it contains supplemental information which ex- sequential (read from south to north), like the icon-
pands on the significance of the scene. ographic sequence of previous monuments of the 1A-1
The north text of Stela C (Fig. 5.19b) includes a dis- platform.8
tance number of eight days, which, taken from the Cal- The figure on Stela C north (Fig. 5.17) is anthropo-
endar Round on the south face, leads to 9.17.4.11.0 9 morphic, with aged features and a crossed-banded lea-
Ajaw 13 Yax, recorded as 9 Ajaw. The verb is not presently flike element emerging from his mouth and wearing a
decipherable, but the topic is named as Jun Ajaw and Yax circular nose ornament decorated with three flowers.
B’alam, the Hero Twins of Classic Maya lore. Even These features identify this being as the patron of the hab’
though the precise relationship of these texts to the im- period Pax, which functions in inscriptions as phonetic
ages above them is uncertain, two points can be made. te’ “tree/plant” and, in iconography, as a personified tree.
First, given that both text and image on the south face His counterpart on Stela A (Fig. 5.18) is an aged, bearded
seem to record a historical event, it stands to reason that god with jaguar feet and a jaguar ear. The eye of this deity
the north-face figure represents a supernatural or mytho- has the remains of a curled pupil and is framed by a
logical event, following the sense of the text. Second, the “cruller.”9 This deity probably corresponds to Ik’ Hun,

A B A B

7
1

2 8

3
9

4
10
6 Ajaw
it is
planted

5 9.17.5.0.0
(Dec. 29, 775)
stone 11

5.15. QRG Stela A, east text. Drawing by author.

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 167

 C D C D

19?? 7
1
completed

13 Yax
6 Ajaw
8
2

under his
supervision
3 9
Ik’Hun

it happened
at Black Earth
4 Flower place 10

5 11
he scatters
[focus incense
marker]

6 K’ak’ Tiliw

5.16. QRG Stela A, west text. Drawing by author.

who is mentioned as the patron of a supernatural period lated by the gods. Their descent from the realm of the
ending on the west face text of Stela A (D3). The deities Principal Bird Deity and the east–west orientation sug-
on the reverse of both Stelae C and A wear sak-pectorals gest that these cords are analogous to the strung ear-
with crossed-band infixes. They dance with one heel flares that the king manipulates on Stela F south (Fig.
raised, under canopies formed of skyband elements. The 4.8). Both represent the cosmic umbilicus as ecliptic.
avian creatures perched atop the canopies may be identi- This identification is confirmed by the flower signs that
fied as the Principal Bird Deity, based on remains of pec- label the Stelae C and A north cords as well as by the
toral elements on Stela A. The skyband canopy and the heads that terminate the cords (Fig. 5.20a), dangling in-
snake head with a glyphic “sky” cartouche at its tip imply verted at the sides of the figures. These heads are similar
that these are astronomical representations. to those which terminate the breath scrolls that emanate
Emerging from the register of the bird are thin cords, from the mouth of the figure on Quirigua Altar P', which
which descend along the east and west sides of the are glyphically marked as “white flower? breath/spirit”
scenes, twisting about each other as they are manipu- (Fig. 5.20b; Stone 1983). These cords embody the es-

168 lightning warrior

5.17. QRG Stela C, north face. Drawing by author. 5.18. QRG Stela A, north face. Drawing by author.

E F G H I J K L

a b

9.17.4.10.12 (Aug. 3, 775) [event] 6 Ajaw stone 9.17.4.11.0 [event] Jun Ajaw,
(Aug. 11, 775) Yax B’alam
5.19. QRG Stela C basal texts: a, south; b, north. Drawing by
author.

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 169

sence of life that animates the cosmos, manifested by the right in the vase scene, located beneath the L-shaped text.
actions of the gods during Creation. The jaguar paw behind the ear of this figure is an attribute
While the scenes of dancing deities manifesting celes- of two Maya gods, the youthful god of the number nine
tial umbilici as depicted on Stelae C and A are unique in and the aged Pax patron. Judging from the aged features
Maya sculpture, they may be compared with depictions of the god on the pot, his identification as the Pax patron
from other media. In particular, they bear close corre- is likely. Another feature shared by the monuments and
spondence to the scene from the Motul de San José vase vase is the location of the action as a mountain.
discussed in the context of Stela F (Fig. 4.12). The corre- In the context of the Quirigua stelae, this location is
spondences between the vase scene and Quirigua Stelae C indicated in the basal register of Stela A north, which
and A (Figs. 5.21, 5.22) include not only the cords but also shows a mountain personification head with a fragrant
the identity of one of the supernaturals. The Pax patron flower infixed into the forehead (Fig. 5.23a). This flower-
shown on Stela C seems to correspond to the god at the marked mountain may refer to a sacred mountain of
Quirigua, possibly the Five-Flower Mountain that K’ak’
Tiliw created in effigy early in his reign, in the form of
Structure 1B-2. This toponym contrasts with that shown
on the south face of Stela A, which represents a personi-
fied waterlily (Fig. 5.23b). The basal registers of Stela A,
then, place the king’s platform dedications in the plaza,
the Black Lake (or waterlily) place, and situate the super-
natural result of this action in the context of the Creation
mountain of Quirigua. The orientation of the supernatu-
ral scenes of the stelae to the north is consistent not only
with the northern associations of the Principal Bird Deity
but also with the northern mountain where the cosmic
umbilicus is manifested on the vase. The birth theme
suggested by the vase image also fits well with this inter-
pretation, since the Classic Creation mountain floated
upon the primordial sea and contained the seed of future
a generations as well as the bones of the dead.
The squared pattern woven by the umbilici on the vase
and on the stela is also highly symbolic. It recalls the
Maya use of ropes for measuring spaces, including archi-
tectural sites. It also evokes crucial events mentioned in
the Popol Vuh, where the gods laid out the horizontal
space of the cosmos by stretching cords in a squared pat-
tern (Tedlock 1985: 72). This cosmic diagram is based on
the perceived annual movement of the sun in the tropics
from its southern rising point in December, through the
zenith position, to the northern solstice point in June,
and back again southward. Girard (1966: 33–34) explic-
itly related this text to Ch’orti’ notions of perpetual cos-
mic Creation through the measuring of space by solar
movement from east to west and north to south and back
again. On the two days of zenith passage, the sun at mid-
day passes directly overhead, precisely in the center of
the cosmogram. The zenith passage had special associa-
tions with Creation for the ancient Maya as well and
b may have been used for establishing the base date of the
5.20. Head termini of celestial umbilical cords: a, QRG Stela C, Long Count calendar, which fell on August 13, 3114 b.c.
north, detail; b, QRG Altar P', detail. Drawings by author. (Lounsbury, in Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 423).

170 lightning warrior

5.21. QRG Stela C, north face. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Ar- 5.22. QRG Stela A, north face, detail of cast. From Maudslay
chaeology, vol. 2, Plate 20. From the facsimile edition of Biologia 1889–1902, Archaeology, vol. 2, Plate 8. From the facsimile edi-
Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published 1974 tion of Biologia Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay.
by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further re- Published 1974 by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford,
production prohibited. Conn. Further reproduction prohibited.

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 171

 and north faces of Stelae C and A sacralizes the period
ending, linking royal ritual acts and supernatural events
through the symbolism of cosmogenesis. Implicit in
each of these images is an architectural metaphor, in-
a volving the placement of a stone tripod by the ruler and
the measurement of the sacred house symbolized by
Platform 1A-1 and its monuments.

Zoomorph B (Dedicated December 2, 780)

In contrast to the complex evocation of the ritual do-
b mains symbolized by the first two Creation stones in
5.23. QRG Stela A basal registers: a, north; b, south. Drawing QRG Stelae C and A, Zoomorph B is remarkably simple,
by author. at least in its programming of text and image (Fig. 5.5).
The approximately 4-m-long monument was originally
raised above the platform surface by three huge stone
Stela C confirms the association of the twisted cords with slabs, with its head facing the front of the program, to-
the zenith passage, as the text below the image of the ward the south (Strömsvik 1941: Fig. 8c).12 Although the
dancing god who pulls cords from the sky bears a date creature represented in this sculpture has been identified
corresponding to August 11, 775—the date of second ze- variously as a tiger, dragon, turtle, and toad, it is actually
nith passage at Quirigua. a supernatural crocodilian, sometimes termed the Cos-
A final clue to the significance of these images for the mic Monster (Stone 1983). The clawed forelegs and hind
program is the abundance of triple-knot motifs that the legs of the creature are represented folded on the east
gods wear on both stela scenes. The triple-knot motif is a and west sides of the monument, the joints marked with
pervasive symbol of ritual bloodletting, adorning both huge water scrolls accented with flower signs. Such sym-
bloodletting instruments and penitents (Joralemon bols allude to the animal’s identification with the under-
1974).10 A sacrificial motif also appears on the Motul world or primordial sea that supports and surrounds the
vase, in the form of the plate in which the young god is earth. The earth itself is represented on the back of the
shown seated atop a crocodilian (Fig. 4.12). In fact, as creature, as if floating on it, as an enormous witz “moun-
Karl Taube (1994) has pointed out, the central deity on tain, hill” mask that runs the entire length of the monu-
this vase combines features of the “Maize God” and the ment (Fig. 5.24). The front head of the Cosmic Monster
Baby Jaguar, deities which are commonly shown as sac- has eyes represented with crossed-bands, in typical fash-
rificial victims. He suggests that the scene on the vase is ion, and the mouth open wide (Fig. 5.25). Out of this
an image of a k’ex “substitute/replacement” sacrifice, in maw emerges a figure with headdress and abundant jade
which a god is killed in order for the succession or birth jewelry (Fig. 5.26). The beard on this figure’s chin leaves
of another being to occur. In the scenes of Quirigua Ste- little doubt that it represents K’ak’ Tiliw himself, who is
lae C and A north, the sacrificial iconography is worn by shown on all other Platform 1A-1 monuments with the
the supernatural beings, suggesting that it is their per- same facial feature. Footprints are carved at the bottom
sonal sacrifice that allows for the succession of the of the front jaw, oriented with the toes pointed toward
k’atun. The two gods are also shown in the conventional the open maw, as if to mark the royal path.
Maya dance position, with a heel raised, imparting to the Like other Cosmic Monsters, that of Zoomorph B
period ending the transformational, liminal quality in- bears on its posterior (the north side; Fig. 5.27) a huge
herent in Maya dance.11 As the king’s blood sacrifice was mask of the Quadripartite Badge. Here it lies on its side,
believed to give birth to the gods, so the sacrificial dance with the stingray spine pointing toward the west. Emerg-
of these patrons of the period ending caused the cosmic ing from the tip of the spine is a crossed-bands symbol
umbilicus to fall from heaven. and flower, probably an allusion to the cosmic umbilicus
In sum, the reverse scenes of Stelae C and A show the manifested through bloodletting (Fig. 5.28). Behind the
supernatural events of the period ending which replicate flower and spine, also wrapping around the monument’s
the events of Creation. They are the divine counterpart west side, is the tail of the crocodilian, marked with
for the obverse faces, which depict K’ak’ Tiliw setting dotted ovals. At the end of the tail is a head identified as
platforms to renew the cosmos. The imagery of the south that of the Principal Bird Deity. In its elaboration of ex-

172 lightning warrior

5.24. QRG Zoomorph B, upper. Drawing by Andrea Stone.

5.26. QRG Zoomorph B, south, detail. Photo by Thomas

Tolles.

5.25. QRG Zoomorph B, south face. Drawing by author.

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 173

ecution, the text of Zoomorph B (Fig. 5.29), carved along the aquatic underworld. Zoomorph B itself was set in
the Cosmic Monster’s limbs, parallels the iconography place on the western edge of Platform 1A-1, just as the
of the monument. It includes a Long Count date and lu- primordial sea surrounds the earth. But the monumental
nar series, followed by a dedication phrase, all rendered image also has an astronomical dimension. In the sky
in full-figure form. the Cosmic Monster form of the Milky Way is the only
In spite of its conventional image and text, the associ- conformation that stretches east to west, with the rift in
ation of Zoomorph B with Stelae C and A permits a richer its western extremity interpreted as the mouth of the
interpretation of its meaning in the context of Platform creature (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 85–87; Mil-
1A-1. As previously noted, the Stela C text gives the myth- brath 1999: 291). After sundown on the evening of the
ological counterpart of Zoomorph B as a “water plat- dedication of Zoomorph B (December 2, 780), the Milky
form/throne stone,” that is, a platform associated with Way was visible in this conformation. The monument,

5.27. QRG Zoomorph B, north face. Neg. no. 5102, courtesy

San Diego Museum of Man.

5.28. QRG Zoomorph B, rollout of north–west details. Draw-

ing by Andrea Stone.

174 lightning warrior

 0 1
4 5 6

2 3

7 8 9

14 15
10 11

16 17
12 13
[dedication] [name of monument] K’ak’ Tiliw

5.29. QRG Zoomorph B, text. Drawing by author.

therefore, represents the sky as it was seen on the eve- with Zoomorph B, through the mediation of the Stela C
ning of its dedication: a gigantic crocodile bearing the text, draws attention to the monument as a site of the
sun on its tail, floating in the waters of the underworld. ruler’s transformation. Symbolizing this same process is
The crocodilian embodied by Zoomorph B relates the the sak-pectoral worn by kings in the period-ending cere-
ruler to powers of transformation, death, and rebirth, ex- mony, which commemorates the third platform. The
pressed by the emergence of the ruler from the animal’s pectoral identifies the wearer as having been reborn into
maw. As a manifestation of the sea or ocean that sur- the status of ruler.
rounds the earth, Zoomorph B embodies a great portal Likewise, the aquatic symbolism of Zoomorph B firm-
that connects the world of the living to that of the dead. ly identifies it with royal accession, by analogy with the
The patron of the corresponding cosmic platform men- fish-headed throne on which the Palenque king accedes
tioned in the Stela C Creation account is Itzamnah, who on the Palace Tablet. Zoomorph B bears even closer com-
also functions as the canonical shaman or magician of parison with the scaffold thrones upon which Piedras
the ancient Maya (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993: 211; Negras rulers become kings (Fig. 5.30; Stuart 1984). On
Taube 1992: 31–41). The association of this divine figure these stelae the skyband bodies of Cosmic Monsters sur-

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 175

round the ruler. The bloody footprints on the cloth that
leads to the scaffold on the Piedras Negras stelae also ap-
pear on Zoomorph B, just below the creature’s maw,
pointing toward the figure of the king. The monument,
therefore, is both an image of enthronement and a plat-
form or throne effigy. The footprints indicate the sac-
rifice of a captive that preceded royal accession. In the
Piedras Negras monuments this sacrifice sometimes
takes the form of a body, probably a child, placed in a
bowl and laid at the foot of the scaffold throne. The func-
tion of this offering is to compensate the spirit world for
the ritual rebirth of the king upon accession. The sym-
bolism of the Cosmic Monster correlates precisely with
the union of death and birth in the platform of accession,
as it symbolizes the aquatic underworld surface out of
which life springs and into which the souls of the dead
fall.
The personified mountain which dominates the upper
surface of Zoomorph B also emphasizes the intersection
of death and rebirth represented by the Cosmic Monster
platform of accession. This image identifies the monu-
ment with the Maya mountain of origin, a place where
birth cords are manifested, as depicted on Stela A north.
On Zoomorph B the ruler emerges from the mouth of the
crocodilian just as the maize deity is reborn from the cleft
shell of the cosmic turtle. Supporting this interpretation
are multiple examples in which the Creation mountains
are associated with Cosmic Monsters. Several architec-
tural versions of the Maya mountain of Creation are fitted
with Cosmic Monster iconography, such as Copan Struc-
ture 10L-22 and Tikal Structure 5D-33-2nd (Freidel,
Schele, and Parker 1993: 149–152; Schele and Freidel
1990: 169–170). In addition, the other two Quirigua Zoo-
morphs (O and P) that represent Cosmic Monsters por-
tray personified mountains on their upper surfaces. The
altars associated with these monuments show Chaaks
bounding out of cave mouths (Taube 1986: 57). The com-
bined imagery of these programs represents rebirth from
the Creation mountain (Fig. 5.31).13
As a symbolic equivalent of the Piedras Negras plat-
forms, Zoomorph B represents the culmination of the
sacrifice/rebirth cycle begun with Stelae C and A north. 5.30. Piedras Negras Stela 6. Drawing by author.
The south faces of Stelae C and A show the king’s ritual
actions that demonstrate his possession of ancestral
powers of Creation. The north images of Stelae C and A represents the aquatic surface of the underworld out of
show sacrifice and rebirth on the supernatural plane, which rebirth occurs. These two elements are analogous
which serve as a basis for the k’ex sacrifice and royal re- to the umbilical cord and afterbirth of a natural birth.
birth which take place in the context of Zoomorph B. The The A-B-C program suggests that these elements pro-
three monuments contrast the two major symbols of re- ceed in a sequence, with umbilicus preceding aquatic im-
birth: C and A show the cosmic umbilicus, while B itself agery. In this regard, the program matches the pattern

176 lightning warrior

established by Stela F, with the south face (cords) preced- This parallels the genealogical structure of the narrative
ing the north (aquatic imagery). Following the same of Creation at Palenque. In contrast, K’ak’ Tiliw is him-
model, the A-B-C program conflates accession iconogra- self portrayed on Stelae C and A in the guise of an archi-
phy with symbols of the underworld surface. It offers an tect of Creation, setting up sacred platforms or thrones.
expanded narrative of rebirth and accession, incorporat- His actions and costuming shown on these monuments
ing the elements of sacrifice as well as explicitly identify- manifest his personal appropriation of twin ritual do-
ing the three monuments as the three stones of Creation. mains of warfare and autosacrifice/ancestral communi-
Also like Stela F, the A-B-C program was erected to cel- cation. In the Creation narrative of Stela C, these do-
ebrate period endings, implying yet again the symmetry mains are personified by a series of gods who act under
of Creation, period ending, and royal accession. The
conflation of accession and period-ending costume
shown on Stelae F, D, and E supports this conclusion, as
does the patterning of texts of these stelae, which consis-
tently contrasts period ending and accession (or acces-
sion anniversaries) on opposite faces of the monuments.
Because the period ending is an anniversary of the crea-
tion of the cosmos, it provided an occasion through
which K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession could be compared to the
Creation. The imagery of Stela F conveys this relation-
ship in one way, fusing accession iconography and sym-
bols of the rebirth of maize. The A-B-C program implies
it in another, representing the ruler’s accession throne as
a primordial platform of Creation and backing this
throne with images of the ruler setting the other two Cre-
ation thrones.
Like a period ending, in which the king’s bloodletting
gave birth to the gods, the accession of K’ak’ Tiliw con-
a
stituted a new beginning. It represented a renewal of the
basic patterns of space and time first established on 4
Ajaw 8 Kumk’u, when the gods set three stones. Further,
when a stone image of the king was ritually bound in the
period-ending ceremony, it became an ajaw, a new exten-
sion of the king’s persona. Like a newborn child, it was
swaddled in white cloth to indicate its recent arrival from
the supernatural realm. K’ak’ Tiliw’s program of two ste-
lae and zoomorph constitutes a remarkably comprehen-
sive statement of the supernatural origins of the king’s
power, weaving accounts of ancestral history, extremely
ancient supernatural events, and an elaborate story of
Creation into a fabric that supports the king’s own cru-
cial rituals of warfare, bloodletting, accession, and pe-
riod-ending celebration.
Although many other Maya rulers employed elements
of Creation mythology to sacralize dynastic history, no-
where is the rhetoric so focused upon the amplification
of the cult of the autonomous king as at Quirigua. For in-
b
stance, while Creation thrones on the Palenque Palace
Tablet create a cosmic setting for the king’s accession,
exclusive agency over the thrones is not claimed. Also, 5.31. Arrangement of monuments at Quirigua: a, Altar P'; b,
the ruler is shown together with his father and mother. Zoomorph P, upper. Drawing by author.

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 177

the authority of a higher entity, the “Six Sky ajaw,” and north. The complementary imagery of the monuments
who are completely different from the divinities men- on the platform also draws attention to the axes defined
tioned at Palenque. Stelae C and A are themselves pre- by southern and northern images.
sented as a backdrop for the ruler’s own accession and Other correspondences and repetitions among the
ritual rebirth, embodied by Zoomorph B. As such, the texts and images bind them together organically. On Ste-
program expresses very much the same political state- lae F, D, and E, the textual narratives proceed from the
ment noted in the text of Stela J, in which the king’s per- monument dedication to a mythical precedent, to the
sonal actions are put forward as the foundation of ruler- king’s accession or anniversary, and then recapitulate the
ship. Thus, the A-B-C program may be interpreted as the period ending. The climactic A-B-C program differs
climax not only of the program of Platform 1A-1 but also from the other three stelae, supporting the monument
of a lifelong artistic agenda that sought to proclaim sov- dedications with accounts of Creation mythology, a fun-
ereignty for Quirigua and to assert K’ak’ Tiliw’s personal damental historical monument dedication, and a mytho-
and divinely sanctioned role in effecting this indepen- logical period ending. The variance of the final monu-
dence. mental triad from the norm of Stelae F, D, and E recalls
the standard narrative pattern of most lengthy Maya
The Platform 1A-1 Program texts, in which the climactic event is marked by “dis-
While it has been argued that Stelae C and A and Zoom- turbed syntax” (Josserand 1991). Thus, the texts of the
orph B constitute a distinct program, the meaning of the monuments of Platform 1A-1 may be considered a coher-
group must be contextualized in terms of the larger pro- ent, continuous narrative.
gram associated with Platform 1A-1. Although it was con- Although the narrative formula and compositional
structed in two phases and took roughly two decades to structure of Stelae F, D, and E contrast with those of the
complete, the significance of the Platform 1A-1 program northwestern triad, the personae embodied by the por-
develops through the complex referencing of inscriptions traits in the final group are related to those of Stela F in
and images among monuments that are spatially inte- particular. In the A-B-C program, K’ak’ Tiliw is associated
grated. The major organizing feature (barely visible to- with the sacred energies of growing maize through his
day) would have been the platform itself, which frames rituals of cosmic renewal. On the obverse of Stelae C and
the monuments and sets them apart from the other ste- A, he performs with cosmic thrones, akin to images of
lae. Structure 1A-3 serves as a backdrop to this platform, maize deities on polychrome ceramics who dance with
unifying the stelae through their visual and spatial associ- the same thrones in their backracks (see Freidel, Schele,
ation with an imposing solitary structure. The six monu- and Parker 1993: 276–277). Zoomorph B shows the ruler
ments also share relegation of dedication texts to east and within the mountain of Creation, out of which the maize
west faces and images of the king to the south. is reborn. Stela F cultivates similar personae, depicting
These royal images are unified, in that all are bearded the king with paired symbols of the rebirth of maize.15
and conform to a similar youthful facial ideal with wide- The remaining two monuments of Platform 1A-1, Stelae D
open eyes and parted lips. In fact, the beards may have a and E, convey similar personae, depicting the king in con-
specific iconographic function. As a sign of great age and trasting supernatural and historical time/space-frames.
wisdom, they may have symbolized the king’s ability to Such thematic patterning creates correspondences be-
travel into the remote (supernatural) past, as described tween opposite corners, binding the monument group to-
on several of the monuments. A likely model for such use gether crosswise (Fig. 5.32). Appearing in the context of
of the beard is Copan Stela C, the west face of which may monumental themes of cosmogenesis, the cross-point of
show the bearded ruler in a supernatural context (Fig. these thematic lines, the center point of Platform 1A-1, be-
4.21). In their usage at Quirigua, the beards may also comes analogous to the center of the universe. The estab-
constitute a visual pun in that the Maya word for “beard,” lishment of a cosmic center and the erection of a tree at
tzuk, also means “partition.” Therefore, the monuments the heart of the world is a major theme of Maya Creation,
mark cosmic partitions along east–west and south– just as the rising of the constellation of three stones in
north axes.14 The same symbolism is implied by their ax- Orion on 4 Ajaw 8 Kumk’u placed the nexus of Creation
ial placements and the rendering of the stelae with four near the center of the sky at dawn.
distinct faces. The reading orders of the texts of the mon- The monumental art program of Platform 1A-1, how-
uments call attention to these axes, leading on all monu- ever, does not float freely in two dimensions but has a
ments from east to west and on Stela C from south to fixed front, established by Stelae F and E. These two ste-

178 lightning warrior

 planets, and the moon at night (see Thompson 1950:
249–252). The concept of east as dominant is expressed
in the Ch’olti’ term for east: tzatzib quin [tzatzib’ k’in], lit-
erally “strong sun” (Moran 1935: 48). In Ch’olti’ south is
nool [nohol] (the “great” or “right-hand” side of the sun),
and in Ch’orti’ tz’ik ik’ar (literally “left-hand wind”) refers
to the north wind (Moran 1935: 60; Wisdom 1950: 739).
This ranking corresponds exactly to the iconographic
sequence identified at Quirigua. It seems likely that the
uniform east-to-west sequence of monument dedication
Stela D and text ordering among the Platform 1A-1 program
evokes the movement of the sun during the day.
The placement of the monuments at intercardinal
points on Platform 1A-1 may also be a solar reference.
These points are of widespread interest among ancient
A-B-C
Program
and modern Maya alike as the critical stations at which
the sun pauses on the horizon at the summer and winter
solstices.16 Indeed, the solstice points form the basis of
one of the most widely recognized of Maya cosmograms:
the square divided into quadrants. In Yukatek cosmol-
ogy, giant Pawatuns lift the sky from the earth at these
four corners (Thompson 1970: 195). For the Ch’orti’,
four cosmic corner posts support the sky as the corner
posts support the walls and roof of a house (Fought
Stela F 1972: 433; Girard 1962: 45). The Ch’orti’ also generate a
cosmogram from stone markers placed at solstitial
Stela E points.
A similar domestic metaphor is apparent in the Quiri-
gua program, in the explicit references to cosmic archi-
5.32. Diagram of programmatic correspondences of QRG Plat- tectural tripod-supports in the texts of Stela F and Stela C
form 1A-1 monuments. Drawing by author. and in the images of cosmic measuring-cords on the ob-
verse of Stelae A and C. In fact, among its many symbol-
isms, the Platform 1A-1 program may have been con-
lae are similar in height and proportion, forming what ceived as a great symbolic house, with a foundation
amounts to a gateway into the platform space. Their texts tripod, stelae as corner posts, and the sky as a roof. Such
are also alike, both incorporating accounts of the decap- a metaphorical significance is not far-fetched, especially
itation of the Copan king. The resulting emphasis on the as Stela J at neighboring Copan was originally capped by
southern edge of the platform as the program front ties a trapezoidal stone effigy roof. The domestic symbolism
the program of monuments firmly to the greater Classic- of the Platform 1A-1 monuments also recalls the Creation
period stela tradition which places stelae in front of ar- narrative from the Cross Group at Palenque, which men-
chitecture. Although K’ak’ Tiliw’s program comes close tions the dedication of a house in the north in associa-
to liberating the stela from architecture, it does not quite tion with the date February 5, 3112 b.c. (Freidel, Schele,
break the symbolic bond between the structures, estab- and Parker 1993: 71–73). In the interpretation offered
lished centuries earlier by the Olmec. here, the 1A-1 program at Quirigua, erected at the north-
The strong directional patterning of the program, with ern end of the site core, may represent this very structure.
east and south dominant, suggests analogies to modern Indeed, the “Six Sky ajaw” appellative that appears on
Maya beliefs concerning world directions and their asso- QRG Stela C (B15) may be a reference to this structure. In
ciations. Nearly universal among the Maya is the associa- the Palenque Tablet of the Cross text (D10), the name of
tion of east and west with birth and death, modeled on the cosmic house of the north includes a similar colloca-
the movement of the sun during the day and of stars, tion. The six monuments of the 1A-1 program may there-

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 179

fore directly evoke the “Six Sky ajaw” as a personified Although their forms are extremely diverse, such
cosmic dwelling. Ch’orti’ meteorological cosmograms always consist of
From the subtropical point of view of the Maya, cos- multiple elements that are viewed as a symbolic totality.
mograms such as the 1A-1 program represent the uni- They include a cross and/or saint’s image, a pit, and a
fication of space and time, in which the sun over the designated zone, sometimes elevated on a table, for the
course of the year sweeps northward and then south- display of food offerings. With the exceptions of Quet-
ward, encompassing the entire surface of the flat, square zaltepeque and Chiquimula, most shrines have per-
earth. On days of zenith passage, when the sun stands manent pits located in front of the altar. At Santa Rosalía
directly overhead at noon, the corners of the diagram the pit is called the “soul of the world,” while at Quetzal-
frame the sun as if they were the four corners of the cos- tepeque the canoe substitutes for the pit (Girard 1966:
mos bracketing the center. The program of K’ak’ Tiliw 168). Girard (1966: 164) notes that the combination of al-
actually commemorates both zenith passages in its texts. tar, cross, and pit is called “the form” (la forma) by the
The May 3 passage is commemorated by the decapitation Ch’orti’. While many altars feature arbors of saplings or
of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil cited prominently on Stelae canes arched over the cross or image, others enclose the
F and E, while the zenith passage on August 11 cor- entire “form” beneath a celestial arbor. This is doc-
responds to the date inscribed on Stela C north. In this umented at Tunucó, where a platform of poles is built
latter instance, the association of zenith passage and over a spring, supported by four forked uprights (Girard
cosmogenesis is clear, as the zenith passage date is 1966: 166). A cross clothed in leaves is located in the
paired with an image of the celestial umbilicus falling center, beneath two leaf-covered arches that connect op-
from heaven. In total, the stelae make permanent the posite corners of the platform. Underneath is a pit for of-
configuration of four marked corners of the earth with ferings. This structure is analogous to the ceremonial
the sun at the center, thereby identifying the program, house at Cayur, in which the entire interior space is en-
and Quirigua itself, with the center of the cosmos. Mark- compassed by flexible poles wrapped in foliage that con-
ing off a k’atun of history in hotun intervals, the stelae sug- nect the interior posts (Girard 1966: 163–164). In addi-
gest the symmetry between historic cycles and those of a tion to representing the sky, these arbors constitute
much larger scale—the succession of cosmic manifesta- miniature houses (Fought 1972: 525). As such, they em-
tions. Adorned with huge royal portraits, the stelae iden- phasize the significance of the “form” as a protective and
tify the king’s body with the corners of the cosmos, a geometrically ordered cosmographic construct that is ac-
spatial symbolism reinforced by textual and icon- tivated by prayer, sacrifice, and feasting in order to draw
ographic references to the king as a creator deity and cos- beneficent forces from the periphery to the center.
mic architect. The Ch’orti’ are not alone in utilizing complex solar
Comparison with the use of cosmograms by the diagrams to manipulate the weather. In the Yucatan the
Ch’orti’, in fact, suggests that the Quirigua program was ch’a chàak ceremony is conducted utilizing similar struc-
also specifically adapted from a ritual procedure de- tures and for essentially the same purpose (Freidel,
signed to control the weather (Looper 2003). As empha- Schele, and Parker 1993: 29–33, 51–58; Sosa 1985: 341,
sized by Girard (1966, 1995), the Ch’orti’ create diagrams 376–403). In this ritual a four-sided table, embodying
of solar movement expressly for this purpose. In the the cosmos, is created out of lashed poles. Green boughs
shrine at Quetzaltepeque, the local saint is incorporated arc over the surface of the table, uniting opposite corners
into this structure, framed by a quincunx of stones ar- and establishing the center of the sky at their crossing
ranged on the altar beneath the image. Perhaps the most point. From the crossing point of the arbor hangs a cord,
complex variant is documented at Chiquimula, in which which supports a ring hung with thirteen gourds. During
a feast to the gods is arranged on the temple floor, ex- the ceremony, the ring suspended by the cord at the
tending in a long rectangle from the entry on the west to center of the altar functions as an aperture through
the altar in the east (Girard 1966: 137–138). This arrange- which food offerings placed on the table ascend to the
ment, identified as a diagram of the sun’s path, features rain-bringing Chàaks. Vines attached to the corners of
twelve gourds of chilate on the northern edge, reserved the table are pulled like drawstrings, guiding the offer-
for the clouds, and twelve more on the south, assigned to ings toward the sky. Finally, when “the sacred sun is in
the angels. A bowl of chilate at the center is designated the middle of the sky at twelve o’clock,” the Chàaks as-
for the “Center God,” a personification of the forces of semble overhead, promising rain (Sosa 1985: 393–394).
fertility located at the zenith. Although separated from the Classic period by over a

