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 Contents

Introduction

1 Arithmetic to algebra
The real numbers
Properties of real numbers
Integers
Order of operations
Using variables
Evaluating expressions
Calculator notes #1
2 Equations with one variable
Addition and subtraction equations
Multiplication and division equations
Two-step equations
Variables on both sides
Simplifying before solving
Putting equations to work
 Calculator notes #2
3 Problems solved with equations
Mixture problems
Percentage problems
Perimeter problems
Consecutive integer problems
4 Functions
Domain and range
Another way to represent relations and
functions
Vertical line test
Function notation
Evaluating functions
Working backwards
Restricting domains
5 Coordinate graphing
The coordinate plane
Distance
Midpoints
Graphing equations
Slope and rate of change
Vertical and horizontal lines
Writing linear equations
Parallel and perpendicular lines
 Calculator notes #3
6 Absolute value
Absolute value equations
Absolute value functions
Graphing absolute value functions
7 Inequalities
Simple inequalities
Compound inequalities
Absolute value inequalities
Graphing inequalities in two variables
8 Systems of linear equations and
inequalities
Solving systems of equations by graphing
Graphing systems of inequalities
Solving systems of equations by substitution
Solving systems of equations by elimination
Elimination with multiplication
Dependent and inconsistent systems
Problems solved with systems
Calculator notes #4
9 Powers and polynomials
Rules for exponents
More rules
Monomials and polynomials
 Adding and subtracting polynomials
Multiplying polynomials
Dividing polynomials
Calculator notes #5
10 Factoring
Greatest common monomial factor
Factoring x2 + bx + c
Factoring ax2 + bx + c
Special factoring patterns
Factoring by grouping
Calculator notes #6
11 Radicals
Powers and roots
Estimating roots
Simplifying radical expressions
Adding and subtracting radicals
Solving radical equations
Graphing square root equations
12 Quadratic equations and their graphs
Solving by square roots
Completing the square
The quadratic formula
Solving by factoring
Graphing quadratic functions
 Problems solved with quadratic equations
Calculator notes #7
13 Proportion and variation
Using ratios and extended ratios
Solving proportions
Variation
Joint and combined variation
14 Rational equations and their graphs
Simplifying rational expressions
Multiplying rational expressions
Dividing rational expressions
Adding and subtracting rational expressions
Complex fractions
Solving rational equations
Graphing rational functions
Problems solved with rational equations
Calculator notes #8
15 Exponential growth and decay
Evaluating exponential functions
Compound interest
Exponential growth and decay
Graphing exponential functions
Calculator notes #9
16 Matrix algebra
 Rows and columns
Addition and subtraction
Scalar multiplication
Matrix multiplication
Determinants
Inverses
Solving systems with matrices
Calculator notes #10
Answers
 Introduction

An old joke tells of a tourist, lost in New York City, who stops a
passerby to ask, “How do I get to Carnegie Hall?” The New Yorker’s
answer comes back quickly: “Practice, practice, practice!” The joke
may be silly, but it contains a truth. No musician performs on the
stage of a renowned concert hall without years of daily and diligent
practice. No dancer steps out on stage without hours in the
rehearsal hall, and no athlete takes to the field or the court without
investing time and sweat drilling on the skills of his or her sport.
Math has a lot in common with music, dance, and sports. There
are skills to be learned and a sequence of activities you need to go
through if you want to be good at it. You don’t just read math, or
just listen to math, or even just understand math. You do math, and
to learn to do it well, you have to practice. That’s why homework
exists, but most people need more practice than homework
provides. That’s where Practice Makes Perfect Algebra comes in.
When you start your formal study of algebra, you take your first
step into the world of advanced mathematics. One of your principal
tasks is to build the repertoire of tools that you will use in all future
math courses and many other courses as well. To do that, you first
need to understand each tool and how to use it, and then how to
use the various tools in your toolbox in combination.
The almost 1000 exercises in this book are designed to help you
acquire the skills you need, practice each one individually until you
have confidence in it, and then combine various skills to solve more
complicated problems. Since it’s also important to keep your tools in
good condition, you can use Practice Makes Perfect Algebra to
review. Reminding yourself of the tools in your toolbox and how to
use them helps prepare you to face new tasks that require you to
combine those tools in new ways.
One tool that continues to grow in importance is the calculator,
specifically, the graphing calculator. Generations of students learned
algebra without using any sort of calculator, and if you do not have
access to one, you can still learn all the algebra you need. As
calculators became available, they provided the opportunity to
explore ideas without worrying about whether the arithmetic would
get too difficult. The rise of graphing calculators means that you can
investigate properties of functions and their graphs without spending
lots of time drawing those graphs by hand.
Throughout this book, you’ll see “Calculator Notes.” These are
ideas on how a graphing calculator might help you check your work,
or solve a problem when you’re stuck. These tips are not meant to
replace you learning the skills and doing the work. That will always
be essential. The Notes are based on a commonly used graphing
calculator, which is sometimes introduced in algebra. If you have
one, you might be interested in the Notes. If you don’t have one,
there’s no need to rush to get one.
With patience and practice, you’ll find that you’ve assembled an
impressive set of tools and that you’re confident about your ability to
use them properly. The skills you acquire in algebra will serve you
well in other math courses and in other disciplines. Be persistent.
You must keep working at it, bit by bit. Be patient. You will make
mistakes, but mistakes are one of the ways we learn, so welcome
your mistakes. They’ll decrease as you practice, because practice
makes perfect.
 Arithmetic to algebra

Tools in this chapter:

• Understand how our number system works

• Learn the rules for performing common operations
• Write and evaluate numerical and variable expressions

In arithmetic, we learn to work with numbers: adding, subtracting,

multiplying, and dividing. Algebra builds on that work, extends it,
and reverses it. Algebra looks at the properties of numbers and
number systems, introduces the use of symbols called variables to
stand for numbers that are unknown or changeable, and develops
techniques for finding those unknowns.

