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The document discusses the significance of sexual imagery in Moche pottery from ancient Peru, focusing on the deity Cara Arrugada and his copulation scenes with a coastal woman. These depictions are interpreted as part of a broader mythological narrative linking human reproduction to environmental processes, emphasizing themes of ancestry, regeneration, and agricultural fertility. The study suggests that Moche art served ideological purposes, reinforcing sociopolitical power and stability within their society.

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Sex Metaphor and Ideology in Moche Pottery of Ancient Peru Andrew Turner PDF Download

The document discusses the significance of sexual imagery in Moche pottery from ancient Peru, focusing on the deity Cara Arrugada and his copulation scenes with a coastal woman. These depictions are interpreted as part of a broader mythological narrative linking human reproduction to environmental processes, emphasizing themes of ancestry, regeneration, and agricultural fertility. The study suggests that Moche art served ideological purposes, reinforcing sociopolitical power and stability within their society.

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Paris Monographs in American Archaeology 41

BAR S2739 2015


Sex, Metaphor, and Ideology in
Moche Pottery of Ancient Peru

TURNER
SEX, METAPHOR, AND IDEOLOGY IN MOCHE POTTERY OF ANCIENT PERU
Andrew Turner

BAR International Series 2739


B
A
2015
R

2739 Turner cover.indd 1 03/07/2015 12:46:18


Paris Monographs in American Archaeology 41

Sex, Metaphor, and Ideology in


Moche Pottery of Ancient Peru

Andrew Turner

BAR International Series 2739


2015
ISBN 9781407313986 paperback
ISBN 9781407343563 e-format
DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407313986
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR
PUBLISHING
Acknowledgements

There are several people who deserve special thanks for providing invaluable assistance throughout the
course of research and preparation of this manuscript. First, I would like to thank David Davison,
Eric Taladoire, and an anonymous reviewer at BAR for their assistance in preparing this manuscript for
publication and their helpful comments.

I am grateful to Stella Nair and Jason Weems, my thesis Co-Chairs, for the vast amount of time they
invested into improving the quality of my work, and for continuously challenging me to approach the
material in greater depth. Karl Taube and Jeanette Kohl offered thoughtful critiques and suggestions, and the
quality of the finished product is greatly improved thanks to their help and support. Jeffrey Quilter
graciously met and corresponded with me and offered his thoughts on this manuscript. I wish to express my
profound gratitude to for his willingness to share his time and expertise, and his kind-natured enthusiasm for
assisting young scholars.

I am indebted to Ulla Holmquist, Isabel Collazos T., and Andrés Álvarez Calderón of the Museo Larco. This
project would not have been possible without their assistance and generosity in sharing their time, resources,
and insights. Travel to Peru was possible through generous support from the Richard G. Carrott Memorial
Fund through the University of California, Riverside, Department of History of Art.

Alejandra Martínez-Berdeja, Eric Heller, and German Loffler deserve my sincere thanks for giving advice,
enthusiasm, and helpful suggestions at every stage of this process. I thank Raúl A. Martínez Calderas for
kindly providing a Spanish translation of the abstract, and Eric Heller for his assistance in preparing some of
the figures. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to my family, George and Linda Turner, Britton, Ami,
Alek, and Luka Purser, and Edith Wright, for their love and support.

iii
Resumen

Escenas representando coito aparecen frecuentemente en el arte de la antigua cultura Moche de la costa norte
de Perú (AD 200 a 900); no obstante, los significados detrás de tales imágenes permanecen escasamente
entendidos. Un obstáculo potencial a la interpretación de las imágenes sexuales es una tendencia entre
investigadores a abordar las imágenes Moche como representativas en lugar de con contenido simbólico o
metafórico. Este estudio se enfoca en una serie de bajo relieves y escenas pictóricas de la alfarería Moche
que describen una deidad con colmillos aludida como Cara Arrugada (también llamada Aipaec), copulando
con una mujer. Las escenas son interpretadas como porciones de una narrativa mitológica más amplia, y
tales escenas representan a Cara Arrugada ocupado en una cópula, probablemente originarias del sitio sureño
de Moche, Huacas de Moche (Huaca de la Luna y Huaca del Sol). Los métodos de producción de las escenas
mitológicas en alfarería hecha en molde de los centros huaca sugieren esfuerzos a favor de una clase
sacerdotal o gobernante para controlar el contenido de tales mitos e incrementar su influencia a través de su
distribución.