180 lightning warrior

millennium and performed by village priests rather than ceremonies at Quirigua, the bounded spatial envelope
by kings, the Ch’orti’ and Yukatek Maya rainmaking cer- formed by the monuments of Platform 1A-1 and their
emonies illustrate the remarkable persistence of Maya surrounding architecture seems strangely empty. The in-
cosmology, in which the zenith marks a fundamental terpretation of the monuments would clearly benefit
portal through which fertility is brought to earth, borne from a better understanding of how performances re-
on cords. lated to the inscribed texts and images. Unfortunately,
At Quirigua similar ritual procedures were manipu- without contemporary accounts or substantial material
lated during period-ending rites, celebrated by the Plat- evidence, such reconstructions must remain speculative.
form 1A-1 program. Integrating images of the cosmic It is obvious that the plaza area in which the monuments
rain-bringing cords (Stelae A, C, and F), references to were set was a huge open space of a profoundly public
rain deities (Stelae D and F), decapitation events (Stelae E character. Between the Ballcourt Plaza and Structure 1A-
and F), zenith passage dates (Stelae E, F, and C), and a 3, the Great Plaza seems to have been completely open to
ritual formula related to rainmaking (Stela F), through a river view, with at least one dock allowing for the moor-
cosmic diagram of solar movement, the Platform 1A-1 ing of canoes. The plaza could easily have held the entire
program implies the transformation of political actions projected population of the Quirigua area with room to
by the ruler into the divine blessings of fertility through spare, suggesting that the space may have been designed
regular rainfall. Even the beards sported by the rulers on to accommodate people from more distant regions,
the Platform 1A-1 monuments could relate to the domain especially the lower Motagua valley (see Schortman 1993:
of fertility through control of the elements. They may be 201). In fact, archaeological evidence attests to the pres-
compared to the Ch’orti’ conception of the wind gods at ence of large crowds in the Great Plaza, for ceramic frag-
the four corners of the cosmos, the aj yum ik’ar, as ments were found ground into the plaza surface (Jones,
bearded (Girard 1966: 27). The Yukatek Maya also associ- Ashmore, and Sharer 1983: 10).17
ate these cosmic corner-posts with the winds, as re- The function of stelae as pathways of supernatural
corded in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Roys 1967). Rain- communication suggests that Platform 1A-1 was de-
making ceremonies were part of the esoteric knowledge signed as a locus for sacrifice and prayer.18 Large quanti-
that made possible the transformation of K’ak’ Tiliw into ties of modeled effigy censer fragments found in the
one of his most compelling ritual personae. Great Plaza, often in association with the monuments,
The association of the Platform 1A-1 monuments with support this hypothesis (Ashmore 1981; Benyo 1979:
meteorological control may also suggest a symbolic rela- 565). Other religious and dynastic ceremonies—such as
tionship between stela dedication and planting ritual. the presentation of heirs, bloodletting ceremonies, sac-
The laying out of the cosmos in a four-part diagram is rifice of captives, and dynastic anniversaries—were
analogous to the demarcation of a cornfield as practiced probably performed here as well. Like similar events in
by contemporary Ch’orti’ Maya. In this ceremony, line- modern Maya towns, these religious ceremonies may
age heads establish the four corners of the field and then also have involved economic activity. In addition to relig-
proceed to deposit a liquid offering in the center (Girard ious items, necessities such as food and drink would
1966: 127). After this, seeds are planted using a digging have been distributed to the multitudes that assembled
stick. The stela may therefore relate either to the form of for religious events. Evidence for feasting appears just
a digging stick or to a marking post used to lay out a south of Platform 1A-1, where a broken olla was recov-
square cornfield. Alternatively, the function of the Clas- ered near a high-density area of Late Classic ceramic
sic-period stela as a time-keeping device may suggest its fragments (Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983: 10).19 In-
derivation from a wooden gnomon or similar staff used deed, not only is the partaking of food and drink com-
to determine the proper time for planting. The possible mon in Maya religious ceremony, but modern rituals and
relationship between the stela and planting ceremony festivals often extend several days, making the taking of
suggests yet another way in which Classic-period elite sustenance a physical necessity.20
ceremonies were related to popular traditions. The stela One type of performance that was likely to have taken
ceremony may have embodied the ruler’s ritual identifi- place on Platform 1A-1 in the Classic period may have
cation with maize, symbolizing his control of food pro- been similar to the contemporary dance-drama (Freidel,
duction and role as a provider for the community. Schele, and Parker 1993: 257–292). In these perform-
While the existence of monumental portraiture ances, formal speeches alternate with dances accompa-
implies the presence of the ruler and his command of nied by music as a means of communicating history and

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 181

mythology but also as a sacrifice to spiritual beings. It is tion and circular dance are well documented at major Az-
possible that the texts of K’ak’ Tiliw’s monuments served tec festivals, such as the Izcalli festival, a commemora-
as the bases of such dramas and may have been read by tion of the five “empty days” that preceded the Aztec New
actors performing the history and myths of the city Year, celebrated every fourth year (Sahagún 1951– 1970:
among the monuments. It is probably in such a context bk. 2, 151–152). The “Lordly Dance” performed on this
that the political value of the monumental art programs occasion by Moctezuma in the company of the highest
achieved its maximum potency, enhanced by the affective Aztec lords consisted of the fourfold circling of the prin-
qualities of live actors, the physiological effects of intoxi- cipal ritual plaza of Tenochtitlan, in front of the Templo
cants, and mass excitement. Mayor. As suggested by Richard Townsend (1979: 47),
Of particular importance in establishing a theatrical this ritual movement within the cosmologically defined
nature for the 1A-1 program was its architectural back- space adjacent to the Templo Mayor purified both city
drop, Structure 1A-3. This structure bounded the stage and empire in preparation for the ceremonies of year re-
visually, providing a field of reference for viewing both newal. The analogies between cosmological symbolisms
monuments and performers. The six monoliths them- of the sacred precinct of Tenochtitlan and the Quirigua
selves likely served as stage properties, taking an active Platform 1A-1 sculpture program and between the Aztec
role in the generation of the theatrical environment. No- New Year and Maya period ending suggest that circum-
tably, the diminished size of the monuments nearest to ambulatory dances similar to the “Lordly Dance” may
Structure 1A-3 (Stelae A, C, and D and Zoomorph B) rel- have taken place upon the Quirigua platform, among the
ative to the two colossal stelae near the platform edge (E stelae.
and F) generates a false perspective that enhances the In performances such as the Lordly Dance, the circu-
sense of depth of the platform space, when viewed from larity of motion is semantically significant. It may be
the front (south). Ample space for the audience was pro- characterized as a cosmic movement, based on the per-
vided on the south, east, and west sides of the platform, ceived movement of the sun around the earth, that orders
bounded by low mounds on the east and the river on the both space and time from the epicenter of a ceremonial
west. Viewers may also have been positioned on the stair- precinct. Another example of the performative realiza-
way of Structure 1A-3, looking down upon the platform. tion of circular time-space is observed in contemporary
The resulting frontal stage configuration recalls the Chamula during the Festival of Games, a calendrical cer-
raised, covered stages mentioned in reports of Maya emonial cycle during which the moral Tzotzil Maya
dances from the sixteenth century to the present (Estrada world is ritually destroyed and recreated (Gossen 1986).
Monroy 1979: 168; Ponce 1932: 328; Redfield and Villa At the climax of the festival, the principal performers or
Rojas 1962: 153–154; Tovilla 1960: 183). “Passions,” who are charged with caring for the head of
The placement of monuments at four corners on Plat- the Sun/Christ, run into the ceremonial center and circle
form 1A-1 suggests that performers may have grouped it counterclockwise three times. This motion has clear
themselves in circular formations, observing performers cosmological significance, as it maps out the movement
in the center. Such a configuration is common in early of the sun on a horizontal plane.21 Following this, the
colonial-period descriptions of Maya dance, as in the Ko- performers walk on burning coals, an act which rep-
lomche’ of the Yukatek Maya: resents the ascent of the Sun/Christ into the heavens and
For playing it, a large circle of dancers is formed with their the reordering of the cosmos. Across Mesoamerica from
music, which gives them the rhythm, and two of them leap ancient to contemporary times, circular performances
in to the centre of the wheel in time to it, one with a bundle establish the cosmological significance of calendar cere-
of reeds, and he dances with these perfectly upright; while mony, through a patterning of human movements and
the other dances crouching down but both keeping within timing onto a sacred landscape.
the limits of the circle. And he who has the sticks flings them In the Platform 1A-1 program there are hints of similar
with all his force at the second, who by the help of a little patterns of movement, suggested by the narrative struc-
stick catches them with a great deal of skill. When they have tures of the monuments and their order of dedication. For
finished the reeds, they return in their rhythm to the circle, example, the consistent reading order of the monumental
and others go out to do the same. (Tozzer 1941: 93–94)
images from south to north suggests that a procession
Sacrificial dances, in which victims were paraded in a would enter the group from the south side, between the
circle around a court, are also known from this period gatelike Stelae E and F. The placement of Zoomorph G di-
(Palacio 1985: 40; Tozzer 1941: 117–118). Circumambula- rectly on this pathway is particularly telling in this re-

182 lightning warrior

spect, for the monument served as the death memorial for
the great king. The Maya frequently placed such funerary
monuments in principal entryways of architectural
groups in order to “terminate” the spaces within. The ini-
tiation of the monumental program at Quirigua with Stela
F may suggest that the procession would execute a right-
hand turn upon entering the platform space, in order to
pass this monument first. Continuing to the north, the
rigorous narrative ordering of the monuments’ texts of
east to west would indicate that, after passing by Stela D,
the procession should move to the west toward Stela C.
Finally, like the “Passions” of Chamula, the counterclock-
wise circuit would be completed adjacent to Stela E. The
placement of texts on Zoomorph B reinforces this pat-
tern, as a counterclockwise movement around the monu-
ment is required to read them.
Classic Maya kings such as K’ak’ Tiliw would surely
have been aware of the myriad benefits of festivals to
both ruler and subject. The average farmer would have
been attracted by the opportunity to experience the
king’s supernatural powers, satisfy religious desires, so-
cialize and assert status, be entertained, and trade. The
festival served the king as a way to renew charismatic
bonds with his subjects, fulfill his sacred duties in grand
fashion, and impress foreign visitors. Such compelling
reasons seem to justify the immense expense of creating
a public work such as Platform 1A-1 and its collection of
finely carved stone sculptures. The presence of the mon- 5.33. Portrait of Yax Pasaj of Copan, from CPN Structure 10L-
18. Photo by Thomas Tolles.
uments themselves attests to the success of such festivals
as well as to the ability of the Quirigua elite to capitalize
on the power of art and ritual to transform religious lore
into political currency. Following this act, two major architectural projects
were begun at Copan: the final phase of Structure 10L-11
The Platform 1A-1 Program in Relation to Copan
(dedicated in late 773) and Structure 10L-16 (dedicated
The construction of K’ak’ Tiliw’s magnum opus between on the same date as K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stelae A and C, in 775).
761 and 780 occurred during a time of important politi- Structure 10L-11 was a grand cosmic statement, which in
cal developments at Copan. Shortly after K’ak’ Tiliw’s ac- many ways repeated and elaborated upon Waxaklajun
tions in concert with K’in B’alam of Xkuy in 762, the Ub’ah K’awil’s 10L-22 (Schele and Freidel 1990: 322–
king’s rival at Copan, K’ak’ Yipyaj, died; and a new ruler 328). The two-story superstructure of 10L-11 revived the
took the throne: Yax Pasaj (Fig. 5.33).22 These events sculptural themes of the Creation mountain and Cosmic
were reflected in a repositioning relative to the grand ar- Monster found on the earlier temple. To the south of 10L-
tistic tradition of Copan. Most apparent is the virtual ab- 11, a terrace or reviewing stand marked with caimans and
sence of large-scale royal portraiture during this period. conch shells replicated the underworld in which the Cre-
The first act of Yax Pasaj was the termination of the great ation mountain floats. Below this symbolic “water sur-
ritual area of the Great Plaza at Copan and its cycle of ste- face” lay the portal to the underworld and place of sac-
lae dedicated by Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. This involved rifice, configured as a false ballcourt and reached by a
the placement of a small monument in the form of a su- stairway. Structure 10L-16, which faced the same court,
pernatural serpent, CPN Altar GIII, between Stelae F and likewise looked back to the reign of a previous king icon-
H. This dedication happened on the same date as K’ak’ ographically; but in this case it was to the art of K’ak’ Yip-
Tiliw’s erection of QRG Stela D (a.d. 766). yaj. Heavily laden with the imagery of Tlaloc-Venus war-

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 183

fare and accented by Altar Q, Structure 10L-16 eloquently
evoked the ties of Yax Pasaj to the founder of Copan, Yax
K’uk’ Mo’, whose actions are recorded in the altar text
and who was closely associated with the imagery of Tla-
loc-Venus war.23
As K’ak’ Tiliw completed his own great cosmological
statement with the dedication of Zoomorph B in late 780,
Yax Pasaj began a series of monument dedications rep-
resenting concessions to the power of lower-ranking
nobility. First were dedications of benches in two of the
major lineage compounds of Sepulturas, a densely popu-
lated and wealthy urban area to the east of the acropolis.
Next, for the one-k’atun anniversary of his accession, Al-
tar T was placed in the area of what is now Copan village.
Such monument dedications, which continued after the
death of K’ak’ Tiliw, may represent attempts to garner
support of powerful nobles for Yax Pasaj in order to but-

5.35. QRG Stela A, east text detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

tress the by now seriously ailing monarchy at Copan.

These projects at Copan stand in dramatic contrast to the
contemporary works of K’ak’ Tiliw, which not only exag-
gerate the image of the king to an unprecedented degree,
as in QRG Stela E, but convey a strong statement of the
unique position of the king as center of mundane and su-
pernatural power. The lord of Xkuy on QRG Stela E is the
only nondynastic figure mentioned in the 1A-1 program;
however, this person was an ally rather than a local lord.
Likewise, while the stela form so favored by the prede-
cessors of Yax Pasaj was suppressed at Copan, the ruler
of Quirigua forged ahead with this monumental mode,
stressing its most deeply rooted cosmological associa-
tions with celestial pillars.
The disjunction between monumental programs at
Quirigua and Copan during the final years of K’ak’
Tiliw’s reign suggests that political tensions between the
5.34. QRG Stela C, south face, detail of headdress. Photo by sites may have lessened after the death of K’ak’ Yipyaj.
Thomas Tolles. This development would eventually culminate in a re-

184 lightning warrior

establishment of ritual ties between the two sites during ditions. In contrast to times past, when monuments such
the reign of Jade Sky, after the death of K’ak’ Tiliw (see as Stelae H and J protested the pronouncements of Co-
Chapter 6). pan, the final years of K’ak’ Tiliw’s reign are character-
K’ak’ Tiliw’s stelae also remained stylistically conser- ized by a self-assurance that was built upon an impres-
vative as he neared the end of his life, repeating in Stelae sive monumental tradition and sanctioned by the ruler’s
A and C many elements first fully realized in Stela E. advanced age. At the end of the Classic period, as centers
These include the emphasis on four distinct sides, ex- throughout the Maya lowlands were collapsing, art at
treme flattening of relief, contrast of a flat figure with a Quirigua remained staunchly conservative, even funda-
deeply modeled face, and squaring of forms and glyph mentalist. Its equation of king with polity and king with
blocks (Figs. 5.34, 5.35, 5.36).24 Such stylistic and pro- cosmos resonated through the valley as long as the ruler
grammatic considerations suggest that, as the new ruler himself remained alive.
took the throne at Copan, monumental projects at Quiri-
gua became chiefly concerned with maintaining the
unity of the 1A-1 program and the continuity of local tra-

5.36. QRG Stela C, east text detail. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

stelae c and a and zoomorph b 185

 6
IN HONOR OF A GREAT WARRIOR

The Legacy of K’ak’ Tiliw

the dedication of Zoomorph B in the year 780 saw chitectural elaboration of the acropolis. In particular, the
Quirigua at its apogee. Over the course of the eighth cen- extensive final phase of the acropolis corresponds both
tury the regional population had reached its peak, and to the reign of Jade Sky and to the unidentified lords who
extensive building projects both within the site core and succeeded him. This phase is characterized by intense
in the surrounding valley attest to a robust economy. building activity on the north, south, and east sides of the
Zoomorph B and the other monuments of Platform 1A-1 acropolis, including the construction of the final phases
seem to express this climate of growth and prosperity of Structures 1B-1 and 1B-3, which feature marble ma-
through their erection at a distance of almost a half- sonry (Jones 1987; Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983).
kilometer from the heart of the kingdom, the acropolis Work at the acropolis probably continued beyond 10.0.0.
court. As a conceptual map of the realm, the widely 0.0 (a.d. 830), long after the cessation of the historical
distributed monuments suggest the expansive policies record at Quirigua (Jones 1987: 212). Even though the
adopted by the ruler, for monuments served not only as a known dynasty of kings ended with Jade Sky, the site was
vehicle for a portrait image but as a means of personaliz- occupied until about a.d. 900, as attested by plumbate
ing spaces as well. They specifically inscribed the land- ceramics, metalwork, and other features typical of the
scape with a recognizable body-image, drawing lines of Postclassic period (Ashmore 1987: 221; Sharer 1978).
power that converged on the ruler himself.
Sky Xul and the Reign of K’ak’ Tiliw
At almost eighty years of age, K’ak’ Tiliw might have
appeared to enjoy the endurance of his stone effigies. Af- The first steps in the appropriation of K’ak’ Tiliw’s per-
ter over sixty years of rule, however, the king died on July sonae after his death took place in the context of his fu-
31, 785 (9.17.14.13.2; Fig. 6.1). Even as the body was in- neral, the proceedings of which are recorded on Zoom-
terred in a yet undiscovered location, his successors were orph G. The date chosen for this ceremony was ten days
occupied with the reinvention of the ruler. Mainly after his death, on August 10, 785 (9.17.14.13.12), which
through references in hieroglyphic texts, the spirit of happens to be the day preceding the second solar zenith
K’ak’ Tiliw remained vital at Quirigua, constituting a key passage of the year. If this timing is not a coincidence,
source of political currency for the new kings, Sky Xul then it may suggest a symbolic relationship between fu-
and Jade Sky. Even so, these rulers could not escape the neral events and the decapitation of the Copan ruler Wax-
general economic and political shifts in the Maya low- aklajun Ub’ah K’awil, a pivotal event in the reign of K’ak’
lands, for most of the rituals of divine kingship (includ- Tiliw that took place on the first zenith passage in 738.1
ing carved monuments and hieroglyphic inscriptions) Carrying out the funerary rites for the deceased ruler was
did not survive more than twenty-five years after K’ak’ Sky Xul, who became the next king of Quirigua on Oc-
Tiliw’s death. tober 15, 785 (9.17.14.16.18). The possible timing of the
The most visible manifestation of the continued funeral to compare K’ak’ Tiliw’s burial with the famous
growth of Quirigua after the death of the king was the ar- victory suggests a commitment to the glorification of the

186
martial prowess of his predecessor and, presumably, an- facing northward, with human figures wearing skeletal
cestor. This particular persona of K’ak’ Tiliw as a great headdresses emerging from both ends (Morley 1913:
warrior would become a standard trope in the monu- 340; Stone 1983, 1991). Although the image on the north
ments and texts of Sky Xul and his successors alike. face of Zoomorph G, a figure emerging out of the mouth
The monument upon which the death and funeral of the jaguar, is analogous to the transformational im-
events are recorded, Zoomorph G, presents K’ak’ Tiliw agery of Zoomorph B, the rear figure is highly unusual.
in particularly martial terms (Fig. 6.2). The dedication of Here it seems to issue from the birth canal of the jaguar,
this sculpture on the 9.17.15.0.0 period ending (No- surrounded by blood scrolls. This image may suggest a
vember 6, 785) follows shortly after the accession of Sky process of ancestral rebirth, accomplished through ritu-
Xul. Placed on three huge slabs at the south edge of Plat- als of veneration by Sky Xul. Given the formal and icon-
form 1A-1, the monument represents a “Waterlily Jaguar” ographic similarity of these figures to previous images of
K’ak’ Tiliw, it is possible that at least one of them rep-
Y Z A' B' resents the dead king and the other, perhaps, the new
ruler. Lengthy texts occupy the east and west flanks of
Zoomorph G. The dedication text that appears on the
1 east side refers to the monument as a “jaguar platform/
throne stone,” thus evoking the form of the first stone of
Creation mentioned and depicted on K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela C
2
(Fig. 6.3). The association of the first Creation stone with
the male ancestor (discussed in the previous chapter) im-
bues Zoomorph G with special relevance to the reign of
9.17.14.13.2 (July 27, 785), death at the Turtle Stone, K’ak’ Tiliw Sky Xul, suggesting a genealogical relationship between
the two rulers. Moreover, the association of the mytho-
6.1. Death of K’ak’ Tiliw. Zoomorph G, Y1–B'2. Drawing by au-
logical throne with warfare frames the monument as a
thor.

6.2. QRG Zoomorph G, west side. From Maudslay 1889–1902, 1974 by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further
Archaeology, vol. 2, Plate 42. From the facsimile edition of Biolo- reproduction prohibited.
gia Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 187

celebration of the ancestral powers of warfare, bestowed H'1 G'2 H'2
upon the heir through his ceremonial seating on this
throne.
The rendering of Zoomorph G as the jaguar platform
or throne of Creation also echoes the martial tone of the
monument’s texts, which highlight the great military vic-
tories of K’ak’ Tiliw. Prominently displayed on the west
witnessed (it) K’in B’alam Xkuy ajaw To’ ajaw lords?
flank of the sculpture is a text recounting the crucial
events of his reign. Following the formula established by 6.4. Citation of Xkuy ajaw on QRG Zoomorph G, H'1a–H'2.
K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela J, the text notes the accession of K’ak’ Drawing by author.
Tiliw (K'2–L'2) as the background event for the sacrifice
of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil (L'3–L'4).2 Below this, in the treatment. In addition, the placement of the monument
basal text, appears a reference to K’in B’alam of Xkuy, the elicits a strong association with the former ruler. Not
lord featured on K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela E (Fig. 6.4). In fact, only is its location on the axis of Platform 1A-1 (Fig. I.23),
Xkuy is cited on two other monuments of Sky Xul, imply- just to the south of the line between Stelae F and E, near
ing that at the close of the eighth century a continuing al- the monuments of K’ak’ Tiliw, but its position at the
liance with this site was even more politically significant front center of the group suggests that it “terminates”
than the sacrifice of the Copan king. Zoomorph G does the 1A-1 program. Sky Xul’s action is closely analogous to
not refer to Xkuy in association with the date of the cap- those of other Maya rulers, who often obstructed the en-
ture of the palanquin in 762 but records that the Xkuy tries to a previous ruler’s ritual space through an archi-
lord witnessed the death of K’ak’ Tiliw. The text thus tectural monument or stone marker. For example, after
evokes the parallel event inscribed on Stela E, in which the death of K’inich Kan B’alam II of Palenque, his
the Xkuy ajaw witnessed K’ak’ Tiliw’s period ending of younger brother K’inich K’an Joy Chitam II erected Tem-
9.17.0.0.0. In the subsequent monuments of Sky Xul, the ple XIV in the processional route between the palace and
military victories of K’ak’ Tiliw—but especially that in- the Cross Group erected by the former king (Schele 1988;
volving the participation of the Xkuy ajaw—are presented Schele and Miller 1986: 65, 74).3 A more contemporary
as the models for his own military campaigns in order to and regional precedent was set by the Copan king Yax
amplify their political significance. Pasaj, whose first monumental dedication, Altar GIII,
Although the exceedingly lengthy texts of Zoomorph marked the eastern entryway to the Great Plaza stela
G are an innovation of Sky Xul and typical of his monu- group of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil. Such “terminations”
ment programs, the throne form of the monument itself represent both a means of paying homage to the previous
represents a second dimension of the continuity between ruler and a way of containing the supernatural powers
his reign and that of K’ak’ Tiliw. The throne emulates the focused by groups of monuments or buildings. The ritu-
tradition initiated with K’ak’ Tiliw’s Zoomorph B, with als enabled new kings to control the powers of their
reference to size, dimensions, foundation, and low-relief predecessors, thus enhancing the inauguration of their
own reign.
N O P
The evocation of K’ak’ Tiliw through Sky Xul’s monu-
ments continued in his next project, Zoomorph O, com-
missioned for the 9.18.0.0.0 period ending (a.d. 790;
1 Fig. 6.5). Surviving only in fragmentary condition, this
huge sculpture reinterprets Zoomorph B, representing
the crocodilian Cosmic Monster with a personified
mountain on its back (Stone 1983). With Zoomorph O,
2 however, Sky Xul initiated the sculptural embellishment
of a new architectural space, a court located to the north-
east of the acropolis. Referred to as the Ballcourt Plaza,
jaguar stone object this court featured the east–west oriented ballcourt,
platform/throne Structure 1B-7. Unlike Zoomorph B, Zoomorph O was
6.3. Name of QRG Zoomorph G, east text, N2–P2. Drawing by paired with a flat altar (Altar O'), placed on its north side
author. (Fig. 6.6). This innovative monument portrays the half-

188 lightning warrior

6.5. QRG Zoomorph O, west. Drawing by author.

quatrefoil-shaped opening in the Maya mountain of Cre-

ation, out of which dances a lightning god, enveloped in
clouds (Coe 1978: 76; Taube 1986: 57). Placed adjacent to
Zoomorph O, Altar O' may be considered an extension of
the iconographic theme stated by the zoomorph. A long
text which adorns the quatrefoil frame of Altar O' re-
counts numerous events in the early years of the reign of
Sky Xul, beginning with his accession (M1–P1). The fig-
ure of K’ak’ Tiliw is prominent in the text, his nominal
glyphs appearing equal in size to those of Sky Xul and
four times larger than the rest of the glyph-blocks in the
text. Here is clear evidence of the attempt to compare the
two rulers. The event attributed to K’ak’ Tiliw is his mili-
tary action in the company of K’in B’alam (the Xkuy
ajaw), in 762 (Fig. 6.7), previously recorded on Stela E.
For Sky Xul’s purposes, this event serves as the backdrop
for his own military victories in 786 (Looper 1999). Thus,
in the text of Altar O', Sky Xul invoked the military suc-
cess of K’ak’ Tiliw to enhance his own prestige. 6.6. QRG Altar O', text removed. Drawing by author.
To celebrate the 9.18.5.0.0 period ending (September
15, 795), a new set of monuments very similar to the pre- touches surrounding the north-facing front muzzle of
vious one was placed just to the west of Zoomorph O and the Cosmic Monster. These muzzle cartouches have been
Altar O'. Zoomorph P, like Zoomorphs O and B, rep- of considerable interest to Mayanists, as they convey his-
resents a Cosmic Monster with a mountain on its back tory relating to the founding of the Quirigua and Copan
(Figs. 6.8, 6.9), while Altar P' recapitulates Altar O', de- dynasties (see Chapter 1). In addition, cartouches 8–13
picting a lightning deity emerging from a cave in the mention K’ak’ Tiliw in association with Sky Xul, planting
mountain (Fig. 6.10; Looper 2002b). Texts occupy analo- a stone to celebrate the 9.15.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 13 Yax period
gous positions to those of Zoomorph O and Altar O'. In ending (Fig. 2.2a). This serves as a background event for
addition, Zoomorph P features a text written in car- the celebration of the current period ending, which also

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 189

had a 4 Ajaw tzolk’in position, and echoes the 9.15.0.0.0 K’ak’ Tiliw. Following the initial series, the scattering
date cited on K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela E (Fig. 2.2b). Seen from rite for the period ending is stated as having taken place
the Maya perspective of cyclic history, the citation of rit- at “the throne? of K’ak’ Tiliw and Waxaklajun Ub’ah
ual performances of K’ak’ Tiliw and Sky Xul on the 4 K’awil” (Fig. 6.11; see Grube, Schele, and Fahsen 1991).
Ajaw period ending in 731 established the spiritual pres- As such ceremonies surely took place at the monument
ence of both rulers during the 4 Ajaw period ending of itself, this passage indicates that Zoomorph P was spe-
795. The rear (south) text of Zoomorph P also dem- cially dedicated to the previous ruler of Quirigua and the
onstrates a remarkably intense devotion to the legacy of lord from Copan whom he defeated.

X2 Y2a Y2b Z1 A'1 Z2

9.16.11.13.1 [verb] K’in B’alam Xkuy ajaw Six Shell- [relationship] K’ak’ Tiliw
(Nov. 28, 762) in-Hand

6.7. War involving K’ak’ Tiliw, as cited on QRG Altar O',

X2–Z2. Drawing by author.

6.8. QRG Zoomorph P, north face. From Maudslay 1889–1902, 1974 by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further
Archaeology, vol. 2, Plate 57. From the facsimile edition of Biolo- reproduction prohibited.
gia Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published

190 lightning warrior

6.9. QRG Zoomorph P, north face, text removed. Drawing by
author.

6.10. QRG Altar P', text removed. Drawing by author.

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 191

 C D paragons whose actions of monument dedication set the
precedent for Sky Xul.
he scatters
The text of Altar P' is considerably briefer than that of
4 O', though it repeats several of the events recorded on the
earlier monument. Following the initial series, the pe-
riod-ending ritual and Sky Xul’s accession are given
greater significance through an imbedded account of
incense, primordial Creation which appears as background infor-
5
13 Kawak house mation (L1b2–N2; see Looper 2002b). This passage
draws attention to the identity of tzolk’in dates of Creation
and the dedication date of the altar and zoomorph (4
the throne? Ajaw). It also provides additional grounds for identifying
6 of K’ak’ Tiliw Zoomorph P as the third stone of Creation, a water
throne. Further along in the text is new information, not
recorded in the text of Altar O'. This includes various
events probably of a military nature that involve a lord of
an unknown site, the name of which is undeciphered but
7 includes a bat head like that of Copan or Xkuy. As a prec-
edent for these events, the historical occasion in 762 in
which K’in B’alam of Xkuy acted in the company of K’ak’
it happened at Tiliw is cited (Fig. 6.12). Thus, like Altar O', the rhetoric
his throne? of Altar P' compares the victories of Sky Xul and K’ak’
8
Tiliw, stressing the continuities between the reigns of the
two kings.
In summary, the monuments of Sky Xul consistently
draw upon one of the most productive ritual guises of
9 K’ak’ Tiliw in order to support the new ruler’s aim of
achieving prestige through warfare. Most of these refer-
ences are conveyed through inscriptions, in which the
Waxaklajun military successes of K’ak’ Tiliw are compared to those
Ub’ah K’awil of Sky Xul. In iconography, the allusion is generally more
6.11. QRG Zoomorph P, south text, C4–D9. Drawing by author.
indirect. Zoomorph G takes the form of the first plat-
form or throne of Creation, which the Maya associated
with the martial powers of male ancestors. One of the
Sky Xul’s strategy to connect his reign to that of an il- figures shown emerging from the end of the monument
lustrious predecessor through comparisons of his own may represent K’ak’ Tiliw, although the figure itself does
actions with the accomplishments of his ancestor is not display specifically martial iconography.
common in Classic Maya rhetoric. One well-known ex- The subsequent programs of Zoomorph O/Altar O'
ample is illustrated in the series of ballgame panels in- and Zoomorph P/Altar P' focus on more general themes
stalled in the Yaxchilan Structure 33 stairway by K’ak’ of Creation. Even these images may contain a veiled ref-
Tiliw’s contemporary at Yaxchilan, Bird Jaguar IV. Flank- erence to K’ak’ Tiliw, however. Although it is not certain,
ing the large central scene of Bird Jaguar’s own ballgame the figures that dominate the compositions of Altars O'
in a.d. 744 are scenes of ballgames played by the king’s and P' may in fact have been interpreted as images of the
father and grandfather on previous occasions (Schele great king apotheosized as a lightning deity (Fig. 6.13).
and Freidel 1990: 283). At Copan legitimacy was often There is precedent for such a ritual transformation, as il-
traced to the founder of the local dynasty, K’inich Yax lustrated by the Dumbarton Oaks tablet from Palenque,
K’uk’ Mo’, who is cited, for example, on CPN Stela J and which shows the deceased ruler K’inich K’an Joy Chitam
Altar Q. At Quirigua the text of Zoomorph P combines II dancing as a lightning deity named Ux B’olon Chaak
these two approaches, citing both his predecessor (K’ak’ (Schele and Miller 1986: 274–276).4 Interestingly, a dif-
Tiliw) and the dynastic founder (Tok Casper) as royal ferent lightning deity is shown on the Quirigua altars. At

192 lightning warrior

 V2b2 W1a1 W1b1 W1a2 W1b2 X1a1

9.16.11.13.1 (Nov. 28, 762) [verb] Xkuy, K’in B’alam? in his company [K’ak’ Tiliw]

6.12. War involving K’ak’ Tiliw, as cited on QRG Altar P',

V2b2–X1a1. Drawing by author.

least on O', the figure holds in his right hand the quatre-
foil stone wielded by the Yo’at/Yo’pat spirit who assists in
the resurrection of maize from the cosmic turtle. Thus,
Altar O' may depict the deceased ruler in a guise consis-
tent with that promoted during K’ak’ Tiliw’s own reign.
If this interpretation is correct, then Sky Xul’s monu-
ments can be seen as presenting a contrast between the
representation of K’ak’ Tiliw in texts (as a human war-
rior) and in images (as a divine being). This differs from
the representations of K’ak’ Tiliw in his own monu-
ments, whose divinity is only implied through associa-
tion with supernatural emblems and performance of rit-
uals. During his own reign, K’ak’ Tiliw is consistently
given a human face.