The real numbers

The real numbers include all the numbers you encounter in
arithmetic. The natural, or counting, numbers are the numbers you
used as you learned to count: {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, …}. Add the number 0
to the natural numbers and you have the whole numbers: {0, 1, 2,
3, 4, …}. The whole numbers together with their opposites form the
integers, the positive and negative whole numbers and 0: {…, −3,
−2, −1, 0, 1, 2, 3, …}.
There are many numbers between each pair of adjacent integers,
however. Some of these, called rational numbers, are numbers that
can be expressed as the ratio of two integers, that is, as a fraction.
All integers are rational, since every integer can be written as a
fraction by giving it a denominator of 1. Rational numbers have

decimal expansions that either terminate (like ) or infinitely

repeat a pattern (like ).

There are still other numbers that cannot be expressed as the

ratio of two integers, called irrational numbers. These include
numbers like π and the square root of 2 (and the square root of
many other integers). You may have used decimals to approximate
these, but irrational numbers have decimal representations that
continue forever and do not repeat. For an exact answer, leave
numbers in terms of π or in simplest radical form. When you try to
express irrational numbers in decimal form, you’re forced to cut the
infinite decimal off, and that means your answer is approximate.
The real numbers include both the rationals and the irrationals.
The number line gives a visual representation of the real numbers
(see Figure 1.1). Each point on the line corresponds to a real
number.

Figure 1.1 The real number line.

Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
they were not essays by Koster anterior to the
production of the ‘Speculum.’ It is true, that I was
shewn a specimen of a Donatus printed on vellum,
and on one side only, which has been recovered
from the binding of an old Dutch book. But I look
upon it as a rough ‘proof,’ that was never
completed, and eventually used like ordinary
waste to stiffen bindings.”—Humphreys, p. 215. This
Horarium was discovered in the binding of an old
book, forming in fact a portion of the binding. The
pages are printed on vellum on both sides; and it
has been pointed out that the letter i has a
modern peculiarity in being dotted, instead of
having, as in the ancient manuscripts and printed
books, a stroke above it, thus, í. Enschedé who
discovered the work, published a fac-simile of it in
1768. Chatto, who critically examined it, says, in
Jackson’s Treatise on Wood-engraving (2d edit.
1861, p. 162,) “It is certainly such a one as he was
most wishful to find, and which he in his capacity
of type-founder and printer would find little
difficulty in producing. I am firmly convinced that
it is neither printed with wooden types, nor a
specimen of early typography. I suspect it to be a
Dutch typographic essay on popular credulity.”—
This I think a harsh judgment; and, of the two, I
prefer to believe, with Humphreys, that Enschedé
was mistaken in supposing the pages he found to
be a work, perhaps the earliest work, of Coster,
rather than with Chatto, to suspect that he forged
it himself.
[112] The Town-hall at Haarlem possesses a
collection of Costerian relics, but Mr. Humphreys
says (p. 215) “they are not, as it seems to me, so
important as many writers have deemed them.”
 [113] Inquiry, pp. 202–203.
[114] “The works which may almost to a certainty
be ascribed to the Costerian press after the death
of the inventor, and the publication of the
Speculum, are various editions of the Donatus,
Catonia Disticha, Laurentii Vallensi Facecie
Morales, Ludovici Pontani de Roma Singularia in
Causis Criminalibus, Gulielmus de Saliceto de
Salute Corporis, Horarium, Alexandri Galli
Doctrinale, Petri Hispani Tractatus, Francisci
Petrarchæ de Salibus Virorum Illustrium et Faceciis
Tractatus, &c., all of which are without date or
name of printer, but are issued from the same
press, and the types of which, perfectly like those
in the Speculum, cannot be attributed by any such
similarity to any other printing office either in
Germany or even in Holland and the Low
Countries.”—P. H. Berjeau, p. xxxvi. Introd. to
Ottley’s Inquiry.
[115] Meerman considered that this edition was
the first, and only one printed by Coster, between
the years 1430 and 1440; that the Latin edition
with twenty pages of block-printing came next;
then the other Dutch, and lastly the second Latin.
Humphreys (p. 56,) concludes that all four editions
were printed by Coster, the first being the one
with twenty pages of xylographic text. Ottley
allows him one, and the greater part of another.
Of the first edition (following Humphreys’
classification), ten copies are known—two in the
Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, one in the British
Museum, one in the Bodleian library at Oxford,
one in the Spencer library, and five in Holland. Of
the second edition there are six copies—one in the
Imperial library at Vienna, one in the Palazzo Pitti
at Florence, the third, without preface, in the Town
Hall at Haarlem, the fourth with but 40 pages, in
the library at Hanover, the fifth in the Royal library
at Brussels; and the sixth and most perfect, the
Inglis copy in the possession of Mr. Quaritch. Of
the third edition (the first Dutch) copies are in the
libraries of Lord Spencer, and Mr. Westreenen Von
Tiellandt at the Hague; the fine copy formerly in
the Enschedé collection is now in England. Of the
fourth edition, only three copies are known—one
in the Town Hall of Haarlem, the second in the
public library of that city, and the third in the
library at Lille. It is possible there may have been
a larger number of early folio editions, as several
of the above copies appear to have been made up
from more than one.
[116]“De l’Origine et des Débuts de l’Imprimerie
en Europe.” Paris, 1853.
[117]“Essai Historique et Critique sur l’Invention
de l’Imprimerie.” Paris-Lille, 1859.
[118] Mr. Humphreys concludes from his
examination of the Dutch copy of the Speculum,
formerly in the Enschedé collection at Haarlem,
that this edition was “by far the most finely
executed.” It was sold, on the dispersion of the
Enschedé collection in 1867, for 700 guineas. The
purchaser, Mr. Quaritch of Piccadilly, it is
understood has since resold it in England at a
considerable advance. The same spirited
bibliographer bought the Inglis copy (sold in 1871)
—a specimen of the Latin edition with all the text
in moveable types, in the most fine and perfect
condition,—for £525.
[119] From the fact that Enschedé was a printer
and type-founder, his opinion has had great weight
with subsequent writers. I have no doubt,
however, but that his eagerness to secure for his
own countryman and birth-place the honour of the
invention of metal types, blinded him to the
evidence which the letters in the Speculum
present to the contrary.
[120] Prunelle, au Magazin Encyclopédique de
1806.
[121] In plate 10, opposite page 295 in Mr.
Ottley’s work, fac-similes are given of the types of
the Speculum, taken from the text beneath cuts
17 and 18. In these the capital D occurs twice, O
three times, Q three times, S twice, T thrice, and V
twice. And in every instance the differences are
such as to shew that it was impossible for the
several specimens of each of these letters to have
been cast from a mould taken from either a
pattern or a touched-up-type. What is true of the
capitals is equally true of the smaller letters. The
word ‘Tres’ for instance, occurs three times
running, repeated exactly one under the other,
thus affording the best possible condition for
comparison. Each of the T’s—each of the
compounded re’s,—and each of the s’s differ; they
could not have been cast from the same matrix,
nor could any one of them have stood for the
original of successive mouldings for the rest, as
suggested by Mr. Ottley.
 [122] “Der Heilsspiegel und alle andere
Druckwerke, welche Meerman dem Laurens Koster
und seinen Erben zuschreibt, sind alle mit
gegossenen Typen gedruckt, und zwar gar nicht
schlecht. Es ist unmöglich, mit hölzernen
Buchstaben von solcher Kleinheit zu drucken.”—
Krit. Gesch. der Erf. der Buchdruckerkunst, p. 590.
[123] For the whole of his argument see pages
620–692 of his work. His object is to shew the
probability that all the four folio editions may have
been the work of Veldener at Utrecht. At page 654
he says, “that almost all the types used in the
Netherlands have their original in those of the
Rhine “Officinen,” is seen from the resemblance of
the types of the Brethren of the Common Life at
Marienthal on the Rhine, to those of Therhoernen
of Cologne, and the Brethren at Brussels. Witness
the fac-similes 1, 2, and 3, of Tab. 11, and
especially all the fac-similes of Tables 9, 10, 11,
and 12, (with the exception of Nos. 4 and 8 of
Tab. 12.) Even the types of the Speculum are
nothing else than a diminution of the types of the
42-line (Mazarin) Bible, with sundry alterations in
the capital letters.—The Dutch work of Ludovicus
de Roma, ‘Singularia in causis criminalibus,’
(1471,) is printed with types, which, with the
exception of the capital letters, are almost all such
exact copies in size and shape of those of the
Mazarin Bible, that they could cover each other
reciprocally.”
[124]“Idée Générale d’une collection complete
d’Estampes.” 8vo. Leips. 1771.
[125] See Wetter, p. 23.
 [126] M. Bernard; and P. C. Van der Meersch, in his
“Recherches sur la Vie et les Travaux des
Imprimeurs Belges et Néerlandais, établis a
l’étranger.” 8vo. Gand, 1856:—are here referred to.
[127] The manuscript from which these extracts
are taken was brought to light by the Abbé
Ghesquiere of Cambrai, in the year 1772. See
“Esprit des Journaux,” June 1779, Nov. 1779, and
April 1780.
[128]“Notice sur Colard Mansion, Libraire et
Imprimeur de la Ville de Bruges.” 8vo. Paris, 1829.
[129] M. Berjeau, in Introduction to Ottley’s
Inquiry concerning the Invention of Printing, p.
xxxvii.
[130]The discussion of this subject occupies the
last 65 pages of Mr. Ottley’s work, the careful
perusal of which will well repay the student of this
most interesting branch of archæological research.
[131] See ante, p. 86.
 Early Typography.
CHAPTER V.

