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China, East Asia and the
Global Economy

Takeshi Hamashita, arguably Asia’s premier historian of the longue durée, has been
instrumental in opening a new field of inquiry in Chinese, East Asian and world
historical research. Engaging modernization, Marxist and world system approaches,
his wide-ranging redefinition of the evolving relationships between the East Asia
regional system and the world economy from the sixteenth century to the present has
sent ripples throughout Asian and international scholarship.
His research has led him to reconceptualize the position of China first in the con-
text of an East Asian regional order and subsequently within the framework of a
wider Euro-American-Asian trade and financial order that was long gestating within,
and indeed contributing to the shape of, the world market.
This book presents a selection of essays from Takeshi Hamashita’s oeuvre on Asian
political economy and geopolitics to introduce this important historian’s work to the
English speaking reader. It examines the many critical issues surrounding China and
East Asia’s incorporation into the world economy, including:

• Maritime perspectives on China, Asia and the world economy

• Intra-Asian tribute and trade
• Chinese state finance and the tributary trade system
• Banking currency and finance
• Maritime customs and Imperialism.

Takeshi Hamashita is Professor in the Faculty of International Communications

at Ryukoku University, Japan and Professor in the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies at
Sun Yat-sen University, China.

Mark Selden is Research Fellow on the East Asia Program at Cornell University,
USA and Coordinator of the Asia Pacific e-journal Japan Focus.

Linda Grove is Professor of History in the Faculty of Liberal Arts at Sophia

University, Japan.
Asia’s transformations
Edited by Mark Selden
Binghamton and Cornell Universities, USA

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This series comprises several strands:

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Debating Human Rights Remaking the Chinese State

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Southeast Asia Women and the Family in Chinese

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China Unbound The Chinese State in Ming Society
Evolving perspectives on the Timothy Brook
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China’s Past, China’s Future Takeshi Hamashita
Energy, food, environment Edited by Mark Selden and Linda Grove
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China, East Asia and the
Global Economy
Regional and historical perspectives

Takeshi Hamashita
Edited by Linda Grove and Mark Selden
First published 2008 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Ave, 3rd Floor, New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group,
an informa business
© 2008 Takeshi Hamashita, Mark Selden and Linda Grove
Typeset in Times New Roman by
Swales & Willis Ltd, Exeter, Devon
Printed and bound in Great Britain by
CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham, Wiltshire
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Hamashita, Takeshi, 1943–
China, East Asia and the global economy : regional and historical
perspectives / by Takeshi Hamashita ; edited by Linda Grove and
Mark Selden.
p.cm.
1. China–Commerce–History. 2. China–Economic conditions.
3. East Asia–Commerce–History. 4. East Asia–Economic conditions.
I. Grove, Linda, 1944– II. Selden, Mark. III. Title.
HF3834.H352008
382.0951–dc22
2007049226

ISBN10: 0–415–46458–7 (hbk)

ISBN10: 0–415–46459–5 (pbk)
ISBN10: 0–203–89556–8 (ebk)

ISBN13: 978–0–415–46458–1 (hbk)

ISBN13: 978–0–415–46459–8 (pbk)
ISBN13: 978–0–203–89556–6 (ebk)
Contents

List of figures x
List of tables xi

1 Editors’ introduction: new perspectives on China, East Asia,

and the global economy 1

2 The tribute trade system and modern Asia 12

3 Despotism and decentralization in Chinese governance:

taxation, tribute, and emigration 27

4 Silver in regional economies and the world economy: East

Asia in the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries 39

5 The Ryukyu maritime network from the fourteenth to

eighteenth centuries: China, Korea, Japan, and Southeast Asia 57

6 Maritime Asia and treaty port networks in the Era of

Negotiation: tribute and treaties, 1800–1900 85

7 Foreign trade finance in China: silver, opium, and world

market incorporation, 1820s to 1850s 114

8 China and Hong Kong in the British Empire in the late

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries 145

9 Overseas Chinese financial networks: Korea, China, and

Japan in the late nineteenth century 167

Notes 179
Index 201
List of figures

2.1 The Chinese world system 17

2.2 Tribute relations 20
2.3 Satellite tribute relations 20
2.4 Tribute trade system 20
4.1 World silver flows, 1650–1750 41
4.2 Mutual relationships of gold, silver, and copper 44
5.1 Pages from the Lidai Baoan 58
5.2 Ryukyu tributary ship at Naha Port 59
5.3 Trade routes of the Ryukyu Kingdom, fourteenth to mid-
sixteenth century 67
5.4 Five layers of maritime governance 78
6.1 Asian seas 86
6.2 Maritime zones from Northeast Asia to the Indian Ocean 89
6.3 Treaty ports, opened cities, and important trading points in
East Asia in the 1880s 98
6.4 Trading points along the Sino-Korean border illustrating
the 1882 Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade
between Chinese and Korean Subjects 99
8.1 Intermediary trade: tonnage of vessels entering Hong Kong
by region of origin, 1896–1905 150
8.2 Home remittance 158
8.3 Transfer of home remittance 159
List of tables