Análisis de las escenas implicando a Cara Arrugada sugieren que él es una deidad representando la montaña
y que la mujer con quien él tiene un encuentro sexual es de la costa. Las escenas narrativas incorporan
metáforas visuales que combinan montaña, ríos, chicha, guano y semen, vinculando procesos ambientales,
tales como el ciclo del agua de las montañas a la costa, a la sexualidad humana y la reproducción. Las
montañas fueron asociadas con la masculinidad y los valles ribereños que son fertilizados por el agua de las
montañas y que rinden las cosechas son femeninos. De este modo, la reproducción humana es un evento
microscópico que hace eco de fenómenos ecológicos a gran escala que son necesarios para la sobrevivencia
en la costa árida.

Las escenas de copulación de Cara Arrugada pueden representar el origen mítico de la gente costeña,
presentando a Cara Arrugada como un ancestro capital. Las imágenes que asocian a Cara Arrugada con los
árboles que producen frutos sugieren que el papel de Cara Arrugada era semejante a las concepciones
quechua de ancestros venerados. Las escenas que describen un encuentro sexual mítico entre Cara Arrugada
y una mujer de la costa transmiten temas de ascendencia, regeneración y fertilidad agrícola, y presentan un
modelo funcional para las labores de un cosmos vital dentro del cual la reproducción humana es una parte
integral. Promoviendo a Cara Arrugada como un progenitor, Huacas de Moche pudo haber intentado
reemplazar genealogías locales y reclamar acceso privilegiado a las fuerzas que hacen posible la vida en la
costa. El claramente legible estilo visual Moche podría haber dado un sentido de veracidad a las escenas
descritas, aún los significados simbólicos más allá de las apariencias inmediatas podrían ser patentes para los
practicantes de los sistemas de creencias moche. De este modo, las escenas pueden representar esfuerzos a
favor de los centros costeros huaca para consolidar el poder y mantener la estabilidad entre poblaciones
potencialmente rebeldes.

Mucho del trabajo artístico moche pudo haber sido de naturaleza ideológica. Las creencias fundamentales
acerca de la vida, muerte y regeneración y la organización del cosmos pudieron haber sido maleables y
sujetas a manipulación al servicio de fines sociopolíticos. Al emplear en el arte metáforas pertenecientes al
cuerpo humano y al amplio cosmos, los moches estaban efectivamente insertando y naturalizando su
ideología dentro de procesos que podrían ser ampliamente entendidos por sus espectadores intencionales.

iv
Contents

Acknowledgements..............................................................................................................................iii

Resumen……………………………………………………………………………………………...iv

List of Illustrations…………………………………………………………………………………...vi

Chapter 1: Introduction……………………………………………………………………….……....1

Chapter 2: Moche Art in Context………………………………………………………………..……9

Chapter 3: Ceramic Production and the Distribution of Power……………………………………...14

Chapter 4: Sex, Cosmology, and the Movement of Fluids …………………………………………22

Chapter 5: Ancestry and Agricultural Fertility………………………………………………………45

Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………….....................66

Appendix 1: Timeline of the Ancient Central Andes………………………………………………..70

Appendix 2: Timeline of Moche Sites………………………………………………………………71

Appendix 3: List of Moche Vessels Portraying Wrinkle Face Copulation Scenes………………….72

Glossary……………………………………………………………………………………………...73

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………75

v
List of Illustrations

(All illustrations by Andrew Turner, unless otherwise noted in caption)