The Works of Faust and Schœffer.—Legend of the Printer’s Devil.—

Monuments in Germany to Gutenberg, Faust and Schœffer.—Separable
Letters first invented in China.—Characteristics of ancient printed
Books.—The “Composing-stick” and “Setting-rule.”—Early Bindings.

The first book published by Faust and Schœffer, after their

separation from Gutenberg, was a beautiful folio edition of the
Psalter, finished on the 14th August, 1457. This is the celebrated
work, so often alluded to, the first to which the name of the printer
was affixed, as well as that of the place where, and the date when,
it was printed. It is from this circumstance that the origin of the Art
of Typography has been by certain early writers attributed to Faust
rather than to Gutenberg. The fine large Gothic type with which the
book is printed, (22 lines to a foot,) is exactly double the size of that
cut for the ‘Mazarin’ Bible. The initial capital letters, of which there
are in all 288, are from four to six lines in depth, printed in red and
blue, with ornamental flower-work and figures cut in the body of the
letter, and bordered with scroll-work running into the margins. In the
case of the commencing initial, the letter B, this scroll-work extends
from the top to the bottom of the page. The capitals commencing
each sentence in the body of the work, are also in red ink, as well as
whole lines interspersed here and there. The music is on a staff of
four lines instead of five, the notes square-headed and diamond-
shaped, the words beneath being in roman characters. These
portions of the work are engraved on solid blocks. At the end of the
Psalter is inserted the Faust and Schœffer badge, which thenceforth
appeared in all their works.[132] This consisted of two shields (on
which were their coats of arms) suspended from the branch of a
tree. Beneath this was the following imprint or colophon:—

“Presens spalmorum codex venustate capitalium decoratus

Rubricationibus que sufficienter distinctus, Adinventione
artificiosa imprimendi et caracterizandi absque calami ulla
exaratione sic effigiatus. Et ad eusebiam Dei industrie est
consummatus[133] Per Johannem Fust Civem moguntinum Et
Petrum Schöffer de Gernszheim. Anno domini Millesimo
CCCCLVII. In vigilia Assumpcionis.”