Jade Sky and the Reign of K’ak’ Tiliw

Although no death date is preserved for Sky Xul, we
know that the king did not live to see the next period end-
ing, 9.18.10.0.0 (a.d. 800). The monument erected on
this date was Stela I, a relatively modest shaft located a
few meters north of K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela J. The name of the
patron of Stela I, written on the north face of the stela
(A8–B8), has elements similar to those of the patron of
the next two monuments at Quirigua, known as Jade Sky.
There are enough differences, however, to consider the
possibility that he was a distinct ruler with Stela I as his
6.13. QRG Altar O', detail of figure. Photo by Thomas Tolles.
sole monument.5
In contrast to the monuments of Sky Xul, Stela I and
the remaining monuments of Jade Sky suggest a policy of The Principal Bird Deity perches aloft, while (above and
political reconciliation with Copan, despite the return to below) square-nosed serpents enclosing “sky” glyphs
a format typical of the reign of K’ak’ Tiliw. Stela I is and crossed bands develop a celestial context for the fig-
slightly shorter than Stela J (4.1 m) but wider. Like Stela J, ure. Although it has been suggested that this figure rep-
Stela I has a continuous text on its north and south faces resents the current ruler upon his accession throne (by
which is read in the same order (north to south) and has analogy with the Piedras Negras “niche” stelae; see Fig.
the royal portrait facing toward the west (Fig. 6.14). In- 5.30), the mirror body-markings clearly identify him as
stead of having a text on the reverse (east) like Stela J, a supernatural being (Fig. 6.16). In fact, the entire assem-
Stela I features an image of the back of the king’s cere- blage on the east face represents a backrack, akin to
monial costume (Fig. 6.15). It shows a human figure those worn by the personification of maize as the so-
seated on a personified hill, surrounded by a skyband. called Holmul Dancer (Reents-Budet 1985). Rather than

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 193

6.14. QRG Stela I, west face. Drawing by author. 6.15. QRG Stela I, east face. Drawing by author.

the Piedras Negras stelae, the inspiration for this icon- recounting the deeds of K’ak’ Tiliw that led up to the de-
ography was probably Copan Stela H (west face), which capitation of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, even though the
depicts the ruler as a maize deity, complete with a back- sacrifice itself is not mentioned (Fig. 6.17). The story be-
rack. The obverse (east face) of QRG Stela I shows the gins with an account of the 9.15.5.0.0 period ending cel-
ruler wearing a costume seen repeatedly at Quirigua and ebrated by K’ak’ Tiliw and a subsequent mention of the
holding a shield and God K scepter in the manner of the king of Calakmul, in an unclear context (Fig. 3.7). This is
adjacent Stela J. followed by a complex narrative of what may be the cap-
While the iconography of this monument is unre- ture and burning of deity images of Copan, six days prior
markable, its text is of considerable interest, as it promi- to the sacrifice of the Copan king (see Chapter 3; Fig.
nently features military actions of K’ak’ Tiliw. In fact, al- 3.4). The political significance of this inscription, how-
most the entire south text of the monument is devoted to ever, is not entirely clear. By a.d. 800 the dynasty of Ca-

194 lightning warrior

lakmul was no longer an important political force in the
Maya world, and its elaborate alliance network was a
thing of the past. Thus, these references may have been
conceived as an attempt to blame the Quirigua-Copan
conflict on a foreign power that no longer held sway over
local affairs. This interpretation is supported by the fact
that the Stela I text refrains from using the military ac-
tions of K’ak’ Tiliw as a precedent for those of the current
king of Quirigua, as had been common in the monu-
ments of Sky Xul. Such distancing, however, is subverted
somewhat by the siting of Stela I only a few meters from
K’ak’ Tiliw’s Stela J—a monument laden with martial
iconography—and oriented in the same direction, look-
ing toward the west.
The treatment accorded to Stela S during the reign of
the Stela I ruler suggests further distancing from K’ak’
Tiliw. This monument had originally been dedicated by
K’ak’ Tiliw in 746, probably in the Great Plaza. Some-
time around a.d. 800, however, it was transported to

6.17. QRG Stela I, south text. Photo by Thomas Tolles.

Group 7A-1 (Group B), to the north of the site core,

where it was installed in a new foundation of the same
type as Stela I (Fig. 1.1; Jones, Ashmore, and Sharer 1983:
19–20). While this act clearly shows the honor accorded
to the earlier king, it may also have constituted a physical
metaphor for the political difference between K’ak’ Tiliw
and the current king. Located approximately on the edge
of the settlement, this new shrine might have diverted
veneration of K’ak’ Tiliw from the site core, in an attempt
to appease visiting dignitaries from Copan. Wendy Ash-
more (n.d.) notes that around the same time a similar
treatment was accorded to Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil by
Yax Pasaj through the construction of the memorial
Group 8L-10 at Copan. At a time of regional political
upheaval, the distancing from controversial former
rulers may have been deemed conducive to the renewal of
intersite alliances.
6.16. QRG Stela I, east face, detail of figure in niche. Photo by The next monument at Quirigua, Stela K (Fig. 6.18),
Thomas Tolles. conveys a political ambiguity akin to that expressed in

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 195

Stela I and the relocation of Stela S. This short but beau- K’ak’ Tiliw remained alive, transformed into a textual
tifully carved stela, dedicated by Jade Sky on 9.18.15.0.0 mode. Such references suggest that K’ak’ Tiliw’s monu-
(a.d. 805) to the east of Stela I, contains not a single tex- mental personae still influenced political events at Quiri-
tual reference to K’ak’ Tiliw but merely records the rites gua, just as his portrait stelae dominate the site today.
of the present king on its side texts, oriented to the north
The Evolution of Personae at Quirigua
and south. Visually, however, the monument is related to
several works of the past at Quirigua. In format Stela K It is useful to summarize the transformation of personae
closely approximates Stela F, with frontal portraits of the at Quirigua in order to understand its relation to political
king on two sides (here east and west). Iconographically history. The presence of K’ak’ Tiliw is first felt in the
as well, Stela K quotes Stela F, with the king holding a years between his accession in 725 and the war with Co-
double-headed serpent bar on the east (functionally pan in 738, through new architectural projects that asso-
equivalent to the celestial cords of Stela F) and displaying ciate him with sites of city-founding. During this early
the sak-pectoral/God K/shield emblem complex on the period, he also dedicated Altars M and N, which rep-
west. If the movement of the sun provides a model for resent supernatural toponyms and function as stage
the reading order of this stela, then this imagery is or- properties to generate a sacred context for rituals. In
dered in the same sequence as Stela F. The representation these years K’ak’ Tiliw’s ritual guises were presumably
of the double-headed serpent on Stela K is similar to that generated by his association with stone monuments dur-
on Stela H, which is located on the opposite side of the ing performances. There is no inscription of his physical
plaza. Like the earlier monument, the mouths of the bar presence in the form of a portrait, suggesting that such a
on Stela K disgorge God K images, with shields dangling tangible embodiment of persona may have been prohib-
below the snakes’ lower jaws. Trapezoidal banners origi- ited to this vassal of Copan. Despite this display of sub-
nally adorned the shields and also appear in the head- ordination, the burst of creative energy that followed the
dress, recalling the imagery of the nearby Stela J. Stela K accession of K’ak’ Tiliw may actually have contributed to
thus preserves the forms associated with K’ak’ Tiliw but the outbreak of hostility between the two sites. At Quiri-
none of the visionary personalized qualities or specific gua public works enhanced the presence and spiritual
political references emphasized in the preceding monu- potency of the ruler through performance, thus provid-
mental program. ing a forum for centralization of power. The Copan king
A more radical change is seen upon the next period Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, who had recently sponsored
ending, which was celebrated not with a stela but with K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession, may have felt threatened by this
the dedication of an elaborately decorated building lo- ostentatious display of wealth and power and either at-
cated on the south side of the acropolis court, Structure tacked Quirigua or instigated repressive measures that
1B-1. This structure had both a hieroglyphic cornice, resulted in a revolt by K’ak’ Tiliw. While the details of
which recorded the 9.19.0.0.0 k’atun ending (a.d. 810), cause and effect are elusive, the monumental record at
and a hieroglyphic step or bench in each of its three Quirigua clearly indicates local support for the position
rooms. As noted by William Fash (1984), the contempo- of the new ruler, prior to the war with Copan.
rary ruler of Copan (Yax Pasaj) is mentioned in these texts Following independence in 738, there is a short inter-
performing period-ending rituals (Fig. 6.19). Although lude in monumental commissions at Quirigua, probably
the text does not specifically state that Jade Sky con- attributable to economic consolidation and the opening
ducted the ritual in the company of the Copan king, the of new sandstone quarries. Finally, by 746, the tradition
parallelism of their rituals suggests not only that Quiri- of stela dedication is reestablished with Stela S. Al-
gua and Copan may finally have achieved some sort of ac- though poor preservation of this monument precludes
cord but also that it was to Jade Sky’s immediate political discussion of its presentation of persona, on the next
advantage to record the name of the king of the neigh- stela (H, dedicated in 751) the image of the king is strik-
boring site. Despite these intriguing suggestions, a full ing and complex, demonstrating the supernatural mar-
understanding of the political significance of this struc- tial powers of K’ak’ Tiliw. The grouping of stelae in an
ture must await the reconstruction of its cornice inscrip- open plaza at Quirigua, to create foci for pilgrimage and
tion, which today lies in stacks near the site warehouse. ceremony, is a monumental arrangement specifically
For on two of these blocks, disassociated from any event, adapted from that of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, which
the name of K’ak’ Tiliw appears (Fig. 6.20). Thus, even at personalizes space through a series of monumental per-
the end of recorded history at Quirigua, the legacy of sonae. However, there are differences between the two

196 lightning warrior

6.18. QRG Stela K, west face. From Maudslay 1889–1902, Ar-
chaeology, vol. 2, Plate 48a. From the facsimile edition of Biolo-
gia Centrali-Americana by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Published
1974 by Milpatron Publishing Corp., Stamford, Conn. Further
reproduction prohibited.

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 197

 9.18.19.16.0 (May 19, 810) [verb] Jade Sky

9.19.0.0.0 (June 28, 810) he scatters

Jade Sky he scatters, Yax Pasaj

6.19. QRG Structure 1B-1 hieroglyphic step inscription. Draw-

ing by author.

rulers’ approaches. At Copan stelae pertaining to the and sacrifice appears on the Hieroglyphic Stairway/Stela
previous ruler, Smoke Imix, peer from the east and west M group at Copan and on Stela J at Quirigua, both ded-
margins of the plaza toward those of Waxaklajun Ub’ah icated in 756. The rhetorical significance of the two pro-
K’awil. As permanent embodiments of the former ruler, grams varies, however. At Copan militarism is integrated
these monuments (Stelae I and E) literally “oversee” the into dynastic history in such a way as to suggest its conti-
works of his successor (and probably his son), lending nuity through a line of rulers as well as the ultimate orig-
them legitimacy. References to dynastic traditions and ins of martial powers in the exotic ceremonies of Teoti-
earlier rulers are also explicit in the texts of Waxaklajun huacan. In contrast, Quirigua Stela J emphasizes the
Ub’ah K’awil’s stelae. At Quirigua, in contrast, there unique role of K’ak’ Tiliw in achieving the independence
were no standing ancestral monuments from which sup- of Quirigua as an incarnation of the lightning deity
port could be drawn. Instead, Stela H and the associated Chaak. This persona dominates monumental sculpture
radial pyramid 1A-11 served to recreate a local Early Classic
ceremonial landscape. Despite these differences, both
sites enlist a specific type of performance venue—the
open plaza with clustered stelae—to foster political cen-
tralization. K’ak’ Tiliw’s adaptation of spatial concepts
originally developed at Copan suggests an attempt to
surpass and thereby claim political ascendancy of Quiri-
gua over Copan, specifically through the victory over
K’ak’ Tiliw 5-k’atun incense- divine
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil.
offerer Quirigua
With the accession of Copan’s fifteenth king—K’ak’ ajaw
Yipyaj—shortly after the war, a pattern of competition
6.20. QRG Structure 1B-1 cornice inscription, 29–32. Drawing
over regional supremacy is expressed through monu-
by author.
mental iconography commissioned by this king and
K’ak’ Tiliw. In particular, a similar complex of militarism

198 lightning warrior

at Quirigua through the dedication of Stela E in a.d. 771. powers of botanical growth and especially with the
In these programs, then, we have a case of distinct and maize spirit, a principal embodiment of procreative po-
competitive ritual personae presented at the two sites. tential. This is suggested by the triadic emblems (shield,
Indeed, the development of the lightning-deity persona God K, sak-pectoral) he manipulates on most of the ste-
for K’ak’ Tiliw at Quirigua may have been a specific re- lae (J, F, D, and E). These icons imply both his super-
sponse to the rhetoric of the Copan Hieroglyphic Stair- vision of cosmogenesis and ritual rebirth as the flower-
way, which phrased the death of Waxaklajun Ub’ah bedecked spirit of maize. At the beginning and end of
K’awil in the context of the birth of the deity Yax Ha’al this series, Stela H and Zoomorph B depict the king as
Chaak. the essence of maize reborn from the mountain of Crea-
The discourse between K’ak’ Tiliw and K’ak’ Yipyaj tion.
hinges to a large degree on the issue of ancestral legiti- The emphasis on power through the metaphor of Cre-
mation. At Copan the persona of K’ak’ Yipyaj as warrior ation embodied especially in the A-B-C program is ev-
is transparently linked to those of his ancestors, passed idence of a lessening of political tensions between Copan
on through successive rulers. He is presented essentially and Quirigua during the reign of Yax Pasaj. As the Copan
as a reincarnation of the founder, K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’, ruler’s monumental art focused increasingly on appeas-
with whom Teotihuacan-derived iconography is most in- ing local nobility, K’ak’ Tiliw’s monuments were de-
timately associated. The association of Stela M with signed to appeal to a general audience through their
Structure 10L-26 adds to these ancestral comparisons, “fundamentalist” message.
for within this structure was buried the twelfth king, From this summary it is clear that “K’ak’ Tiliw” is not
Smoke Imix. In contrast, at Quirigua Stela J presents a unified, stable identity but rather a collection of per-
K’ak’ Tiliw as an independent agent, whose supremacy is sonae that were continually reinvented during the king’s
affirmed primarily through direct control of the spiritual life. Two particular dimensions of monumental art per-
forces that govern the conduct of warfare. The monu- mitted this process. First, as portraits, the monuments
ment, like its predecessor, claims that through royal ritu- allowed the “dividuation” of the king into multiple man-
als of warfare and sacrifice the forces of fertility are man- ifestations, each expressing distinct political and re-
ifested for human use. Through a recreation of the style ligious meanings (see Strathern 1988). Second, as free-
and iconography of Early Classic monuments at Quiri- standing public objects, monuments became foci for
gua, K’ak’ Tiliw’s stelae claim that this was no usurpa- the creation of communal values. Performance was
tion but a legitimate reassertion of local autonomy. the key to bridging these different dimensions, for it was
The construction of Platform 1A-1 as a setting for sub- through contact with these images that the meanings
sequent monument dedications between 761 and 780 and associations of each persona were impressed upon
represents shifts both in spatial deportment of monu- the collective memory and condensed into a single “su-
ments and in the guises conveyed through the portraits. perpersona,” an ideological talisman that served as the
One of the most highly integrated monumental pro- basis for political control. For K’ak’ Tiliw, this composite
grams known from the ancient Maya, the 1A-1 group de- persona is highly subjective, evoking the image of a su-
velops two major personae for K’ak’ Tiliw in addition to perhuman who was able to access divine powers directly
his association with the domain of Chaak. Organized through ritual practice. It also seems to have converged
thematically into opposite corners of the platform, the to some extent with his name, identifying him with a
king is shown as cosmic architect and creator and as manifestation of lightning. And yet interaction with each
traveler to the sacred times and places of the ancient monument allows the viewer to contemplate successive
past. Within each of these categories are more subtle dis- guises. The consideration of K’ak’ Tiliw’s collective
tinctions, such as the representations of Stelae C and A, monumental commissions suggests the nature of an-
which show the ruler empowered with the complemen- cient Maya personae as conventional masks that are re-
tary domains of two of the stone platforms of creation. vealed through performance. These masks were manipu-
Sexual dimensions of these personae are promulgated as lated in direct response to historical requirements and
well, in the role of the king as “mother” who gives birth often in competition with those developed by other
to the gods and as masculine archetype, inscribed in rulers.
phallic form and from whose loins emerge vital energies. The richly personal vision embodied by K’ak’ Tiliw’s
Indeed, it can be argued that all of the monumental por- monuments stands in contrast to the transformation of
traits of K’ak’ Tiliw at Quirigua associate him with the his personae upon the ruler’s death in 785. Principally

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 199

through hieroglyphic inscriptions, his successors cast took place in 3114 b.c. The most direct and frequent evo-
K’ak’ Tiliw in the highly reductive mold of a warrior-an- cation of this power is the literary trope which compares
cestor. Such a persona had, in fact, been conveyed the king’s ritual activities with those of supernatural be-
through certain aspects of the Stela C portrait during ings in the far distant past. Nearly every public artistic
K’ak’ Tiliw’s lifetime; but after his death this image is form at Quirigua endows the ruler with powers of crea-
converted into a rhetorical argument of secondary im- tion and renewal, from temples which represent the
portance to the personae promulgated by his successors. mountain of Creation to stelae which represent the pil-
This transformation of the king’s identity again under- lars established at the corners and center of the nascent
scores the highly performative nature of persona, which world. These symbolisms were explicitly developed in
is by definition embodied. As a conveyor of persona, the terms of the narrative of cosmogenesis at Quirigua,
portrait is of key importance in establishing the bodily wherein royal monument dedications were likened to
presence. Through associated costume, attributes, and cosmic architecture. In addition, astrology constituted a
texts, the body-image becomes a vehicle for presenting highly potent elite technology, for the appearance and
complex identities. The portrait monuments of K’ak’ movement of celestial bodies were seen as an artifact of
Tiliw, while not reproducing all aspects of ritual, did ma- Creation, established and controlled by the king. K’ak’
nipulate space and present the royal visage in a theatrical Tiliw frequently made reference to such eternal cycles in
setting. In this way, personae were deployed in social iconography and through his most grand architectural
contexts at Quirigua. commission, the Great Plaza. Most importantly, the
monumental images imply that it was the ruler himself
Domains of Power who ritually conjured and reestablished the primordial
A useful conclusion to the interpretations considered forces of cosmic order at Quirigua. Such energies are
above is to place the concept of personae as defined at prominently symbolized on monuments, as scrolls
ancient Quirigua into the context of power, for in a pro- which emerge from the Creation platforms depicted on
found sense power is the meaning of history. In particu- Stelae C and A. Thus, the cyclic conception of time culti-
lar, the legacy of texts, monuments, and architecture left vates the image of the king as a divine being whose ritual
by K’ak’ Tiliw points to certain interrelated types of program guarantees access to the primordial powers of
power that were considered crucial to his reign. One cat- renewal. Rooted in the symbolism of agriculture and the
egory of power could be defined as the control of super- change of seasons, the rituals of monument dedication
natural forces through ritual, documented in elaborate claim power over food production and earthly fertility as
detail in text and image on K’ak’ Tiliw’s monuments. well.
This domain of power derived from the king’s position Monumental building enterprises constitute a second
as a mediator between the everyday world and the spirit index of power, for the commissioning of masonry archi-
world inhabited by the gods and ancestors. Featured tecture and monumental sculpture was the traditional
events in hieroglyphic texts are acts of sacrifice, such as prerogative of Maya kings. Through their cosmological
bloodletting, incense scattering, and human sacrifice, symbolisms, K’ak’ Tiliw’s sculptures were of major im-
which cast the king as a sustainer of the gods. Also men- portance in promoting the polity as a powerful, indepen-
tioned is the act of conjuration, whereby instruments dent entity. The fashioning of these monuments in the
such as the double-headed serpent bar allowed direct ac- image of the king and their distribution in the ceremo-
cess to supernaturals through their “birth” into the hu- nial landscape generated a map of the “body-politic,”
man world. Many of these events were carried out in the impressing upon all who witnessed them the identity be-
context of public performance, captured in the monu- tween king and state. Monuments and architecture also
mental images of the king with their lavish displays of served as indexes of power in that they constituted ev-
ritual costume. Several of the most common costume idence of an ability to mobilize human forces. Large-
elements shown on the stelae, such as high-backed san- scale building and monumental activity implies the exist-
dals and shell tinklers, are rhythmic musical instruments ence of an economy stable enough to support such
which were used in the ritual dances through which the specialized and costly labor. In particular, the elab-
king entered a trance and traveled to the spirit world.6 oration of the sacred center of Quirigua promoted an im-
Many of the powers attributed to supernatural in- age of economic prosperity for the polity, fostered by the
fluence were expressed through rituals of cosmic re- king’s leadership. The rituals by which these monu-
newal, modeled on the narrative of cosmogenesis which ments were dedicated also served as a major forum for

200 lightning warrior

the display of power, as their erection and dedication en- vative and locally specific style served as an immediately
tailed sacrificial bloodletting, the burning of offerings, intelligible and potent means for stressing the continuity
the conjuration of spirit beings, and the display of power between fifth- and eighth-century rulers at Quirigua. As
objects, war trophies, and sacred costume. The erection such, it complemented the textual, iconographic, and
of monuments in an enormous public space at the center programmatic meanings of K’ak’ Tiliw’s sculpture.
of the settlement charged the space with the powers sig- While texts, imagery, and programming demonstrated
nified by these objects and rituals. As memorials to the the king’s active and central role in cosmic and political
king and his rituals, the sculpture programs established organization, style established the precise locus for the
a context for future pageants, festivals, and other gather- cosmic center at Quirigua. It cultivated a history of artis-
ings which took place on the Great Plaza. The continued tic and dynastic greatness that served as a foundation
use of the Great Plaza for sacred ceremony ennobled upon which K’ak’ Tiliw set his own stones of power.
these rituals and celebrations through a comparison At the juncture of these two sites of power—ritual
with the sacred and historical acts of the powerful ruler practice and monumental works—and essential to the
represented on the monuments. In this way, access to the development of both was charisma, the king’s power of
“king,” a complex of personae sanctified by myth and rit- persona. In its original sense, this term (from Greek
ual, was guaranteed. kharis “favor, grace”) referred to a gift of power thought
The appearance of the monuments commissioned by to have been divinely bestowed. In modern sociological
K’ak’ Tiliw held the potential for associative meanings writings (e.g., Geertz 1985; Weber 1968), however, the
that were equally important in the exercise of royal power meaning has shifted to encompass the special authority
at Quirigua. Specifically, the rapid improvement in sculp- possessed by elites. In its function at ancient Quirigua,
tural quality seen, for example, over the fifteen years be- charisma was a form of personal agency of supernatural
tween Stela S and Stela J strongly suggests that high- origin that legitimated the authority of kings. Further-
quality craftsmanship was valued in the artistic culture of more, it was inherently performative, and ritual was its
the eighth century. Such striving for sculptural excel- principal mode of expression. Ritual both symbolized
lence—that is, conforming to Classic Maya canons of de- and actuated through performance the supernatural
sign and finish—may be interpreted as a significant po- sources of royal power. The divine personae embodied in
litical tool.7 Dorie Reents-Budet (1994: 97) discusses the monumental portraits were the means by which cha-
social value attributed to high-quality painted ceramics risma could be perpetuated. Their principal function was
in the Late Classic period, which were not only frequently to objectify the subjective state of psychological transfor-
signed by the artist but also prized as gifts. Similarly, the mation and permanently link these spiritual identities to
elaborateness and quality of carved monuments may a specific historical person. Through contact with these
have connoted the elite status of their patron as well as great embodiments of royal presence in the Great Plaza,
his precedence over a well-developed and cultured court, crowds of people could experience an effervescent state
comparable to the other centers of the Maya world. of collectivity that is the hallmark of the charismatic ex-
Of fundamental importance to the interpretation of perience (see Durkheim 1965: 140; Lindholm 1990). In-
style at Quirigua, however, was its capacity for express- deed, the multiplicity of monumental personae at Quiri-
ing K’ak’ Tiliw’s links to the past. Because of the disrup- gua may embody the disintegration of individuality that
tion of the stela tradition at Quirigua between the fifth occurs during an ecstatic state. As such, they may relate
and late seventh centuries, the choice to revive it was in closely to the institution of shamanism, the crux of Maya
part an archaizing move that invoked the authority of the religion, which is based on the control of fearful spirit
ancient rulers of the site. By the Late Classic period, ste- forces that cause psychic fragmentation. Captured in
lae, altars, and thrones were already ancient art forms, aesthetic forms and interpreted through ritual and the
and this association enhanced the messages conveyed language of imagery, these dangerous forces were
within these sculptural modes at Quirigua. More pre- “tamed” by the rulers, absorbed into their mystique, and
cisely, however, K’ak’ Tiliw’s monuments recalled styles made available to the audience/participant.
characteristic of Early Classic Quirigua. His sculptors re- Crucial to the cultivation of royal charisma was the es-
interpreted several Early Classic features of stelae, in- tablishment of a symbolic center for Quirigua. As dis-
cluding the wrap-around compositional mode, frontal cussed by Edward Shils (1961: 117), such centers have
pose, registers, low relief, facial emphasis, squared “nothing to do with geometry and little with geography.”
forms, and emphasis on the stela block. A highly conser- Rather, they are loci of importance, where events crucial

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 201

to the core value system of a society are carried out. Sym- of the Great Plaza, and finally the elaboration of the
bolic centers function as maps of power, diagramming acropolis alone.
the charismatic relationship between leader and fol- The acropolis was not the only center of power, how-
lower. At Quirigua the geographical center was little ever. Indeed, charisma has a complex history at Quiri-
more than a muddy riverbank. The principal ideological gua, characterized by changing loci of ideological signif-
center, however, was marked by a complex of structures icance. Following the defeat of Copan, the center of
that we call the acropolis, built upon this riverbank. Its power invoked by K’ak’ Tiliw’s political rhetoric was
sacred nature was affirmed by its massive presence, sig- principally the sphere of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, al-
naling the ritual accumulation of several generations of though links are also established with the early elite
kings, including key sacra, such as the entombed relics center of Quirigua, Group 3C-7. During this period, the
of an Early Classic ruler and precious offerings in caches. path to power lay both in local memory and in a claim to
The center was also defined by performance (and by the eclipse the nearby center. This view acknowledged the
memories of a history of performances) of the ritual validity of distinctive centers of power in the Maya world,
events of highest importance within its confines, partic- but with the provision that they could at any time be ap-
ularly those ceremonies aimed at controlling rain, agri- propriated through military force, conducted in a ritual
cultural abundance, and human fecundity. As a spiritual manner and drawing upon the will of the gods. In other
conduit, the king drew upon the most potent forces of words, the divine right of charisma permitted the re-
the cosmos located at distant places and times, releasing structuring of the political landscape through spiritual
them to the community through a ritual center. By living conquest. With Stelae J and F, the center shifted slightly,
and performing rituals in this elevated compound, the focusing on the power sphere of K’ak’ Yipyaj. During this
rulers demonstrated their nearness to the sacred sources period, charisma was expressed as a direct competition
of their charisma, in the sky, underworld, and periphery between two politically equal centers. After the death of
of the cosmos. K’ak’ Yipyaj, however, Quirigua again looked homeward,
The distribution of carved monuments throughout the toward its roots in the Early Classic period and toward
site maintains a constant reference to this center. These the universal Maya myths of centering embodied in the
portrait images are in fact aligned in accord with the lore of cosmic renewal. Finally, following the death of
master axis established by the layout of the acropolis, K’ak’ Tiliw, the ruler himself became a rhetorical center,
Great Plaza, and surrounding structures. Thus, even characterized by his successors as an archetypal warrior.
though each stela constitutes a center of power, it is sub- Thus, as in the process of substitution which permitted
ordinated to the group of monuments to which it be- rulers to succeed each other, the power of K’ak’ Tiliw was
longs and the group in turn to the overall design of the first legitimated by reference to external loci but later be-
site, established by the acropolis. In addition, the monu- came a center itself. Such was the process of legitimiza-
ments of Platform 1A-1 face the acropolis, staring perpet- tion for the ancient Maya, in which hierarchies of power
ually toward its north face. Through this spatial and vis- were continually restructured and recycled.
ual correspondence, the stelae and zoomorphs maintain Yet another aspect of charisma is expressed through
symbolic ties with the acropolis, which is the “true” royal rituals and monumental art at Quirigua. The exag-
center of the realm, where the king actually lived. This in- gerated sexualized personae portrayed in huge phallic
timate dialogue between monumental portraits and the monuments that represent the ruler manifesting forces
politico-religious center of Quirigua may be interpreted of fertility strongly suggest that sexual power was a cru-
as a fundamental aspect of charisma which emanated cial dimension of their symbolism. This feature is not
from the king’s performances in the acropolis and which distinctive to Quirigua, for it is seen throughout the Maya
was refracted and propagated through monument lowlands during the Classic period, wherever rulers
groups. Integrated into a public setting, the monuments erected stelae with carved portraits. These images sup-
mediated the charismatic bond between elite and non- port the identification of the period ending and its stela
elite. Following the death of K’ak’ Tiliw, there is a notice- ceremony with an ideology of procreation, focused on
able contraction of power toward the center, evidenced the ruler’s powers over both male and female sexuality as
by the shift of monumental activity during the reigns of an incarnation of the dual-gendered maize deity. This
the final two kings. First is the “termination” of the 1A-1 persona is of the utmost importance at Quirigua, where
program by Zoomorph G, followed by the dedication of it is elaborated in a spectacular over-life-sized sculptural
monuments in the Ballcourt Plaza and southern portion form and referenced in iconography and text. As such,

202 lightning warrior

the monuments created an object of desire for the ized the final decades of Classic Maya civilization. In fact,
members of the community, into which they could pro- the program of K’ak’ Tiliw may be interpreted as a prime
ject their sexualities and likewise draw on the forces example of a ritual complex designed to thwart change
magically realized through the images. Such inter- (see Bateson 1958; Blier 1996: 193). In their massive size,
changes were likely specifically embodied in ceremonies the stelae of K’ak’ Tiliw assert with increasing intensity
in which blood offerings—for men, sometimes drawn the fixity and permanence of kingship at the site. The
from the genitals—were deposited at the base of the staid conservatism of iconography and style typical of
stela. These rituals provided a structure for the return these monuments promotes the ideology of the regular
promised by the monuments’ imagery. cycling of time and the king’s manipulation of these
The sexual symbolism of stelae leads to further impli- cycles to buttress a faltering political system. In the end,
cations concerning their capacity to function as agents. the paradox of these monument’s inception in a break
Supported by rituals of world-renewal, the stela images from the sphere of Copan to create a new center came
afforded the king the possibility of literally and symboli- full circle and contributed to the complete decentraliza-
cally reproducing himself according to a regular tem- tion of the region. Abandoned to the encroaching jungle,
poral schedule. With the passing of each hotun of time, a Quirigua was to slumber in oblivion for almost a millen-
new stone image of the king was born, swaddled in cloth nium until its rediscovery in the nineteenth century set
wrappings, and given life through the shedding of royal modern scholars on the path to the recovery of its his-
blood. Vision serpents, symbolizing supernatural um- tory.
bilici, were conjured, and the new being was purified The monuments and other material remains of Quiri-
through the offering of incense. Embodying the succes- gua seem still to preserve additional secrets. The better
sion of Ajaw-days upon which they were dedicated, the we are able to read the inscriptions and decipher the
sculptures were akin to a dynasty within a dynasty—a se- complex iconography of K’ak’ Tiliw’s monuments, the
ries of ajaw-rulers that reinforced the authority of the more keenly we feel the pull of their rhetoric. In a
king who created them. Depicting the ruler in successive manner similar to that which compelled Ernst Gombrich
supernatural personae was an expressly dynastic rep- (1966: 40) “to feel something of Cosimo [de Medici’s]
resentation, conveying the many ancestral faces that spirit in the buildings he founded, something of his reti-
were reborn through royal art and ritual. The embodi- cence and lucidity, his seriousness and restraint,” we are
ment of these personae within the time frame of cosmic captured by the aura of a personality that seems larger
creation assured the divine continuity of K’ak’ Tiliw than life, endowed with superhuman heroic powers—
through the universal cycles of birth, death, and rebirth. the very essence of a lightning-warrior. But, of course,
And yet the monuments were only secondary agents, a this is precisely the intention of the sculptures—to se-
fact underscored by the capacity of the Quirigua dynasty duce the viewer with the spectacle of an active patron in-
to sustain itself for less than twenty-five years after the vested with divinity. And while the conceptual categories
death of K’ak’ Tiliw (see Gell 1998). Without the charis- of Renaissance humanism prompted Gombrich to at-
matic presence of the ruler himself, the breath of life tempt to see the Medicis “in human and not in mythical
which animated the sculptures grew weaker, until finally terms” (Gombrich 1966: 35), such an approach to K’ak’
the ritual feeding of the monuments ceased altogether, Tiliw is fundamentally inconsistent with the nature of
and they passed into a perpetual repose. Indeed, without Maya lore, which holds the “mythological” to be as truth-
the continued support of trade and alliance networks, ful as the “historical.” In fact, the events usually taken by
which were rapidly collapsing throughout the southern Mayanists to be purely historical are far from neutral, ob-
lowlands in the late eighth century, the expensive rituals jective statements of fact but served to communicate su-
that typified the Classic-period culture of monumental pernatural identities, through the mythical resonances of
art could not be maintained for long. Lacking support actions and relationships. Even the likes of parentage
from allied nobles, the rulers of Quirigua were unable to statements should be seen not as genealogical doc-
defend the site from an intrusion of newcomers, who uments per se but as a trope which conveyed the sacred
took over at Quirigua sometime during the ninth cen- identity of a person through his or her divine bloodlines.
tury.8 From the secular, scientific viewpoint of contemporary
Although K’ak’ Tiliw’s stelae and thrones stand as Western scholarship, the inseparability of myth and his-
icons of the success of a ruler over the short term, they tory may be difficult to accept. Nevertheless, such is the
also typify the political fragmentation which character- foundation of the Mesoamerican view of the past, to

the legacy of k’ak’ tiliw 203

which we must open our consciousness and adapt our tempt to remove his masks and discover the essential
frameworks of investigation. When K’ak’ Tiliw took of- identity behind them will meet with failure. For the an-
fice as king and patriarch of Quirigua, he entered into a cient Maya, personality was not fixed in a single body but
long series of transformations which, like a succession was manifested in diverse forms in the landscape. The
of masks, became symbolic of his changing social and search for K’ak’ Tiliw leads inevitably to the social world
spiritual roles. Unlike masks, however, the personae of in which he lived—to the lives of the nobles and farmers
K’ak’ Tiliw are fixed, bound in the materiality and pat- who fostered the growth of his personae—and to the
terning of the remains he and his people left behind. Just spirit world which gave him power and identity.
as the tomb of the ruler has never been located, any at-

204 lightning warrior

Appendix A

Rulers of Quirigua

Succession Name Previous Accession Other

Number Glyphic Name (or Nickname) Names Date Dates Monuments

[1] Tok Casper 8.19.10.11.0

? Tutum Yol K’inich 9.1.0.0.0

? Turtle Shell 9.2.5.11.0 U

3? Basket Skull

4? Mih Toh 9.2.18.13.1 9.3.0.0.0 26

or 9.2.18.13.10
? K’awil Yo’at/Yo’pat 9.11.0.11.11 L

14 K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Ruler 1 9.14.13.4.17 see App. B M, N, S, H, J,

Yo’at/Yo’pat Two-Legged Sky F, D, E, C, A, B
Two-Armed Sky
Kawak Sky
B’utz’ Tiliw
[15] Sky Xul Ruler 2 9.17.14.16.18 see App. B G, O, O', P, P'

16 Scroll Sky? 9.18.10.0.0 I

(possibly same
as Jade Sky)
[17]? Jade Sky 9.18.15.0.0, K, 1B-1
9.19.0.0.0

205
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Appendix B

Historical Events Recorded in the Texts of Quirigua

Long Count Calendar Round Gregorian Date Event Protagonist Monument

8.19.10.10.17 5 Kab’an 15 Yaxk’in Sept. 6, 426 comes to the — P

“founding house”
8.19.10.11.0 8 Ajaw 18 Yaxk’in Sept. 9, 426 plants a stone; fastens Tok Casper P
headband (accession)
9.1.0.0.0 6 Ajaw 13 Yaxk’in Aug. 28, 455 plants a stone Tutum Yol K’inich C
9.2.5.0.0 10 Ajaw 8 Pop Apr. 18, 480 — U
9.2.5.11.0 9 Ajaw 8 Keh Nov. 24, 480 “places” Turtle Shell U
9.2.18.13.1 or 11 Imix 4 Sak or Oct. 28, 493, or is made ajaw Mih Toh 26
9.2.18.13.10 7 Ok 13 Sak Nov. 6, 493
9.3.0.0.0 2 Ajaw 3 Sotz’ Jan. 30, 495 — — 26
9.5.7.0.0? 9 Ajaw 3 Sotz’ May 29, 541 plants a stone supervised by P
“Yob’a B’alam”
9.11.0.0.0 12 Ajaw 8 Keh Oct. 14, 652 arrive/witness? Smoke Imix L
9.11.0.11.11 9 Chuwen 14 Sek June 2, 653 burns the structure K’awil Yo’at L
(dedication); dances
9.13.0.0.0? 8 Ajaw 8 Wo Mar. 18, 692 — — T
9.14.13.4.17 12 Kab’an 5 K’ayab’ Jan. 2, 725 receives K’awil; K’ak’ Tiliw E, F
fastens headband; J
is seated in reign G
(accession)
9.15.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 13 Yax Aug. 22, 731 ??; plants a stone; Sky Xul P
??; — E
tripod is manifested — F
9.15.3.2.0 6 Ajaw 18 Sak Sept. 15, 734 makes the throne? ?? supervised by M
K’ak’ Tiliw
9.15.5.0.0 10 Ajaw 8 Ch’en July 26, 736 plants a stela K’ak’ Tiliw I
9.15.6.14.0 13 Ajaw 18 Sotz’ Apr. 27, 738 captures or pierces wood; — I
drills fire
9.15.6.14.6 6 Kimi 4 Sek May 3, 738 decapitates Waxaklajun supervised by E, F, G, J
Ub’ah K’awil K’ak’ Tiliw