Figure 1.1. Jar with low-relief copulation scene………………………………………………………………2

Figure 1.2. Map of the Moche region showing major sites and river valleys…………………………………3

Figure 1.3. Jar representing figures embracing………………………………………………………………..4

Figure 1.4. Stirrup-spout vessel………………………………………………………………………………..5

Figure 1.5. Stirrup-spout vessel with copulating deck figures………………………………………………...6

Figure 2.1. Rollout drawing of Moche fine-line scene depicting depth of field and “locators.”…………….10

Figure 2.2. Relief-carved block, Chavín de Huantar…………………………………………………………10

Figure 2.3. Mural painting, east sector of Ceremonial Patio, Huaca de la Luna……………………………..11

Figure 2.4. Rollout drawing of fine-line Presentation Theme scene…………………………………………12

Figure 3.1. Probable mold matrix with low-relief copulation scene………………………………………....16

Figure 3.2. Spout-and-handle vessel with low-relief copulation scene (ML004361) and the probable

mold matrix from which it was made (ML004363)………………………………………………....16

Figure 3.3. Probable mold matrix with low-relief copulation scene (top view)……………………………...17

Figure 3.4. Jar from Huaca de la Luna, Plaza 1……………………………………………………………...18

Figure 3.5. Plan of Huacas de Moche showing ceramics workshop…………………………………………19

Figure 4.1. Jar with low-relief copulation scene……………………………………………………………..23

Figure 4.2. Representations of Wrinkle Face………………………………………………………………...24

Figure 4.3. Jar with low-relief copulation scene (detail)……………………………………………………..24

Figure 4.4. Stirrup-spout vessel in the form of Iguana……………………………………………………….25

Figure 4.5. Rollout drawing of copulation scene on low-relief vessel……………………………………….26

Figure 4.6. Jar with low-relief copulation scene……………………………………………………………..27

Figure 4.7. Jar with low-relief copulation scene……………………………………………………………..28

Figure 4.8. Spout-and-handle vessel with low-relief copulation scene……………………………………....29

Figure 4.9. Rollout drawings of copulation scene on low-relief jar from Huaca de la Luna, Plaza 1……….31

Figure 4.10. Examples of the fisher headdress……………………………………………………………….32

Figure 4.11. Vessel in the form of a bird……………………………………………………………………..33

Figure 4.12. Stirrup-spout vessel with mountain scene………………………………………………………35

vi
Figure 4.13. Blackware stirrup-spout vessel with mountain scene…………………………………………..36

Figure 4.14. Examples of stepped forms……………………………………………………………………..37

Figure 4.15. Vessel with sacrifice scene……………………………………………………………………..38

Figure 4.16. Examples of the half fist gesture………………………………………………………………..39

Figure 4.17. Stirrup-spout vessel with phallic mountain……………………………………………………..40

Figure 4.18. Jar with low-relief copulation scene (detail)…………………………………………………....40

Figure 5.1. Depictions of Wrinkle Face with a house post emerging from his back………………………...46

Figure 5.2. Spout-and-handle vessel with low-relief copulation scene (detail)……………………………...47

Figure 5.3. Rollout drawing of low-relief copulation scene (detail)…………………………………………47

Figure 5.4. Low-relief spout-and-handle vessel portraying copulation scene and tree………………………48

Figure 5.5. Stirrup-spout fine-line vessel with copulation scene and tree……………………………………49

Figure 5.6. Tree figures from gold and silver nose ornament from Tomb 9 of Sipán……………………….50

Figure 5.7. Fine-line depiction of warrior and captive (detail)………………………………………………51

Figure 5.8. Rollout drawing of low-relief scene with Botanical Frog on spout-and-handle bottle…………..53

Figure 5.9. Representations of the Botanical Frog…………………………………………………………...54

Figure 5.10. Botanical Frog and tree figure from Munich Vessel (detail)…………………………………...56