The declaration contained in this colophon seems incompatible

with the truth, as well as with the admissions of Schœffer himself,
on other occasions, unless it be understood as applying to the
exquisite initial letters, these being printed wholly in colours, instead
of being sketched in by the hand of the rubricator or coloured by
illuminators. These very letters however, it is believed by some,
including Mr. Humphreys, (see p. 86 of his work,) were the work of
Gutenberg; and M. Fischer in his interesting essay[134] has shewn,
that in several small works[135] which issued from Gutenberg’s press
before the forfeiture of his plant to Faust, the identical letters (the
smaller initials) used in the Psalter, as well as some of those printed
in two colours, and of which he has given fac-similes, appear. But if,
as there is abundant reason to believe was the case, Schœffer was
engaged as an assistant at the Zum Jungen at, or soon after the
year 1450, when Gutenberg first obtained advances from Faust,
these capitals, the beauty of which is undisputed, may have been,
and most probably were, designed by him for the projected works
for which the money was advanced; and, as his ‘inventions,’ and not
the work of Gutenberg, they would be included in the property
which was transferred to Faust on the termination of the law-suit.
Looked at from this point of view, they may be thought to justify the
assertion in the colophon of the Psalter of 1457, although there can
be no doubt but that that work was partly completed while the
whole property was still in the possession of Gutenberg, and that
therefore to him must be attributed the honour of planning, and
cutting the fount of types with which it was executed.

“The most perfect copy known of this work, (says Mr. Timperley,)
is that in the Imperial Library of Vienna. It was discovered in the
year 1665, near Innspruck in the castle of Ambras, where the
Archduke Francis Sigismund had collected a prodigious quantity of
manuscripts and printed books; taken for the most part from the
famous library of Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, from whence it
was transported to Vienna. The book is printed in folio on vellum,
and of such extreme variety, that though not more than six or seven
copies are known to be in existence, all of them differ from each
other in some respect. The Psalter occupies one hundred and thirty-
five, and the recto the hundred and thirty-sixth, and the remaining
forty-one leaves are appropriated to the litany, prayers, responses,
vigils, &c. The Psalms are executed in larger characters than the
hymns; the capital letters are cut in wood, with a degree of delicacy
and boldness which are truly surprising: the largest of them—the
initial letters of the Psalms—which are black, red, and blue, must
have passed three times through the press.”

From 1457 to 1466 the following works were printed by Faust and
Schœffer.

(1) The Psalter, 2d edition.—1459.

(2) Rationale divinorum Officiorum Guillelmi Durandi.—1459.

A folio work consisting of 160 leaves, with the text in two columns
of 63 lines each. For this work two new founts of type were cast, of
smaller sizes than those used for the Psalter of 1457, and Bible of
1455. The first was of the depth of 53 lines to a foot; the smaller 66,
equivalent to the English of type-founders of the present day. The
latter was used for the body of the work.

(3) Constitutiones Clementis V. Papæ cum Apparatu Joannis

Andreæ.—1460.
 This consisted of 51 leaves of folio, two columns to a page. The
text was in the larger of the above two types, surrounded by a
glossary or commentary, ten times its bulk, in the smaller type. Of
this work two subsequent editions were published in 1467 and 1471.

(4) Manifest des Erzbischofs von Mainz, Diether von Isenburg,

gegen Adolph von Nassau.—1462.

(5) Biblia Sacra Latina Vulgatæ editionis, ex translatione et cum

præfatione S. Hieronymi.—1462.

This is the Bible commonly known as the ‘Mentz,’ in order to

distinguish it from the ‘Mazarin.’ It is the first published with a date;
the colophon being nearly the same as that appended to the Psalter
of 1457. It is, however, believed that it was originally issued with the
intention of selling it as manuscript; that portion of the colophon
containing the words “artificiosa adinventione imprimendi seu
caracterizandi absque calami exaratione,” being omitted from some
of the copies. The subsequent insertion of the above words, it is
supposed, was owing to the compulsion of circumstances, which will
be hereafter alluded to. The book consists of 1001 pages, each in
two columns of 48 lines of the same type as that used for the text of
the ‘Constitutiones.’ Copies were printed on both vellum and paper,
many of the larger initials being beautifully illuminated.

(6) Bulla cruciata Sanctissimi Domini nostri Papæ (Pii II.) contra
Turchos.—1464.

The heading is in the Psalter type, the text in that of the

‘Rationale.’

(7) Liber sextus Decretalium Domini Bonifacii Papæ VIII. cum

glossa.—1465.

A work of 141 leaves of large folio, in double columns. The type of

the text is the same as that of the Bible of 1462; the glossary is in
that of the ‘Rationale.’
 (8) M. T. Ciceronis De Officiis Libri III Paradoxa et Versus XII
sapientium.—1465.

This work, “the first tribute of the new art to polite literature,” and
the first in which Greek characters (cut in wood) appeared, is a
handsome quarto (or small folio) of 88 leaves[136] with 28 lines to a
page, in the same type as the ‘Rationale.’ The striking peculiarity of
this book is, that it is the first in which ‘leads,’ spacing the lines apart
from one another, are used. Great care seems to have been taken to
print it with the utmost elegance. The fine large initial letters of the
Psalter of 1457 were again used, printed in blue and red inks; and in
some copies the blank spaces left for illuminated letters were filled
up in the highest style of art. The most elaborately finished
specimens are decorated with borders round the pages, in the same
style and evidently by the same hand that was employed for that
purpose, on the superb copies of the Mazarin Bible of 1455. That the
printers were growing proud of their art is evident by the colophons
they now used. That to the Decretals is in the following terms:—

“Presens hujus sexti Decretalium opus alma in urbe Magontia

inclyte nationis Germanice, quam Dei clementia tam alto ingenii
lumine donoque gratuito ceteris terrarum nacionibus preferre
illustrareque dignatus est. Non atramento, plumali canna, neque
ærea, sed artificiosa quadam adinventione imprimendi, etc. etc.
per Joh. Fust civem et Petrum Schoiffer de Gernsheym. Anno.
Dom. MCCCCLXV. die verò 17, mensis decembris.”