3.1 Reasons for emigration to the South Seas 36

3.2 Local income and remittance income for Chinese
households, 1934–1935 37
4.1 American precious metals production and Spanish
receipts, 1571–1700 43
4.2 The Dutch East India Company’s exports of silver and
gold from Japan, 1640–1699 51
6.1 China’s trade with Korea, 1883–1910 110
7.1 Silver drain from China, 1823–1851 117
7.2 China’s balance of trade in 1847 118
7.3 India’s import and export of gold and silver vis-à-vis
China, 1832–1854 122
7.4 America’s trade with China, 1842–1856 127
7.5 Tonnage of foreign trading vessels entering Canton, 1844–1855 127
7.6 Exchange rate and silver quotation in Canton, 1845–1849 130
7.7 Exchange rate in Shanghai, 1843–1848 130
7.8 Sale and returns from the ship Flora (and one part from
Sarah Louisa) at Shanghai, October 1844 135
8.1 Comparative values of China’s principal export and
import items, 1904 148
8.2 China’s liabilities and assets in international trade, 1904 149
8.3 Singapore’s exports and imports, 1896 and 1904 151
8.4 Indochina’s intermediary trade, 1905 151
8.5 Movement of gold and silver through Hong Kong, 1904 152
8.6 Fujian Province (Sanduao, Fuzhou, Amoy) trade
statistics, 1899–1912 153
8.7 Chinese emigrants to Singapore and Penang, 1890–1915 156
8.8 Foreign bank branches and agents in Asia, 1858–1912 160
8.9 Hongkong and Shanghai Bank accounts receivable in
gold and silver, 1895–1913 163
8.10A Hong Kong finance trade statistics, September 30, 1879
and 1889 164
8.10B Kowloon Maritime Customs trade statistics, 1889 164
xii List of tables
9.1 Gold and silver trade in Inch’ǒn, 1886–1893 171
9.2 Import and export trade of Inch’ǒn and Pusan between
Japan and China, 1885–1893 173
9.3 Trade of gold, silver, and commodities in Inch’ǒn and
Pusan, 1885–1893 177
1 Editors’ introduction*
New perspectives on China, East
Asia, and the global economy

Takeshi Hamashita, arguably Asia’s premier historian of the longue durée,

has been instrumental in opening a new field of inquiry in Chinese, East
Asian, and world historical research. The stones that he has cast in the pond
of historical interpretation have sent ripples throughout Japanese, Chinese,
and international scholarship. Central to his approach has been the attempt
to redefine the evolving relationships between the East Asia regional system
and the world economy from the sixteenth century to the present. His
research has led him to reconceptualize the position of China first in the
context of an East Asian regional order and subsequently within the frame-
work of a wider Euro-American-Asian trade and financial order that was
long gestating within, and indeed contributing to the shape of, the world
market.
As a graduate student at Tokyo University in the early 1970s, Hamashita
joined a group of younger scholars who were beginning to question the
dominant paradigms in writing about Chinese and East Asian history from
the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Their own teachers had been part of
the postwar generation of Japanese historians who had challenged theories
dominant in the prewar period emphasizing the stagnation of the Chinese
economy and society. Reflecting on the terrible devastation that the war had
brought to all of Asia, and most notably to China and Japan, the postwar
generation was convinced that historical interpretations of a stagnant China
and Asia had played a role in justifying Japanese aggression in China and
throughout Asia and the Pacific. In overturning the theories of a long-
stagnant Asia, most of the postwar researchers had applied Marxist analy-
tical schemes to the study of such themes as rural handicraft industries,
land ownership and land relations, popular rebellions, taxation and insti-
tutional reform, and social classes, especially the gentry.1 Their work had
uncovered a Chinese economy and society in the Ming and Qing periods that
was far from stagnant. Their careful reading of Chinese local histories and
other sources led them to overturn the image of Ming-Qing stagnation in
favor of one that highlighted the development of distinctive new economic
and social relations in the countryside. It was also a society full of tensions,
which frequently led to popular revolt. While Hamashita and his generation
2 Editors’ introduction
found much to admire in the work of their teachers, postwar developments in
Asia suggested that new approaches were needed. The search for solutions
beyond the Marxist framework grew out of questions related to develop-
ments in China, Japan, and other parts of Asia. On the Chinese side, the
Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s had shaken the faith of many who had
originally seen socialism as an alternative model for economic growth—one
that promised not only economic expansion but also equality and social
justice. And for some, it was one that carried an aura of historical inevit-
ability. At the same time, the rapid growth of the Japanese economy, and the
beginnings of similar developments in other Asian countries, suggested that
the dependency theories which had argued that it would be impossible for late
developing states to free themselves from subordinate status in the world
capitalist economy were flawed.2
Hamashita’s re-reading of Asian economic history began with a critique of
the dominant approaches in postwar Japan and in international scholarship.
Scholarly discourse had long been shaped by two major approaches: John K.
Fairbank and his students and colleagues had developed a school of inter-
pretation that focused on the “Western impact and Asian responses” in
nineteenth- and twentieth-century East Asia. Scholars working in that trad-
ition had used diplomatic records and the records of the Maritime Customs
service to chart the changes in China and East Asia as a result of the aggres-
sive expansion of Western trade and diplomacy in Asia, and to examine the
economic, political, and intellectual impacts of Western ideas and institu-
tions in Asia and the Pacific. In this view, the primary agency for change in
China and Asia lay with the dynamics set in motion by the Euro-American
powers in the age of imperialism and after, linking studies of a supposedly
stagnant Asia to the modernization theories that were a major theme among
scholars working in the fields of economic and social development.
Hamashita and his colleagues also began to question the views of postwar
Japanese scholars who had focused on the feudal nature of Chinese society in
the Ming and Qing and the internal collapse of that feudal system in the post-
Opium War era. Hamashita and his generation were questioning some of the
fundamental presuppositions of several generations of Chinese and Japanese
historians, who had struggled from the 1920s onward to fit Asian history into
Marxist frameworks.3
Their questioning of Marxist interpretations of a “feudal China” began
more than a decade before the collapse of socialism. The challenge to Marxist
analytical categories had begun with questions about the sharp break that
was usually assumed to exist between “feudal” and “modern” societies.
Examining China’s interaction—first through trade—with the rest of Asia
from the sixteenth century on, they identified more continuities in economy
and society than dramatic breaks associated with the shock of the “Western
impact.” Like their teachers, they saw development in the Ming-Qing econ-
omy. But where the earlier generation had sought to explain why China had
not produced a European-style capitalist revolution, analyzing the so-called
 Editors’ introduction 3
“sprouts of capitalism” in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries in order to
grasp what had prevented them from developing a full-blown capitalist eco-
nomy, Hamashita turned to an analysis of the indigenous system of tribute
trade, the role of silver in creating a China-centered Asian trading sphere.
Hamashita’s work thus broke sharply both with Marxist categories and
with the standard modernization story that highlighted a one-dimensional
and one-directional understanding of China’s, and East Asia’s, “incorpo-
ration” into the capitalist world economy. In particular he rejected views
that the process started from a relatively “backward” and stagnant starting
point and that attributed exclusive agency to the Western powers. Paying
equal attention to historic patterns of trade and tribute in East Asia, he
began to explore the interface of Western and Asian trade and finance,
not only in the epoch of Chinese and East Asian strength in the sixteenth
to the eighteenth centuries, but also during its multifaceted decline and
transformation in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Hamashita was among the first to document the fact that the heart of
the Asian economic zone historically, and the key to its linkage with the
world economy as early as the sixteenth century, was silver exchange. While
European and American scholarship on East Asia long focused on commo-
dity trade (tea, silk, ceramics, and opium), Hamashita delved deeply into the
nature of silver flows as characteristic initially of the Asian trading world,
and subsequently as a key to understanding global flows including Europe
and the Americas in deep interaction with Asia. Indeed, the large-scale flow
of silver from the Americas to China beginning in the sixteenth century
linked the major world regions. Where international scholarship closely
attended to the outflow of silver from China at the time of the Opium War,
Hamashita’s research showed the centrality of silver in China’s and Asia’s
economies from the sixteenth century and even earlier, while highlighting the
critical role that silver played in linking Asian and Euro-American economies
as well as transforming the domestic economy of China. Stated differently,
the silver-lined story that Hamashita tells begins not with the multiple dis-
asters associated with the drainage of silver to pay for opium or with the
defeat in the Opium War that led to China’s forced opening on terms dictated
by the Western powers, and the associated loss of sovereignty associated with
the Treaty Ports and extraterritoriality, but with the long epoch of Chinese
trading predominance resulting in massive silver flows into China from Asia,
Europe, and the Americas in exchange for silk, tea, porcelain, and other
manufactures. Silver provides a thread that ties China, Asia, and the world
economy through diverse perspectives developed through multiple research
projects spanning five centuries, all of them informed in one fashion or
another by Hamashita’s research. These include:

• Maritime perspectives on China, Asia, and the world economy. In con-

trast to the long-dominant statecentric and land-centered China scholar-
ship, Hamashita’s work highlights maritime China and maritime Asia,
4 Editors’ introduction
with commerce and finance at the center and silver as the medium of
trade and finance from the sixteenth century forward.
• The structure of intra-Asian trade networks. Beyond the tributary sys-
tem and the centrality of silver is a spatial vision centered less on national
economies and state policies and more on open ports and their hinter-
lands, one that draws attention to maritime intercourse and the peri-
phery, and that calls into question the statecentric parameters that have
long dominated scholarship. It is an approach that requires new spatial
understanding of the relationship between land and sea, and between
coastal and inland regions and their interconnections. It is also one that
anticipates current scholarship by Saskia Sassen and others highlighting
global city networks emerging in the long twentieth century.4 Moreover,
despite its maritime orientation, it also anticipates recent scholarship
by Peter Perdue, Evelyn Rawski, Pamela Crossley, Mark Elliott, and
others reconceptualizing China–Inner Asia geopolitical and economic
structures in terms of a multinational Chinese Empire and its rivals.5
• Chinese state finance and the tributary trade system of the sixteenth
to eighteenth centuries. Again, silver is shown to be the primary medium
of exchange both internal to China as well as regionally and globally,
with major items in both official and private trade including rice, silk,
marine products, porcelain, tea, and spices. Through the study of chang-
ing silver–copper ratios, Hamashita examines financial patterns central
both to state finance and the economics and welfare of the Chinese and
Asian populations.
• Banking and finance as vehicles for exploring not only China’s trade but
also migration and remittances involving Asia and the world economy.
A direct extension of changing trade patterns in the last half of the
nineteenth century was the sustained migration of Chinese to Southeast
Asia, the Americas and elsewhere, and with it, the remittance of silver
and new banking networks linking the coastal communities of South
China and migrant populations overseas. Remittances were critical not
only to the families of migrants. They also provided foundations for
the creation of Chinese banking networks in China and internationally.
In this way, Hamashita extends his range from the flow of goods to the
flow of silver to the movements of people and the return flow of goods
and silver that are products of their migration from China to Asia, the
Americas, and beyond. He also shows the continued expansive character
of China in Asia at a time of government collapse and disintegration.
• The Maritime Customs system of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
This is the story of a hybrid institutional structure that framed economic-
financial and political relations between China and the Powers in the
era of Western predominance. The research highlights the resources and
the institutional accommodations as well as the initiatives that enabled
China to resist colonization while forced to accommodate to Western
power and reach.6
 Editors’ introduction 5
One characteristic feature of Hamashita’s œuvre is his emphasis on the
roles played by China and Asia in longue durée perspective in shaping the
parameters of the world economy. This is all the more significant because of
the tendency in the reappraisals of imperialism beginning with S. B. Saul,
J. Gallagher, R. Robinson, and D. C. M. Platt, also evident in the work of
Mōri Kenzō, to treat Asia in a negative or exclusively reactive fashion.7
Hamashita’s work was stimulated by and in turn stimulated the work of
a number of other Japanese scholars of his generation who were working
on related problems. While Hamashita’s starting point was China and its
involvement in Asian trade, many of his colleagues were specialists in Japanese
history. Sugihara Kaoru, who was a graduate student in economics at Tokyo
University at the same time Hamashita was pursuing graduate studies in
Chinese history and who has subsequently taught at the School of Oriental
and African Studies (University of London), Osaka University, and Kyoto
University, had begun to look at intra-Asian trade as a way to explain the
rapid growth of the Japanese economy in the prewar period.8 Several others
specializing in Japanese economic history—including Sugiyama Shinya, who
would go on to a post at Keio University, and Kawakatsu Heita, who is now
at the International Research Center for Japanese Studies in Kyoto—used the
records of foreign trading companies to explore late nineteenth-century
Asian markets.9 The work of Sugihara, Sugiyama, and Kawakatsu would
lead to quite different formulations. However, all shared Hamashita’s view of
the importance of intra-Asian trading networks that predated the arrival of
Western trading firms. While Sugihara, Sugiyama and Kawakatsu focused on
the trade in specific commodities, Tashiro Kazui had begun a meticulous
study of the Japanese-Korean trade through Tsushima that had played a
major role in the circulation of silver during the Edo period.10 This flourish-
ing of Japanese scholarship on tribute and trade was part of a wider effort to
relocate China and Japan within the context of global history.11 Beginning in
the 1970s, an increasing number of research projects sought to locate Japan
within the context of Asian and global history.
Japanese research was influential in shaping new challenges in Western
scholarship, as seen in the findings of researchers including R. Bin Wong,
Kenneth Pomeranz, Andre Gunder Frank, Gary Hamilton, Timothy Brook,
Francesca Bray, Tony Reid, Geoffrey Wade, Li Tana, Nola Cooke, and
Giovanni Arrighi. These historians have sought the origins of Asian and
particularly Chinese economic and financial strength in the pre-nineteenth-
century political economy of the tributary trade system that periodically
brought order, peace, and economic interchange to the region and enabled it
to deal from strength in forging links with the Western and global economy
from the sixteenth century.12 In these and other instances, important new
directions were in part the product of Hamashita’s influence, and in many
cases grew out of collaborative research both in the archives and in joint