Figure 5.11. Jar representing maize and head of deity……………………………………………………….57

Figure 5.12. Vessels in the form of manioc plants…………………………………………………………...58

Figure 5.13. Vessel in the form of a recumbent male………………………………………………………..58

Figure 5.14. Stirrup-spout vessel representing woman and skeletal being…………………………………..60

Figure 5.15. Recuay sculptures……………………………………………………………………………....60

Figure 5.16. Nasca “surrogate head” jar from La Tiza……………………………………………………….61

Figure 5.17. Ica wooden funerary marker……………………………………………………………............61

vii
 

Chapter 1:
Introduction

The Moche art style is best known through its might give greater clues to their place of
highly refined ceramic vessels, which frequently manufacture, distribution, and function (Donnan
accompanied burials. Estimates suggest that there and McClelland 1999: 18). Moche non-utilitarian
are over 100,000 Moche vessels in museum and vessels were typically mold-made, and were often
private collections worldwide (Donnan 1976: 13). decorated with low relief and slip-painted scenes
The vessels, often decorated in a strongly pictorial and designs, and sculptural appliqués. Geometric
style uncharacteristic of art of the Central Andean designs, portraiture, and portrayals of supernatural
region, offer modern viewers tantalizing glimpses of events and beings, warriors engaged in combat,
Moche worldview. The highly consistent and plants and animals, captives, and architectural
formalized iconography on Moche vessels has been structures are among the subjects favored by Moche
the topic of numerous studies, beginning around the artists. Quotidian activities are seldom, if ever,
middle of the last century, which have shed light on portrayed in Moche art (Donnan 1976: 130-136).
important aspects of Moche society such as
mythology, social organization, and ceremonialism. The primary focus of this study, a mold-made neck
A particularly confounding subset of Moche jar with a globular body from the Museo Larco
ceramics portrays figures, including deities, skeletal (ML004365) (figure 1.1), is one of ten documented
beings, humans and animals, engaged in sexual acts. vessels (nine executed in low-relief, and one painted
While such vessels inevitably arouse the interest of in fine-line slip; see Appendix 3) that depict scenes
modern museum visitors, to date, relatively few on the body of the vessel involving a fanged deity
scholarly studies have investigated the emic who copulates with a woman within an architectural
meanings of Moche sexual vessels and the artistic structure. The deity is commonly referred to by
intent behind their creation. This study focuses on scholars as “Wrinkle Face,” and has distinctive
portrayals of an often-depicted Moche deity who, in features including a belt that terminates in the head
this instance, copulates with a woman (figure 1.1), of a serpent, serpent ear ornaments, and a headdress
and argues that such images drew upon widespread in the form of a feline.3 Anthropomorphized birds
beliefs concerning the functions of a vital cosmos to and a reptile flank the structure that houses the
make potent ideological claims of legitimacy in a couple in examples of the copulation scene, and two
richly metaphorical visual language. women usually stand within a separate structure.
Two additional Moche ceramic vessels depict a
“Moche” (also known as “Mochica”) is the name scene in which Wrinkle Face couples with a woman
applied to an archaeological culture dating from beneath a tree, and three sculptural vessels portray
roughly AD 200 to 900 (Koons and Alex 2014; see only the amorous deity and woman in three
Appendices 1 and 2) that flourished on ancient dimensions and devoid of additional figures and
Peru’s arid North Coast between the Chira and objects (figure 1.3). Given that fifteen known
Huarmey river valleys (figure 1.2).1 The Moche examples of this genre survive, the representation of
built large ceremonial centers, known today as the sexuality of deities was apparently not an
huacas, that served as centers of artistic production, inappropriate subject for depiction in Moche art,
religious observation, and burial for Moche elite although the deity’s phallus is never explicitly
(Quilter 2002: 175-176).2 Of known ceramic shown, as in examples that portray ostensibly
vessels, an estimated 95% were looted, depriving human figures engaged in sexual activities.
investigators of valuable contextual information that
                                                                                                                       