The colophon to the ‘Offices’ differs. It is as follows:—

“Presens Marci Tuly clarissimum opus. Johannes Fust

Mogintinus civis non atramento plumali canna neque ærea, sed
arte quadam perpulcra, Petri manu pueri mei feliciter effeci
finitum Anno MCCCCLXV.”

(9) Grammatica vetus rhytmica.—1466.

 A work of eleven leaves of small folio, in the type of the
‘Rationale.’ The concluding lines are as follows:—

“Actis ter denis jubilaminis octo bis annis

Moguntia Rheni me condit et imprimit amnis
Hinc Nazareni sonet oda per Ora Johannis
Namque sereni luminis est scaturigo perennis.”

In the same year the book “S. Augustini Liber de Arte Predicande”
appeared. It is attributed to the press of Faust and Schœffer, but I
have no means of further particularising it.

The year 1462 was memorable for the siege and sack of Mentz by
the Elector Archbishop, Count Adolphus of Nassau. After the capture
of the city, Faust proceeded to Paris with a supply of Bibles, amongst
which were no doubt a goodly number of the edition only just then
completed. Tradition has it, that he sold one of these Bibles to the
King for 750 crowns, and another to the Archbishop for 300; and
that gradually lowering his prices he at last disposed of copies for 50
and 40 crowns a-piece.[137] The King and the Archbishop, comparing
their purchases, which they had bargained for as manuscripts, found
so exact a conformity between them, as to be convinced that they
were produced by some other method than that of transcribing;
besides which, it was impossible that two such Bibles could be
executed by the same hand in a lifetime. Upon inquiry, it was found
that a considerable number of similar copies had been sold in the
city. Hereupon orders were given to apprehend Faust, who was
accordingly seized, tried for witchcraft, and condemned to be
executed as a wizard in league with the Devil. So runs the tale; in
which fact and fiction have been strangely blended, the latter greatly
predominating,—John Faust the banker, and one of the three first
printers of Mentz, being confounded with Jean Frederic Faust, a
charlatan and almanac maker of the sixteenth century, who to
ensure his almanacs a large sale, advertized them as actually
dictated to him by Beelzebub. It was thus that the legend obtained
currency, that Faust of Mentz invented printing in consequence of a
compact entered into between himself and the Evil One. The
diabolical stigma once attached to the profession, the monks and
scribes, the ‘brief-men’ of the day, took care that it should remain.
Hence the origin of the term “Printer’s Devil,” the by no means
complimentary honorific bestowed upon youngsters on their first
initiation into the mysteries of the Divine and Noble Art.

No doubt the sale of his Bibles in Paris, the great book-mart of the
day, excited a considerable cabal against Faust, on the part of the
scribes; who would readily enough assert that such works could only
have been produced by the aid of witchcraft. An assertion of this
nature was, at that time, dangerous in the extreme to the party
against whom it was made. Authors, writing shortly after the time of
Faust’s visit, say that such a charge was made, and that he had to
leave the city in consequence. The most effectual way of rebutting it
would be the avowal of the method adopted in bringing out the
work, and this was done by the insertion, in freshly printed leaves,
of the words mentioned in page 358 as having been omitted from
the early copies. It has been urged, that it was impossible for Faust
to have attempted the imposition of passing these Bibles off as
manuscripts, inasmuch as he had already divulged the fact of his
printing such works in the imprint to the Psalter of 1457. But that
imprint applied to that work alone; and Faust, who was a sharp man
of business, would not have purposely omitted from the imprint to
the Bible, that part of the sentence which notified that the work was
done “by a newly invented art of casting letters, printing,” &c.,
unless he had intended to derive a profit by so doing. There does
not however, seem to be any foundation for the assertion that he
was brought to trial. His absence from Paris was a very temporary
one. It is certain he was well received by persons of eminence there,
and ultimately succeeded in establishing an agency for the sale of
his books in the city, in spite of the opposition of the scribes. In
1466, he made another business visit to Paris, where he was taken
ill, and died, as some suppose, of a pestilence which was raging at
the time, to which, as he was then seventy-one years of age, he
would have fallen an easy victim. His remains were interred with
honor, in the Church of St. Victor. “An anniversary mass was
afterwards appointed to be said for the repose of his soul, on the
presentation by Peter Schoiffher and Conrad Fust of a copy of the
‘Epistles of Jerome,’ printed on parchment, and considered so
important a work, that the Abbé of St. Victor deemed it right to pay
back the sum of twelve gold crowns, the work exceeding by that
sum the value of the fees due for the annual masses. This fact is
contained in an entry in the ‘Necrology of St. Victor,’ which is
preserved at Paris, in the Bibliothèque Nationale, (MSS. fonds St.
Victor). The copy of the ‘Epistles of St. Jerome’ here alluded to is
now in the library of the Arsenal.”[138]

After Faust’s death, Schœffer continued the business in

partnership with his father-in-law Conrad Faust, who did not
however take an active share in its management, and who died
about the year 1479. Conrad Helif and Dr. Humery seem also to have
been for a time connected with him. From 1467 to 1503, the date of
Schœffer’s death, he printed, according to Wetter, 49 works,[139]
several of which were second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth editions of
those previously issued. The agency which John Faust the elder had
established in Paris for the sale of his books, became an emporium
to which other printers besides Schœffer sent the productions of
their presses. This was managed by one Hermann de Stathoen, who
had been appointed by Schœffer; but he dying in Paris, in 1474, an
unnaturalized foreigner, the whole stock of books in his charge was
confiscated by the King, Louis XI. Schœffer at once made such
representations to the monarch as led to a royal decree, awarding
him the sum of 2425 crowns, by way of compensation for the
confiscated property. Besides the agency at Paris, Schœffer
established business relations at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, where in
1479, he was entered on the roll of burghers. In 1489 he became
one of the secular judges of Mentz. A wealthy, an honoured, and an
influential citizen, he died, it is supposed, in the year 1503. His last
work was a fourth edition of his celebrated Psalter, published in
1502. The next year, his eldest son, John, issued the “Mercurius
Trismegistus,” which is declared in the imprint to be his first work,
and by him the business was continued until 1538.[140]