research projects. For example, Hamashita’s interest in the question of remit-
tances by Chinese merchants and workers led him to develop close working
6 Editors’ introduction
relations with scholars in South China and Southeast Asia who shared simi-
lar concerns, and his work on the Chinese merchants and bankers in Korea
led to collaboration with Korean scholars, while his work on intra-Asian
trade and the implications for Chinese history led him to work with many
scholars in America and Europe who were interested in the new field of
global history. Hamashita’s interests have by no means been limited to
China’s and Asia’s external relations. They extend, rather, from domestic
Chinese financial and trading institutions, such as native banks, guilds, and
regional and local markets and income pooling schemes to the Asian and
global interplay of political, financial, and economic relationships. A central
concern has been to show how regional and global forces interacted with
economic institutions and practices in China and Asia, and how such con-
tacts both influenced the regional and global economies and transformed
Chinese economy and society.
Hamashita’s work highlights the role Asia and China played in the early
development of world capitalism—a role charted primarily through the study
of trade and silver flows—that is among the most important challenges to
Eurocentric scholarship. It also anticipates the wave of regional-global scholar-
ship since the 1980s that finds in the pre-nineteenth-century order some of
the roots of Asia’s economic surge of the late twentieth century.
Hamashita’s choice of finance as a primary subject of inquiry was a
response to his Tokyo University thesis, which examined the establishment of
the first cotton spinning mill by Li Hongzhang in Shanghai and the sub-
sequent Self-Strengthening Movement of the years 1861 to 1895, a study that
extended through to the 1920s. He moved beyond the study of the modern
cotton industry not only because he saw the conceptual limitations of trying
to explain the whole economic structure through a single commodity or a
single element of capital, but also because he recognized the dynamic of the
many different strands of Chinese textile production outside the modern
sector.
The first banking project he undertook, beginning in the early 1980s, cen-
tered on the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank. Joining the Hong Kong-based
project, which was directed by Frank King, Hamashita secured access to the
archive, which was closed to other researchers at that time. This led from
study of the Japanese silver yen and the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank to an
examination of overseas remittances in which banks played a pivotal role.
Here he came to the realization that for all the power exercised by Western
colonizers at the commanding heights, in economic and financial terms,
colonialism in Asia was, in important senses, a surface phenomenon. In
China and throughout most of the colonized areas of East Asia in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it was Chinese mercantile and finan-
cial interests that penetrated to the grassroots in both cities and countryside,
and which provided Asia-wide shipping, trade, and financial linkages span-
ning the region. It was Chinese financiers who organized the local economy,
who arranged the transport of Chinese laborers overseas, and who handled
 Editors’ introduction 7
the transmission of remittances back to China. This understanding of the
long twentieth century drew on research on Malacca remittances conducted
in the early 1980s and subsequent study of remittances to Amoy and
Guangdong.
Soon he was zeroing in on the understanding of the Chinese economy and
finance through a systematic study of the Chinese overseas, linking China’s
various peripheries with the domestic economy and finance. These studies
included Taiwan and Korea, the latter through examination of Japan–Korea–
Shanghai trade that continued to flourish beneath the radar of the grand
narrative of imperialism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Unlike most research on overseas Chinese business networks that relied on
local materials, Hamashita mined a wide variety of sources, including gov-
ernment and diplomatic archives in China, Hong Kong, the United States,
and Japan, large public collections such as the Morrison holdings at the Tōyō
Bunko in Tokyo, the Library of Congress, the Harvard-Yenching Institute,
and the Cornell Kroch Collection, Maritime Customs records, and other
sources.
John Fairbank and his students, as well as generations of Chinese histor-
ians and others, had emphasized the imperial view from Beijing in dealing
with barbarians and imperialists, with political and cultural dimensions of
the tributary system to the fore.13 Sharing with them a sense of the import-
ance of the tributary trade order, Hamashita, by contrast, has stressed the
economic and financial dimensions of the system, including the informal
trade that accompanied it, while showing the sometimes antagonistic inter-
relationship between economic and political/security dimensions. He demon-
strates, that is, its wide-ranging economic importance and its capacity to
draw in unofficial participants attracted by economic, social, and political
opportunities associated with the tributary regime. For example, a port des-
ignated for tributary purposes invariably established trade and financial rela-
tions with other tributary ports, and Chinese merchants, who remain largely
invisible in the dynastic records, played key intermediary and network roles in
the local and regional economy, quite independent of, or even at odds with,
the wishes of the authorities in the Chinese capital. As a result, the crucial
trajectory was not from tribute to treaties but from tribute to trade. And
while China’s relations with the Western powers were certainly important,
this angle of vision leads to recognition of the critical importance of regional
factors that transcend national borders and give rise to a vibrant Asian
regional economy and finance.
In contrast to the vast statecentric scholarship that was long a shared
legacy among Chinese and Western scholars of China, Hamashita has cre-
atively mined the peripheries of China’s Empire, making use of Dutch East
Indies archives and the four hundred-year record of the Ryukyu (modern
Okinawa) Lidai baoan (Rekidai hōan in Japanese), comparable in longevity to
the English East India Company records, all of which are used to comple-