207
Long Count Calendar Round Gregorian Date Event Protagonist Monument

9.15.10.0.0 3 Ajaw 3 Mol June 30, 741 “stela Copan” — F

9.15.15.0.0 9 Ajaw 18 Xul June 4, 746 — K’ak’ Tiliw S
9.15.17.9.5? 4 Chikchan 13 Muwan Nov. 25, 748 — — H
9.16.0.0.0 2 Ajaw 13 Sek May 9, 751 plants ??; scatters incense K’ak’ Tiliw H
9.16.5.0.0 8 Ajaw 8 Sotz’ Apr. 12, 756 scatters incense; plants K’ak’ Tiliw J
a monument
9.16.10.0.0 1 Ajaw 3 Sip Mar. 17, 761 scatters incense; plants K’ak’ Tiliw F
a monument
9.16.11.13.1 11 Imix 19 Muwan Nov. 28, 762 receives “palanquin” K’in B’alam, E, O', P'
supervised by
K’ak’ Tiliw
9.16.13.4.17 8 Kab’an 5 Yaxk’in June 6, 764 completes two k’atuns K’ak’ Tiliw D
9.16.15.0.0 7 Ajaw 18 Pop Feb. 19, 766 plants monument; scatters K’ak’ Tiliw;
incense; is made ajaw — D
9.17.0.0.0 13 Ajaw 18 Kumk’u Jan. 24, 771 plants monument; scatters K’ak’ Tiliw;
incense; witnesses it Xkuy ajaw E
9.17.4.10.12 1 Eb’ 5 Yax Aug. 3, 775 (stela event) — C
9.17.4.11.0 9 Ajaw 13 Yax Aug. 11, 775 ?? Jun Ajaw; C
Yax B’alam
9.17.5.0.0 6 Ajaw 13 K’ayab’ Dec. 29, 775 scatters drops; plants K’ak’ Tiliw C, A
monument
?? ?? ?? ?? — O'
9.17.7.8.7 9 Manik’ 5 Yaxk’in June 3, 778 ?? ?? O', P'
9.17.10.0.0 12 Ajaw 8 Pax Dec. 2, 780 makes the monument K’ak’ Tiliw B
9.17.12.7.8 9 Lamat 1 Sek Apr. 19, 783 ?? ?? O', P'
9.17.14.13.0 9 Ajaw 3 Yax July 29, 785 ?? ?? G
9.17.14.13.2 11 Ik’ 5 Yax July 31, 785 dies; K’ak’ Tiliw;
witnesses it Xkuy ajaw G
9.17.14.13.12 8 Eb’ 15 Yax Aug. 10, 785 buried K’ak’ Tiliw G
9.17.14.16.18 9 Etz’nab’ 1 K’ank’in Oct. 15, 785 fastens headband; is Sky Xul G, O', P'
seated (accession) O'
9.17.15.0.0 5 Ajaw 3 Muwan Nov. 6, 785 bundles monument; G
scatters incense Sky Xul G, O'
9.17.15.6.9 4 Muluk 7 Sip Mar. 15, 786 ?? — O'
9.17.15.6.17 12 Kab’an 15 Sip Mar. 23, 786 carries? — O'
9.17.15.6.18 13 Etz’nab’ 16 Sip Mar. 24, 786 ?? in the company
of Sky Xul O', P'
9.17.15.6.19 1 Kawak 17 Sip Mar. 25, 786 ?? in the company
of Sky Xul O'
9.17.15.7.0 2 Ajaw 18 Sip Mar. 26, 786 dies; takes possession of ?? Yi’h K’in At O'
9.17.16.0.4
or 9.17.16.0.11 5 K’an 2 Muwan or Nov. 5, 786,
12 Chuwen 9 Muwan or Nov. 12, 786 ?? is captured; receives ?? Xkuy ajaw O'

208 lightning warrior

Long Count Calendar Round Gregorian Date Event Protagonist Monument

9.17.16.7.4 2 K’an 17 Sip Mar. 25, 787 dies ?? O'

9.17.19.9.15 2 Men 13 Sek Apr. 29, 790 ?? ?? O'
9.18.0.0.0 11 Ajaw 18 Mak Oct. 11, 790 [dedication] — O, O'
9.18.5.0.0 4 Ajaw 13 Keh Sept. 15, 795 scatters incense; Sky Xul P, P'
plants a stone
9.18.10.0.0 10 Ajaw 8 Sak Aug. 19, 800 plants the stela Jade Sky? I
9.18.15.0.0 3 Ajaw 3 Yax July 24, 805 scatters incense Jade Sky K
9.18.19.16.0 8 Ajaw 18 Xul May 19, 810 ?? Jade Sky 1B-1
9.19.0.0.0 9 Ajaw 18 Mol June 28, 810 scatters incense; Jade Sky; 1B-1
scatters incense Yax Pasaj

historical events recorded in the texts of quirigua 209

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK
Appendix C

Selected Historical Events from the Texts of Copan

Long Count Calendar Round Gregorian Date Event Protagonist Monument

8.19.10.10.17 5 Kab’an 15 Yaxk’in Sept. 6, 426 takes K’awil at the K’uk’ Mo’ Ajaw Q
“founding house”
8.19.10.11.0 8 Ajaw 18 Yaxk’in Sept. 9, 426 comes to the K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ Q
“founding house”
9.7.5.0.8 8 Lamat 6 Mak Nov. 19, 578 accedes B’utz’ Chan HS
9.9.14.17.5 6 Chikchan 18 K’ayab’ Feb. 8, 628 accedes Smoke Imix J, HS
9.10.19.15.0 12 Ajaw 13 K’ayab’ Aug. 15, 692 scatters incense Smoke Imix 3
9.12.3.14.0 5 Ajaw 8 Wo Mar. 22, 676 dedicates Stela I Smoke Imix I
9.13.3.6.8 7 Lamat 1 Mol July 9, 695 accedes Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil J
9.13.10.0.0 7 Ajaw 8 Kumk’u Jan. 26, 702 dedicates Stela J Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil J
9.13.18.17.9 12 Muluk 7 Muwan Nov. 29, 710 dedicates 10L-26 stair Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil HS
9.14.0.0.0 6 Ajaw 13 Muwan Dec. 5, 711 dedicates Stela C Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil C
9.14.3.6.8 5 Lamat 1 Sip Mar. 27, 715 dedicates 10L-22 Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil 10L-22
9.14.6.5.9 13 Muluk 7 Pop Feb. 20, 718 burns Xkuy Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil Cylinder
9.14.10.0.0 5 Ajaw 3 Mak Oct. 13, 721 dedicates Stela F Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil F
9.14.15.0.0 11 Ajaw 18 Sak Sept. 17, 726 sets up Stela 4 Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil 4
9.14.19.5.0 4 Ajaw 18 Muwan Dec. 5, 730 sets up Stela H Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil H
9.14.19.8.0 12 Ajaw 18 Kumk’u Feb. 3, 731 sets up Stela A Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil A
9.15.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 13 Yax Aug. 22, 731 sets up Stela B Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil B
9.15.5.0.0 10 Ajaw 8 Ch’en July 26, 736 sets up Stela D Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil D
9.15.6.8.13 10 B’en 16 K’ayab’ Jan. 10, 738 dedicates Ballcourt III Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil BC III
9.15.6.14.6 6 Kimi 4 Sek May 3, 738 death Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil HS
9.15.6.16.5 6 Chikchan 3 Yaxk’in June 11, 738 accedes K’ak’ Joplaj Chan K’awil HS
9.15.15.0.0 9 Ajaw 18 Xul June 4, 746 dedicates 10L-22A K’ak’ Joplaj Chan K’awil 10L-22A
9.15.17.13.10 11 Ok 13 Pop Feb. 18, 749 accedes K’ak’ Yipyaj Chan K’awil N, HS
9.16.4.1.0 6 Ajaw 13 Sek May 8, 755 dedicates 10L-26 and HS K’ak’ Yipyaj Chan K’awil HS
9.16.5.0.0 8 Ajaw 8 Sotz’ Apr. 12, 756 sets up Stela M K’ak’ Yipyaj Chan K’awil M
9.16.10.0.0 1 Ajaw 3 Sip Mar. 17, 761 sets up Stela N K’ak’ Yipyaj Chan K’awil N

211
Long Count Calendar Round Gregorian Date Event Protagonist Monument

9.16.12.5.17 6 Kab’an 10 Mol July 2, 763 accedes Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at 10L-11
9.16.15.0.0 7 Ajaw 18 Pop Feb. 19, 766 makes Altar GIII Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at GIII
9.16.18.2.12 8 Eb’ 15 Sip Mar. 27, 769 makes structure Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at 10L-11
9.16.18.9.18 11 Etz’nab’ 1 Sak Aug. 20, 769 dedicates Altar Z Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at Z
9.17.0.0.0 13 Ajaw 18 Kumk’u Jan. 24, 771 dedicates 10L-21A; Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at 10L-21A;
Altar 41 41
9.17.2.12.16 1 Kib’ 19 Keh Sept. 26, 773 dedicates 10L-11 Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at 10L-11
9.17.5.0.0 6 Ajaw 13 K’ayab’ Dec. 29, 775 dedicates Altar Q; 10L-16 Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at Q
9.17.10.0.0 12 Ajaw 8 Pax Dec. 2, 780 dedicates 9M-27 Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at 9M-27
9.17.10.11.0 11 Ajaw 3 Ch’en July 10, 781 dedicates 9N-82 Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at 9N-82
9.17.12.5.17 4 Kab’an 10 Sip Mar. 19, 783 dedicates Altar T Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at T
9.17.12.6.2 9 Ik’ 15 Sip Mar. 24, 783 conjures k’awil Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at 8

212 lightning warrior

Appendix D

Transcriptions and Translations of the Monumental Inscriptions Commissioned by K’ak’ Tiliw

ALTAR M
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

A01 00 02 winal hi ya mix? cha’ winikjiy 0 [k’ins] 2 winals

B01 03 hab’ ya ux hab’iy 3 tuns
A02 tzutz _ 04 ajaw tzutzjiy chan ajaw (since) 4 Ajaw (9.15.0.0.0) was completed
B02 13 yax uxlajun yax 13 Yax
A03 i u ti 06 ajaw i ut wak ajaw and then 6 Ajaw (9.15.3.2.0) happens
B03 18 sak waxaklajun sak 18 Sak
A04 i pat ta wi i pataw and then [he] makes
B04 u kuch? tun ni ukuchtun? his throne?
A05 u_ u-_ his _
B05 _ _ _
C01 _ chi pi xi _ _
D01 05 winik hab’ pi tzi la ho’ winik hab’ pitzal five-k’atun ballplayer
C02 u kab’ hi _ ukab’jiy? under his supervision
D02 k’ak’ ti li k’ak’ tiliw K’ak’ Tiliw
C03 wi chan na chan Chan
D03 yo’at/yo’pat ti yo’at/yo’pat Yo’at/Yo’pat
C04 ik’ xu ku pi _ ik’ xukpi _ black Copan [ajaw]
D04 no noh la nohol south
C05 _ [kalomte’] [kalomte’]
D05 _ ajaw ?? wa _ ?? ajaw _ Quirigua ajaw

Paraphrase:
It was 0 [k’ins] 2 winals, 3 tuns since 4 Ajaw 13 Yax (9.15.0.0.0; August 22, 731) was completed, and then 6 Ajaw 18 Sak (9.15.3.2.0;
September 15, 734) happens.
And then . . . the five-k’atun ballplayer makes his seat-stone?, his . . . , under the supervision of K’ak’ Tiliw, black Copan [ajaw], south
[kalomte’], . . . Quirigua ajaw.

213
STELA S
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

A01–B02 _ _ [ISIG]
A03–B04 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
A05–B06 15 winik hab’ ho’lajun winik hab’ 15 k’atuns
A07–B08 15 hab’ ho’lajun hab’ 15 tuns
A09–B10 00 winal _ mix? winal 0 winals
A11–B12 00 k’in mix? k’in 0 k’ins
C01 _ _ [9 Ajaw]
D01 _ _ [G9]
C02 _ _ [F]
D02 05 hu? li? ya ho’ huliy five since it arrived
C03 04 _ k’al ja k’alaj chan _ is closed, 4 _ lunation
D03 _ _ [X]
C04 u k’ab’a’ ch’o _ uch’ok k’ab’a’ its young name
D04 20 10 k’al lajun 30
C05 08/18 10/te waxaklajun (te?) 18
D05 chichin? ni chichin? Xul
C06 u _ k’al? _ uk’al? _ he bundles/closes? _
D06 _ _ _
C07 _ _ _
D07 yo? _ _ _
C08 _ _ _
D08 u? _ _ _
C09 _ _ _
D09 u? k’uhul? k’ab’a’ uk’uhul? k’ab’a’ its divine? name
C10 _ _ _
D10 tun? ni? tunil? stone?
(left)
E01 k’ak’ ti li wi k’ak’ tiliw K’ak’ Tiliw
F01 chan na chan Chan
E02 yo/yop at ti yo’at/yo’pat Yo’at/Yo’pat
F02 u chok? uchok? he scatters
E03 _ _ _
F03 _ _ _
E04 _ _ _
F04 _ _ _
E05 u k’uhul? k’ab’a’ uk’uhul k’ab’a’ its divine name
F05 u lakam ma ulakam his huge
E06 tun ni? tunil stone
F06 09 ajaw b’olon ajaw 9 Ajaw

214 lightning warrior

STELA S (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

E07 _ ukab’jiy? under his supervision

F07 _ _ _
E08 _ _ _
F08 k’uhul? ajaw? ?? _ k’uhul ?? ajaw? divine Quirigua ajaw?
(right)
G01–H08 _ _ _

Paraphrase:
. . . 9 b’aktuns, 15 k’atuns, 15 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, . . . (June 4, 746) 5 days since it arrives, 4 _ lunation is closed, [X] is its young name, 30,
18 Xul, he bundles/closes? . . . is the divine name of the . . . stone? of K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat.
He scatters . . . the divine name of the stela of 9 Ajaw, supervised by? . . . divine Quirigua ajaw?.

STELA H
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

A01–B02 tzi ka kab’ hab’ tzik? kab’ hab’ count? of the earth hab’
C01 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
D01 16 winik hab’ waklajun winik hab’ 16 k’atuns
C02 00 hab’ mix? hab’ 0 tuns
D02 00 winal mix? winal 0 winals
E01 00 k’in mix? k’in 0 k’ins
F01 02 ajaw cha’ ajaw 2 Ajaw
E02 13 ka se wa uxlajun kasew 13 Sek
F02 nal ?? yi ?? G9
G01 u ?? hun na u-?? hun its ?? book/headband
H01 05 hu _ ho’ huliy? 5 since it arrives
G02 _ _ [C]
H02 _ _ [X]
I01 u ch’o k’ab’a’ uch’ok k’ab’a’ its young name
J01 20 _ 10 k’al lajun 30
I02 _ _ [verb]
J02 tun? ni tunil? stone?
K01 _ _ _
L01 _ chan na _ chan _ sky
K02 _ _ _
L02 u? k’ab’a’ k’uhul uk’uhul k’ab’a’ its divine name
M01 u_ u-_ its _
N01 tz’a pa? ja tz’apaj is set up
M02 ik’ nahb’? ik’ nahb’? Black Lake?
N02 chan ch’e’en? na chan ch’e’en? celestial cave?
O01 _ _ [scatters]

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 215

STELA H (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

P01 ch’a hi ch’ah incense

O02 k’a _ k’ak’ K’ak’
P02 ti li wi tiliw Tiliw
Q01 chan yo’at/yo’pat ti chan yo’at/yo’pat Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat
R01 k’uhul ajaw ?? _ k’uhul ?? ajaw divine Quirigua ajaw
Q02 _ no _ _ [nohol kalomte’] [south kalomte’]
R02 ch’a ho ma ch’ahom(a) incense-offerer
S01 no noh tan na nohol tan south center
T01 _ ni _ _
S02 15? ?? ho’lajun? ?? 15? days
T02 _ _ [8? winals]
U01 02 hab’ ya cha’ hab’iy 2 tuns
V01 u? ti ya utiy since it happened
U02 04 chikchan? chan chikchan? 4 Chikchan? (9.15.17.9.5?)
V02–B’02 _ _ [13 Muwan?]

Paraphrase:
Count? of the earth hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 16 k’atuns, 0 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins 2 Ajaw (May 9, 751) 13 Sek, G9 is its ?? book/headband, 5 since it ar-
rives, [C and X] is its young name 30, . . . a stone . . . sky . . . is its divine name, its. . . .
It is set up at Black Lake celestial cave?
K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, divine Quirigua ajaw, [south kalomte’], incense-offerer, south center . . . [scatters] incense.
15? days, [8? winals], 2 tuns since 4 Chikchan? [13 Muwan? (9.15.17.9.5; November 25, 748)] . . . happened.

STELA J
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

(east)
A01–D05 tzi ka nahb’? hab’ tzik? nahb’? hab’ count? of the lake? hab’
A06 09 b’olon 9
B06 pih pih b’aktuns
A07 16 waklajun 16
B07 winik hab’ winik hab’ k’atuns
A08 05 ho’ 5
B08 hab’ hab’ tuns
A09 00 ?? 0
B09 winal winal winals
A10 00 ?? 0
B10 k’in k’in k’ins
A11 08 waxak 8
B11 ajaw ajaw Ajaw
A12 k’in ?? yi ?? G9

216 lightning warrior

STELA J (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

B12 ?? hun ?? hun ?? book/headband (F)

A13 04 hul li ya chan huliy 4 days since it arrives (4D)
B13 06 uh? k’al li k’al wak uh? closure of sixth of the (skull) lunation (6CS)
A14 ?? ?? och? ch’ahb’ ?? X
B14 u k’ab’a’ ch’o ko uch’ok k’ab’a’ its young name (B)
A15 20 09 k’al b’olon 29
B15 08 sotz’ waxak sotz’ 8 Sotz’
A16 nah 05 tun ni nah ho’tun first five stone
B16 u chok? hi? uchok? ch’ah? he scatters incense?
A17 u tz’a pa wa utz’apaw he plants
B17 yax u _ yax u- _ first its? _
A18 chan nu chan? sky?
B18 u _ k’ab’a’ k’uhul uk’uhul k’ab’a’ its divine name
C06 08 ajaw tun ni waxak ajaw tun 8 Ajaw stone
D06 u hi b’a ub’ahil? his image?
C07 u ch’ahb’ uch’ahb’ his penance
D07 ya ak’ yak’il his offering
C08 ?? ha’? ek’? ?? ?? (vision serpent event)
D08 yax chit? ta yax chit? first ??
C09 01 ?? jun ?? 1 ??
D09 nah chan nah chan first snake
C10 u yo ok te’ uyokte’? the pillar-tree? of
D10 chan na chan sky
C11 u yo ok te’ uyokte’? the pillar-tree? of
D11 kab’ kab’ earth
C12 k’ak’ til li wi k’ak’ tiliw K’ak’ Tiliw
D12 chan na chan Chan
C13 yo’at/yo’pat yo’at/yo’pat Yo’at/Yo’pat
D13 ch’ahom(a) ma ch’ahom(a) incense-offerer
C14 no noh la nohol south
D14 kalomte’ kalomte’ kalomte’
C15 ik’ xu ku pi ik’ xukpi black Copan
D15 ajaw ajaw ajaw
C16 u 14 tz’ak b’u li uchanlajun tz’akb’uil fourteenth in succession
D16 wi’ te nah ?? nah ?? building (founding house)
C17 [ch’a] ho ma ch’ahom(a) incense-offerer
D17 nal ?? ik’ la ik’ ?? nal Black Hole place
C18 yo ok te’ yokte’? pillar-tree?
D18 b’a ka b’a b’akab’ b’akab’

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 217

STELA J (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

(north)
E01 a ?? ya ?? (focus marker)
F01 03 13 winal ji ya ux uxlajun winaljiy 3 [k’ins] 13 winals
E02 11 hab’ ya b’uluch hab’iy 11 tuns
F02 00 winik hab’ ya mix? winik hab’iy 0 [1] k’atuns
E03 u ti ya utiy since it happened
F03 12 kab’an lajchan kab’an 12 Kab’an (9.14.13.4.17)
E04 05 k’an a si ya ho’ k’anasiy 5 K’ayab’
F04 k’al ja ya k’alajiy was fastened
E05 09 tzak ja b’olon tzakaj 9/many-conjured
F05 k’ak’ xok ki k’ak’ xok fire-shark
E06 hun hun headband
F06 tu hi b’a tub’ah for him/on his head
E07 k’ak’ til li wi k’ak’ tiliw K’ak’ Tiliw
F07 chan na yo/yop at ti chan yo’at/yo’pat Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat
E08 ch’a ho ma ch’ahom(a) incense-offerer
F08 k’uhul ajaw ?? wa k’uhul ?? ajaw divine Quirigua ajaw
(south)
G01 a ?? ya ?? (focus marker)
H01 14 03 winal hi ya chanlajun ux winaljiy 14 [k’ins] 3 winals
G02 18 hab’ ya waxaklajun hab’iy 18 tuns
H02 06 kimi wak kimi 6 Kimi (9.15.6.14.6)
G03 04 ka? se wa chan kasew 4 Sek
H03 ch’ak b’a hi ya ch’akb’ahiy decapitated
G04 18 u b’a waxaklajun ub’ah Waxaklajun Ub’ah
H04 k’awil k’awil K’awil
G05 k’uhul ajaw xu [ku] pi k’uhul xukpi ajaw divine Copan ajaw
H05 u ch’am wa uch’amaw he receives
G06 k’awil k’awil K’awil/God K
H06 k’ak’ ti li wi k’ak’ tiliw K’ak’ Tiliw
G07 chan na chan Chan
H07 yo’at/yo’pat yo’at/yo’pat Yo’at/Yo’pat
G08 04 te ch’o tzu ko chante ch’ok tzuk four sprout? province?
H08 04 te ch’a ho ma chante ch’ahom(a) four incense-offerer

Paraphrase:
Count? of the lake? hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 16 k’atuns, 5 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, 8 Ajaw (April 12, 756), G9 is the ?? book/headband, 4 days since it ar-
rives, closure of 6 of the (skull) lunation, X is its young name, 29, 8 Sotz’, first five stone.
He scatters incense?.
He plants first its? . . .-sky, the divine name of the 8 Ajaw stone.

218 lightning warrior

It is the image? of his penance, his offering.
?? first ?? 1 ?? first snake, pillar-tree? of the sky, pillar-tree? of the earth, K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-offerer, south kalomte’, black
Copan ajaw, fourteenth in succession of the ?? building (founding house), incense-offerer, Black Hole place pillar-tree?, b’akab’.
It is? 3 [k’ins], 13 winals, 11 tuns, 0 [1] k’atuns since it happened, 12 Kab’an 5 K’ayab’ (January 2, 725), since the 9/many-conjured-fire-shark
headband was fastened for/on K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-offerer, divine Quirigua ajaw.
It is? 14 [k’ins], 3 winals, 18 tuns since 6 Kimi 4 Sek (May 3, 738), since Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, divine Copan ajaw, was decapitated.
K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, four sprout? province?, four incense-offerer, receives K’awil/God K.

STELA F
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

(east)
C01–D02 tzi ka ?? hab’ tzik? ?? hab’ count? of the ?? hab’
C03 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
D03 16 winik hab’ waklajun winik hab’ 16 k’atuns
C04 10 hab’ lajun hab’ 10 tuns
D04 00 winal ?? winal 0 winals
C05 00 k’in ?? k’in 0 k’ins
D05 01 ajaw jun ajaw 1 Ajaw
C06 ?? k’in ?? hun ?? hun G9 is the ?? book/headband (F)
D06 ?? ya ju li ya ?? huliy 0 since it arrived (0D)
C07 u 06 ?? k’al k’al uwak ?? closure of the sixth of the (moon goddess)
lunation (6CF)
D07 chan kab’ ?? si chan kab’ ?? X
C08 20 10 k’al lajun 30 (10A)
D08 03 chak k’at ux chak k’at 3 Sip
C09 cho? ka ja ch’a hi chokaj? ch’ah incense is scattered
D09 ti pi hi? witz? yi ti ?? ?? on ?? ??
C10 tun ni li u k’uhul lu tunil uk’uhul stone object its divine
D10 k’ab’a’ a a 01 ajaw wa k’ab’a’ jun ajaw name 1 Ajaw
C11 tun ni u tz’a pa wa tun utz’apaw stone he plants
D11 u mam? pi u-?? its/his ??
C12 chan k’ak’ til chan chan k’ak’ tiliw chan sky K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
D12 yo/yop at ch’ahom(a) yo’at/yo’pat ch’ahom(a) Yo’at/Yo’pat incense-offerer
C13 03 11 pih ajaw ux b’uluch pih ajaw 3-11 bundle/cycle? ajaw
D13 00 li nal 05 k’an hab’ ?? ?? 0 alawtuns
C14 tzutz hi ya 19 nal ?? hab’ tzutzjiy b’olonlajun ?? completed 19 x 207 tuns
D14 ti 01 ajaw 13 mo lo ti jun ajaw uxlajun mol on 1 Ajaw 13 Mol (LC?)
C15 u ti hi ya ti yax tzi pi utiy ti yax ?? it happened at/on first/green ??
D15 01 ?? u ti ya jun ?? utiy 1 ?? it happened
C16 ik’ nal nahb’? 00 li ?? to pi ik’ nahb’? nal ?? ?? Black Lake? place 0 piktuns
D16 13 nu tzutz pi ti 01 ajaw uxlajun ?? ti jun ajaw 13 kalab’tuns? since 1 Ajaw (LC?)
C17 13 yax k’in ni ch’ak u b’a uxlajun yaxk’in ch’ak ub’ah 13 Yaxk’in is decapitated

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 219

STELA F (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

D17 ya? _ chi k’in ni la _ k’inichal _ sun-faced

C18 ajaw wa lakam tun ni ajaw lakamtun ajaw stela
D18 _ u kab’ hi ya _ ukab’jiy? _ under his supervision
C19 k’uhul _ k’uhul _ divine _
D19 _ nal _ _ nal _ place?
(west)
A01–B02 tzi ka ?? hab’ tzik? ?? hab’ count? of the ?? hab’
A03 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
B03 14 winik hab’ chanlajun winik hab’ 14 k’atuns
A04 13 tun uxlajun tun 13 tuns
B04 04 winal chan winal 4 winals
A05 17 k’in wuklajun k’in 17 k’ins
B05 12 kab’an lacha’ kab’an 12 Kab’an
A06 05 k’an a si ya ho’ k’anasiy 5 K’ayab’
B06 k’awil ch’am wi ch’amaw k’awil receives K’awil/God K
A07 k’ak’ til chan yo/yop at ti k’ak’ tiliw chan yo’at/yo’pat K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat
B07 u 14 tz’ak b’u wi nah te uchanlajun tz’akb’uil ?? nah fourteenth in succession of the ?? building
(founding house)
A08 ch’ahom(a) 04 te ch’ahom(a) chante incense-offerer four
B08 ik’ ?? u ?? na? ik’ ?? ?? black ?? ??
A09 16 xu? k’in? 09 ok k’in ni waklajun ?? b’olon ?? 16 ?? 9 ??
B09 ik’ xu ku pi ajaw ik’ xukpi ajaw black Copan ajaw
A10 k’uhul ajaw ?? _ b’a ka b’a k’uhul ?? ajaw b’akab’ divine Quirigua ajaw b’akab’
B10 09 09 winal hi ya 13 hab’ ya b’olon b’olon winaljiy 9 [k’ins], 9 winals, 13 tuns
uxlajun hab’iy
A11 u ti ya 12 kab’an utiy lacha’ kab’an since it happened 12 Kab’an
B11 i u ti 06 kimi i ut wak kimi and then it happens 6 Kimi (9.15.6.14.6)
A12 04 ka? se? wa ch’ak hi ya u b’a chan kasew ch’akjiy ub’ah 4 Sek decapitated
B12 18 u b’a k’awil waxaklajun ub’ah k’awil Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil
A13 ajaw xu ku pi u kab’ hi ya xukpi ajaw ukab’jiy? Copan ajaw under his supervision
B13 ajaw kuch? ab’ak? nah k’ak’ kuch? ab’ak? nah ajaw k’ak’ ink-pot? building ajaw K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
til chan wi tiliw chan
A14 yo/yop at ti u ti ya yo’at/yo’pat utiy Yo’at/Yo’pat it happened at
B14 nal na ik’ way? la u nah _ ik’ way? nal unah_ Black Hole place its? first? _
A15 03 ajaw 03 mo lo ux ajaw ux mol 3 Ajaw 3 Mol (9.15.10.0.0)
B15 lakam? tun ni xu ku pi lakamtun xukpi stela Copan
A16 10 sak? tun/ku? lam tan ja lajun sak? tun? tanlamaj 10 pure/white? ?? is half-diminished
B16 04 wi ti _ ku? hal ja k’o b’a chan witik? halaj k’ob’ four roots? the tripod? is manifested
A17 ti 04 ajaw 13 yax ti chan ajaw uxlajun yax on 4 Ajaw 13 Yax (9.15.0.0.0)

220 lightning warrior

STELA F (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

B17 03 13 winal hi ya 16 hab’ ya ux uxlajun winaljiy waklajun 3 [k’ins] 13 winals 16 tuns

hab’iy
A18 01 winik hab’ ya 12 kab’an jun winik hab’iy lacha’ 1 k’atun [since] 12 Kab’an (9.14.13.4.17)
kab’an
B18 05 k’an a si ya i u ti ho’ k’anasiy i ut 5 K’ayab’ and then it happens
A19 01 ajaw 03 chak k’at jun ajaw ux chakk’at 1 Ajaw 3 Sip (9.16.10.0.0)
B19 ti tan lam ti 13 ajaw ti tan lam ti uxlajun ajaw on the half-diminishing of 13 Ajaw (9.17.0.0.0)

Paraphrase:
(east)
Count? of the ?? hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 16 k’atuns, 10 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, 1 Ajaw (March 17, 761), G9 is the ?? book/headband, 0 since it arrived,
closure of the sixth of the (moon goddess) lunation, X, 30, 3 Sip.
Incense is scattered on ?? stone object, the divine name of the 1 Ajaw stone.
K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-offerer, 3-11 bundle/cycle? ajaw plants its/his ?? sky.
0 alawtuns, completed 19 x 207 tuns on 1 Ajaw 13 Mol (LC?), it happened at/on first/green ?? 1 ??, it happened at Black Lake? place.
0 piktuns, 13 kalab’tuns? since 1 Ajaw 13 Yaxk’in (LC?), . . . sun-faced ajaw stela is decapitated, under the supervision of divine . . . place?
(west)
Count of the ?? hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 14 k’atuns, 13 tuns, 4 winals, 17 k’ins, 12 Kab’an 5 K’ayab’ (January 2, 725), receives K’awil/God K, K’ak’ Tiliw
Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, fourteenth in succession of the ?? building (founding house), incense-offerer, four black ?? ??, 16 ?? 9 ??, black Copan
ajaw, divine Quirigua ajaw b’akab’.
9 [k’ins], 9 winals, 13 tuns since 12 Kab’an (9.14.13.4.17; January 2, 725) happened, and then 6 Kimi 4 Sek (9.15.6.14.6; May 3, 738)
happens; Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil Copan ajaw is decapitated, under the supervision of ink-pot? building ajaw, K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/
Yo’pat, it happened at Black Hole place its? first?. . . .
On 3 Ajaw 3 Mol (9.15.10.0.0; June 30, 741) stela Copan 10 pure/white? ?? is half-diminished four roots?
The tripod? is manifested on 4 Ajaw 13 Yax (9.15.0.0.0; August 22, 731).
3 [k’ins], 13 winals, 16 tuns, 1 k’atun since 12 Kab’an 5 K’ayab’ (9.14.13.4.17; January 2, 725), and then 1 Ajaw 3 Sip (9.16.10.0.0; March 17,
761) happens, on the half-diminishing of 13 Ajaw (9.17.0.0.0; January 24, 771).