The death of Schœffer brings us to a point in the narrative, where

we may pause a moment, to note the progress of the art, of which,
next to Gutenberg, he was the most eminent founder. Perhaps no art
ever rose to perfection with such rapidity, after its groundwork had
been completed, as that of Typography. Little more than thirty years
had elapsed from the time of printing the Biblia Pauperum from
wooden blocks, when Gutenberg’s separable hand-cut letters were
followed and superseded by Schœffer’s cast fusile metal types. The
art, which with Faust’s assistance, Gutenberg founded and Schœffer
perfected, remains to this day essentially the same that it was in
1455. Steam power and machinery may to a large extent have
superseded the old hand-press invented by Gutenberg; and the art
of stereotyping may also have multiplied the power of the types in
disseminating and cheapening useful knowledge; but the foundation
and principles of Letter-press Printing remain unaltered and
unalterable. Types, ink, and pressure, still produce books as they
were first produced, and the finest productions of the present day
are not superior in Typographic beauty, or aught else that stamps a
work a masterpiece, to the best efforts of the Fathers of the Art, four
hundred years and more ago.

It has been reserved for the Nineteenth century to render due

honor to the “grand Typographical Triumvirate,” as they have been
termed, for the noble Art by which

“New shape and voice the immaterial thought

Takes from the invented speaking page sublime;
The Ark which mind has for it refuge wrought,
Its floating Archive down the floods of Time.”
 With this object in view, the Gutenberg Society, to which all the
writers of the Rhenish provinces belong, meet yearly at Mentz, there
to celebrate the fame of Gutenberg, the chief inventor. And in 1837,
a grateful posterity, animated by similar sentiments, erected in the
same city, in commemoration of the Four Hundredth anniversary of
the Origin of the Art, a monumental statue to his memory. On the
festival at the inauguration of the statue (August 14, and following
days), the Provost of Mentz published an address, to the following
sentences from which every reader will doubtless most cordially
assent. “If,” says the ardent Provost, “the mortal who invented that
method of fixing the fugitive sounds of words which we call the
Alphabet, has operated on mankind like a divinity, so also has
Gutenberg’s genius brought together the once isolated inquirers,
teachers and learners,—all the scattered and divided efforts for
extending God’s kingdom over the whole civilized earth,—as though
beneath one temple. Gutenberg’s invention, not a lucky accident, but
the golden fruit of a well considered idea,—an invention made with a
perfect consciousness of its end,—has, above all other causes, for
more than four centuries, urged forward and established the
dominion of science; and what is of the utmost importance, has
immeasurably advanced the mental formation and education of the
people. This invention, a true intellectual sun, has mounted above
the horizon, first of the European Christians, and then of the people
of other climes and other faiths, to an ever-enduring morning. It has
made the return of barbarism, the isolation of mankind, the reign of
darkness, impossible for all future times. It has established a public
opinion,—a court of moral judicature common to all civilized nations,
whatever natural divisions may separate them, as much as for the
provinces of one and the same state. In a word, it has formed
fellow-labourers at the never-resting loom of Christian European
civilization in every quarter of the world, in almost every island of
the ocean.”

The example set by the citizens of Mentz was a few years later
followed by those of Strasburg, in which city, as already stated,
Gutenberg’s earliest efforts were made; nor were the inhabitants of
Frankfort-on-the-Maine long behind,—excelling even those of
Strasburg and Mentz, by combining in one grand group the statues
of Gutenberg, Faust and Schœffer. Of these several specimens of the
sculptor’s art Mr. Humphreys gives the following account:—

“It was not till the nineteenth century that worthy memorials
of the great founder of the Printing-Press in Germany were
erected. The first was that at Mayence. As a statue it is not
equal to the one of Coster at Haarlem, although the work of
Thorwaldsen. It was executed at Rome in 1835, and cast in
Paris in 1837. The gown of the period with its fur collar, or
rather cape, is effective enough as a mere matter of costume,
and so is the furred cap closely copied from supposed authentic
portraits of Gutenberg. One hand holds a book, and the other,
types; but the general effect is tame and unimpressive. It is well
that the great name of Thorwaldsen should be thus allied to
that of Gutenberg, but it is not one of the great Dane’s most
successful works. The inscription, stating that it was erected by
the citizens of Mayence, with the concurrence of the whole of
Europe, is grandly simple, as it ought to be.

“The statue at Strasburg, the scene of Gutenberg’s first

typographic efforts, is the work of the celebrated French
sculptor David d’Anger, and the market-place in which it is
erected is now called La Place Gutenberg. The position of the
figure is full of life and spirit; a proof-sheet is held proudly
forward, bearing the inscription, as though in answer to one of
the first fiats of Creation—‘Let there be light.’ It is intended to
express that, through the medium of the Printing Press,
intellectual light came, as expressed in the words, ‘And there
was light.’ On the pedestal are four bassi-relievi, in which the
dissemination of knowledge by means of the Printing Press is
illustrated. In the one on the front, all the great authors of
modern Europe are grouped round a Printing Press; among
them Shakespeare, Corneille, Bacon, Dante, Voltaire, and
Goethe, are conspicuous.
 “The Memorial at Frankfort is, on the whole, more impressive
than either of the preceding. It consists of three separate
statues, forming together a single group. The statues are those
of Gutenberg, Faust and Schœffer, who each assisted in the first
great work of founding the Printing Press in Germany, and
whose memorials found a fitting place in the imperial city, which
was still the seat of the Germanic Diet at the time of the
Memorial in 1837. The subsidiary figures which embellish the
face of the structure,—Literature, &c., &c.—are very good and
appropriate. The entire composition is imposingly raised on
steps connected with the secondary pedestals, which support
the allegorical figures. Altogether, the memorial is a fine one.
But it has one defect—there is no name nor description of any
kind—so that travellers unacquainted with the subject, might
mistake the group for that of any other celebrated triumvirate. A
statue, even of Shakespeare, should be accompanied at least by
the simple name.”[141]

Still, although Gutenberg is most justly entitled to the honour of

being considered the inventor of the Art of Typography, as now
practised in Europe, he was not, in fact, the first who printed books
from separate moveable types. In this, as in block printing, the
Chinese again bear away the palm. For, singularly enough, it is
ascertained that although the general mode of printing in China is,
and always has been, from wooden blocks, yet separable letters
were known to the Chinese as early as the Eleventh century. For a
time, single characters made of clay and baked hard were used in
that empire, but were soon abandoned for the mode now almost
universally practised, except for the Imperial Calendar, published
once a quarter, and the Pekin Gazette, issued daily, which are still
wretchedly printed from moveable types made of a plastic gum.