ment records in Chinese and Hong Kong archives. The result has been
8 Editors’ introduction
to illuminate intra-Asian and trans-Pacific, predominantly maritime, trade
bonds that are largely invisible in the colonial record with its monochromatic
focus on bilateral ties between colony and metropolis.14
Where others have viewed China as a land empire that eschewed trade,
Hamashita shows how tributary and non-tributary trade provided bases for a
regional political economy centered on maritime trade, at times in conflict
with the proclivities of the court in Beijing, and moving in ways often
independent of it. The research, in short, prioritizes markets and networks
that span the region and beyond, frequently cutting across national borders
in restructuring economy, society, and culture.
Hamashita’s contributions extend to reimagining the contours of the
tributary order in Asia. He shows, for example, that the Ryukyus, long a
Chinese tributary kingdom with far-flung entrepot trade extending through-
out the Asia Pacific, actually experienced a dual tributary relationship in the
Tokugawa era, with Japanese officials, behind the scenes, manipulating the
Ryukyu tributary ties with China to the advantage of Japanese traders.
Throughout the Qing and Tokugawa eras, the Ryukyu Kingdom also sent
“tributary missions” to Edo that were controlled by Japanese overlords
whose rewards came in the form of lucrative tributary and trade revenues
even as it sent regular tribute missions to China. This took place at a time
when, for two and a half centuries, Japan was ostensibly cut off from all
regional and global trade that was not channeled through Nagasaki. Japan
actually maintained trade relations with China and the Dutch through the
Nagasaki link and with China through its manipulation of Ryukyuan tribu-
tary trade, while independent Japanese traders plied the coastal trade that the
Chinese court regularly denounced as piracy and sought to suppress. Interest-
ingly, throughout the Tokugawa era spanning the seventeenth through the
nineteenth centuries, Japan sent no tributary missions of its own to China. As
in the case of Japanese behind the scenes control of the Ryukyu tributary
missions to China, and other Ryukyu missions to the Japanese capital in
Edo, Hamashita details the replication of tributary-type relationships, or
sub-tributary relations emerging throughout Asia. Vietnam, for example,
while sending its own tributary missions to China, imposed a tributary rela-
tionship on Laos. In contrast to Japan’s covert manipulation of Ryukyu
tribute missions to China, however, Vietnam directly imposed tributary rela-
tions on its Laotian neighbor. Tribute and the formal and informal trade
accompanying it thus provided mechanisms governing the regional political
economy.
In studies of Korea, Hamashita shows the persistence of tributary bonds
with China into the late nineteenth and early twentieth century even as Korea
confronted multiple threats from the European powers and Japan, and as
Korea sought to utilize international law to increase its bargaining power
with China and other powers. Indeed, not only Korea, but also Japan and
China, each with their own European or American advisors, sought to make
use of international law even as they maneuvered to uphold those tributary
 Editors’ introduction 9
principles that could be manipulated to their advantage. In this instance,
treaties provided an intermediate way station between tribute and trade.
Particularly fascinating is the evidence from within the Korea–Chinese
negotiations of the late nineteenth century, and the diplomatic records of the
Western powers, of the recognition of the continued salience of tributary
categories by all parties at a time when the character of tributary relations was
in flux. The outcome was not a simple negation of historical processes and
categories inherent in the tributary trade order, but the emergence of a hybrid
system that places tributary relations and the categories of post-Westphalian
European diplomatic relations in dynamic tension. Such conclusions can only
emerge from sophisticated multi-archival and multinational research.
The reader is left to ponder how far that tributary legacy extends: to the
late nineteenth century, to World War II, or even, in subtle ways, to the new
millennium? And whether tributary relations may in part be framed in the
contemporary world, perhaps along lines anticipated by dependency theory.
Can, for example, contemporary Chinese relations with North Korea be
understood at a certain level in terms of the playing out of a variant of
tributary relations, even as both sides stress autonomy in relationship to their
competing claims to the history of Koguryô, the sixth-century kingdom that
spanned much of what is today Northeast China and North Korea, claims
that are being fought out in assertions of Gaogouli (Chinese) or Koguryô
(Korean) as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.15 Likewise, it is possible to
ponder the relationship between historic tributary relations and China’s
domestic ordering of minority nationalities through the creation of auton-
omous regions in Inner Mongolia, Tibet, Xinjiang and elsewhere. These are
not lines of inquiry that Hamashita has pursued. However, the unstated
premise that underlies his method appears to be that we should continue to
search for traces of the tributary legacy down to the present and into the
future. The analysis simultaneously implicitly challenges notions of a timeless
“traditional” system, showing how the tributary system was subject to
change in diverse ways in various localities under pressure from colonial
powers in the nineteenth century, just as it had evolved through various stages
in various times and places earlier.
For more than one hundred and fifty years Hong Kong has been central to
the flow of China’s trade, to regional and global silver flows, and to China’s
relations with East and Southeast Asia, the Chinese overseas, and the world
economy. It is also an important site for assessing shifts in currency standards
from silver to gold, from the primacy of the pound sterling to the yen and the
dollar, and most recently to the rise of the Chinese renminbi. And where
Hong Kong is, Singapore cannot be far behind. Hamashita highlights the
multiple and multilateral functions that each of the two great British colonial
port cities played and continue to play in Asian and global economies. In