STELA D
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

(east)
C01–D02 tzi ka b’alam hab’ tzik? b’alam hab’ count? of the jaguar hab’
C03–D04 09 pi b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
C05–D06 16 winik hab’ waklajun winik hab’ 16 k’atuns
C07–D08 15 hab’ ho’lajun hab’ 15 tuns
C09–D10 00 winal ?? winal 0 winals
C11–D12 00 k’in ?? k’in 0 k’ins
C13–D14 07 ajaw wuk ajaw 7 Ajaw
C15 ?? k’in yi ni ?? G9
D15 ?? hun ?? hun ?? book/headband (F)
C16 tan na chapat nah ?? k’al tan chapat k’al nah ?? center of the centipede (0D) closure of the first of
(skull) lunation (1CS)

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 221

STELA D (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

D16 ?? ?? k’uhul u k’ab’a’ ch’o ko ?? uch’ok k’ab’a’ X is its young name

C17 20 10 18 k’an jal wa k’al lajun waxaklajun k’anjalaw 30 18 Pop
D17 tz’a pa ja k’an te’ nah chan tz’apaj k’an te’ nah chan is planted yellow tree first/structure sky
C18 yo’at/yo’pat u k’uhul k’ab’a’ yo’at/yo’pat uk’uhul k’ab’a’ yo’at/yo’pat its divine name
D18 07 ajaw tun ni u chok? wa ch’a hi wuk ajaw tun uchokaw? ch’ah 7 Ajaw stone he scatters incense
C19 k’ak’ til chan na yo’at/yo’pat k’ak’ tiliw chan yo’at/yo’pat K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat incense-offerer
ti ch’ahom(a) ch’ahom(a)
D19 ik’ xu ku pi ajaw k’uhul ajaw ?? ik’ xukpi ajaw k’uhul ?? black Copan ajaw divine Quirigua ajaw b’akab’
wa b’a ka b’a ajaw b’akab’
C20 13 nu tzutz pi hi yi 07 ajaw 03 uxlajun ?? pihiy wuk ajaw ux 13 k’inchiltuns (since) 7 Ajaw 3 Pop (LC?)
k’an jal wa k’anjalaw
D20 yi li hi ya a ku li k’an nu yilijiy ahkul k’an nun? he witnessed turtle yellow ??
C21 kuch? ab’ak? nah ajaw u ti ya kuch? ab’ak? nah ajaw utiy ink-pot? structure ajaw it happened at
D21 yax ?? nal ch’e’en? na i u ti yax ?? nal ch’e’en? i ut first/green ?? cave? and then it happens
C22 07 ajaw 13 k’an jal wa wi’il 05 wuk ajaw uxlajun k’anjalaw 7 Ajaw 13 Pop (9.16.15.0.0) lacking five stone, it is
tun ni il hi wi’il ho’ tun ilaj witnessed
D22 k’ak’ til chan yo/yop at ti 04 ik’ k’ak’ tiliw chan yo’at/yo’pat K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat four black ?? b’akab’
te ?? b’a ka b’a chante ik’ ?? b’akab’
(west)
A01–B02 tzi ka k’in hab’ tzik? k’in hab’ count? of the sun/day hab’
A03–B04 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
A05–B06 16 winik hab’ waklajun winik hab’ 16 k’atuns
A07–B08 13 hab’ uxlajun hab’ 13 tuns
A09–B10 04 winal chan winal 4 winals
A11–B12 17 k’in wuklajun k’in 17 k’ins
A13–B14 08 kab’an waxak kab’an 8 Kab’an
A15 na sak ?? G7
B15 ?? hun na ?? hun ?? book/headband (F)
A16 04 hul li ya 04 ?? k’al chan huliy k’al chan ?? 4 since it arrives (4D) closure of 4 (jaguar god)
lunation (4CY)
B16 ?? u k’ab’a’ ch’o ko ?? uch’ok k’ab’a’ X is its young name
A17 20 09 05 yax k’in ni k’al b’olon ho’ yaxk’in 29 (9A) 5 Yaxk’in
B17 tzutz yi u 02 winik hab’ ti ajaw le? tzutzuy ucha’ winik hab’ ti completes the second k’atun in reign
ajawlel
A18 k’ak’ til chan yo’at/yo’pat k’ak’ tiliw chan yo’at/yo’pat K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat
B18 ch’ahom(a) 04 te ik’ ?? ch’ahom(a) chante ik’ ?? incense-offerer four black ??
A19 ik’ xu ku pi ajaw k’uhul ?? ik’ xukpi ajaw k’uhul ?? black Copan ajaw divine Quirigua ajaw b’akab’
wa b’a ka b’a ajaw b’akab’
B19 u ti ya e hi? _ muwan? utiy ?? it happened at ??
A20 ye te te winal ya 01 pih k’uh ???? jun pih k’uh ?? ?? one-bundle? god
B20 u ti ya ma ?? la nal tu ma _ ni utiy ?? nal _ it happened at ?? place _

222 lightning warrior

STELA D (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

A21 ?? 01 ?? na chan u tz’ak ‘a ?? jun ?? nah chan utz’aka’ ?? Jun ?? first snake it is exchanged
B21 03 13 winal hi ya 01 hab’ ya _ tu? _ ux uxlajun winaljiy jun hab’iy _ 3 [k’ins] 13 winals 1 tun _
A22 i u ti _ ajaw 13 _ _ i ut _ ajaw uxlajun _ and then it happens [7 Ajaw] 13 [Pop] (9.16.15.0.0) _
B22 i ajaw ja u b’a? hi? _ ch’o? ko i ajawaj ub’ahil? _ ch’ok? and then the image of _ young? is made ajaw
A23 tun ni li u cho? ko wa ch’a hi u _ tunil uchokow? ch’ah uti? stone object he scatters incense it happened at?
B23 04 nal tun? lakam ma k’ak’ chan ?? nal lakam k’ak’ tiliw four ?? place huge/banner K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/
til chan yo’at/yo’pat chan yo’at/yo’pat Yo’pat
A24 ch’a ho ma k’uhul ajaw ?? wa b’a ch’ahom(a) k’uhul ?? ajaw incense-offerer divine Quirigua ajaw b’akab’ ??
ka b’a yi ta hi b’akab’ yitaj
B24 ja k’a/k’i ta k’ak’ k’in? te xu? ?? k’ak’ k’in? ?? ?? K’ak’ K’in? ??

Paraphrase:
(east)
Count? of the jaguar hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 16 k’atuns, 15 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins 7 Ajaw (February 19, 766), G9 ?? book/headband, center of the cen-
tipede, closure of the first of the skull lunation, X is its young name, 30, 18 Pop.
The yellow tree first/structure sky Yo’at/Yo’pat is planted; it is the divine name of the 7 Ajaw stone.
K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-offerer, black Copan ajaw, divine Quirigua ajaw, b’akab’ scatters incense.
13 k’inchiltuns since 7 Ajaw 3 Pop (LC?), the ink-pot? structure ajaw witnessed turtle yellow ??; it happened at first/green ?? cave?.
And then 7 Ajaw 13 Pop (9.16.15.0.0; February 19, 766) happens, lacking five stone; it is witnessed by K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, four
black ??, b’akab’.
(west)
Count? of the sun/day hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 16 k’atuns, 13 tuns, 4 winals, 17 k’ins, 8 Kab’an (June 6, 764), G7 is the ?? book/headband, 4 since it
arrives, closure of 4 (jaguar god) lunation, X is its young name, 29, 5 Yaxk’in.
K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-offerer, four black ??, black Copan ajaw, divine Quirigua ajaw, b’akab’ completes the second k’atun in
reign; it happened at . . . one-bundle? god; it happened at . . . place. . . .
. . . Jun ?? first snake.
3 [k’ins], 13 winals, 1 tun are exchanged . . . and then [7 Ajaw] 13 [Pop] (9.16.15.0.0; February 19, 766) happens.
And then the image? of the _ young? stone object is made ajaw.
K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-offerer, divine Quirigua ajaw, b’akab’ scatters incense; it happened at? four ?? place huge/banner, ??
K’ak’ K’in? ??.

STELA E
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

(east)
C01–D02 tzi ka ?? hab’ tzik ?? hab’ count? of the ?? hab’
C03 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
D03 17 winik hab’ wuklajun winik hab’ 17 k’atuns
C04 00 hab’ mix? hab’ 0 tuns
D04 00 winal mix? winal 0 winals
C05 00 k’in mix? k’in 0 k’ins
D05 nal k’in ?? yi ?? hun ?? ?? hun G9 is the ?? book/headband (F)

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 223

STELA E (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

C06 13 ajaw uxlajun ajaw 13 Ajaw

D06 ?? ya chan na ?? chan ?? sky
C07 u 02 ?? k’al li k’al ucha’ ?? closure of the second of the (moon goddess)
lunation (2CF)
D07 na? po k’a/k’i ?? X
C08 u k’ab’a’ ch’o ko ‘a uch’ok k’ab’a’ its young name
D08 20 09 k’al b’olon 29
C09 18 ol la waxaklajun ol 18 Kumk’u
D09 tz’a pa ja tz’apaj is planted
C10 yax chit? ti yax chit? first/green ??
D10 ?? yi nik? sak ik’ ?? sak nik? ik’ ?? white flower? breath/spirit
C11 13 ajaw tun ni uxlajun ajaw tun 13 Ajaw stone
D11 u kab’ hi ya ukab’jiy? under his supervision
C12 ch’a 04 ho ma chan ch’ahom(a) four incense-offerer
D12 tzutz hi ya 19 05 nal? tzutzjiy b’olonlajun ?? completed 19 ??
C13 u ti ya uti since it happened
D13 13 ajaw 18 sa ku uxlajun ajaw waxaklajun sak 13 Ajaw 18 Sak (LC?)
C14 yi li a hi ya ik’ ma ‘a yilajiy ik’ ma’ he witnessed it, Ik’ Ma’
D14 nal sa tzu? ?? ??
C15 u ti ya nal lo? ?? utiy ?? nal it happened at ?? place
D15 tzutz hi ya 06 nal ik’ nahb’ tzutzjiy wak ik’ nahb’? nal completed 6 ??
C16 13 ajaw 13 ik’ k’at uxlajun ajaw uxlajun ik’ k’at 13 Ajaw 13 Wo (LC?)
D16 u kab’ ya nal mi xi? ukab’jiy? mixnal? under the supervision of Mixnal?
C17 u ti ya yax hi chi li utiy yax hichil? it happened at First Harvest?
D17 wi witz ha i witz ja’i’ Mountain this is
C18 u kab’ ya hi u hi b’a li ukab’jiy? ub’ahil under the supervision of his image
D18 k’an te’ nah nal ?? hun ek’ k’an te’ nah nal ?? hun ek’ yellow tree first/building place ?? headdress star?
C19 k’ak’ til chan yo’at/yo’pat k’ak’ tiliw chan yo’at/yo’pat K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat
D19 u chok? ch’a wa? 13 ajaw uchokow? ch’ah uxlajun ajaw he scatters incense 13 Ajaw
C20 18 ol u b’u t’u waxaklajun ol ub’ut’ 18 Kumk’u (9.17.0.0.0) they cover
D20 ?? le ?? ’a ajaw tak? ?? ajawtak? ?? ajaw (pl.)?
(west)
A01-B02 tzi ka ixik? hab’ tzik ikik? hab’ count? of the (moon goddess?) hab’
A03 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
B03 14 winik hab’ chanlajun winik hab’ 14 k’atuns
A04 12 tun lajcha’ hab’ 12 [13] tuns
B04 04 winal chan winal 4 winals
A05 17 k’in wuklajun k’in 17 k’ins
B05 12 kab’an lajcha’ kab’an 12 Kab’an

224 lightning warrior

STELA E (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

A06 u ?? _ li _ ?? hun _ (G) is the ?? book/headband (F)

B06 07 _ hul li 03 ?? k’al li wuk huliy k’al ux ?? 7 since it arrives (7D) closure of 3 (jaguar god)
lunation (3CY)
A07 ?? u k’ab’a’ ch’o ko ja ?? uch’ok k’ab’a’ X is its young name (B)
B07 20 10 05 k’an a si _ k’al lajun ho’ k’anasiy 30 (10A) 5 K’ayab’
A08 u k’awil ch’am k’ak’ til chan uch’am k’awil k’ak’ tiliw chan he receives K’awil/God K K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
B08 yo’at/yo’pat ch’a ho ma yo’at/yo’pat ch’ahom(a) Yo’at/Yo’pat incense-offerer
A09 u [kab’] hi ya 18 u b’a k’awil ukab’jiy? waxaklajun ub’ah under the supervision of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil
k’awil
B09 ajaw xu ku pi 13 03 winal hi ya xukpi ajaw uxlajun ux winaljiy Copan ajaw 13 [k’ins] 3 winals
A10 06 hab’ ya i u ti wak hab’iy i ut 6 tuns and then it happens
B10 04 ajaw 13 yax chan ajaw uxlajun yax 4 Ajaw 13 Yax (9.15.0.0.0)
A11 i? ajaw ?? ja ja _ ta i? ?? ajaw ?? and then? ?? ajaw ??
B11 06 14 winal ya 01 hab’ ya wak chanlajun winaljiy jun 6 [k’ins] 14 winals 1 [6] tun
hab’iy
A12 i u ti 06 kimi i ut wak kimi and then it happens 6 Kimi (9.15.6.14.6)
B12 04 ka se wa u ch’ak b’a hi chan kasew ch’ak ub’ah 4 Sek decapitates
A13 18 u b’a k’awil 16 15 winal ya waxaklajun ub’ah k’awil Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil 16 [k’ins] 15 winals
waklajun ho’lajun winaljiy
B13 01 hab’ ya 01 winik hab’ ya jun hab’iy jun winik hab’iy 1 [4] tun 1 k’atun
A14 i u ti 11 imix i ut b’uluch imix and then it happens 11 Imix (9.16.11.13.1)
B14 19 muwan ni ch’am? wa ajaw? ?? b’olonlajun muwan ch’amaw ?? 19 Muwan receives ?? ajaw?
ajaw?
A15 k’in ni kuch? b’alam k’in kuch? b’alam K’in Kuch? B’alam
B15 ajaw xu ku ya wa u kab’ hi ya xkuy? ajaw ukab’jiy? Xkuy? ajaw under his supervision
A16 ch’a ho ma 14 04 winal ya ch’ahom(a) chanlajun chan incense-offerer 14 [k’ins] 4 winals
winaljiy
B16 08 hab’ ya i u ti waxak hab’iy i ut 8 tuns and then it happens
A17 13 ajaw 18 ol la uxlajun ajaw waxaklajun ol 13 Ajaw 18 Kumk’u (9.17.0.0.0)
B17 17 winik hab’ chok? wa ch’a hi wuklajun winik hab’ chokow? 17 k’atuns scatters incense
ch’ah
A18 ?? wo chan na ?? chan ?? sky
B18 k’awil la k’ak’ til chan k’awil k’ak’ tiliw chan K’awil/God K K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
A19 yo’at/yo’pat ik’ ajaw xu ku pi yo’at/yo’pat ik’ xukpi ajaw Yo’at/Yo’pat black Copan ajaw
B19 u chan nu 18 u b’a k’awil ukanun? waxaklajun ub’ah guardian? of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil
k’awil
A20 ajaw xu ku pi yi il hi xukpi ajaw yilaj Copan ajaw he witnesses
B20 ajaw xu ku ya wa 06 nal ?? xkuy ajaw wak ?? nal Xkuy ajaw 6 ?? place

Paraphrase:
(east)

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 225

Count? of the ?? hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 17 k’atuns, 0 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, G9 is the ?? book/headband, 13 Ajaw (January 24, 771), ?? sky, closure of
the second of the (moon goddess) lunation, X is its young name, 29, 18 Kumk’u, the first/green ?? white flower? breath/spirit 13 Ajaw stone
is planted under the supervision of the four incense-offerer.
19 ?? were completed since 13 Ajaw 18 Sak (LC?) happened; Ik’ Ma’ ?? witnessed it; it happened at ?? place.
6 ?? were completed since 13 Ajaw 13 Wo (LC?) under the supervision of Mixnal?, it happened at First Harvest? Mountain; this is under the
supervision of the image of yellow tree first/building place ?? headdress star, K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat.
He scatters incense [on] 13 Ajaw 18 Kumk’u (9.17.0.0.0; January 24, 771). The ?? ajaw (pl.) cover it.
(west)
Count? of the (moon goddess) hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 14 k’atuns, 12 [13] tuns, 4 winals, 17 k’ins, 12 Kab’an (January 2, 725) . . . is the ?? book/head-
band, 7 since it arrives, closure of 3 of the (jaguar god) lunation, X is its young name, 30, 5 K’ayab’, K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-
offerer, receives K’awil/God K, under the supervision of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, Copan ajaw.
13 [k’ins], 3 winals, 6 tuns, and then 4 Ajaw 13 Yax (9.15.0.0.0; August 22, 731) happens and then? ?? ajaw ??.
6 [k’ins], 14 winals, 1 [6] tun, and then 6 Kimi 4 Sek (9.15.6.14.6; May 3, 738) happens, Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil is decapitated.
16 [k’ins], 15 winals, 1 [4] tun, 1 k’atun and then 11 Imix 19 Muwan (9.16.11.13.1; November 28, 762) happens; K’in Kuch? B’alam, Xkuy ajaw
receives ?? ajaw?, under the supervision of the incense-offerer.
14 [k’ins], 4 winals, 8 tuns and then 13 Ajaw 18 Kumk’u (9.17.0.0.0; January 24, 771) happens, 17 k’atuns; ?? sky K’awil/God K K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
Yo’at/Yo’pat, black Copan ajaw, guardian? of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, Copan ajaw, scatters incense. Xkuy ajaw 6 ?? place witnesses it.

STELA C
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

(east)
A01–B02 tzi ka ?? hab’ tzik? ?? hab’ count? of the ?? hab’
A03 13 pih uxlajun pih 13 b’aktuns
B03 00 li winik hab’ ?? winik hab’ 0 k’atuns
A04 00 li hab’ ?? hab’ 0 tuns
B04 00 winal mix? winal 0 winals
A05 00 li k’in ?? k’in 0 k’ins
B05 04 ajaw chan ajaw 4 Ajaw
A06 08 ol la waxak ol 8 Kumk’u
B06 hal la ja k’o b’a halaj k’ob’ the tripod? is manifested
A07 03 tun k’al ja k’alaj ux tun three stones are bundled
B07 u tz’a pa wa utz’apaw they plant
A08 tun ni ?? tun ?? a stone Jaguar Paddler
B08 ?? ?? Stingray Paddler
A09 u ti ya nah 05 chan utiy nah ho’ chan it happened at First Five Sky
B09 hix ?? tun ’a hix ?? tun? jaguar platform/throne stone
A10 u tz’a pa wa tun ni utz’apaw tun he plants a stone
B10 ik’ nah chak ?? ik’ nah chak ?? Ik’ Nah Chak ??
A11 u ti ya lakam ka? hi/ma utiy lakam kah? it happened at Large Town?
B11 chan ?? tun ni chan ?? tun snake platform/throne stone
A12 i u ti ya tun ni k’al i utiy k’al tun and then it happened, bundled a stone
B12 na itzam hi itzamnah Itzamnah (God D)
A13 ha’ ?? tun ni ha’ ?? tun water platform/throne stone

226 lightning warrior

STELA C (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

B13 u ti ya ?? chan na utiy ?? chan it happened at ?? Sky

A14 yax nal ?? yax ?? nal First Three-Stone place
B14 tzutz ya 13 pih tzutzuy uxlajun pih are completed 13 b’aktuns
A15 u kab’ ya ukab’jiy? under his supervision
B15 06 ajaw chan wa wak chan ajaw Six Sky ajaw
(west)
C01–D02 tzi ka k’in hab’ tzik? k’in hab’ count? of the day/sun hab’
C03 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
D03 01 winik hab’ jun winik hab’ 1 k’atun
C04 00 hab’ mix? hab’ 0 tuns
D04 00 winal la mix? winal 0 winals
C05 00 k’in ni mix? k’in 0 k’ins
D05 i u ti i uht and then it happens
C06 06 ajaw wak ajaw 6 Ajaw
D06 13 yax k’in ni uxlajun yaxk’in 13 Yaxk’in
C07 u tz’a pa wa utz’apaw he plants
D07 tun ni tu tu ma tun tutum a stone Tutum
C08 yo ol k’inich yol k’inich Yol K’inich
D08 k’uhul ajaw ?? wa k’uhul ?? ajaw divine Quirigua ajaw
C09 u ti ya utiy it happened at
D09 tza? chak ku? ?? chak ?? ?? Great/Red ??
C10 tz’u nu tz’unun Hummingbird
D10 00 00 winal ya mix? mix? winaljiy 0 [k’ins] 0 winals
C11 05 hab’ ya 17 winik hab’ ho’ hab’iy wuklajun 5 tuns 17 k’atuns
winik hab’iy
D11 i u ti 06 ajaw i ut wak ajaw and then it happens 6 Ajaw (9.17.5.0.0)
C12 13 k’an a si ya uxlajun k’anasiy 13 K’ayab’
D12 nah 05 tun ni nah ho’ tun first five stone
C13 u chok? wa uchokow? he scatters
D13 k’ak’ til chan k’ak’ tiliw chan K’ak’ Tiliw Chan (Yo’at/Yo’pat)
C14 05 winik hab’ ho’ winik hab’ five-k’atun
D14 ch’a ho ma ch’ahom(a) incense-offerer
(south)
E01 01 eb’ jun eb’ 1 Eb’ (9.17.4.10.12)
F01 05 yax ho’ yax 5 Yax
G01 ?? ho? ja ?? ?? (verb)
H01 06 ajaw tun ni wak ajaw tun 6 Ajaw stone
(north)
I01 08 la ta waxak lat 8 [k’ins] until

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 227

STELA C (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

J01 09 ajaw b’olon ajaw 9 Ajaw (9.17.4.11.0)

K01 u? tu ho? ?? ?? (verb)
L01 01 ajaw wa yax b’alam jun ajaw yax b’alam Jun Ajaw Yax B’alam
Paraphrase:
(east)
Count? of the ?? hab’, 13 b’aktuns, 0 k’atuns, 0 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, 4 Ajaw 8 K’umk’u (August 13, 3114 b.c.), the tripod? is manifested.
Three stones are bundled.
Jaguar Paddler and Stingray Paddler plant a stone; it happened at First Five Sky; [it was a] jaguar platform/throne stone.
Ik’ Nah Chak ?? plants a stone; it happened at Large Town?, [it was a] snake platform/throne stone.
And then it happened, Itzamnah bundled a stone, it is a water platform/throne stone, it happened at ?? Sky, First Three-Stone place.
13 b’aktuns are completed under the supervision of the Six Sky ajaw.
(west)
Count? of the day/sun hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 1 k’atun, 0 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, and then 6 Ajaw 13 Yaxk’in (August 28, 455) happens; Tutum Yol
K’inich, divine Quirigua ajaw, plants a stone; it happened at ?? Great/Red ?? Hummingbird.
0 [k’ins], 0 winals, 5 tuns, 17 k’atuns, and then 6 Ajaw 13 K’ayab’ (9.17.5.0.0; December 29, 775) happens, first five stone; K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
Yo’at/Yo’pat, five-k’atun incense-offerer, scatters.
(south)
1 Eb’ 5 Yax (9.17.4.10.12; August 3, 775), ?? the 6 Ajaw stone.
(north)
8 [k’ins] until 9 Ajaw (9.17.4.11.0; August 11, 775) ?? Jun Ajaw, Yax B’alam.

STELA A
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

(east)
A01–B02 tzi ka ixik? hab’ tzik? ixik? hab’ count of the (moon goddess) hab’
A03 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
B03 17 winik hab’ wuklajun winik hab’ 17 k’atuns
A04 05 hab’ ho’ hab’ 5 tuns
B04 00 li winal ?? winal 0 winals
A05 00 li k’in ?? k’in 0 k’ins
B05 06 ajaw wak ajaw 6 Ajaw
A06 nah 05 tun ni nah ho’ tun first five stone
B06 nal k’in ?? ni ?? hun na ?? ?? hun G9 ?? book/headband (F)
A07 06 20 hi ya wak k’aljiy 26 (6E)
B07 hul li ya huliy since it arrives (D)
A08 u 02 ?? k’al ja k’al ucha’ ?? closure of the second of the (jaguar god) lunation (2CY)
B08 mi k’u ?? ?? X
A09 20 10 na k’al lajun 30
B09 13 k’an a si ya uxlajun k’anasiy 13 K’ayab’
A10 tz’a pa ja tz’apaj is planted

228 lightning warrior

STELA A (continued)
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

B10 06 ajaw wak ajaw 6 Ajaw

A11 tun ni tun stone
B11 nah 05 tun ni nah ho’ tun first five stone
(west)
C01 tzutz hi ya tzutzjiy completed
D01 19 o hab’ b’olonlajun ?? 19 ??
C02 06 ajaw wak ajaw 6 Ajaw (CR?)
D02 13 yax? uxlajun yax? 13 Yax?
C03 u kab’ hi ya ukab’jiy? under his supervision
D03 ik’ hun ik’ hun Ik’ Hun
C04 u ya ti utiy it happened at
D04 ik’ kab’ nal ?? ik’ kab’ ?? nal Black Earth ?? place
C05 a ?? ya ?? (focus marker)
D05 u chok? ch’a uchok? ch’ah he scatters incense
C06 05 winik hab’ ch’a ho ma ho’ winik hab’ ch’ahom(a) five-k’atun incense-offerer
D06 k’ak’ til chan wi k’ak’ tiliw chan K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
C07 yo’at/yo’pat yo’at/yo’pat Yo’at/Yo’pat
D07 04 ch’a ho la chan ch’ahom(a) four incense-offerer
C08 04 te ik’ ?? chante ik’ ?? four black ??
D08 ik’ ajaw xu ku wa pi ik’ xukpi ajaw black Copan ajaw
C09 ajaw ik’ nal way? la ik’ way? nal ajaw Black Hole place ajaw
D09 k’uhul ajaw ?? wa k’uhul ?? ajaw divine Quirigua ajaw
C10 u chan na ukanun? his guardian?
D10 18 u b’a k’awil la waxaklajun ub’ah k’awil Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil
C11 no noh chan yo ok? k’in ni nohol chan ?? k’in south sky ?? sun
D11 b’a ka b’a b’akab’ b’akab’

Paraphrase:
(east)
Count? of the (moon goddess) hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 17 k’atuns, 5 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, 6 Ajaw (December 29, 775), first five stone, G9 is the ??
book/headband, 26 days since it arrives, closure of the second of the (jaguar god) lunation, X, 30, 13 K’ayab’, the 6 Ajaw stone is planted,
first five stone.
(west)
19 ?? were completed on 6 Ajaw 13 Yax? (CR?), under the supervision of Ik’ Hun; it happened at Black Earth ?? place.
It is? (9.17.5.0.0; December 29, 775), the five-k’atun incense-offerer, K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat, four incense-offerer, four black ??, black
Copan ajaw, Black Hole place ajaw, divine Quirigua ajaw, the guardian? of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, south sky ?? sun, b’akab’, scatters in-
cense.

the monumental inscriptions commissioned by k’ak’ tiliw 229

ZOOMORPH B
Coordinate Block Transcription Block Maya Block English

00 tzi ka te’ hab’ tzik? te’ hab’ count? of the tree hab’
01 09 pih b’olon pih 9 b’aktuns
02 17 winik hab’ wuklajun winik hab’ 17 k’atuns
03 10 tun lajun tun 10 tuns
04 00 winal ?? winal 0 winals
05 00 k’in ?? k’in 0 k’ins
06 12 ajaw lajchan ajaw 12 Ajaw
07 k’in ?? ?? hun ?? ?? hun G9 is the ?? book/headband (F)
08 20 07 hul k’al wuk huliy 27 since it arrives (27D)
09 u 02 k’al ?? k’al ucha’ ?? bundling of the second of the (skull) lunation (2CS)
10 ?? k’uhul u ch’o ko k’ab’a’ ’a ?? uch’ok k’ab’a’ X is its young name (B)
11 20 09 08 te pax k’al b’olon waxakte pax 29 (9A) 8 Pax
12 pat ni ?? ’a e/hu patwan? ?? made ??
13 ?? ?? ahin? ?? ?? ?? ahin? ?? ?? crocodile? ??
14 _ u chahk/ku? ni 04 ?? _ chan ?? ?? _ 4 ?? ??
15 ju? nal? ’a nu ni ?? ??
16 k’ak’ ti li chan yo’at/yo’pat k’ak’ tiliw chan yo’at/yo’pat K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat
17 ch’ahom(a) ik’ ajaw xu? ch’ahom(a) ik’ xukpi ajaw incense-offerer black Copan ajaw

Paraphrase:
Count? of the tree hab’, 9 b’aktuns, 17 k’atuns, 10 tuns, 0 winals, 0 k’ins, 12 Ajaw (December 2, 780), G9 is the ?? book/headband, 27 since it
arrives, bundling of the second of the (skull) lunation, X is its young name, 29, 8 Pax, made ?? crocodile? ?? . . . 4 ?? ??, K’ak’ Tiliw Chan
Yo’at/Yo’pat, incense-offerer, black Copan ajaw.

230 lightning warrior

Notes

Preface
1. In the present work, I refer to rulers in a manner consistent 8. For a comprehensive bibliography of archaeological research
with Martin and Grube (2000). The orthography for all words of at Copan, see Fash and Andrews (n.d.).
Mayan derivation employed in this study is adapted from the Ac-
9. The most important studies include Baudez (1994); Baudez
ademia de Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala system (López Raquec
and Riese (1990); Gordon (1902); Maudslay (1889–1902); Morley
1989). Some scholars have recently begun to render vowel length
(1920); Newsome (2001); and Schele and Mathews (1993:
in transcriptions of ancient Maya texts based on patterns of dis-
133–174).
harmonic spelling (see Houston, Robertson, and Stuart 1998). As
these patterns have yet to be systematically explored within the
entire corpus of inscriptions, this practice is not followed in the Introduction
present work. Instead, complex vowels are rendered when recon- 1. On the emblem glyph and its political significance, see Marcus
structible based on historical linguistics (see Kaufman and Nor- (1976); Martin and Grube (2000: 17–20); and Mathews (1984,
man 1984; Macri and Looper 2003). In addition, as it is evident 1988).
that Quirigua inscriptions are generally based on Eastern Ch’olan
2. Bricker (1986); Houston and Mathews (1985); Martin and
languages, Ch’olan renderings are used for ambiguous spellings
Grube (2000); Mathews and Justeson (1984); Stuart (n.d.a).
(e.g., “black” is ik’).
3. On the history of intersite political relationships in the Classic
2. Grube, Schele, and Fahsen (1991); Jones and Sharer (1980);
period, see Grube (1996); Houston (1993); Houston, in Chase
Kelley (1962); Looper (1995b, 1999, n.d.); Proskouriakoff (1973,
(1991); Marcus (1973, 1976); Martin and Grube (1995, 2000);
1993); Stuart (1987a, 1992b).
Molloy and Rathje (1974: 435–442); Schele and Freidel (1990);
3. Hatch (1975) offered an alternative dynastic sequence that Schele and Grube (1994); and Schele and Mathews (1991).
differs radically from those put forward by other authors. Many
4. On the role of warfare in the formation of Maya kingdoms, see
of the nominals Hatch proposed are now generally accepted as
Webster (1977).
titular in nature. For a summary of arguments against Hatch’s
sequence, see Stone (1983). 5. This ruler has also been known as “Two-Legged Sky” (Kelley
1962); “Two-Armed Sky” (Marcus 1976); “Cauac Sky” (Jones and
4. Monumental designations in this book follow the original sys-
Sharer 1980); and Butz’ Tiliw (Chan Yoat) (Grube, Schele, and
tem of Maudslay (1889–1902) and Morley (1935, 1937–1938). The
Fahsen 1991; Looper 1995a, 1999).
monuments discovered by the University of Pennsylvania Quiri-
gua Project are numbered according to the schema of that project 6. Both the reading and etymology of the name of this deity are in
(Coe and Sharer 1979: Table 2; Sharer 1990). Structure designa- question. The decipherments offered might be related to various
tions at Quirigua follow the system of the Pennsylvania Quirigua Yukatek terms, including oatlil “erección” and yo’pat “una man-
Project (Coe and Sharer 1979: Table 1). era de coroza o mitra que usaban los indios antiguos” (Barrera
Vásquez 1980: 593, 980). Martin and Grube (2000: 231) credit
5. Hewett (1911, 1912, 1913, 1915, 1916); Morley (1935, 1937–
David Stuart with a “yopaat” reading for this glyph.
1938).
7. On these stelae, Monuments 25/26, 27, 88, and 89, see Gonzá-
6. Ashmore (1979, n.d.); Schortman (1993); Schortman and Ur-
lez Lauck (1997); Reilly (1994); Tate (1999); and Taube (1996: 50).
ban (1983); Sharer (n.d.).
8. See Stuart (1996). This reading of the glyph for “stela” super-
7. Grube, Schele, and Fahsen (1991); Kelley (1962); Looper
sedes a previous erroneous decipherment as te’ tun “tree stone”
(1995a, 1999); Martin and Grube (2000: 214–225); Riese (1986);
by Schele and Stuart (1985).
Schele and Looper (1996); Sharer (1978, 1988).

231
 9. For examples of world trees in the Maya ethnographic record, 22. The theory that Quirigua was a colony of Copan is usually at-
see Núñez de la Vega (1702: 9); Tozzer (1907: 154); and Alfonso tributed to Morley (1920, 1935).
Villa Rojas, in León-Portilla (1988). The concept of the world tree
23. See the discussions of Bloch (1974); Galaty (1983); Gluckman
in ancient Maya art is discussed by Schele and Miller (1986:
(1965); Jackson (1983); Kapferer (1979a); and Schieffelin (1985).
76–77, 108–109) and by Newsome (2001).
24. On the nature of Maya spiritual forces, see Freidel, Schele,
10. These temporal units are conventional labels. They do not
and Parker (1993); Houston and Stuart (1996); Houston and
necessarily reflect the terminology that would have been used in
Taube (2000); Looper and Kappelman (2001); Marcus (1978); and
the Classic period.
Ringle (1988).
11. The tzolk’in consists of a cycle of 20 days combined with coef-
25. The expression appears on the Palenque Tablet of the Cross,
ficients from 1 to 13, thus returning to 4 Ajaw every 260 days. The
E3, and Quirigua Stela J, C7–D7. Maya metaphors of birth are
hab’ is a cycle of 18 months of 20 days each, counted 0–19, plus a
discussed by Taube (1994) and Looper and Kappelman (2001).
period of 5 days. This cycle returns to 8 Kumk’u every 365 days.
On the deity conjuration as “birth,” see Stuart (1984: 14–15).
12. Other zoomorphic sculptures are referred to using T174 com-
26. It is likely that these developments occurred long before the
pounds, which may incorporate the term kuch “contain, carry.”
Late Formative period, as Olmec art seems to express similar
See MacLeod (n.d.).
concepts (e.g., see Kappelman and Reilly 2001).
13. Freidel, Schele, and Parker (1993: 173–207) cite several exam-
27. The small text located in the lower left part of the panel is a
ples of modern Maya belief in stones and images inhabited by
record of the dedication of the lintel by the artist, which also
spirits and give evidence for the same concepts in the Classic pe-
serves as a commemoration of the making and use of the sculp-
riod.
ture.
14. Note Yukatek ch’ah “gota de cualquier licor o resina de árbol”
28. The apparent contradiction of monuments as gifts is even
(Barrera Vásquez 1980: 121); ch’áah “drip; drop” (Bricker, Po’ot
seen in the contrast between the public (given) space of the plaza
Yah, and Dzul de Po’ot 1998: 78).
and the private (kept) space of the royal palace.
15. The offering of blood is strongly suggested by images such as
29. See the discussion in Chapter 4.
La Pasadita Lintel 2 (Schele and Miller 1986: Pl. 76), which show
penitents in a “scattering” ritual dressed in costume associated 30. The verb ajawaj is a passive form derived from the noun ajaw
with bloodletting, such as the triple-knot motif (see Joralemon “lord.” In Maya inscriptions, this verb is usually given the posi-
1974; Schele and Miller 1986; Stuart 1984, 1988). tional suffix -yan rather than the passive. See Palenque Temple of
the Inscriptions, west panel, H2.
16. Nikolai Grube (personal communication, 1994) has posited
the phonetic value of the “lu-bat” collocation as yuxul “it is the 31. Tate (1992: 37) suggests that the emphasis on the head and
sculpture of,” based on a colonial Tzeltal gloss of ux as “raspar upper register on many Maya stelae indicates a focusing of ritual
como ladrillos” (Ara 1986: 414). heat in these areas.
17. See Madrid Codex, pp. 95d, 96d, 97b, 98b, 98c, 101b. 32. Interestingly, these two fields consider the relation between
persona and “reality” in exactly opposite ways. While literary crit-
18. On the physical properties of sandstone, see Rich (1947:
ics see persona as “the sum of the author’s conscious choices in a
220–222).
realized and more complete self as ‘artist’” (Fowler 1987: 177),
19. These titles do not include the standard scribal title aj tz’ib’ Jung (1953) sees the persona as something essentially false and
“writer” (Stuart 1987b: 1–11) but rather a title reading aj nab’il illusory.
“painter” and one which may read aj b’ik’al. The latter may relate
33. In employing the distinction between myth and history in the
to the Yukatek term bik’yah tz’ib, meaning “to scribble on paper”
ancient Maya context, I follow such scholars as Lounsbury (1976,
(“escarabajear papel”; Barrera Vásquez 1980:53), and therefore
1985) and Schele and Freidel (1990).
be translated “scribbler, sketcher.” Aj nab’il appears in sculptors’
signatures on Yaxchilan Lintel 45 and on a stela of unknown 34. On this approach to Maya iconography, see Freidel and
provenance (Coe and Kerr 1997: Pl. 88). Aj b’ik’al titles appear on Schele (1988b) and Schele and Miller (1986: 15).
Piedras Negras Throne 1, Lintel 3, Stelae 12 and 15, and the Cleve-
35. Important studies of Maya sculptural style include McHargue
land Panel. On the role of scribes and writing in Classic Maya cul-
(1995) and Proskouriakoff (1950).
ture, see Coe and Kerr (1997) and Reents-Budet (1994: 36–71).
20. On the supernatural patronage of Classic Maya artists, see Chapter 1. Life at the Crossroads
Coe (1977) and Coe and Kerr (1997: 101–110).
1. The earliest definable ceramic complex at Quirigua, designated
21. The conformation of Maya sculpture to the aesthetics of Catherwood, does not correspond to the Late Formative period
painting may also have to do with sculptors’ following of master but to the Protoclassic/Early Classic period (Ashmore 1987: 219).
drawings. Master drawings are documented on two stone sculp-
2. These early artifacts were not excavated under controlled con-
tures at Palenque: the Palace Tablet and the Sarcophagus of the
ditions. See Ashmore (1987: 219) and Jones, Ashmore, and
Temple of Inscriptions (Schele and Miller 1986: 39–40).
Sharer (1983: 12).