1
The name “Moche” derives from the Moche Valley, which, along with                                                                                                                        
the Chicama Valley, is considered to be the Moche “heartland.”
“Mochica” is based on Muchic, a language spoken on the north coast at
3
the time of the Spanish Conquest. Most scholars currently favor the Wrinkle Face is also occasionally referred to as Aipaec (“the Creator”
name Moche, because it is unknown whether or not the peoples in Muchic), Quismique (“Old One”), God A, God F, the Fanged God,
associated with the archaeological culture spoke Muchic. and the Serpent Belt God. I do not use the name Aipaec because it is
not clear that the Moche viewed the deity in question as a creator or
2
The Quechua term “huaca” refers more generally to a quality of supreme deity, or that they spoke Muchic. A number of supernatural
sacrality, and can refer to a location, object, or being. beings in Moche art have fangs, so “Fanged God” provides little
clarification. I prefer the term “Wrinkle Face” because it refers to one
2
The Quechua term “huaca” refers more generally to a quality of of his most distinctive features without imposing or assuming additional
sacrality, and can refer to a location, object, or being. traits.
3
Wrinkle Face is also occasionally referred to as Aipaec (“the Creator”

  1
Sex, Metaphor, and Ideology in Moche Pottery of Ancient Peru

Figure 1.1. Jar with low-relief copulation scene. Museo Larco, Lima. ML004365.

2
Chapter 1: Introduction

Figure 1.2. Map of the Moche region showing major sites and river valleys.
Drawing by author and Eric Heller.

  3
Sex, Metaphor, and Ideology in Moche Pottery of Ancient Peru

Figure 1.3. Jar representing figures embracing. Museo Larco, Lima.

4
Chapter 1: Introduction

Ceramic vessels portraying sexual acts are also


known in smaller numbers from archaeological
cultures such as Vicús, Salinar, Gallinazo, Recuay,
Nasca, Lima, Casma, Lambayeque, Wari and
Chimú, but the largest corpus is by far that of the
Moche. A total of at least 500 Moche ceramic
vessels are known which display sexually explicit
imagery, not including vessels portraying “war
captives with exposed genitalia, dancing skeletons
with erect penises, and vessels with highly
suggestive motifs and forms” (Weismantel 2004:
495). Estimates suggest that less than 1% of Moche
ceramics are classifiable as sexually explicit or
suggestive in nature, and almost all non-looted
examples were recovered in funerary contexts
(Gebhard 1970: 118). The age and sex of the
deceased do not seem to have dictated the presence
or absence of sexually explicit vessels as mortuary
offerings in Moche tombs (Gebhard 1970: 118;
Larco Hoyle 1965: 44). Despite the relative paucity
of sexual depictions in Moche vessels, the subset is
worthy of attention, given the general lack of
portrayals of sexual intercourse in the art of the
ancient Americas and the opportunity it affords to
investigate Moche attitudes and beliefs revolving
around sexuality and related concepts.