both colonial port cities and their peripheries, of course, Chinese economic
and financial networks dominated and continue to dominate.
Hamashita rarely places colonialism and colonial relations at the center of
10 Editors’ introduction
his canvas. The implications of his work for reconceptualizing colonialism in
Asia and globally are nevertheless profound. And controversial. In contrast
to the massive literature emphasizing subordination and exploitation of
Asian peoples under the colonial and semi-colonial yoke, a literature to which
Chinese nationalist and communist historians have contributed, this corpus
of work brings out important ways in which the colonial era sowed the seeds
of new and dynamic elements—and not only national independence and
revolutionary movements—that would emerge forcefully in certain regions
and nations in the postcolonial era. These included the large-scale overseas
migration of Chinese to Southeast Asia, Europe, and the Americas, the roles
of the treaty ports as central nodes in intra-regional and global trade, the
stimulus that imperialism provided to Chinese banking networks in handling
remittances of Chinese migrants and in linking Southeast Asia and South
China to one another and to the world economy, among others. In recent
decades, debates have centered on the contributions of both Western and
Japanese colonialism to the destitution and economic decline of Asian
peoples, in one view, and to paving the way for the subsequent economic
advance of the world’s most dynamic region over the last half century.16
These debates reverberate with particular intensity with respect to Taiwan
and Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore, and the Philippines, among others.
In order to get beyond the focus on Asia’s dealings with the West,
Hamashita has explored the world of trade that was not encompassed and
recorded in the records kept by those who were parties to the treaty port
structure: this meant going beyond the records kept by such organizations as
the Maritime Customs and the large foreign trading firms like the VOC and
the East India Company, Jardine and Matheson, Butterfield and Swire, and
others. To explore this world, Hamashita has examined the continuation of
the junk trade and the role of the Chinese diaspora, which included not
only the merchant diaspora, but also the flow of Chinese labor throughout
Southeast Asia, and the massive flows of money in the form of remittances
back home. In this area, Hamashita’s work has stimulated the work of a
number of other economic historians working on the intra-Asian trading
world including Kagotani Naoto, who has studied the roles of Chinese mer-
chants in commercial networks in Japan, Southeast Asia and India, and Peter
Post, who has studied Chinese merchants in the internal distribution net-
works in the Indonesian archipelago, an area where the major Dutch trading
firms worked in cooperation with Chinese merchants who managed local-
level commerce outside the large coastal entrepots.17
If China has been at the center of Hamashita’s forty-year attempt to
reconceptualize Asia and the world economy, the implications of the work
are no less important for Japan. In linking Japan’s modernization drive both
to the Western challenge and the effort to compete effectively with China,
Hamashita wrote about a transformation in perspective from Japan in Asia
confronting dominant Sinocentric concepts of the region to Japan as Asia in
the colonial era that extended to 1945: ultimately, Japan sought not only to
 Editors’ introduction 11
replace the Chinese Empire as the center but also to establish its own struc-
tures of domination ranging from the colonization of Taiwan and Korea at
the turn of the twentieth century, to the creation of Manchukuo as a formally
autonomous but dependent state in the 1930s, to the attempt to conquer
China after 1937, and much of East Asia from 1942. And it sought to expel
the Western colonial powers from the region. Like the European colonial
efforts to conquer Asia and replace the regional order with a series of
bilateral relationships, Japan’s bold attempt to conquer ended in failure and
the dismantling of the Japanese Empire.
Hamashita’s writing can be read at one level as an implicit warning against
directions in Japanese thought and politics that ignore, denigrate, or seek to
conquer Asia and that pin all hopes on the nuclear umbrella, diplomatic
support, and market provided by the United States and its European allies. In
the late nineteenth century, for example, Hamashita shows that Japan’s
industrialization drive was a product not only of the threat of the colonial
powers but also of the inability to compete effectively with Chinese mer-
chants in vying for Asian trade. If its inability to compete commercially with
Chinese merchants led it to prioritize industrialization in the late nineteenth
century, as Hamashita has emphasized, the division of Asia into colonial
blocs likewise surely stimulated Japan’s own transformation from Meiji for-
ward into an industrializing and an aggressively colonizing nation with pro-
found and multifaceted implications for Japan’s and East Asia’s postwar
economies.
In the new millennium, China, South Korea and other East Asian nations
have emerged as Japan’s leading economic and financial partners, investment
targets, and rivals, at the very moment when political tensions between Japan
and China and between Japan and Korea have emerged as a product of the
inability to bring to closure divisive historical issues centering on Japanese
colonialism and the Pacific War. At the same time, numerous proposals such
as ASEAN +3 (China, Japan, Korea) vie to shape a regional future for East
Asia and the Pacific.
While Hamashita’s scholarship has been instrumental in opening new
conceptual approaches to the study of the East Asia region and the global
economy in longue durée perspective, he has also played an important direct
role in bringing together previously dispersed scholarly traditions centered in
Japan, in China, in other Asian centers, in Europe, and in the United States,
through his peripatetic research, conferencing, and other joint activities in all
of these areas and the scholarly networks of which he is so important a part,
spanning East Asia and the world. Emblematic of this regional and global
approach is the new International Journal of Asian Studies of which he is the
founding editor, and a moving force in reconceptualizing the place of Asia in
regional and global perspective.