232 notes to pages 8–35

3. In the warehouse at the Quirigua site is located a drain trough 13. The most important of these Venus-timed events were the
carved in the form of a serpent head. Although this sculpture may founding events of K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ on maximum altitude
not be of Late Formative date, it is related to Late Formative forms and elongation of the Morning Star (Schele 1989a; Schele and
found in the Guatemalan highlands and Pacific slope. Similar Larios 1991). The accession of Smoke Imix took place on the
drain troughs are known from Kaminaljuyu (Parsons 1986: Fig. elongation date of the Morning Star (Schele and Fash 1991). Wax-
49) and Izapa (Norman 1976: Fig. 5.28). It is possible that the aklajun Ub’ah K’awil undertook rituals on dates of important
Quirigua pedestal sculptures are an Early Classic continuation Evening Star positions, and K’ak’ Joplaj Chan K’awil’s accession
from the more ancient highland traditions. took place on a date of Morning Star elongation (Schele and Fash
1991). See also Schele (1991b).
4. The dating of this phase of the acropolis is approximate, based
on ceramic typologies and comparisons with data from Early 14. Miller (1999: 101) suggests that the beading around the ruler’s
Classic Copan. See Sharer (1997). face on Monument 26 derived from a style of figural incense
burner having the same feature. This style of incense burner is
5. Morley (1935: 43–44; 1937–1938, vol. 4: 241) identified Locus
unknown at Quirigua, however.
011 (his Group C) as early, based partly on the presence of Monu-
ment 25 there. The monument is a plain round column of schist, 15. A metaphor for death in the Classic period was probably och
measuring about 2.5 m long and 0.6 m in diameter. The material ha’ “enter water” (Stuart 1998: 388). Death was also conceived
is consistent with that used for the other early monuments at through the metaphor of a sinking canoe (Freidel, Schele, and
Quirigua, including Monument 26, Stela U, and the pedestal Parker 1993: 89–91). Conversely, resurrection is often shown as
sculptures, Monuments 29 and 30. On these and other Early Clas- emergence out of water, as, for example, on the panel of Pa-
sic groups, see Ashmore (1984, 1987, n.d.) and Jones (1987: 211). lenque Temple XIV or the many vases which depict the emer-
gence of the maize deity out of the waterlily-marked turtle (Frei-
6. The Copan acropolis was begun around a.d. 420. See Fash and
del, Schele, and Parker 1993: Fig. 3.27).
Sharer (1991); W. Fash et al. (1992); Sharer (1999); Sharer, Miller,
and Traxler (1992); and Sharer et al. (n.d.). On early architecture 16. On stylistic grounds, Schele originally placed Stela 53 be-
of Copan, see also Andrews (n.d.); Andrews and Fash (1992); tween 9.1.0.0.0 and 9.1.10.0.0 and Stela 60 between 9.2.10.0.0
Schele and Freidel (1990: Chap. 8); Sharer, Fash, et al. (1999); and 9.3.10.0.0 but more recently (personal communication,
Sharer, Traxler, et al. (1999); and Stuart (1992b). See also discus- 1994) suggested that Stela 53 dates later than 9.1.10.0.0 and that
sion in Fahsen, Schele, and Grube (1995) and Grube, Schele, and both stelae were likely carved before 9.3.10.0.0.
Fahsen (1995).
17. On the date of this monument, see Baudez (1983, vol. 2:
7. Peter Mathews was the first to interpret the Stela C inscription 186–187, 190).
as naming a founder (Jones and Sharer 1980). Looper and Schele
18. Unfortunately for the purposes of comparison, none of the
(1994) suggest that Stela C and Zoomorph P refer to the same
frontally represented faces of rulers survive from early Copan.
person, which, in my present view, remains a viable option. Mar-
tin and Grube (2000: 216–217) identify Tok Casper and Tutum Yol 19. The stelae of Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil and K’ak’ Yipyaj are
K’inich as two different rulers. commonly thought to be or to approach “in-the-round” sculp-
tures. Nevertheless, in each example, sculptors are careful to pre-
8. The kalomte’ title was originally identified as “batab” by Berlin
serve a sense of the block from which the figure emerges.
(1958). See Stuart, Grube, and Schele (1989).
20. There is one possible record of monument erection dating to
9. Martin and Grube (2000); Schele (1990c); Schele and Grube
the mid-sixth century at Quirigua, recorded on Zoomorph P, as-
(1992a); Schele and Villela (1992, 1994); Stuart (2000).
sociated with the calendar round date 9 Ajaw 3 Sotz’, appearing
10. The “west kalomte’” title has been identified in the title in cartouches 1 and 2 of the muzzle text. The same date appears
sequences of the following Copan rulers: K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ on the south inscription of Zoomorph P and with a long distance
(Stela 15), Stela 32 ruler, Waterlily Jaguar (Stela E), B’utz’ Chan number which makes probable a placement in the Early Classic
(Altar Y), and K’ak’ Joplaj Chan K’awil (Hieroglyphic Stairway). period. For the corresponding Long Count, Grube, Schele, and
Fahsen (1991) offered a solution of 9.2.14.5.0; however, because
11. Group 3C-8, located less than 150 m northwest of Group 3C-
erection of monuments occurs only on tun-endings at Quirigua—
7, also has round-faced masonry typical of the Early Classic pe-
with the exception of the actions of the founder on 8.19.10.11.0—
riod. The group included a platform (3C-2) and Structures 3C-17
an alternative date is 9.5.7.0.0 (a.d. 541).
and 3C-18 and is described as an elaborate patio group or ball-
court like Copan Ballcourt I (Ashmore 1987: 219). 21. The seventh-century ceramic complex (Maudslay, late facet)
includes some shallow polychrome dishes and plates reportedly
12. The association of this person, nicknamed “Basket Skull,”
similar to Tepeu 1 of the northeastern Peten (Ashmore 1984: 378;
with the “third successor” title introduces a problem in the dy-
Willey et al. 1980).
nastic count of Quirigua, as three previous rulers (instead of two)
are elsewhere documented. This suggests that the “succession” 22. An alternative interpretation is that Monument 26 was ritually
referred to here may not have been a dynastic count. Alternatively, “killed” through its defacement in local dedication and termina-
it suggests that the Stela U ruler Turtle Shell may have not been tion rituals. According to Schele and Miller (1986: 74), objects
counted or that Tutum Yol K’inich, mentioned on Stela C, might were often intentionally defaced after a ruler’s death in order to
have been an alternative name for the founder or second ruler. release accumulated supernatural powers. Without a precise ar-

notes to pages 36–50 233

chaeological context for Monument 26, we cannot be sure which (1962) erroneously interpreted the accession as the birth date
interpretation is correct. (“initial date”) of the ruler. Proskouriakoff (1973: 168) first iden-
tified the date of K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession.
23. On Altar L, see Fash and Stuart (1991); Morley (1937–1938,
vol. 4: 94); Satterthwaite (1979); and Schele (1989d). 3. Cohodas (1991: 276) identifies the image of Altar M as a vari-
ant of the rabbit hand-protector shown on the Copan Ballcourt
24. On this ritual, see Stuart (1998: 389–393).
II-B center marker. The hand-protector, however, has no spots on
25. The same tzak hul combination seen on Altar L appears at Yax- the ear and lacks the imix eyelid and ophidian features seen on Al-
chilan in the context of sites that had recently experienced wars tar M. The “Vase of the Seven Gods” is illustrated in Reents-Bu-
(Martin and Grube 2000: 201). det (1994: 64).
26. For political interpretations of Smoke Imix’s 9.11.0.0.0 stela 4. See also Smith and Kidder (1943: 117–118, Fig. 60) and Villa-
program, see Baudez (1986: 20); Fash (1983); Marcus (1976: 129); corta (1927: 246).
Newsome (1991: 172–199); Proskouriakoff (1973); Schele and
5. On Ani, see Sharer, Fash, et al. (1999: 234–238). Linda Schele
Freidel (1990); and Schele and Grube (1988).
(personal communication, 1994) first noted the correspondence
27. Giant Ajaw altars are also known from Tikal (Altar 14) and between the iconography of Ani and QRG Structure 1B-2. The de-
Tonina, but these are of later date than QRG Altar L. See Satterth- sign of the Quirigua temple based on a structure commissioned
waite (1951, 1979). by Ruler 8 of Copan recalls the close connection between the two
sites during the mid-sixth century. We are reminded specifically
28. Regarding the relative dates of Sub.4 and 1B-2, Jones and
of the large number of ceramic vessels of Quirigua manufacture
Sharer (1980: 17) note: “We can detect some time depth for Con-
that were deposited in the Copan ruler’s tomb (see Reents-Budet
struction Stage 3, with 1B-2 appearing to be later in masonry style
et al. n.d.). For some unknown reason, it appears that Structure
than the ballcourt itself.” In addition, the Sub.4 ballcourt was in
1B-2 was designed specifically as a tribute to Ruler 8.
poor condition when 1B-2 was built, implying that some years
had intervened between the construction of these two buildings. 6. These include CPN Stela C, QRG Stela A, the Cosmic Plate, the
On the acropolis architecture of this phase, see Jones, Ashmore, “Vomit Pot” in the Museum of the American Indian, and Step 34
and Sharer (1983: 4–5). of the Copan Hieroglyphic Stairway (Schele and Grube 1990b).
29. On the relationships of maize and moon deities, see Joyce 7. On possible readings of the “flower” logographs, see Boot,
(1992); Looper (2002a); Schele and Mathews (1998: 348); Stross Looper, and Wagner (1996).
(1994); and Taube (1992: 64–69).
Chapter 3. Rebellion and Revival
Chapter 2. A Restive Vassal 1. The date 9.15.6.14.6 6 Kimi 4 Sek was first noted by Morley
1. Additional evidence in favor of a local origin of K’ak’ Tiliw is (1915: 221) at Quirigua, who also identified the “axe” verb associ-
found in his name, which includes a chan yo’at/yo’pat element that ated with it. Kelley (1962: 328) suggested that the date recorded
is seen frequently in the Southeast. In the past, some scholars an interaction between Quirigua and Copan, perhaps the con-
proposed that K’ak’ Tiliw was a member of a “Sky Dynasty” hav- quest of Quirigua or the accession of a ruler from Copan at Quir-
ing branches in a number of sites, including Tikal and Copan igua. Proskouriakoff (1973: 168), however, noted the prominence
(Kelley 1962; Sharer 1978). This notion, however, is no longer of the event at Quirigua and assumed that the “axe” verb associ-
tenable, as it takes as a family name the chan “sky” component of ated with the date recorded an event in which Quirigua “had the
the proper name of K’ak’ Tiliw and other Quirigua rulers. Fur- upper hand” over Copan. Marcus (1976: 134–140) confirmed
ther, the “sky” element in Tikal ruler names is part of their proper Proskouriakoff ’s suggestion by identifying on various Quirigua
names as well. For example, the proper name of “Stormy Sky” of monuments a title of K’ak’ Tiliw that refers to him as the “captor
Tikal is Siyaj Chan K’awil (see Coggins 1975; Schele and Grube of ” Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, the ruler of Copan. Although Mar-
1994: 92). cus interpreted the “axe” verb as a record of battle, its decipher-
ment as ch’ak “chop, cut” suggests other meanings (Orejel 1990).
2. This technique of determining the age of the ruler follows the
While the “axe” verb is sometimes used with reference to the de-
methodology outlined by Proskouriakoff (1963–1964). The earli-
struction of places, it is also clearly associated with decapitation
est k’atun title occurs on the two monuments erected on
(Looper and Schele 1991; Stuart 1992b). For example, on a pol-
9.17.5.0.0, Stela A (C6) and Stela C (C14–D14). Here the king is a
ychrome vase from Altar de Sacrificios (Fig. 3.1), the glyph ap-
ho’ winik hab’ ch’ahom(a) “five-k’atun incense-offerer,” suggesting
pears in a text accompanying a self-decapitating God A', suggest-
that at this time he would have been between eighty and one hun-
ing that the verb refers to this action. On the vase the passage is
dred tuns in age. He is given the same k’atun number at his death
nominal, identifying the adjacent deity as ch’ak b’a(h) “self-chop-
on 9.17.14.13.2 (Zoomorph G, Y1–C'1), so it follows that at
ping” (Houston and Stuart 1996: 295). At Quirigua, however, the
9.17.5.0.0 he could not have been much more than ninety 360-
“axe” glyph is clearly used in a verbal construction, reading ch’ak
day years in age. Given the difference between the Stela A and C
ub’ah, which probably refers to the severing of the head (Houston
dedication date and the accession date of 2.11.13.3, or just under
and Stuart 1998).
fifty-two years, his age upon accession would have been between
about twenty-eight and thirty-eight years old. Riese (1980: 164) 2. This passage is discussed in detail by Grube, Schele, and
calculated K’ak’ Tiliw’s accession age as twenty-eight. Kelley Fahsen (1991) and Looper (1999: 268). Interestingly, this date

234 notes to pages 51–78

also corresponds to a solar eclipse station (Grube, Schele, and 16. On the jaguar as a symbol of warfare, see Freidel (1989); Frei-
Fahsen 1991). That is, it is a day of the new moon on which an del, Schele, and Parker (1993: 310–317); Schele and Miller (1986:
eclipse would be visible somewhere on earth, although in this 213–214); and Thompson (1970: 291).
case not in the Maya area.
17. The Jaguar War Deity is alternatively interpreted as a Venus
3. More precisely, this person is said to be a divine lord of Chik symbol (Schele and Grube 1988).
Nahb’, a toponym which may refer to the region surrounding Ca-
18. Proskouriakoff ’s (1950: 66) designation for the motif was
lakmul. See discussion in Looper (1999); Martin and Grube
“medallion ornament.”
(2000); and Stuart and Houston (1994).
19. Proskouriakoff (1950: 66) termed this pectoral the “bar orna-
4. New epigraphic evidence from Dos Pilas suggests that Calak-
ment.”
mul strongly coerced Dos Pilas to make war against Tikal. Re-
cently discovered sections of Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 20. These include Aguateca Stelae 3 and 7; Dos Pilas Stelae 11, 14,
indicate that Calakmul actually attacked Dos Pilas in order to and 15; Jimbal Stela 1; Machaquila Stela 2; Naranjo Stelae 13 and
make an ally of its king (Fahsen 2002). 28; Quirigua Stelae D, E, F, I, J, and K and Zoomorph P; Tikal
Temple 1, Lintel 3, and the Structure 4D-52 lintel; and Tzum Stela
5. On the archaeology of the Great Plaza, see Jones, Ashmore,
3. Itzimte Lintel 1 and Yaxchilan Lintel 58 also feature this im-
and Sharer (1983: 8–11).
agery but are of uncertain date. On Yaxchilan Lintels 1, 3, 52, and
6. This is the so-called batab title, discussed by Berlin (1958: 114); 54 this iconographic complex is associated with period endings,
Schele and Grube (1992a: 4); and Stuart, Grube, and Schele while 32, 42, and 53 show the imagery in association with non-
(1989). period-ending dates.
7. Linda Schele (personal communication, 1994) first brought 21. The Jester God infix is most clearly visible on the pectoral on
this fact to my attention. Stela F north but can also be seen on Stela E south. Elsewhere the
infix is eroded beyond recognition. Certain examples from Dos
8. On the glyph for “hill/mountain,” see Stuart (1987b).
Pilas depict a deity with hands replacing the lower mandible.
9. This term does not survive in Ch’olan languages, but in Yuka-
22. Usually termed a “skeletal serpent,” the creature to which
tek it means “alimento” (Barrera Vásquez 1980: 387).
these jaws pertain is identified as a centipede by comparison with
10. Aztec art exhibits examples of both survivals and revivals, al- a scene from a polychrome vase. In the glyphic caption of this
though in this case the revivals are imitations of art belonging to scene, a bicephalic variant of this creature is termed chapat “centi-
earlier civilizations, especially the visual cultures of Tula, Teoti- pede.” In the Maya system, centipedes belong to the same class
huacan, and Xochicalco (Umberger 1981, 1987). as snakes (Grube and Nahm 1994: 702).
11. On the debate concerning the stylistic sources of the QRG 23. On CPN Structure 10L-22A and its antecedents, see B. Fash
Stela H text format, see Grube, Schele, and Fahsen (1991); Jones (1996); B. Fash et al. (1992); W. Fash (1998, 2001: 130–135); Fash
and Sharer (1980); Miller (1983); and Riese (1986). and Fash (1990); Freidel, Schele, and Parker (1993); Ringle
(1990); Schele (1998); Schele, Stuart, and Grube (1991); and
12. The frame for the inscription of CPN Stela J east is rendered as
Stomper (2001).
an illusion of a plaited textile strip, in which the reading order of
the glyphs follows the length of the strip (Maudslay 1889–1902, 24. On the archaeology, iconography, and texts of Copan Struc-
vol. 1: 54). In contrast, the QRG Stela H text frame consists of a ture 10L-26, see B. Fash (1992); W. Fash (1988, 2001); Fash and
series of staggered, diagonally oriented rectangles, with the Fash (1990, 2000); W. Fash et al. (1992); Fash and Stuart (1991);
glyphs reading in a normal double-column fashion proceeding Schele and Freidel (1990); Stuart (1992b, 2000, n.d.b); and Stuart
from the topmost rectangle downward. The arrangement of the and Schele (1986a).
QRG Stela H text is more similar to that of the cylindrical frag-
25. Coggins (1988b) suggests that the K’inich Ahaw Wall im-
ment from Copan shown in Fig. 4.19, which may have partly in-
agery indicates the importance of sun-related ceremonies at
spired it. It is not certain, however, that the Copan cylindrical
Quirigua, an interpretation that is consistent with the one devel-
monument was publicly known at the time that QRG Stela H was
oped here.
designed.
13. The process of hardening of sandstone to which Morley refers Chapter 4. Dreams of Power
is due to the presence of dissolved minerals in the quarry water—
1. The archaeology of Platform 1A-1 and Structure 1A-3 is de-
the moisture that permeates the living rock. As this water evap-
scribed in Coe and Sharer (1979: 15) and Jones, Ashmore, and
orates, the minerals are deposited on the walls of the pore cavi-
Sharer (1983: 9).
ties, lending the stone greater hardness (Rich 1947: 221).
2. Of the Platform 1A-1 stelae, only the foundations of Stelae A
14. See also the important concept of “technological style,” as de-
and E were investigated by Strömsvik (1941). Strömsvik’s (1941:
veloped by Lechtman (1977).
Fig. 9) drawings of the below-ground portions of these two stelae
15. See Schele (1989b) for structurally related visionary events re- indicate that they were rounded on the south sides, a design that
corded at Pomona and Yaxchilan. would have facilitated their raising to the north. The only ded-
ication cache among the Platform 1A-1 stelae recovered by

notes to pages 79–122 235

Strömsvik (1941: 81) was that of Stela E, an empty rectangular, 15. This site could well have been located very close to Quirigua,
lidded ceramic box found east of the stela, crushed in the plaza possibly one of numerous small sites on the upper reaches of the
fill. Morjá River. These sites have been shown to have close contacts
with Copan in the eighth century, through their use of Copador
3. A “sunwise” reading order for Maya stelae was first suggested
ceramics (Fash 2001: 151).
by Tate (1991).
16. On the interpretation of these Copan toponyms, see Looper
4. Among K’ak’ Tiliw’s titles on Stela F east is the 3-11-pih ajaw ti-
(1991c) and Schele and Grube (1990b). Xkuy may have meant
tle in its unique appearance at Quirigua. This title is also found in
“owl.”
early texts at Copan (Stela 49; Papagayo Step) and Naranjo (Altar
1). This usage at Quirigua may represent an attempt at legitima- 17. In their analysis of the text of Stela N, Baudez and Riese (1990,
tion through a reference to an archaic title from Copan. In addi- vol. 2: 150) suggest that the name of the monument includes the
tion, the 3-11-pih ajaw title may suggest a relationship between name of the sixteenth Copan king, Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat.
the ruler and cosmogenesis. On Tikal MT26 are listed three inter- Only the first half of this name is included at A17, however, and
vals of 1.4.1.0 (8,660 days) after 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 8 Kumk’u. the “Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat” element is missing, suggesting that the
These intervals are referenced using compounds of 11-pih. The reference is not to a historical person.
third 11-pih interval after this date is recorded as 10 Ajaw 8 Sip
18. Structurally similar headdresses with descending serpent-
(13.3.12.3.0).
cords appear on Itzimte Stela 1 and Stela 7 (Von Euw 1977: Figs.
5. This suffix, -jiy, was termed a “backgrounding marker” by Jos- 9, 19).
serand (1991) and may function as a marker for completive aspect
19. The final clause of the monument (A24b2–B24) names an ad-
(Stuart, Houston, and Robertson 1999: 28) or a perfect tense
ditional entity, who is connected to K’ak’ Tiliw by a yitaj expres-
(Barbara MacLeod, personal communication, 2002).
sion. Various identifications of this character have been offered,
6. Janis Indrikis (1997) calculated the most recent past period including the ruler of Copan, K’ak’ Joplaj; a local noble (Looper
ending that satisfies the criteria as 13.13.11.18.9.19.0.0.0.0.0.0.0. 1994); and a Venus deity (Looper 1997b). While the name of the
0.0. The distance between completions is 2.7.9.0.0.0.0.0.0.0.0. Stela D entity does not match that of K’ak’ Joplaj (who was de-
0.0. ceased by the time of the Stela D dedication), the significance of
this reference is still uncertain.
7. As observed by Newsome (2001: 85–86), the association of
the supernatural decapitation with a 1 Ajaw date seen on Stela F 20. The Principal Bird Deity may refer to a circumpolar constella-
also occurs on the Yaxchilan Structure 33 Hieroglyphic Stairway, tion visible on this evening, such as the Big Dipper, rising in the
Step 7. It is possible that the Maya considered each period-end- northeast, or Cassiopeia, which was high in the sky.
ing date to commemorate a particular supernatural event. As in
21. The record of the dark moon appears at C16, citing the
the case of Stela F, this association may have contributed to the
moon’s location as tan “in the center of,” the centipede which
decision to emphasize the political and religious connotations of
represents the maw of the underworld.
decapitation sacrifice in its texts and images.
22. The glyph (D6) that follows the tzolk’in in this text was identi-
8. One of these titles, at A9, is probably a variant of the “9.16.9”
fied by Kelley (1977b) as a record of a solar eclipse. Although this
title that occurs at other sites, such as Palenque (Temple of In-
eclipse was not visible at Quirigua, it was confirmed fifteen days
scriptions, middle panel, B9–C1) and Chichen Itza (Temple of the
later by a total lunar eclipse (see Schele and Looper 1994).
Four Lintels, Lintel 3, H1–H3).
23. A compound that is parallel to the name for the being in the
9. This argument was presented by Stuart (1992a) and elaborated
QRG Stela E south-face headdress appears in the text of Palenque
by Freidel, Schele, and Parker (1993). See also Looper and Kap-
Temple of the Inscriptions, west panel, J4 (yax-chit? “shell-in-
pelman (2001).
hand”).
10. On Maya celestial cords, see Looper and Kappelman (2001);
24. The name of this location includes the term hichil or chihil,
Miller (1974); Sosa (1985: 341); and Taube (1994: 659).
which may be related to Yukatek hich “coger fruta o frijoles” or hi-
11. The provenience of this vase was identified by Reents-Budet ich’t “deshojar” (Barrera Vásquez 1980: 208).
and Bishop (2000).
25. See Stone (1983) and Freidel and Schele (1988b). The person-
12. The manifestation of the cosmic umbilicus on 4 Ajaw 8 Kum- ification of the number nine wears this same headdress on
k’u is described on QRG Altar P' (see Looper 2002b). Zoomorph B, glyph 1. The same headdress may also be worn by
the personification of ch’ahom(a) “censer” (Zoomorph B, glyph
13. The sequencing of double-headed serpent imagery before tri-
17) and by the supernatural who represents completion or zero
adic imagery appearing on Stela F is analogous to the ordering of
(Stela D, C9–D10).
imagery on Quirigua Stela K. On this monument of Jade Sky, the
eastern image shows the king holding the double-headed ser- 26. Miller (1983: 133–134) and Proskouriakoff (1950: 129–130)
pent bar; the west shows the king with the pectoral/God K/shield also argue for a stylistic relationship between Late Classic Quiri-
triad. gua and Salinas de los Nueve Cerros, a site located near the upper
Chixoy River, just south of Altar de Sacrificios. The comparison is
14. On events involving Xkuy, see Looper (1999); Schele (1987);
specifically with Salinas Monument 1 (illustrated by Seler 1902–
and Schele and Looper (1996).

236 notes to pages 124–154

1923, vol. 3: Pl. 1), a sandstone sculpture representing a human 1990: 245). Lounsbury (1985) identified this figure as equivalent
face surrounded by an elaborate headdress and with glyphs on to Jun Junajpu in the Popol Vuh, while Taube (1985) associated the
the sides. The face and the personification heads above and be- latter with the Classic “Tonsured Maize God.” Freidel, Schele,
low it are carved three-dimensionally, projecting from the rest of and Parker (1993: 59–122) synthesized and elaborated on these
the block. The remainder of the carving, consisting of earflare as- interpretations in their discussion of the Maize God as “First
semblages placed to the sides of the face and heads, is executed Father.”
in very low relief, conforming to the planar face of the block. In
6. The focus marker (D5) used to introduce the Calendar Round
Miller’s (1983: 134) opinion, the projection of the face from the
of this text suggests that the text of Stela C reads continuously
rest of the block is similar to Late Classic Quirigua sculptures. As
from east to west and supports like interpretations for reading
discussed in Chapter 3, however, at Quirigua the faces do not
continuity on previous stelae.
project from the main sculptural mass. Instead, facial planes are
carved back into the stone itself. Miller also compares the head- 7. Tikal Temple 4 Lintel 2 A11 (Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Fig.
dress band of the Salinas monument to Quirigua Stela D; but this 73).
element is fairly widely distributed in the Maya area, seen, for ex-
8. Cohodas (1991: 278) connects the reference to the “Headband
ample, at Aguateca (Stela 3), Dos Pilas (Stela 14), Tikal (Stela 25),
Twins” (Jun Ajaw and Yax B’alam) on the Stela C north text to the
Naranjo (Stelae 6 and 13), and Tonina (Monument 26). This trait
paired gods that occupy the main visual field on the north faces
cannot be taken as evidence of stylistic influence between Quiri-
of Stelae C and A and suggests that there is an underlying sym-
gua and Salinas. Similarly, the framing of the face by vertical de-
bolic complex in this program that relates to the ballgame. There
sign elements on the Salinas monument—considered by Miller
is, however, no specific reference to the ballgame in these images
to be another feature connecting the two sites—is also common
and texts that confirms this hypothesis.
at Tonina (e.g., Monument 26) and cannot therefore be said to
constitute a specific stylistic association between Salinas and 9. In Maudslay’s (1889–1902, vol. 2: Pl. 8) drawing, the eye is
Quirigua. misdrawn with an axe pupil.
In summary, I see no clear evidence of a meaningful stylistic
10. Cohodas (1991: 278) identifies the deities on the reverse of
connection between Salinas de los Nueve Cerros Monument 1
Stelae C and A as pertaining to a complex of “paired sacrificer im-
and Late Classic Quirigua sculptures. Nor is there any other mon-
agery.”
ument at Salinas that suggests specific ties to Quirigua (see Dil-
lon 1977). The projection of the face and headdress personifica- 11. See Freidel, Schele, and Parker (1993: 257–292); Grube
tions from the sculptural mass and the generally curvilinear (1992); and Looper (1991a).
drawing of the design of Salinas Monument 1 suggest a much
12. The cache of Zoomorph B consisted of a set of seven flint
stronger relationship with the Tonina tradition. In fact, Salinas
blades, varying from 14 to 46 cm in length, interred in a pit under
Monument 1 is probably not a fragment of a full-figural represen-
the south foundation slab (Strömsvik 1941: 80).
tation at all, as Miller thought, but is of a class of stone sculptures
related to the flanged incensarios of the western region (see 13. Further, House E at Palenque was decorated with a stucco im-
Rands 1968; Rands and Rands 1959; Schmidt, de la Garza, and age of the Cosmic Monster, at the midpoint of which was placed
Nalda 1998: Cat. 131). an image of the Principal Bird Deity holding the celestial umbili-
cus in its beak. Not only does this celestial umbilicus mark House
Chapter 5. Foundation of the Cosmic House E as a symbolic place of birth, but the Cosmic Monster labels it as
a place of accession, a function also indicated by the presence of
1. The name of Zoomorph G includes the logograph for “plat-
a accession monuments within the building. The Oval Palace
form, throne” at O2; and Zoomorph P is named at C6a with a
Tablet and its associated throne were installed in House E. As
sign that includes the T174 affix read by MacLeod (n.d.) as kuch
noted by Schele (1985), the Tablet of the 96 Glyphs also records
“seat, container.”
accession in a white building, identified as the white-painted
2. Freidel, Schele, and Parker (1993: 140, 433) and Taube (1998) House E. Baudez (1988: 140) associated QRG Zoomorphs O and
discuss the symbolism of the three Creation stones by triadic ar- P (which depict Cosmic Monsters, like Zoomorph B) with themes
chitectural design. For other interpretations of this architectural of rebirth and accession.
configuration, see Ashmore (1989); Cohodas (1985: 58–59); Frei-
14. On tzuk as “partition,” see Grube and Schele (1991). In Yuka-
del (1979); Hansen (1992: 54–56, 1998: 77–81); Looper (2002a);
tek, tzuk is glossed “barbas de mazorca de maíz” (Barrera Vás-
and Reese (1996).
quez 1980: 866). Kaufman and Norman (1984: 134) reconstruct
3. On stereotypical gender roles in Maya ritual, see Freidel (1989); proto-Ch’olan tzuk ti’ for “beard.”
Joyce (1996, 2000); Looper (2000, 2002a); Proskouriakoff (1961);
15. One might even speculate that the youthful visages of the
and Stone (1988).
ruler depicted at Quirigua relate to a persona associated with
4. These monuments include Lintels 13, 14, 15, 17, 24, 25, 38, 40, growing maize. This association, however, is general throughout
43, 51, and 55 and a number of the Structure 33 stairs (see Tate most Classic-period elite portraiture.
1992: Figs. 68, 90, 93, 111, 148, 157, 159).
16. The most pervasive ancient Maya observatory form is proba-
5. Lounsbury (1980) designated the progenitor deity at Palenque bly the “E Group,” a solstice observatory first identified at Uaxac-
as “GI senior,” later GI' (“god one prime”) (Schele and Freidel

notes to pages 159–179 237

tun by Ricketson (1928). On the observation of solstice positions
among the modern Maya, see Milbrath (1999: 14–15, 19–20). Chapter 6. In Honor of a Great Warrior
1. Generally, Maya rulers seem to have been buried within a few
17. For additional discussion of the public use of the Great Plaza,
days of their death. For example, Itzamnaj K’awil of Dos Pilas
see Sanchez (1997: 102–112).
was buried four days after his death; Piedras Negras Ruler 4,
18. The use of stelae as pilgrimage shrines at Quirigua was likely three days; and Smoke Imix of Copan, two days.
inspired by the precedent of the stelae of Waxaklajun Ub’ah
2. For illustrations of these texts, see Figures 2.1 and 3.2. A sec-
K’awil at Copan (Newsome 1991, 2001).
ond reference to the thirteenth Copan ruler appears at S5–T5, un-
19. See also Ashmore and Sharer (1978) for interpretations of this fortunately in an eroded context.
part of the plaza as a market.
3. See also Schele and Freidel’s (1990: 464) discussion of the
20. See, for example, the lengthy festivals documented in Chichi- placement of Temple 5D-33-1st at the southern edge of the Tikal
castenango by Bunzel (1952). In modern ceremonies, ritual North Acropolis.
drinking is often conceived as a sacrifice.
4. Schele and Miller (1986) mistakenly identify the deity as
21. Similar concepts are documented in Mam (Mayan) grammar, “Chac-Xib-Chac.”
in which space and world directions are modeled on the circular
5. Sharer (1978) distinguishes the Stela I ruler, whom he termed
movement of the sun (Watanabe 1983).
“Scroll Sky,” from Jade Sky. Grube, Schele, and Fahsen (1991)
22. The art and politics during the reign of Yax Pasaj have been conflate the two, suggesting that the names of Jade Sky and Scroll
discussed at length by Fash (2001: 153–172) and Schele and Frei- Sky are merely variant spellings of the same name.
del (1990: 306–345).
6. Vogt (1976: 136) documents the Tzotzil conceptualization of
23. Yax Pasaj undertook other minor architectural projects early slapping sandals and feet during dance as percussive music.
in his reign and commissioned several small altars, including Z These sandals are similar to those depicted on Classic lowland
and 41, at this time. Maya monuments. On the relation of these costumes to dance
performance, see Looper (1997a, 2001).
24. It should be noted that even though Stelae A and C are each of
relatively uniform style, the monuments are not stylistically iden- 7. On the meanings of artistic quality among the ancient Maya,
tical. Differences are especially apparent in the well-preserved see Stuart (1989c).
glyphs, showing not only higher quality in Stela A but also slight
8. The presence of these foreign invaders is attested by artifacts
differences in sculptural execution. The Stela C glyphs are char-
such as the chacmool found at the site as well as new types of ce-
acterized by lack of modeling, frequently incised details, rarity of
ramics. See Ashmore (1987: 221) and Sharer (1978).
head-variant glyphs, tight closure, and stasis of form, while the
Stela A glyphs are interpenetrating and are characterized by more
interest in modeling and planar variety, dynamism, and common
use of head-variants. Compare, for instance, the K’ayab’ and
“scattering” verbs on the two monuments.