The account of the invention is too interesting to be omitted. In

the period King-li (between 1041 and 1048) one of the people, a
blacksmith named Pi-ching, invented another manner of printing
with ho-pan, or tablets formed of moveable types. This name is still
retained in the Imperial Printing Office at Pekin. On a fine and
glutinous earth, formed into plates, Pi-ching engraved the characters
most in use. Each character was a type. These he burnt in the fire to
harden them. When he wished to print he took a frame of iron,
divided interiorly and perpendicularly by strips of the same metal
(Chinese being read vertically); this he laid on a table of sheet iron
coated with a fusible gum composed of resin, wax, and lime; he
then inserted the types, placing them one close against the other.
Each frame, when filled, formed a tablet. This was brought near the
fire to make the gum melt, after which a level piece of wood was
pressed forcibly on the surface of the types, by which means they
were pushed down into the gum and became firm and even as a
stone. The tablets were then printed from in the usual manner.
When a new character was wanted it was immediately prepared on
the spot, and the inventor shewed the advantage of clay over wood;
there was neither grain nor porosity, with a greater facility of
separation from the gum when required for distribution.

At Pi-ching’s death, all this apparatus was carefully preserved by

his successors. Printing, however, went on in the old way, the reason
being that the Chinese has not, as other languages, an alphabet
made up of a few characters, with which all sorts of books may be
printed, but a separate type is wanted for every word; and as the
language is divided into classes of 106 sounds, so 106 cases (part of
the furniture of a Printing Office) would be required, each one to
contain a prodigious number of types, thus rendering the mechanical
task of composing and distributing, one of enormous difficulty and
labour. It was easier and cheaper to follow the usual method, and
print either from blocks of wood or plates of stereotyped copper.[142]

All honour to the memory of Pi-ching, the Chinese blacksmith! One

might almost be tempted to suppose, did we but believe in the
doctrine of metempsychosis, that after a lapse of 400 years,
disgusted at the neglect of his invention in the East, his spirit
migrated to the West, and that in Gutenberg he was permitted to be
born again. A like spirit animated them both, and to the end of time
their labours will live and their memories be blest.

The account given in the foregoing description of the method of

composing his types used by Pi-ching, is not very dissimilar to that
said to have been adopted by the first Typographers of the Western
World. Frames, or coffins, were made of planks of wood, in which
rectangular hollows were cut the size of the pages to be printed; and
in these the types, after having been strung together, were placed in
horizontal lines, the ends of the lines and the bottoms of the pages
being tightly wedged in, to prevent slips and damage while on the
press.

All works printed during the first few years after the invention of
Typography, were of the size of large or small folio. The latter was
what is now-a-days called quarto, from the sheets being folded into
four;—then, for the smaller size, whole sheets were cut into two, on
each of which two pages were printed, in order to suit the presses,
and the stocks of type the printers possessed. These sheets, or half
sheets, were printed in sections of 3, 4, or 5, called ternions,
quaternions, and quinternions. On the backs of these sections strips
of parchment were sometimes pasted, to guard against tears when
the sheets were stitched together by the book-binder. The first and
third pages so printed were called those on the recto of the sheet,
the second and fourth those on the verso. A quaternion consisted of
eight formes; the first, containing pages 1 and 16, and the second 2
and 15, formed the outer sheet; the next sheet consisted of pages 3
and 14, 4 and 13, the third and fourth formes; the third sheet
consisted of pages 5 and 12, 6 and 11, the fifth and sixth formes;
the fourth sheet consisted of pages 7 and 10, 8 and 9, the seventh
and eighth formes; the next quaternion commenced with pages 17
and 32, and so on. When all the formes were printed, the sheets of
which the quaternion consisted were folded one inside the other, the
pages then reading regularly on from the first to the sixteenth. So
long as books represented fac-similes of manuscripts,—which was
the object originally aimed at,—to print in this way was a matter
easily accomplished. But as the new art drove out the old, and
scribes turned compositors and pressmen, and manuscripts came to
be carelessly written, this could no longer be done. Larger founts of
type then became necessary, to enable the printer to complete the
whole number of pages contained in the section; and to avoid this
necessity as much as possible, quartos, octavos, and duodecimos
would be resorted to, a single sheet folded and re-folded serving
equally as well in binding as a ternion, quaternion, or quinternion of
folio sheets. This, of course, led to the ‘imposition’ of pages in
formes of 4, 8, and 12 pages and upwards, according to the size of
the book printed.