* This chapter has benefited from critical suggestions by Uradyn Bulag and
R. Bin Wong.
2 The tribute trade system and
modern Asia*
Translation by Neil Burton and Christian Daniels

Introduction
It has long been the practice to analyze modern Asia from the viewpoint of
nations and international relationships so as to assess “nation-building,” the
acceptance of “international” law, and economic development in the respect-
ive Asian countries. After much controversy concerning the applicability of
this Western-oriented modernization model to Asia, however, there has been
growing recognition that “areas” or “regions,” an intermediate category
between the nation and the world, should be analyzed in their full historical
meaning. In fact, the region as an historical formation cannot be adequately
comprehended under the nation-international framework.
The regional approach makes it possible to reconstruct the whole historical
process of Asia including modern Asia.1 The history of modern Asia needs to
be conceptualized, not in terms of the “stages of development” posited in
Western modernization theory, but in terms of the complex interrelationships
within the region itself, in light of Asian self-conceptions and the nature of
historical social systems. Asian history may be broadly understood as the
history of a unified system characterized by region-wide tribute trade rela-
tions, with China at the center. This tribute system is the premise of the
“modern” Asia that subsequently emerged and its legacy is reflected in
important aspects of contemporary Asian history.2
This framework of analysis for Asia and its modern transformations is
reinterpreted here through analysis of the following four issues:

1 Chinese ideals of order and their institutional and cultural manifestations;

2 The historical character of the tribute system and the relationships that
comprised it;
3 The relationship between “East” and “West” as shaped by the tributary
system;
4 The modern history of Japan and China in Asian perspective.

Among the conclusions that emerge from such a reinterpretation, several

are of particular interest.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 Oh, Paulina,
Sua kunnioitus häirii. Tulimme nyt
Kuningattaren kuvaa katsomaan.
Mont' esinettä hauskaa, harvinaista
Salissas ihailimme; mut ei nähty,
Mit' innoin halaa tyttäreni nähdä,
Äitinsä kuvaa.

PAULINA.
Niinkuin eläissänsä
Hän oli verraton, niin, luulen, voittaa
Kuvansa kuollut kaikki, mit' on nähty
Tai ihmiskäsin tehty; siksi pidän
Sit' erillään. Täss' on se: siinä elo
Niin eläväks on mukailtu, kuin koskaan
Voi uni mukaella kuolemaa.
Katselkaa vain, ja ihmetelkää! —

(Paulina vetää syrjään esiripun, niin että

Hermionen vartalokuva tulee näkyviin.)

Vait'olonne ma ymmärrän: se paras

On ihmetyksen ilme. Sanokaahan: —
Kuningas, ensin te: se eikö ole
Näköinen, mitä?

LEONTES.
Hänen ryhtins' aivan!
Mua toru, kallis kivi; silloin sanon:
Hermione olet; ei, ei, hän sä olet,
Jos et sa toru: niin hän oli hellä
Kuin laps ja taivaan armo. — Mut, Paulina,
Hermione noin kurttuinen ei ollut,
Noin vanha ei kuin tuo.

POLYXENES.
 Ei likimainkaan.

PAULINA.
Sit' ihmeempi on taiteilijan taito.
Eteenpäin siirtyin kuusitoista vuotta,
Hän kuvaa hänet niin, kuin nyt hän eläis.

LEONTES.
Ja voisikin nyt elää, yhtä paljon
Lohduksi mulle, kuin nyt sydäntäni
Tuo näkö kaivelee. Oi, noin hän seisoi
Elävän ylevänä — lämmin elo
Nyt tuoss' on kylmä — kun hänt' ensin kosin.
Hyi, häpeän; mua kivi eikö soimaa,
Ett' olen minä kovempi kuin se?
Kuninkaallinen patsas, tenhovoimaa
On suuruudessasi; taas esiin loihdit
Mun syntini ja elinnesteet imet
Sä tyttärestäsi, jok' ihmetyksest'
On kivettynyt hänkin.

PERDITA.
Sallikaatte —
Sit' älkää taiaks luulko — että tässä
Nyt polvistun ja siunausta anon. —
Oi, äiti, kallis kuningatar, joka
Elosi päätit, kun sen aloin minä,
Ojenna kätesi mun suudellani.

PAULINA.
Anteeksi! Patsas vast' on pystytetty,
Ei värit vielä kuivat.

CAMILLO.
Syvään, herra,
On suru teissä juurtunut, kun sit' ei
Kuustoista ole talvea ja kesää
Pois voinut puhaltaa tai kuivata.
Niin kauan tuskin mikään ilo elää,
Ja suru surmannut ois itsens' aikaa.

POLYXENES.
Veli hyvä, se jok' oli tähän syypää,
Häll' olkoon valta ottaa murheest' osaa
Niin runsaasti kuin tahtoo.

PAULINA.
Jospa oisin
Tuon arvannut, ett' tämä kuva parka
Noin teihin koskis — sillä mun on kivi —
En sit' ois näyttänyt.

LEONTES.
Sit' älä peitä.

PAULINA.
Sit' ette katsella saa enää; vihdoin
Te luulette sen liikkuvan.

LEONTES.
Seis! Älä!
Kas, surma olkoon, minust' eikö se jo —
Ken on sen tehnyt? — Veli, katsokaa,
Se eikö hengitä, ja lämmin veri
Sen suoniss' eikö virtaa?