238 notes to pages 181–203

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254 lightning warrior

Index

Abaj Takalik, 8 Altar P’, viii, 134, 168, 176, 189, 192, 236n. B’alam Ajaw, 4
A-B-C program: definition of, 158; plan of, 12, figs. 5.31a, 6.10, 6.12 Ballcourt Plaza, 58, 181, 188, 202
fig. 5.2; and Platform 1A-1 program, 178; Altar Q, 53–54, 98, 192, figs. 1.22, 1.24 ballcourts: at Coatepec, 45; at El Tajin, 154;
and Stela F, 176–177; and Stela J, 178; Altar R, 53–54, 98, fig. 1.23 false ballcourt, 72, 183; Group 3C-8 as,
and Yax Pasaj, 199 altars, 7, 10, 13, 18, 19, 23, 201; of Ch’orti’, 233n. 11; at Guaytan, 63; at La Venta, 72;
acropolis, 51, 83, 114, 128, 188, 202; con- 86, 128, 180; at Copan, 63 markers of, 53, 54; and Stela C, 237n. 8;
struction of, 36, 53, 57, 64, 73, 112, 119– Altar V, 63 symbolism of, 54–56, 72–73; in Xib’al-
120, 186, 233n. 4, 234n. 28; court of, 53, Alvarado, Pedro de, 84 b’a, 31, 54. See also Copan ballcourt;
64, 73, 119, 186, 196; defensibility of, 76, ancestors, 2, 31, 76, 92, 192; as audience, Structure 1B-sub.4; Structure 1B-7
120; excavation of, viii, 35; reconstruc- 23, 103, 117; carving of ancestral bones, ballgame, 31; belt worn in, 92, 129; panels
tion of, viii; rituals performed in, 202 45; communication with, 71, 104, 106, at Yaxchilan, 192
Aguateca, 235n. 20, 237n. 26 119, 133, 163, 165, 177, 200; and Crea- bar pectorals, 105
ajaw, 4, 27, 51, 135, 232n. 30; definition of, tion, 11, 69, 165, 176, 187, 192; image of, Barthes, Roland, 33
4; monument as, 141, 177, 203 54, 78–79, 119, 129, 136–137; K’ak’ Tiliw Basket Skull, 233n. 12
Ajaw dates, 11, 53, 203. See also dedication as, 186–188, 200; and maize, 71, 164; and beards: and Ik’ Hun, 167; on K’ak’ Tiliw
dates, texts of individual monuments mountains, 11; rebirth or resurrection of, portraits, 134, 172, 178, 181; of serpents,
“Ajaw face” glyph (T533), 41, 66–67, 69, 44, 54, 72, 73, 104, 164, 187; reincarna- 97, 98; shell, 104, 136; and Stela C, Co-
118, 129 tion of, 93, 199; veneration of, 32, 46, 56, pan, 138, 178; and wind gods, 181; and
aj b’ik’al, 232n. 19 114, 119, 187 Yax B’alam, 154
aj nab’il, 232n. 19 arbors, 180 belts, 29, 42, 46, 47, 51, 54, 92, 97, 104,
aj tz’ib’, 232n. 19 Archaeological Institute of America, viii 105, 107, 129, 130, 138, 141
alawtun, 125 artists, 33, 47, 52, 73, 94, 112–113, 201, benches, 64, 65, 71, 72, 78, 159, 165–166,
Altar de Sacrificios, 236n. 26 232n. 20; patronage of, 26; signatures 184, 196
Altar de Sacrificios Vase, 76, 234n. 3.1, fig. of, 15, 17; titles of, 232n. 19 Berlo, Janet Catherine, 33
3.1 Ashmore, Wendy, 195 Big Dipper, 132, 236n. 20
Altar L, 35, 50–53, 56, 57, 63, 90, 98, astrology, 92, 200 Biologia Centrali-Americana: Archaeology, x
234nn. 23, 25, 27, figs. 1.20, 1.21 astronomy, 2, 27, 41, 91, 104, 140, 141, 143, Bird Jaguar IV, 152, 192
Altar M, viii, 64, 79; dedication date of, 58; 153, 168, 174 birth: canal, 187; and cosmology, 179, 203;
iconography of, 60–61, 118, 234n. 3, autosacrifice, 165, 177. See also bloodletting; of deities, 22, 87, 118, 130, 132, 164, 177,
figs. 2.3, 2.6; location of, 58; and Pu- blood sacrifice; penis sacrifice; tongue 199, 200, 232n. 25; and Five-Flower
silha zoomorphic sculptures, 60; style sacrifice place, 69; and God N, 62; of Hero Twins,
of, 62–63; text of, 58–60, 74, fig. 2.5; as “axe” verb, 234n. 3.1 31; of Huitzilopochtli, 45; and red color,
throne/altar, 58; titles recorded on, axis of world. See world axis 17; rope of, 130, 132; and Stelae A and C,
59–60; and toponyms at Copan and Pa- Aztecs, 45, 50, 79, 165, 182, 235n. 10 north, 170, 172, 176; and sweatbaths, 72;
lenque, 61, 196, fig. 2.7 symbols of, 133–134; and vision ser-
Altar N, viii, 61–63, 64, 196, figs. 2.4, 2.8, Baby Jaguar, 172 pents, 71
2.9 backrack, 49, 118, 178, 193–194 Birth Vase, 132, fig. 4.15
Altar O’, viii, 104, 134, 176, 188–189, b’aktun, definition of, 10 black Copan ajaw, 59–60, 101, 127
192–193, figs. 6.6, 6.7, 6.13 B’alaj Chan K’awil, 81 Black Earth Flower place, 71, 165, fig. 2.29

255
Black Hole, Black Lake place, 69, 83, 85, centipedes, 32, 54, 107, 118, 235n. 22, Coggins, Clemency, 235n. 25
86, 92, 107, 114, 119, 127, 129, 170, figs. 236n. 21 Cohodas, Marvin, 234n. 3, 237nn. 8, 10
3.10, 3.11 ceramics, viii, 2, 23, 104, 107, 201; in buri- constellations, 127, 132, 140, 141, 143, 178.
Black Hole title, 101 als, 36, 50; in caches, 39; codex-style, See also Big Dipper; Cassiopeia; Orion
bloodletting: and artists, 17; and communi- 29, figs. 2.27, 3.13, 3.41; figurines, 50, Copador ceramics, 236n. 15
cation with ancestors, 106, 163; by dei- 115; in Great Plaza, 181; polychrome, 11, Copan, kingdom of, viii, 2, 4, 59; acropolis
ties, 131–132, 164; instruments of, 23, 65, 130, 159, 178, 233n. 21, figs. I.4, I.15, of, 36, 50, 55, 72, 114, 184, 233n. 6; altar
163; and monument dedications, 201; 2.10, 5.6. See also Altar de Sacrificios at base of Hieroglyphic Stairway, 119; Al-
and period endings, 177; and royalty, 22, Vase; Birth Vase; Cosmic Plate; Motul de tar GIII, 183, 188; Altar Q, 36, 60, 115,
104, 181, 200, 203; symbols of, 164, 172, San José Vase; Quirigua ceramic 184, 192; Altar S, 118; altar of Stela C,
173, 232n. 15; and vision serpents, 101, sequence; San Agustín Acasaguastlan 138; altar of Stela D, 2.11; altar of Stela
104. See also autosacrifice; blood sac- ceramics; Vase of the Seven Gods; “Vo- M, 118; Altar T, 184; Altar Y, 233n. 10;
rifice; penis sacrifice mit Pot” Ani structure, 67, 234n. 5, fig. 2.20; ar-
blood sacrifice, 130, 232n. 15; Ch’orti’ ritu- Chàak, 180 chitecture of, 19, 55, 64, 73; astronomy
als of, 86; and kingship, 2; and monu- Chaak/Chaaks: and Altar O’, 176; and Altar at, 41, 51–52; ballcourt, 53, 55, 73, 78,
ments, 13, 203. See also autosacrifice; P’, 176; in Classic period, 29; and con- 233n. 11; Ballcourt II-B center marker,
bloodletting; captive sacrifice; decap- temporary Maya, 29; and Cosmic Plate, 234n. 2.3; ceramics of, 38; cylindrical
itation; dismemberment; human sac- 69, 83, 85; and decapitation, 76–77, 83, monument, 135, 235n. 12, fig. 4.19; dy-
rifice; intestine sacrifice 84; and God K scepter, 133; K’ak’ Tiliw nastic history of, 57, 101, 114, 115, 157,
blood scrolls, 23, 187 associated with, 34, 84, 87, 127, 128, 183; excavation of, x, 37; founding of dy-
Bonampak: Stela 1, 45, 91, fig. 1.10; Stela 2, 198–199; and Madrid Codex, 131; and re- nasty of, 36–38, 101, 189, 192, 233n. 13;
163 birth of maize, 132; and sak-pectoral, Great Plaza, 74, 94, 95, 183, fig. 2.30;
British Museum, x 104, 105, 106; and Stela F, 128–129. See Group 8L-10, 195; Group 10L-2, 114;
Broken Place, Bitter Water Place, 44, 73 also Chàak; Chaak Xib’ Chaak; lightning; Hieroglyphic Stairway, 36, 73, 77, 87,
burials. See tombs ’O/’Ohl Chaak; rain; Ux B’olon Chaak; 115–118, 119, 120, 198, 199, 233n. 10,
butterflies, 117 Yax Ha’al Chaak 234n. 6, figs. 3.3, 3.50, 3.52; Hunal
B’utz’ Chan, 52, 53, 60, 233n. 10 Chaak Xib’ Chaak, 29, 238n. 4 structure, 36; Middle Plaza, 94; Papa-
ch’a chàak, 180 gayo Step, 236n. 4; plan of main group,
cacao, 2, 71, 128, fig. 2.28 chacmool, 238n. 8 fig. 3.22; political expansion of, 52, 60;
caimans, 138, 183 Chalcatzingo, 7 political fragmentation of, 114; political
Calakmul, 1, 4, 5, 6, 50, 93, 100, 235nn. 3, Chalchuapa, 38 relationship to Quirigua, 34, 36, 38, 40,
4; interaction with Quirigua, 79–81, 135, Chamula, 182, 183 46, 50, 52, 55, 57, 60, 74, 90, 115, 118,
194–195 Chante Ajaw, 78–79 127, 134, 193, 195, 196, 199; population
calendar: Christian, 86; explanation of, charisma, definition of, 201 of, 2, 4–5; sculpture of, x, 15, 18, 19, 23,
10–11; chert. See flint 33, 46, 49, 52–53, 55, 60, 63, 74, 88, 90,
calendar round dates: and Altar L, 51; def- Chiapas, 8 93, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 110, 111, 112, 122,
inition of, 11; reversal of, 39; and Stela C, Chichen Itza, 236n. 8 127, 157, 198; Stela A, 63, 74, 88, 107,
166, 167; and Stela D, 140; and Stela E, Chichicastenango, 1, 238n. 20 figs. 3.40, 3.45; Stela B, 61, 74, 154, fig.
152; and Stela F, 125, 127; and Stela H, Chikchans, 131 4.45; Stela C, 100, 111, 135, 138, 143, 178,
92. See also dedication dates, texts of in- Chik Nahb’, 235n. 3 234n. 6, fig. 4.21; Stela D, 63, 74, 98,
dividual monuments Chilam Balam of Chumayel, 181 111, 118, figs. 3.27, 3.47; Stela E, 50,
Campeche, 79 Chiquimula, 86, 180 233n. 10; Stela F, 63; Stela H, 45, 46, 74,
Cancuen: panel, 69; Stela 3, 94 Ch’ol: language, 143; lightning spirits of, 98, 118, 194, figs. I.24, 1.11; Stela I, 42,
canoes, 11, 86, 128, 180, 181, 233n. 15 29, 84 130, fig. 4.10; Stela J, 63, 94, 120, 179,
captive sacrifice, 13, 22, 54, 87, 176, 181 Ch’olan languages, 231n. 1, 235n. 9, 237n. 192, 235n. 12, fig. 3.21; Stela M, 118–119,
Caracol, 1, 4, 49, 50, 53; Altar 21, 81, 101; 14 120, 198, 199; Stela N, 135–139, 143,
Stela 4, 69; Stela 5, 130; Stela 11, 69; Ch’olti’ language, 179 236n. 17, fig. 4.20; Stela P, 42; Stela 3,
Stela 16, 53 Chorcha tomb, 73, 115 135, 143; Stela 4, 13, 63, 74, 97, 118;
Carnegie Institution of Washington, viii Ch’orti’: cosmology of, 170, 179–180; lan- Stela 6, 60; Stela 7, 42; Stela 15, 233n.
Cassiopeia, 236n. 20 guage, 127, 179; rainmaking rites of, 10; Stela 16, 39; Stela 19, 111; Stela 35,
Catherwood, Frederick, viii, 58 85–87, 127–128, 180–181; sculptors, 17; 47, fig. 1.16; Stela 49, 236n. 4; Stela 53,
Catherwood ceramic phase, 232n. 1 supernaturals of, 29, 131, 181 46, 49, 233n. 16; Stela 60, 42, 46, 47, 49,
causeways, 55, 94 Chuacús mountains, 1 233n. 16, fig. 1.9; Structure 10L-4, 50,
caves, 4, 29, 54, 72, 83, 154, 176, 189 cinnabar, 38, 39, 40 94; Structure 10L-11, 133, 183; Structure
Cawinal, 56 circumambulation, 182 10L-16, 115, 183–184; Structure 10L-20,
Cayur, 180 Clancy, Flora, 33 115; Structure 10L-21, 115; Structure 10L-
ceiba, 32, 42, 92, 129, 130 Cleveland Panel, 232n. 19 22, 63, 66, 72, 73, 95, 133, 176, 183, fig.
celts, 7, 92 Coatepec. See Snake Mountain 2.18; Structure 10L-22A, 68, 114–115, fig.
Coe, William, x 3.49; Structure 10L-25, 114; Structure

256 index
 10L-26, 73, 109, 114–117, 118, 199, figs. directions: cardinal, 29, 36, 40, 179; dis-
3.50, 3.51; titles used at, 60; toponyms ease, 31, 128; dismemberment, 31, 55;
of, 135, 154; village, 184; war with Quiri- gods of, 128; intercardinal, 179
gua, 5, 59, 75, 76–81, 87, 88, 93, 107, Dos Pilas, 6, 17, 79, 81, 111, 235n. 4; El
114, 117, 119, 120, 135, 194–195, 196, 198, Duende group, 6; Hieroglyphic Stairway
202, 203; Yax platform, 37; zoomorphic 2, 235n. 4; Panel 18, 11; Panel 19, 17; ste-
altars of, 63 lae of, 235nn. 20, 21; Stela 14, 237n. 26;
Cosmic Monster, 32, 63, 118, 159, 172, 174, Stela 15, 105
175, 176, 183, 188, 189, 237n. 13 drain troughs, 233n. 3
Cosmic Plate, 69, 83, 85, 234n. 6, figs. dreams, 26, 140–141, 143
2.25, 3.10 Dresden Codex, 13, 83, 84, 86, figs. I.16,
cosmic umbilici, 32, 130–132, 133, 136, 141, 3.10d
147, 168–170, 172, 176, 180, 203, 237n. dry season, 29, 32, 104, 136
13, figs. 4.13, 5.20 Dumbarton Oaks Panel, 104, 192
cosmograms, 122–123, 170, 179–180. See
also landscape, sacred; quincunx earth gods, 41, 86. See also mountains; Pa-
creation of cosmos, 10–11, 31–32, 126, 128, watuns
138, 200; and accession, 177; and Altar eclipses: ecliptic, 130, 131, 132, 169; lunar,
P’, 192; and Ch’orti’, 127, 170; day of cre- 143, 236n. 22; solar, 236n. 22; stations,
ation (Aug. 13, 3114 BC), 10, 31; and 234n. 3.2. See also cosmic umbilici
monuments at Palenque, 11, 179; and E group, 237n. 16
monuments at Quirigua, 19, 34, 178, 18-Rabbit. See Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil
199; and period ending, 10, 177; and re- El Baúl, 8; Stela 1, 8, fig. I.8
birth of maize, 140; and Stela C, 11, 158, El Cayo, 4
160, 164, 172, 175, 176, 187; and Stela D, Eliade, Mircea, 8
140; and Stela F, 132, 133; three stones El K’anil, 84
of, 40, 106, 158–163, 164, 165, 166, 177, El Mirador, 7
237n. 2; and triadic emblems, 133; and El Orégano, 127, 128
zenith passage of sun, 170; and Zoom- El Tajin, 45
orph G, 188–189, 192. See also mountain emblem glyphs: of Copan, 52–53, 59, 135;
of Creation; Popol Vuh definition of, 4; of Quirigua, 4, 52–53,
crocodiles, 32, 61, 118, 159, 172, 175, 176, 56, 57, 60, 118, fig. I.2
188. See also caimans; Cosmic Monster Emiliano Zapata panel, 15, fig. I.20
crosses, 12, 15, 17, 85–86, 128, 180. See also equinox, vernal, 86
cross shrines
Cross of May, 85 farmers, 15, 183, 204
cross shrines, 12–13 Fash, William L., 196
Festival of Games, 182
Dallas Art Museum, 152 fire drilling, 78, 86–87, fig. 3.12
dance-drama, 181 First Father, 71, 237n. 5. See also Jun Junajpu
dances, 172, 182; of deities, 54, 87, 168, First Five Sky, 11, 130, 158
172, 178, 189; of rulers, 23, 51, 114, 200, fish, 86, 175
238n. 6; sacrificial, 172, 182. See also Five-Flower place, 69–71, 170, figs. 2.23,
dance-drama; Holmul Dancer; Kolom- 2.24
che’; Lordly Dance flapstaffs, 46
Davis, Whitney, 33, 34 flint, 15, 35, 76, 77, 90, 91, 99, 107, 118,
death: and burial, 238n. 1; gods of, 28, 29, 164, 237n. 12
87, 143; memorials of, 183, 187; meta- flood, primordial, 32
phors for, 44, 54, 85, 175, 176, 179, 203, floods at Quirigua, 50
233n. 15; ritual, 2, 105, 106; of rulers, 2;. flowers, 12, 32, fig. 2.22; birth from, 69–71;
See also individual rulers; sacrifice; Xi- glyphs for, 67–69, 168, 172, 234n. 7; re-
b’alb’ans galia symbolizing, 41, 42, 105, 129, 130,
decapitation, 127, 128, 234n. 3.1; and ball- 132, 147, 152, 167, 170, 199; white flower
game, 55; and Chaak, 83, 92; and rain- spirit, 22, 42, 147, 168. See also Black
making, 85–87; of turkeys, 86; of Xib’al- Earth Flower place; Five-Flower place;
b’ans, 31. See also Waxaklajun Ub’ah Flower World; K’uy Nik? Ajaw
K’awil, capture and sacrifice Flower World, 68
deer ear, 62 founding house, 36, 101, 127
fourteenth successor, vii, 101

index 257
fourth successor, vii, 41, 101 Stela E, 147, 152, 154; and Stela F, 129,
Freidel, David A., vii, 11, 22, 32, 85, 93, 158 130, 133, 137, 138; and Stela H, 92, 95,
frogs, 86 97, 98; and Stela H, Copan, 46; and Stela
J, 107, 109, 111, 113, 164; and Stela K,
GI, 161 196; and Stela M, Copan, 118, 119; and
GI’, 237n. 5 Stela N, Copan, 136; and Stela S, 88; and
GII, 161, 164 Stela 20, Tikal, 92; and transformation,
GIII, 161 28; turban, 60, 137; of war, 107; and
Gell, Alfred, 26 Zoomorph B, 172; and Zoomorph G, 187
gender roles, 237n. 3 heart, 86
“Giant Ajaw” altars, 51, 53, 234n. 27 hearth, 86
gifts, 4, 23–25, 30, 201 hearth stones, 32, 127
Girard, Rafael, 29, 85, 86, 127, 170, 180 heat, ritual, 27, 28, 232n. 31
God A’, 234n. 3.1 Hero Twins, 31, 32, 54, 154, 167. See also Jun
“God-C” apron, 8, 92, 107, 134, fig. I.9a Ajaw; Junajpu; Xb’alanke’; Yax B’alam
Goddess O, 132 Hewett, Edgar Lee, viii
God K, 118; and accession, 57, 127, 152; History Library, Museum of New Mexico,
and ancestral rebirth, 164; and bloodlet- Santa Fe, x
ting, 104; emerging from serpent bar, Holmul Dancer, 193
91, 97, 98, 103, 136, 196; and Jupiter, hotun, definition of, 10
91–92; k’awil name of, 2, 91, 103, 152; house: cache vessel in shape of, 101; ceiling
and mirrors, 41, 104, 152; as scepter, 2, of, 130; ceremonial houses of Ch’orti’,
36, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 111, 133, 141, 85, 128, 180; corner posts of, 86, 179,
143, 147, 156, 194, 196, 199; and snake 181; cosmos as, 32, 127, 172, 179; coun-
throne, 161 cil, 114; Houston, Stephen D., 25, 26, 27,
God L, 31 72; Huitzilopochtli, 45, 165; human sac-
God N. See Pawatun rifice, 105, 200; purification of, 51. See
Gombrich, Ernst, 26, 203 also captive sacrifice; decapitation; dis-
Great Plaza, 18, 19, 88, 90, 94, 100, 128, memberment; intestine sacrifice; k’ex
138, 195, 202; construction of, 81, 122, sacrifice
235n. 5; and Copan Great Plaza, 94–95; hummingbirds, 67, 165
location of, 76; plan of, fig. 3.8; section Hunter, Annie, x
of, 3.9; symbolism of, 83–87, 92, 94–95,
104, 120, 122, 126, 152, 200; use of, 113, Ik’ Hun, 165, 167
181, 201, 238n. 17. See also ceramics incense, 15, 17, 23, 51, 86, 101, 203; burn-
Group A. See Locus 002 ers, 13, 15, 233n. 14, 237n. 26; copal, 13;
Group B. See Group 7A-1 scattering of, 13, 124–125, 152, 200, fig.
Group C. See Locus 011 I.18
Group 3C-7, 36, 40, 50, 92, 202, 233n. 11, Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas,
fig. 1.8 and Yucatan, viii, 147
Group 3C-8, 36, 233n. 11 Indrikis, Janis, 236n. 6
Group 7A-1, 88, 195 Initial Series Introductory Glyph (ISIG),
Grube, Nikolai, 60 definition of, 10
Guaytan, 63 Inscriptions of Petén, The, viii
interlaces, 39, 41–42, 47, 92, 94, 107, 120,
hab’, definition of, 10, 232n. 11 129, 130, 141, 155
Hatch, Marion, 231n. 3 intestine sacrifice, 22, 86
Hauberg Stela, 39 Itzamnah, 11, 92, 158, 159, 175
headbands, 2, 39, 41, 46, 57, 86, 105, 165. Itzamnaj K’awil, 81, 238n. 1
See also Jester God itz’at, 17
“Headband Twins,” 237n. 8 Itzimte: Lintel 1, 235n. 20; Stelae, 236n. 18
headdresses: and accession, 2, 101; and Al- Ixtepeque, 2
tar L, 51; and Altar Q, 54; on La Venta Izabal, Lake, 2
stelae, 7; of maize deities, 105; and mon- Izapa, 8, 233n. 3; Stela 4, 8
uments of K’ak’ Tiliw, 156; and Monu- Izquín Ahpalotz Utzikabalhá, 84
ment 26, 41, 42, 45, 47, 50; and names
of rulers, 29; net, 61, 62; and Stela A, jade/jadeite, 2, 28, 36, 38, 40, 55, 63, 92,
164, 165; and Stela C, 164; and Stela C, 107, 172
Copan, 138; and Stela D, 141, 143; and

258 index
Jade Sky, vii, 58, 185, 186, 193, 196, 238n. 5 Kaminaljuyu, 8, 233n. 3; Stela 11, 8 170; and Stela C, 10; and Stela D, 140;
jaguar: deities, 13, 29, 78–79; ears, 136, k’an te’ nah, 140, 141, 152 and Stela E, 152; and Stela F, 124, 125,
154, 167; head, 135; paws, 154, 167, 170; K’an Xul. See K’inich K’an Joy Chitam II 127; and Stela H, 92; and Stela J, 101; and
pelt, 92, 154, 158; platform/throne, 11, Kapferer, Bruce, 22 Stela U, 39; and Zoomorph B, 174. See
106, 158–164, 187–188; as war symbol, k’atun: commemoration of, 10, 41, 51, 58, also dedication dates, texts of individual
235n. 16 90, 92, 93, 118, 127, 128, 141, 172, 180, monuments
Jaguar Paw, 5 184, 196; definition of, 10; divisions of, Lordly Dance, 182
Jaguar War God, 104, 105, 106, 133, 136, 41. See also dedication dates, texts of indi- Lounsbury, Floyd, 237n. 5
143, 147, 235n. 17. See also Baby Jaguar vidual monuments Lower Motagua valley sites, 35–36, 120, 181
Jain sculpture, 100 kawak markings, 53, 54, 91, 95, 166 Lubaantun, 2
Jakaltek, 84 k’awil. See God K lu-bat, 15, 232n. 16
Jasaw Chan K’awil, 5, 93 Kelley, David H., vii, 19, 143, 234nn.
Jester Gods, 41, 105, 129, 133, 235n. 21, fig. 2.2,3.1, 236n. 22 Machaquila, Stela 2, 235n. 20
3.33 k’ex sacrifice, 172, 176 Madrid Codex, 17, 28, 86, 130, 131, 232n.
Jimbal, Stela 1, 235n. 20 K’iche’, 31, 84 17, figs. I.21, 4.7, 4.13, 4.14
Jubuco River, 2 k’in, definition of, 10 maize: and celts, 7, 92; drinks, 128; growth,
Jun Ajaw, 31, 169 K’in B’alam, 135, 152, 183, 188, 189, 192 73, 130, 178; iconography of, 7, 41, 45,
Junajpu, 31, 54 K’inich Ahau Wall, 119, 120, 235n. 25 46, 66, 68, 91, 92; mountain of, 72, fig.
Jun Junajpu, 31, 71, 237n. 5 K’inich Janab’ Pakal I, 4, 23 1.10; rebirth of, 29, 54, 69, 73, 132, 140,
Jun Pih K’uh, 141 K’inich Kan B’alam II, 45, 188 141, 156, 177; and rulership, 181. See also
Jupiter, 91, 136, 143 K’inich K’an Joy Chitam II, 5, 188, 192 maize deities
K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’, 36, 37, 50, 73, 101, maize deities: and Altar Q, 46, 54; as ances-
K’ak’ Joplaj Chan K’awil, 101, 114, 115, 139, 115, 117, 184, 192, 199, 233nn. 10,13 tors, 44; Ch’orti’, 29; and Cosmic Plate,
233nn. 10,13, 236n. 19 K’inich Yo’nal Ahk II, 165 69, 85; and Creation, 31, 32; as Foliated
K’ak’ Tiliw (K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat): Kolomche’, 182 Cross, 140; and Motul de San José Vase,
accession of, 35, 57, 64, 75, 76, 79, 101, Kubler, George, 31, 111 172; and polychrome ceramics, 178; and
103, 127, 152, 177, 188, 196, 234n. 2.2, k’uh(ul), 4, 22, 28, 42, 56, 59, 60 procreation, 202; rebirth at Five-Flower
fig. 2.1; accession anniversary of, 141; K’uk’ Mo’ ajaw, 37 place, 69; rebirth from mountain, 71,
age of, 234n. 2.2; architecture of, 19, 64, K’uy Nik? Ajaw, 78–79 178, 199; rebirth from turtle, 4, 87, 176,
72, 73, 74, 81, 119, 170; birth of, 234n. Kwakwaka’wakw, 30 193, 233n. 15; and sak-pectoral, 105–106,
2.2; death of, 135, 184, 185, 186, 188, 199; and “Six Sky ajaw,” 11, 158; and
202, 203, fig. 6.1; name of, vii, 4, 27, 88, La Conquista River, 85–86 Stela D, 143; and Stela H, 91, 92, 98; and
196, 234n. 2.1, fig. I.3; nicknames of, vii, Lady Beastie, 164 Stela H, Copan, 194; and third throne of
231n. 5; period-ending rituals of, 113, Lady K’atun Ajaw, 71 Creation, 164; and Xok attributes, fig.
126, 140, 141, 152, 158, 165, 188, 190; Lady Xok, 5 3.34. See also Holmul Dancer; moon, dei-
reign of, vii, viii, 57, 58, 120, 121, 134, Lady Yax Rabbit, 163 ties of maize and
154, 185, 192; personae of, vii, 8, 28, 29, Landa, Diego de, Bishop, 17 Mam language, 238n. 21
34, 57, 84, 85, 87, 92, 118, 122, 127, 128, landscape, sacred, 23, 74, 75, 85, 123, 182 maps: of Maya area, fig. P.1; of Maya south-
129, 133, 140, 177, 178, 181, 186, 187, La Pasadita, Lintel 2, 104, 232n. 15 eastern region, fig. I.1; of Quirigua re-
192, 193, 196, 198–199, 203, 204, 237n. La Venta, 7, 8, 72; Monument 25/26, 231n. gion, fig. 1.1
15; sculpture of, 6, 8, 17, 18, 19, 26, 30, 7, fig. I.6; Stela 1, 7; Stela 2, 7, 8, fig. I.7; Marcus, Joyce, 234n. 3.1
31, 38, 41, 42, 49, 56, 57, 58, 59, 74, 75, Stela 5, 7 masks, 2, 17, 28, 62, 172, 204; architec-
76, 79, 88, 90, 101, 111, 112, 115, 117, 119, lightning, 120, 157, 203; axe, 104, 133; tural, 45, 46, 50, 66, 71, 95, 119; master
120, 125, 128, 137, 138, 143, 147, 157, gods, 4, 29, 32, 34, 76, 83, 84, 87, 92, drawings, 232n. 21
172, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 188, 190, 127, 128, 132, 140, 189, 192, 198, 199. See Mathews, Peter, vii, 31, 233n. 7
193, 196, 198, 200, 201, 203; titles of, 59, also Chaak; Yo’at/Yo’pat Maudslay, Alfred Percival, viii, x, 1
60, 83, 101, 127; wars of, 135, 152, 188, literacy, 25 Maudslay ceramic phase, 233n. 21
189, 194, 195, figs. 4.18, 6.7, 6.12; and Locus 002, 36, 39, 55, 120 Medici, Cosimo de, 203
Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, 5, 76, 77, 79, Locus 011, 36, 81, 120, 233n. 5 mercury, 38, 39, 40
81, 95, 101, 109, 114, 120, 186. See also Locus 023/024, 120 midwifery, 22, 132
under individual monuments Locus 025, 81 Mih Toh, 41
K’ak’ Tiliw Chan Chaak, 5 Locus 057, 36, 120 Milbrath, Susan, 91
K’ak’ Yipyaj Chan K’awil, 115, 117, 118, 134, Locus 059, 120 Milky Way, 32, 85, 119, 130, 138, 174
135, 138, 139, 157, 183, 198, 199, 202, Locus 089, 120 Miller, Arthur, 99, 100, 154, 236n. 26
233n. 19 Locus 092, 120 Miller, Mary Ellen, 8, 99
kalab’tun, definition of, 127 Locus 122, 35 mirrors, 41, 61, 65, 72, 91, 104, 152, 193
kalomte’, 39–40, 59, 60, 84, 101, 233n. 8. See Locus 123, 35 Mixnal, 152
also west kalomte’ loincloths, 92, 129, 141 monkeys, 35
Long Count calendar dates: base of, 10, 11, Montañas del Mico, 1