Title-pages, folios, running head-lines, catch-lines, signatures, and

imprints with dates and names, were matters about which the
Fathers of Typography did not at first much concern themselves.
Their orthography, as well as their divisions of words, was arbitrary;
their abbreviations abominable, and their punctuation absurd; the
comma and the semicolon were unknown, the points made use of
being an oblique dash (/) the colon (:) and the full point (.); these
were occasionally varied as follows, ./ /. /˙ ./˙ ˙/. // ∴ .:. ∴:∴ &c. A
straight dash | supplied the place of a hyphen, and a parallel ||
indicated the end of a paragraph. The first leaf of a book was
generally left a blank, and a blank space was left at the head of the
commencing chapter of a work, to be filled up with a vignette or an
illuminated scroll. Spaces were also left for initial capitals, and for
capitals commencing sentences, when small letters were not used
instead. These were so left in order to be filled in by the rubricator,
who sometimes carelessly inserted a wrong letter. Names of persons
and places were printed indifferently with or without capitals.[143]
But in all these matters the printers merely followed bad examples—
that of the scribes whose downfall they were effecting. One feature
is especially characteristic of the oldest books, viz. the irregularity of
the lines on the right hand margin of the columns or pages,
particularly when the larger kinds of type were used. This arose from
the mode of composing, which interfered with the spacing out of the
words to the ends of the lines. When however that ingenious
implement, the metal composing stick—the printer’s space-
compelling gauge,—was invented, this defect was remedied; and
before the first generation of printers passed away, all the blemishes
above recounted had disappeared from the works of those who
deserve to be distinguished as Masters in their Art. The engraving
given below will explain the nature of this implement better than any
written description. The slide, running parallel with the head, with its
slotted foot into which was inserted the nut for the screw which
passed through and fastened it down to the ledge on which the
types rested, enabled the compositor to ‘set’ his types with accuracy
to any measure required, and to space out the words to the right
hand, so as to make them line in the margin as straight and even as
the commencing letters on the left hand. With the aid of the useful
adjunct to the ‘stick,’ the ‘setting-rule,’—(a strip of brass the height
and length of the line, with a projecting neb at the top right hand
corner)—he could compose line after line with ease and speed. The
special use of the ‘rule’ was to prevent the letters as they were lifted
into the ‘stick,’ catching on those of the line below, which, without
the interposition of the polished strip of brass, they were liable to do
from the nicks in their shanks. When the ‘stick’ was full, he could
also with the assistance of the ‘rule’ empt out its number of lines
into his ‘galley,’ where, when a sufficient number was collected, they
would be made into pages, ready for the forme. The inventor of the
composing stick is not known; but as it appears in the hands of the
compositor in the engraving facing page 116, and the original of that
engraving was first printed about 1498, and the ‘stick’ must have
then been in use for some time; and as the principle of the slide is
analogous to that which would be adopted in regulating the width of
the chamber in the moulds for casting types, it is highly probable
that the credit of its invention is due to Schœffer, who had previously
immortalized himself by inventing the art of type-founding.
 Besides the appearance of the insides of early printed books, their
ordinary outside bindings demand attention here. Many of the finer
specimens were cased in sumptuous covers, in which the art of the
goldsmith and jeweller was richly displayed; but for common use a
stiff sheet of parchment generally sufficed, the edges of which were
folded in, a blank leaf being pasted over them. Others, somewhat
superior, had boards of beech or oak for their sides, over which was
pasted a sheep-skin leather, on which figures were stamped or
embossed;[144] while others again had stiff covers made of waste
sheets, or remnants of unsaleable copies, cut down and pasted
together. These last have furnished many unique specimens of the
works of the earliest printers; and whenever any such are suspected
to lie beneath an ancient book-cover, the cover is carefully removed
and subjected to a variety of processes to separate its parts, and
compel it to give up to the ardent gaze of the palæotypographist, its
possible treasure of an invaluable unique specimen of the work of a
Gutenberg, a Schœffer, a Zell, a Jenson, a Martens, a Caxton, or
some other worthy of the olden time.
FOOTNOTES:
[132] “The early printers generally marked their
publications by some monogram or cipher peculiar
to themselves, and containing their initials, their
arms, or some curious device. These are all well
known to the initiated bibliopole, and their
presence on a title-page is received as evidence of
the genuineness of a scarce copy. The oldest of
them is that of Faust and Schœffer, annexed to
their first Psalter, and consisting of two shields tied
together and hanging from a branch.
Raphelengius, of Leyden, adopted the anchor;
Sporinus of Basle, chose the arion; Jansen of
Amsterdam, the sphere; the Elzevirs exhibited the
olive tree, and the celebrated Aldus had for a
device, the anchor and dolphin.”—(“History of
Printing,” published by the Society for Promoting
Christian Knowledge). Gotfridus de Os, of Gouda,
had for his device an elephant and castle,
combined with the arms of the city.
[133] In the colophon to the second edition of
this Psalter, printed in 1459, the word ‘spalmorum’
is corrected to ‘psalmorum,’ and instead of the
words “ad eusebiam Dei industrie est
consummatus” etc., the following occur:—“ad
laudem Dei ac honorem sancti Jacobi est
consummatus per Johannem Fust, civem
moguntinem et Petrum Schoiffer de Gernszheim
clericum. Anno Domini millesimo CCCCLIX, XXIX
die mensis Augusti.”
[134]“Essai sur les Monumens Typographiques
de Jean Gutenberg, à Mayence, l’an X.” [1801.]
[135] Among the works referred to was a
Donatus. Mr. Humphreys, remarking upon these
letters, says:—“If these initials, of which M. Fischer
gives admirable fac-similes, were really executed
under the direction of Gutenberg, they must of
necessity greatly enhance the wonder and
admiration felt for the author of the marvellously
perfect workmanship of the first Bible; and also
detract, to an equal extent, from the repute long
held by Schoiffher as the Printer of the famous
Psalter, with its fine coloured initials vaunted as
the work of the press alone, and not produced by
the illuminator’s pencil; for if M. Fischer be correct
in attributing the work in question to Gutenberg,
then the credit of the initials printed in colours in
the Psalter must also be given to Gutenberg, as all
the lesser initials in that noble specimen of the
printer’s art, are the identical letters found by M.
Fischer illustrating the ‘Donatus’ attributed by him
without hesitation to the press of Gutenberg, as
being printed with the same type as the first Bible.
The fine free style of these letters, and their
perfect execution, is very remarkable.... That the
‘Donatus’ in question was printed, not only before
Schoiffher’s Psalter, but also before the Bible,
appears incontrovertibly proved by the fact, that
the five leaves in question of this ‘Donatus,’ were
found in the cover of a book of accounts dated