POLYXENES.
Taitoteos!
Sen huulillahan elo lämmin läikkyy.

LEONTES.
Ja silmäin loistossa on välähdystä.
Noin voiko taide eksyttää?

PAULINA.
Sen peitän;
Kuningas on jo suunniltaan; hän vihdoin
Sen luulee elävän.

LEONTES.
Paulina, näin
Mun kaksikymment' anna vuotta luulla.
Ei kaiken mailman äly voita tätä
Hulluuden suloisuutta. Älä peitä.

PAULINA.
Mua surettaa, ett' teitä näin ma kiusaan;
Kiduttaa voisin vieläkin.

LEONTES.
Oi, tee se;
Kidutus tuo on maultaan niin maire
Kuin makein lemmen juoma. — Yhä tuntuu
Kuin henki tuosta huokuis. Hieno taltta,
Kun kiveen veistää hengen! Ilkuttenko,
Jos häntä suutelen?

PAULINA.
Ei, herran tähden;
Huulillaan kostea on puna vielä;
Sen tärväis suutelu, ja maaliin itse
Te tulisitte. Peitänkö ma kuvan?

LEONTES.
Ei vuoteen kahteenkymmeneen.

PERDITA.
Sen ajan
Minäkin tässä katselisin tuota.

PAULINA.
Nyt joko huone jättäkäätte, taikka
Varokaa vielä suurempata kummaa.
Jos voitte sietää sen, niin laitan, että
Tuo kuva liikkuu, astuu päin ja teitä
Kätehen tarttuu; mutta silloin luullaan —
Min kiellän minä — että paholaisen
Liitossa olen.

LEONTES.
Anna hänen tehdä
Jos mitä, tyynnä katson; puhua
Jos mitä, tyynnä kuulen; yhtä helppo
On antaa hänen puhua kuin käydä.

PAULINA.
Mut siihen vaaditahan valpas usko. —
Nyt hiljaa, kaikki; se, ken luulee, että
Tää luvatont' on taikaa, poistukoon.

LEONTES.
No, jatka; täält' ei kukaan liikahdakaan.

PAULINA.
Herätä hänet, soitto! —
(Soitantoa.)
Nyt on aika;
Nyt heitä kivetykses; astu alas;
Näkijät kaikki hämmästykseen saata.
Ma hautas umpeen luon; no, tule, riennä;
Tuonelle jätä jäykkyytes, sun sieltä
Elämän ilo pelasti. — Te näette.
Hän liikkuu.
(Hermione astuu alas jalustalta.)
 Älkää peljästykö: tämä
On yhtä hurskasta, kuin taikanikin
On luvallista. Pois hänt' älkää syöskö,
Ennenkuin taas hän kuolee; muuten hänet
Tapatte kahdesti. No, kättä hälle!
Kositte häntä, kun hän oli nuori.
Nyt vanhana hän kosii.

LEONTES (syleillen häntä).

Hän on lämmin!
Jos taikaa tää, se yht' on luvallista
Kuin syöntikin.

POLYXENES.
Hän miestään syleilee.

CAMILLO.
Kapuvi kaulaan. Elossa jos on hän,
Niin puhukoon hän myös.

POLYXENES.
Niin, ilmi tuokoon,
Miss' elänyt hän on ja miten päässyt
On kuolon kourista.

PAULINA.
Jos kerrottaisi,
Ett' elää hän, niin sitä nauraisitte
Kuin vanhaa tarinaa; mut nyt sen näette,
Vaikk' ei hän vielä puhu. Malttakaa. —
Välittäjäksi, neiti! Polvistukaa
Ja siunaust' äidiltänne anokaa. —
Huomatkaa, rouva: Perdita on löytty.

(Perdita polvistuu Hermionen eteen.)

HERMIONE.
Jumalat, alas meihin katsokaa,
Ja armon pyhät maljat vuodattakaa
Mun tyttäreni päähän! — Kerro, lapsi.
Mitenkä pelastuit? Miss' olet ollut?
Kuink' isäs hoviin löysit? Tiedä, että,
Kun kertoi Paulina, ett' oraakeli
Sun elämisestäsi toiveit' antoi,
Sua odottelin täällä.

PAULINA.
Tuosta toiste;
Ilonne muuten häiriintyy, kun muutkin
Kysellä tahtoisivat. — Yhteen menkää
Te, miekot voiton saajat. Hurmauksenne
Levitköön kaikkiin. Minä, vanha kyyhky,
Oksalle lennän kuivalle, ja siinä
Eloni loppuun itken puolisota
Ijaksi kadonnutta.

LEONTES.
Ei, Paulina;
Sa minult' olet miehen saapa, niinkuin
Sinulta minä vaimon sain; niin oli
Valalla sovittu. Sin' olet löynnyt
Mun omani, vaan kuinka, sit' en tiedä;
Näin hänet kuollehena, niinkuin luulin,
Ja monet rukoukset suotta luin
Ma hänen haudallansa. Kaukaa en
Sinulle etsi kelpo puolisota —
Ma tunnen hänen mielensä — Camillo,
Tuo ota käsi; kunnias ja kuntos
On täysin taattu, ja sen vahvistamme
Me, kaksi kuningasta. — Lähtekäämme.
(Hermionelle.)
Kuin? — Katso veljeämme! — Anteeks suokaa,
Ett' epäluuloin pyhät katsehenne
Ma myrkytin! — Kas, tuossa vävysi,
Kuninkaan poika, joka taivaan tahdost'
On tyttäresi ylkämies. — Paulina,
Vie meidät jonnekin, miss' ystävyksin
Kysellä saamme, kertoilla, mit' osaa
On kukin näytellyt sen pitkän ajan,
Mink' eross' olimme. Niin, rientäkäämme.

(Poistuvat.)
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TALVINEN TARINA
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