index 259
Monument 25, 233n. 5 26; Stela 13, 235n. 20, 237n. 26; Stela 122, 177, 196; and names, 29, 30; of
Monument 26, 39, 233n. 5; basal register 28, 235n. 20 rulers, 57, 87, 92, 104, 109, 114, 118, 119,
of, 44–45, 50; cache of, 40; dedication narratives, 7, 11, 30, 31–32, 54, 101, 120, 128, 134, 140, 143, 157, 178, 181,
of, 41, 90, 93, 94; defacement of, 50, 123–124, 127, 128, 152, 157, 160, 177, 186, 187, 196–204
233n. 22; discovery of, x, 40; fourth suc- 178, 179, 182, 183, 194, 200 Peten, 2, 22, 37, 38, 48, 50, 55, 56, 79, 100,
cessor and, 41, 101; foundation of, 40; Newsome, Elizabeth, 236n. 7 233n. 21
iconography of, 41–42, 46, 233n. 14, New Year, Aztec, 182 Petexbatun, 81, 111
figs. 1.6, 1.12, 1.13; and Stela F, 138, 143; New Year’s pages, Dresden Codex, 12 Piedras Negras, 4, 17, 18, 23, 58, 154, 175,
and Stela H, 91–92, 94, 95, 97, 99, 100, Nim Li Punit, 2; Stela 2, 59–60; Stela 15, 15, 176, 193, 194; Altar 1, 11, 69, fig. 2.26;
121; and Stela J, 110, 111; and Stela 20, 60, fig. I.19 Lintel 3, 69, 232n. 19; Stela 3, 71, 165;
Uaxactun, 49–50; style of, 46–49, 55, 88; nine, personification of, 236n. 25 Stela 6, fig. 5.30; Stela 12, 17, 232n. 19;
text of, 40–41, 52, 56, 101, fig. 1.7 9.16.9 title, 236n. 9 Stela 14, 130, fig. 4.11; Stela 15, 232n. 19;
Monument 27, 40 north celestial pole, 132 Stela 32, 100, 233n. 10; Stela 35, 107;
Monument 29, 233n. 5 Nusbaum, Jesse L., x Throne 1, 232n. 19
Monument 30, 233n. 5 pillars of the cosmos/sky, 92, 184, 200. See
moon, 54, 143, 179; dark of, 236n. 21; dei- obsidian, 2, 23, 55, 63 also house, corner posts of
ties of maize and, 54, 234n. 29, fig. 1.25; Oliva shells, 92 Platform 1A-1, 34, 81, 88, 121, 124, 128, 139,
and Jaguar War God, 104, 136, 143; new, Olmec, 7, 8, 19, 35, 72, 179, 232n. 26 147, 156, 157, 158, 167, 172, 174, 186,
235n. 3.2; in Popol Vuh, 54 ’O/’Ohl Chaak, 29 187, 188, 199, 202; construction of,
Morjá River, 2, 236n. 15 Orion, 85, 127, 140, 178 122–123; plan of, figs. 4.1, 5.31; symbol-
Morley, Sylvanus G., viii, x, 39, 60, 64, 65, orthography, 231n. 1 ism and use of, 178–183, 238n. 19
66, 72, 99, 123, 233n. 5 Ortner, Sherry, 21 Platform 1A-3, 88
Morris, Earl H., x, 64–65, 72 Platform 3C-1, 40
mosaic: regalia, 51, 54, 92, 104, 107, 129, Paddler Gods, 11, 17, 31, 32, 158 Platform 3C-2, 233n. 11
133; sculptures, 65–66, 73, 117, 119 palanquins, 78, 93, 134–135, 165, 188 platforms/thrones of Creation, 11, 34, 106,
Motagua River, viii, 1, 2, 35, 36, 63, 81, 83, Palenque: Cross Group, 161, 179, fig. 5.11; 158–164, 170, 172, 177, 178, 199, 200
88, 120 House E, 237n. 13; Oval Palace Tablet, Pomona, 235n. 15
mother cacao, 85 237n. 13; Palace Tablet, 143, 160, 161, Popol Hol, 37
Motul de San José Vase, 130, 136, 170, 172, 175, 177, 232n. 21, fig. 5.10; portraiture Popol Nah, 114
fig. 4.12 at, 25; royal visits to, 79; rulers, 4, 5; Sar- Popol Vuh, 31, 44, 54, 71, 73, 170, 237n. 5
mountains, 2, 28; and Altar O’, 189; and cophagus Lid, 23, 85, 130, 232n. 21; su- portraits, 1, 8, 19, 22, 25, 27, 28, 30, 34, 41,
Bonampak Stela 1, fig. 1.10; of creation, pernatural patrons of, 161, 164, 178; Tab- 46, 51, 57, 74, 92, 100, 103, 114, 117, 120,
44, 68–69, 71, 72, 73, 92, 170, 176, 178, let of the 96 Glyphs, 237n. 13; Temple of 129, 134, 140, 141, 143, 152, 156, 164,
183, 199, 200; First Harvest Mountain, the Cross, 161, 164 (Tablet of, 11, 130, 178, 180, 181, 183, 186, 193, 196, 199,
152, 153; First True Mountain, 44, 46, 179, 232n. 25, fig. I.9b); Temple of the 200, 201, 202; basal registers, 49, 55, 69,
50, 71; gods of, 62; and jaguar deity, 29; Foliated Cross, 161 (Tablet of, 44, 45, 90, 156; destruction of, 50; prohibition
Macaw Mountain, 72, 135, 154; and 140, 164, fig. 1.10); Temple of the In- of, 34, 74, 75, 196. See also individual
Monument 26, 44, 45, 92; mounds as, scriptions, 61, 232n. 30, 236nn. 8, 23; monuments
11; nine mountains, 154, fig. 4.44; Snake Temple of the Sun, 161; Temple XIV, 188 potlatch, 25
Mountain, 45, 50; and Stela A, 170; and (Panel, 233n. 15). See also Dumbarton primordial sea, 44, 170, 172, 174. See also
Stela E, 152, 153, 154; and Stela H, 91, Oaks Panel underworld
92, 95; and Structure 1B-2, 66–67, 72, paper, 2, 23 Principal Bird Deity: and Altar N, 62; and
73, 74; and Structure 5D-33-2nd, Tikal, Parker, Joy, 11, 85, 158 astronomy, 236n. 20; and House E, Pa-
66; and Structure 10L-11, Copan, 183; Pawatuns, fig. 2.10; and Altar N, 62; as nu- lenque, 237n. 13; and Stelae A and C,
and Structure 10L-22, Copan, 66, 72, 73, meral five, 67–68; as patrons of artists, 168; and Stela D, 141, 143; and Stela E,
95; of sustenance, 45, 46, 50; and Tablet 17; supporting the sky, 179 152; and Stela F, 130; and Stela I, 193;
of the Foliated Cross, Palenque, 45, fig. Pax patron, 154, 167, 170 and Stela J, 107; and Stela 14, Piedras Ne-
1.10; Turtle Mountain, 87; witz, 172, Peabody Museum of American Archaeology gras, fig. 4.11; symbolism of, 130, 132,
235n. 8; and zoomorphs, 172, 176, 188, and Ethnology, Harvard University, x 152–153, 170; and Zoomorph B, 172
189, 199. See also Five-Flower place; First pectorals, 29, 42, 165. See also bar pectorals; Proskouriakoff, Tatiana, 19, 154, 234nn.
Five Sky; maize, mountain of sak-pectorals 2.2,3.1, 236n. 26
myths: collective, 32; and history, 30–31, pedestal sculptures, 35, 63, 233nn. 3,5 Pusilha, 2, 60
232n. 33 penis sacrifice, 131, 203, fig. 4.14 pyrite, 40, 72
period endings: commemoration of, 11, 41,
nah ho’ chan. See First Five Sky 57, 177, 182, 202; definition of, 10. See Quadripartite Badge, 164, 165, 172
Nakbe, 7 also dedication dates and texts under in- quatrefoils, 4, 13, 53, 133, 189, 193
Naranjo, 5, 78, 79, 104, 105, 107; Altar 1, dividual monuments quetzal feathers, 28
236n. 4; Stela 2, 109, 164; Stela 6, 237n. personae, 21; definition of, vii, 28, 232n. Quetzaltepeque, 127–128, 180
32; and monuments, 29, 30, 34, 50, 75, quincunx, 128, 180

260 index
Quirigua, kingdom of: ceramic sequence iconography, 8; on performance, 22;
of, 38, 50, 55, 186, 232n. 1, 233n. 21, schist, 35, 36, 39, 40, 55, 233n. 5
238n. 8; dock at plaza edge, 83, 128, 181; School of American Archaeology, viii, x
dynastic history of, vii, 39–40, 41, 57– Scroll Sky, 238n. 5
58, 101, 186, 193, 231n. 3, 233n. 12, Sepulturas, 94, 184
238n. 5; economy of, 2, 186, 200; found- serpent balustrades, 45
ing of, 36–39, 233n. 7, fig. 1.2; geogra- serpent bar: and Copan stelae, 46, 47, 93,
phy of, 1–2; map of site core, fig. I.23; 107, 118, 136; and Monument 26, 41, 42,
non-Maya population, 25, 32, 56; popu- 45, 47, 50; and Stela H, 91, 92, 99, 103,
lation of, 1, 2, 76, 186; predynastic, 35– 158; and Stela K, 196; and Stela U, 39,
36; research at, viii–x; subordination to 48; and supernatural communication,
Copan, 34, 36–39, 40, 52, 56, 57, 60, 64, 200. See also vision serpents
73–75, 196, 232n. 22; war with Copan, serpent foot/leg of God K, 2, 104, 106, 161
5, 76–81, 87, 88, 93, 114–120, 134–135, serpent wings, 51, 92, 107
196. See also K’ak’ Tiliw, reign of shamanism, 22, 26, 40, 175, 201
Quirigua Reports series, viii, x Sharer, Robert, 238n. 5
Quirigua River, 36, 120 Shield Jaguar, 5
Shield Skull, 79, 81
radial pyramids, 50, 92, 94, 198 Shils, Edward, 201
rain: deities of, 29, 83, 87, 104, 105, 118, Sierra de las Minas, 1
120, 128, 131, 133, 180, 181; rituals for Sierra del Espíritu Santo, 1
controlling, 85–87, 127–128, 130, 132, Sierra del Merendón, 1
180–181, 202 Six Shell-in-Hand place, 135, figs. 4.18b,
rainy season, 29, 85, 86, 87, 128, 130, 4.19. 6/7
131–132 Six Sky ajaw, 11, 158, 178, 179–180
Reents-Budet, Dorie, 201 Siyaj Chan K’awil, 234n. 2.1
Reitberg Stela, fig. 3.39 skirts, 92, 107
rhyolite, 36, 40, 50, 53, 58, 62, 64, 119 sky: artists of, 17; bearers of, 62, 179; draw-
Riese, Berthold, 101, 234n. 2.2 string of, 130; glyphs for, 4, 143, 152,
Río Amarillo, 2 168, 193; gods of, 2, 4, 41, 86, 132, 140;
Río Dulce, 2 and Platform 1A-1, 122; raising of, 86.
ritual, definition of, 21–22 See also cosmic umbilici; First Five Sky;
ritual circuits, 182–183 north celestial pole; Principal Bird Deity;
ropes: binding monuments, 23, 54; birth, stars; sun
130, 132; measuring, 170; sacrificial, 23, skybands, 107, 159, 168, 175, 193
131. See also cosmic umbilici “Sky Dynasty,” 234n. 2.1
Ruler 4, Piedras Negras, 238n. 1 Sky Xul, vii, 134, 186, 192, 195; accession
of, 186, 187, 192; and Altar O’, 188–189,
saints, Ch’orti’, 85, 86, 128, 180 192–193; and Altar P’, 189, 192; death of,
sajal, 4 193; and Zoomorph G, 187–188; and
sak-pectorals, 104–106, 133, 147, 168, 175, Zoomorph O, 188–189; and Zoomorph P,
196, 199, fig. 3.32 58, 189–190, 192; wars of, 135, 188, 189,
Salinas de los Nueve Cerros Monument 1, 192
236–237n. 26 Smoke Imix God K, 5, 50, 52, 53, 60, 63,
San Agustín Acasaguastlan pottery, 95 73, 135, 198, 199, 233n. 13, 234n. 26,
sandals, 92, 100, 129, 133, 141, 200, 238n. 6 238n. 1
San Diego Museum of Man, x Smoke Monkey. See K’ak’ Joplaj Chan
sandstone, 1, 88, 119, 120, 123, 232n. 18, K’awil
235n. 13, 237n. 26; carving of, 17; prop- Smoke Shell. See K’ak’ Yipyaj Chan K’awil
erties of, 99–100; quarries for, 88, 196 smoking ajaw, 136
Santa Rita, 52 snake platform/throne, 11, 106, 158–164
Santiago Chimaltenango, 72 solstices, 170, 179; observatories of,
Sauerländer, Willibald, 33 237–238n. 16
scaffold thrones, 175–176 Spearthrower Owl, 93
Schele, Linda, vii; on Ani, 234n. 5; on as- Spinden, Herbert, 19
tronomy, 32, 85; on Creation mythology, spirit companions, 28, 62, 163
31–32; on dates of monuments, 233n. Sri Lanka, 22
16; on glyphs, 11, 60, 158; on monument stars, 31, 32, 127, 152, 179. See also constel-
lations; Milky Way; sky; sun; Venus

index 261
Stela A: in A-B-C program, 158, 174, 176, Stela E: accession of K’ak’ Tiliw on, 57,
178–183; basal registers of, 170, fig. 152; as agent, 26–27, 152, fig. I.27a; ba-
5.23; dedication date of, 158, 164, 183; sal registers of, 152, 153, 154, 155, figs.
erection of, 165; foundation of, 122, 4.42, 4.43, 4.48; cache of, 235n. 4.2;
235n. 4.2; Ik’ Hun and, 165, 167–168; correspondence of text and image on,
and K’ak’ Tiliw with snake platform/ 152, figs. 4.39, 4.40; dedication date of,
throne of Creation, 158, 172, 177; loca- 147, 199; east text of, 147, 152, fig. 4.38;
tion of, 122, 158; name of, 166; north foundation of, 122, 235n. 4.2, fig. 4.2b;
face iconography of, 166, 167–172, 176, and K’ak’ Tiliw at period ending, 152; lo-
figs. 5.18, 5.22; period ending records cation of, 147; name of, 147; north face
on, 165, 172, 177; and Platform 1A-1, iconography of, 147, 152, figs. I.25,
122; south face iconography of, 158, 4.37, 4.46, 4.47; period ending records
164–165, 172, 176, 177, 178, 199, 200, on, 58, 138, 152, 177, 190, fig. 2.2b; and
figs. 5.4, 5.9, 5.13; and Stela 3, Piedras Platform 1A-1 program, 122, 147, 156–
Negras, 71; style of, 111, 185, 238n. 24; 157, 178–183; and processions, 183; rela-
and supernatural period ending, 165, tions with Xkuy on, 134–135, 152, 184,
168; text of, 71, 165–166, 168, 234n. 2.2, 188, 189, fig. 4.18; south face iconogra-
figs. 5.15, 5.16, 5.35 phy of, 147, 152, figs. 4.35, 4.36; and
Stela C: in A-B-C program, 158, 174–178; Stela B, Copan, 154; and Stela F, 123,
dedication date of, 158, 164, 183; east 128; style of, 111, 154–155, 185; west text
text of, 11, 158, 160–161, 174, 175, 179, of, 147, 152, fig. 4.41
figs. I.11, 5.1, 5.36; foundation of, 122; stelae: and agriculture, 13–15, 18–19, 181;
and K’ak’ Tiliw with jaguar platform/ and altars, 7; and architecture, 11–12,
throne of Creation, 158, 172, 177; and 179; binding of, 12–13; as calendrical
K’ak’ Tiliw as warrior-ancestor, 200; lo- markers, 10–11, 181; and celts, 7; and
cation of, 122, 158; north face iconogra- Creation, 10; dedication of, 14; in Late
phy of, 166, 167–172, 176, figs. 5.17, Formative period, 8; nomenclature of, 8,
5.21; north text (basal register) of, 167, 231n. 8; at Olmec sites, 7; as pilgrimage
172, 237n. 8, fig. 5.19b; and Pax patron, shrines, 196, 238n. 18; reading order of,
167, 170; period ending records on, 172, 236n. 3; and sacrifice, 13, 15; as super-
177; and Platform 1A-1 program, 122, natural portals, 11–15, fig. I.15; and
178–183; and processions, 183; reading world tree, 8
order of, 178, 237n. 6; Six Sky ajaw and, Stela F: and astronomy, 127, 141; basal reg-
179; and solar zenith passage, 172, 180; isters of, 128, 132, 133, 141, figs. 4.9,
south face iconography of, 158, 164, 172, 4.17; and cosmic umbilicus, 130–132,
176, 177, 178, 187, 199, 200, figs. 5.3, 168–170, 196; and Creation, 127–128,
5.8, 5.12, 5.34; south text (basal register) 132–133, 158, 179; dedication date of,
of, 166–167, fig. 5.19a; style of, 111, 185, 123, 124; east text of, 123–127, 140, figs.
238n. 24; and Tutum Yol K’inich, 38, 56, 4.4, 4.5, 4.22, 4.23; foundation of, 122,
165, 233nn. 7,12, fig. 1.3; west text of, fig. 4.2a; and K’ak’ Tiliw as lightning
10, 121, 165, 234n. 2.2, figs. I.10, 5.14 god, 127, 133; and K’ak’ Tiliw as world
Stela D: and accession anniversary of K’ak’ axis, 129; location of, 122; narrative of,
Tiliw, 141; as ajaw, 27, 141, fig. I.27b; 123–124, 128, 140, 152; north face icon-
and astronomy, 140–143, 152–153, fig. ography of, 133, figs. I.5, I.9a, 4.16; pe-
4.27; basal regisers of, 141, 143; ded- riod ending records on, 88, 124–127,
ication date of, 139–140, 143; and 128, 138, 177, 236n. 7; and Platform 1A-1
dreams/trances of K’ak’ Tiliw, 141, 143; program, 122, 128, 157, 177–183; and
east text of, 139–140, figs. 4.25, 4.26, procession, 183; and rainmaking rituals,
4.34; erection of, 140, 183; foundation 127–128, 130, 181, table 4.1; reading or-
of, 122; and K’ak’ Tiliw at period ending, der of, 124; and sacrifice of Waxaklajun
143; location of, 139; name of, 140, 141, Ub’ah K’awil, 83, 130, 134; and scatter-
152; north face iconography of, 141–143, ing ritual, 13; and sexuality, 129–130,
figs. 4.24, 4.31, 4.32, 4.33; period end- 134; south face iconography of, 128–133,
ing records on, 138, 140, 141, 143, 177; figs. 4.3, 4.8; and Stela C, Copan, 138;
and Platform 1A-1 program, 122, 128, and Stela D, 141–143; and Stela E, 154;
138, 157, 178–183; and processions, 183; and Stela J, 101, 127, 134; and Stela K,
south face iconography of, 141, 152, figs. 196, 236n. 13; and Stela N, Copan, 135,
4.29, 4.30; and Stela E, 157; style of, 123, 137, 138; style of, 123, 138–139, 154; and
143, 154–155; west text of, 141, fig. 4.28

262 index
 3-11-pih ajaw title, 236n. 4; west text of, 46–50, 52, 55; text of, 39–40, 46, 57, 88, See also ecliptic; equinox; Quadripartite
127–128, fig. 4.6 233n. 12, fig. 1.5 Badge; solstices
Stela H: and astronomy, 91–92; basal reg- Stephens, John Lloyd, viii, 147 sweatbaths, 72
ister of, 91, 95, 98; and Black Lake place, stingray spines, 23, 165, 172
83, 113, 152, fig. 3.11a; cache of, 90; ded- St. Louis Museum of Art, 65 Tate, Carolyn, 26, 33, 232n. 31
ication date of, 90; foundation of, 90, Stone, Andrea, x, 19, 61, 63 Taube, Karl, 27, 172, 237n. 5
122; iconography of, 91–93, 158, 196, stones, three (of Creation), 11, 40, 106, 132, technological style, 235n. 14
figs. 3.17, 3.18, 23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26, 158, 160, 161, 163, 172, 177, 178, fig. I.14 Temple 1. See Structure 1B-1
3.28; and K’ak’ Tiliw as maize deity, 92, Strathern, Marilyn, 28 Temple 2. See Structure 1B-2
199; and K’ak’ Tiliw as world axis, 92; Strömsvik, Gustav, x, 100, 147 Templo Mayor, 45, 50, 182
location of, 90, 92, 198; martial imagery structuralism, 31 Tenochtitlan, 45, 182
on, 91–92; and Monument 26, 41, 42, Structure 1A-3, 122, 139, 178, 181, 182 Teotihuacan, 36, 37, 40, 68, 93, 115, 117,
91–94, 121; period ending record on, 92; Structure 1A-8, 82, 90 198, 199, 235n. 10
and Quirigua emblem glyph, 60; and Structure 1A-10, 82 Tepeu ceramic phase, 233n. 21
Stela J, 100–101, 103, 107, 109–112; and Structure 1A-11, 83, 90, 92, 94, 121, 198 third successor, vii, 41, 46, 233n. 12
Stela J, Copan, 94, 120; style of, viii, Structure 1B-sub.1. See K’inich Ahau Wall Thompson, J. Eric S., 22
95–100, 119, 138, 155; text of, 92, 101, Structure 1B-sub.2 , 120 thrones, 7, 18, 58, 71, 122, 159, 160,
235n. 12, figs. 3.19, 3.20 Structure 1B-sub.2-2nd, 53, 120 175–176, 177, 188, 190, 193, 201, 203,
Stela I: and Calakmul conspiracy, 79–81, Structure 1B-sub.3, 120 237n. 1, fig. I.13. See also
194–195, fig. 3.7; dedication date of, Structure 1B-sub.3-2nd, 53, 120 platforms/thrones of Creation
193; foundation of, 88; iconography of, Structure 1B-sub.4, 53, 55, 57, 72, 73, 119, Tikal, 1; Altar 8, 13, fig. I.17; Altar 14, 234n.
193–194, figs. 6.14, 6.15, 6.16; location 234n. 28 27; bone from Burial 117, 17, fig. I.22;
of, 193; period endings recorded on, 58, Structure 1B-1, 186, 196, figs. 6.19, 6.20 Burial 195, 78; and Caracol, 101; ceramic
79, 88, 90, 194; and Stela K, 196; text of, Structure 1B-1-2nd, 36, 64 vessel from, 69; and Copan, 37–38, 79;
194–195, 6.17; and war with Copan, Structure 1B-2: and Ani structure, Copan, and Early Classic Quirigua, 55; glyphs
78–79, 194, fig. 3.4 67; dating of, 234n. 28; excavation of, at, 165; and Long Count calendar, 10; in
Stela J: and A-B-C program, 161, 178; acces- 64–65; and Five-Flower place, 68, 170; Middle Classic, 50; and Monument 26,
sion of K’ak’ Tiliw on, 57; basal register mosaic sculpture of, 65–68, 95, 155, 40; MT26, 236n. 4; North Acropolis,
of, 83, 107, 109, 111, 114, 119, figs. 3.11b, figs. 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 2.17; as pal- 238n. 3; plaza plans at, 36; rivalry with
3.35, 3.36; cache of, 101; dedication date ace, 66; plan of, fig. 2.12; and renewal of Calakmul, 4–5, 79–81, 135, 235n. 4;
of, 100, 120; east text of, 101, 232n. 25, city, 73; and Structure 10L-22, Copan, sculpture of, 55; Stela 1, 47, 49; Stela 2,
figs. 3.29, 3.44; foundation of, 100–101; 72, 73; as sweatbath, 72; as symbolic 42, 47, 49, fig. 1.17; Stela 4, 48; Stela 16,
and Hieroglyphic Stairway, Copan, mountain, 66–67, 71–72 105; Stela 20, 91, 100; Stela 25, 237n. 26;
115–119, 120, 198–199; iconography of, Structure 1B-3, 186 Stela 28, 47, 49; Stela 30, 88; Stela 31,
103–109, figs. 3.31, 3.37, 3.38, 3.42, Structure 1B-4, 120 50; Structure 4D-52 lintel, 235n. 20;
3.43, 3.47; K’ak’ Tiliw as lightning deity Structure 1B-5-2nd, 120 Structure 5D-33-2nd, 66, 176, 238n. 3,
on, 104, 198; K’ak’ Tiliw as world axis Structure 1B-6, 53 fig. 2.19; Temple 1 Lintels, 93, 235n. 20;
on, 107; location of, 76, 88, 100, 139; Structure 1B-6-2nd, 36 Temple 4 Lintel 2, 78, 237n. 7, fig. 3.6;
martial imagery on, 107–109, 164; north Structure 1B-7, 119, 188 tinamit, 73; titles used at, 40; and Uaxac-
text of, 101–103, figs. 3.30a, 3.48; period Structure 1B-18-2nd, 64 tun, 50
ending record on, 101, 113; south text of, Structure 1B-21, 83 Tok Casper, 36, 38, 118, 192, 233n. 7
101–103, fig. 3.30b; and Stela D, 141; and Structure 3C-14, 40, 50, 92, 121 Tolles, Thomas, x
Stela E, 154; and Stela F, 123, 124, 127, Structure 3C-17, 233n. 11 tombs, 17, 36, 37, 50, 69, 71, 73, 78, 93,
129, 133, 134, 136, 138, 157; and Stela I, Structure 3C-18, 233n. 11 115, 186, 202, 204
193, 194, 195; and Stela K, 196; style of, Stuart, David, 26, 63, 73, 87, 231n. 6 Tonacatepetl. See mountain of sustenance
109–113, 119, 121, 201; triadic emblems stucco sculpture, 46, 66, 67, 78 tongue sacrifice, 23
on, 104–106, 161; and Zoomorph G, 188 style in sculpture: as basis for dating, 199; Tonina, 5, 18, 234n. 27; Monument 3, 107;
Stela K, 195–196, fig. 6.18 concept of, 33–34; material limitations Monument 26, 237n. 26
Stela S: dedication date of, 88, 114; founda- of, 99–100; studies of, 232n. 35 Tortuguero, 4
tion of, 88; iconography of, 88, fig. 3.16; sun: glyphs for, 131, 135, 143; gods of, 29, Townsend, Richard, 182
location of, 76, 88; relocation of, 119; great/strong, 179; and Hero Twins, trees of life/world trees: and Creation, 32,
195–196; style of, 88–90, 201; text of, 88, 54; and monument placement, 179; 178; ethnographic examples, 232n. 9;
fig. 3.15 movement of, 124, 130, 170, 179, and “God-C” apron, 9, 92, 107; ruler as,
Stela T, 54–55 180–182, 196, 238n. 21; and rulers, 27 133; and sak-pectoral, 105; and stelae,
Stela U, 233n. 5; cache of, 39; dedication Sun/Christ, 182 7–8; and Temple of the Cross, Palenque,
date of, 39, 90; defacement of, 50; icon- sunken courts, 72 130. See also ceiba; world axis
ography of, 39, figs. 1.4, 1.14, 1.15, 1.18; sunset, 85, 138, 140, 174, 175, 179; and Wu- triadic emblems, 105–106, 133, 141, 156,
location of, 39; and Monument 26, 41; qub’ Kaqix, 31; zenith passage of, 163, 199
and Stela H, 91; and Stela J, 110; style of, 85–87, 128, 130, 170–172, 180, 181, 186.

index 263
trophy heads, 42 101; and Stela 3, Piedras Negras, 71; and 7; world quadrants, 179. See also trees of
tseka. See Winter Dance umbilici, 203; and vase paintings, 62 life/world trees
Tula, 235n. 10 Vogt, Evon Z., 11, 238n. 6 Wuqub’ Junajpu, 31
tun, definition of, 10 “Vomit Pot,” 234n. 6 Wuqub’ Kaqix, 31
Tunucó, 180
turkeys, 86, 128 war, 5; and astronomy, 2; and ballgame, 54, Xb’alanke’, 31, 54
turtle: and Altar of Stela C, Copan, 138; 56, 92; emblems of, 46, 91, 92, 104, 113, Xib’alb’ans, 31. See also underworld
constellation of, 127, 140, 141, 143, fig. 133, 156, 163, 164, 165, 187–188, 201; Xkuy, 135, 152, 154, 183, 184, 188, 189, 192,
4.7; cosmic, 4, 32, 87, 92, 132, 140, 176, gods of, 28, 119, 165, 199; and Hierog- figs. 4.18, 4.19, 6.4, 6.7
193, 233n. 15; shell of, 61–62; and lyphic Stairway, Copan, 118; leaders, 4, Xochicalco, 235n. 10
Zoomorph B, 172 84; lightning and, 84; rituals of, 30, 177, Xok, 105, 160
Turtle Shell, 39, 40, 233n. 12 199; and rulership, 4, 106, 192, 231n. 4;
Tutum Yol K’inich, 38, 56, 165, 233nn. 7,12 serpent, 164; and Snake Mountain, 45– Yajaw Te’ K’inich II, 81, 101
Tzakol ceramic phase, 55 46, 50; supernatural basis of, 42, 91, 93, Yax B’alam, 31, 169
Tzeltal, Colonial, 232n. 16 107, 117, 120; Tlaloc-Venus war complex, Yaxchilan: bloodletting at, 163; Lintel 13,
tzolk’in dates: definition of, 232n. 11; and 40, 107, 109, 115, 117, 183–184; tutok’ tu- 71; Lintel 14, 71, 163; Lintel 24, 23, fig.
Stela A, 11, 165; and Stela C, 11, 165; and pakal, 77 I.26; Lintel 45, 232n. 19; lintels of, 5, 23,
Stela D, 140; and Stela F, 127; and Stela warriors, 50, 78, 84, 93, 107, 109, 115–117, 235n. 20, 237n. 3; painting at, 17; sculp-
U, 39; and Zoomorph P, 190, 192. See also fig. 3.41; and Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil, ture of, 95, 99; Stela 1, 54; Stela 4, 54,
dedication dates, texts of individual 78. See also captive sacrifice; Copan, and fig. 1.27; Stela 10, 54; Stela 11, 104;
monuments war with Quirigua; Jaguar War God; Structure 14, center ballcourt marker,
Tzotzil, 12, 17, 84, 182, 238n. 6 K’ak’ Tiliw, and wars of; Quirigua, and 54, fig. 1.26; Temple 23, 5; texts at,
Tzum, Stela 3, 235n. 20 war with Copan; Sky Xul, and wars of 234n. 25, 235n. 15; titles at, 152
water bands, 69, 83, 119, 133, 136 Yaxha, 5
Uaxactun, 40, 55; Stela 20, 49–50, fig. 1.19; waterlilies, 61, 92, 133, 136, 159, 170, 233n. Yax Ha’al Chaak, 29, 87, 118, 199, figs. I.28,
Structure E-sub-VII, 45–46, 50, 15; personified, 69, 107, 129, 133, 138, 3.13
237–238n. 16 141, 170 Yax Hal Witz, See First True Mountain
umbilical cords, 22, 32, 176. See also cosmic Waterlily Jaguar, 50, 53, 233n. 10, 234n. 5 Yax Pasaj (Yax Pasaj Chan Yo’at/Yo’pat): ac-
umbilici Waterlily Jaguar (god), 87, 93, 187 cession of, 183; and Group 8L-10, Co-
underworld, 8, 143, 202; aquatic symbol- water platform/throne, 11, 106, 158–164, pan, 195; monuments of, 63, 183–184,
ism of, 28, 73, 83, 92, 106, 122, 129, 133, 174–175, 192 188, 199, 238nn. 22–23; name of, 236n.
172, 174–175, 176, 183; ballcourts and, Waxaklajun Ub’ah K’awil: capture of, 58, 17; portrait of, fig. 5.33; and Structure
54, 73, 183; canoes and, 86; gods of, 62, 59, 78; construction under, 64, 73, 78, 1B-1, 196
71; Great Plaza and, 122–123; locations, 115; gods of, 78–79, fig. 3.5; and Group yíitzil ka’an, 132
85, 86–87, 127; portal of, 13, 54; skeletal 8L-10, Copan, 195; monuments of, 49, Yo’at/Yo’pat, 4, 29, 32, 140, 193
maw of, 17, 32, 54, 83, 85, 107, 236n. 21; 63, 74, 94–95, 98, 100, 107, 110, 111, 114, Yucatan, 29, 180
surface of, 107, 133, 177; winds of, 128. 118, 122, 135, 138, 183, 188, 196, 198, Yukatek language, 17, 27, 29, 107, 127, 132,
See also Black Hole, Black Lake place; pri- 233n. 19, 238n. 18; as overlord of K’ak’ 231n. 6, 232nn. 14,19, 235n. 9, 236n. 24,
mordial sea Tiliw, 57, 59, 75, 152, 196; sacrifice of, 237n. 14
University of Pennsylvania Quirigua Project, 4–5, 34, 64, 75, 76–78, 81, 83–85, 86– Yukatek Maya, 27, 130, 179, 181, 182
viii, 231n. 4 87, 90, 92, 95, 101, 104, 107, 113, 115,
Uto-Aztecan peoples, 68 117, 119, 120, 127, 128, 130, 134, 135, zenith, 127
Uxbenka, 2 152, 157, 179, 180, 181, 186, 188, 194, zenith passage. See sun, zenith passage of
Ux B’olon Chaak, 29, 192 198–199, 234n. 3.1, fig. 3.2; Venus-timed Zinacantan, 12, 15
rituals of, 233n. 13; as warrior, 117; wars Zoomorph B, 81, 122, 182; in A-B-C pro-
Vail, Gabrielle, 28 of, 135; and Zoomorph P, 190 gram, 158; cache of, 237n. 12; as Cosmic
Vase of the Seven Gods, 61, 234n. 3 way. See spirit companion Monster, 159, 172–174, 189, 237n. 13;
Venus: and Altar L, 51; conjunctions of, Weiner, Annette, 25 dedication date of, 158, 172, 184, 186;
143; as Evening Star, 51, 233n. 13; glyph Western Platform, 119 iconography of, figs. I.12, 5.5, 5.24,
for, 51; gods, 236n. 19; heliacal rising of, west kalomte’, 39–40, 233n. 10 5.25, 5.27, 5.28; K’ak’ Tiliw portrait on,
51; Jaguar War God and, 235n. 18; maxi- winal, definition of, 10 172, fig. 5.26; location of, 122, 158;
mum elongation of, 233n. 13; as Morn- winds, gods of, 181 marking period ending, 177; and Milky
ing Star, 41, 233n. 13; and Stela D, 143 Winter Dance, 30 Way, 174–175; name of, 159, fig. 5.7;
Veracruz, 95 workshops, sculpture, 34, 52, 63, 73, 100, paint on, 17; and Platform 1A-1 program,
vision serpents: and Altar of Hieroglyphic 112, 120 178–183; and ritual rebirth, 174–178,
Stairway, Copan, 119; and bloodletting, world axis: and architecture, 123; and ceiba 199; text of, 174, 183, 236n. 25, fig. 5.29;
104; and communication with ancestors, tree, 42; ruler as, 92, 107, 129; and site as water platform/throne of Creation,
163; and female names, 163; and Stela J, planning, 123; spinning of, 32; stelae as, 158–159; and Zoomorph G, 187, 188

264 index
Zoomorph G: dedication of, 187; iconogra- Zoomorph P: as Cosmic Monster, 176, 189,
phy of, fig. 6.2; as jaguar platform/ 237n. 13; dedication of, 189; iconogra-
throne of Creation, 188, 192, fig. 6.3; lo- phy of, figs. 5.31b, 6.8, 6.9; location of,
cation of, 182, 188, 202; royal portraits 189; paint on, 17; period ending records
on, 187; text of, 11, 57, 77, 186, 187, 188, on, 233n. 20, figs. 2.2a, 6.11; text of, 36,
234n. 2.2, figs. 6.1, 6.3, 6.4; as Waterlily 41, 58, 101, 118, 189–192, 233n. 7; as
Jaguar, 187 water platform/throne of Creation, 192
Zoomorph O: as Cosmic Monster, 176, 188, zoomorphs, viii, x, 6, 10, 19, 62, 63, 202,
189, 237n. 13; dedication of, 188; icon- 232n. 12; as platforms/thrones, 11; at Pu-
ography of, 6.5; location of, 188–189, silha, 60
text of, 189

index 265