The function of decorated Moche ceramic vessels Figure 1.4. Stirrup-spout vessel.
remains a topic of debate among scholars, although Museo Larco, Lima.
it is a crucial to understand the intended uses of
such vessels and the contexts in which one may
encounter them in order to adequately comprehend In addition to stirrup-spout vessels, low relief and
the imagery and meaning that they convey. One detailed slip-painted imagery referred to as “fine-
particular type, the stirrup-spout vessel (figure 1.4), line” appear on a variety of specialized ceramic
which consists of a globular body from which two vessel forms. The spout-and-handle vessel may be
tubes emerge and join together to make a central derived from the stirrup-spout vessel, and consists
spout, was produced by coastal cultures for more of a globular body, ring base, a straight, tubular
than two millennia, beginning with the Cupisnique spout that emerges from the top of the chamber, and
culture of the Early Horizon, and ending on Peru’s a curved tubular handle that attaches the side of the
North Coast around the end of the Late Horizon. spout to the body. Spout-and-handle vessels are
The form itself was likely considered iconic, and the more common in later Moche phases. Neck jars
failure of the vessel type to survive Spanish have globular bodies similar to that of the stirrup-
colonialism suggests that it may have held religious spout vessel and spout-and-handle vessel, but have
significance or usage that was not in step with wide, flaring mouths (see figure 1.1). Conical
Christian beliefs, at least for Contact-era Chimú- flaring vessels, known as floreros, may also be
Inca. The spout, which conjoins two streams of decorated with imagery, either around the inner rim
liquid when the vessel is poured, may exemplify the or on the sides. Sculptural effigy vessels can take
Andean concept of tinkuy (Quilter 2010: 43), a the form of a variety of subjects, including deities,
pervasive notion that the joining of two opposed humans, animals, vegetables, buildings, costume
forces, such as streams of liquid or rivers, is a elements, or elaborate tableaux, and frequently have
highly significant, spiritually charged event. As an attached stirrup spout or spout and handle
such, it is conceivable that stirrup-spout vessels assembly.
were used in rituals that involved the pouring of
liquid offerings. Excavated Moche fine wares occur in funerary
assemblages, leading some scholars (e.g. Bourget
2006: 48-49; Tello et al. 2003: 175) to believe that

  5
Sex, Metaphor, and Ideology in Moche Pottery of Ancient Peru

they were not manufactured for uses other than to


be placed as grave offerings. Donnan and
McClelland (1999: 18-19) argue that most vessels
show signs of abrasion, chipping, and repair, and
were therefore not manufactured as grave goods and
may have had a variety of other uses (also Donnan
1976: 65; 1992: 119). Other scholars consider the
vessels to have had limited use in ceremonial
activity, but to have been used primarily in funerary
rituals (Rengifo Chunga and Rojas Vega 2008: 333;
Russell and Jackson 2001: 168; Uceda and Armas
1998: 108). In regard to stirrup-spout vessels,
Quilter (2002: 164-165) suggests that they were
prized for their symbolic value, individualism, and
imagery over their utilitarian value. Given that such
vessels appear in high-status burials, are carefully
decorated with religious themes and imagery, and
were produced at huaca centers rather than in
domestic contexts, I do not consider them to be
utilitarian in nature, but rather as important ritual
objects that were likely used in ceremonies and
possibly feasting, but were ultimately destined to
accompany the deceased.

Among Moche ceramics that represent humans


engaged in sex acts, characters involved are Figure 1.5. Stirrup-spout vessel with copulating
typically rendered as freestanding three-dimensional deck figures. Museo Larco, Lima. ML004253.
“deck figures” on top of vessel chambers. They
generally have expressionless faces, and do not Although the term “erotic” is commonly used to
belong to narrative scenes that include other describe Andean vessels that portray sexual
characters or specific contextualizing objects (figure behavior, I avoid usage of this adjective to describe
1.5).4 Curiously, a variety of sexual acts and Moche examples. The term carries connotations of
positions are represented, but vaginal sex is rare and sexual arousal and titillation, and it is by no means
methods that would not lead to pregnancy are most apparent that Moche vessels were intended to elicit
commonly portrayed, including oral sex, such responses in the viewers for whom they were
masturbation and, most frequently, anal sex. produced. Attitudes toward sex and reproduction are
Genitalia of both sexes are rendered in careful highly variable in different cultural and social
anatomical detail, and phalli are often exaggerated contexts, and it is therefore necessary to avoid
in scale. Men are typically dressed in tunics and assumptions that modern Western notions of
head cloths, and women are most frequently nude sexuality are universal, especially in considering
with the occasional exception of a collar, and have cultures known purely through the archaeological
long braids. Despite claims to the contrary (e.g. record.
Arboleda 1981; Gebhard 1970: 127; Kauffmann-
Doig 1979: 46-48; Mathieu 2003: 35), there are as Previous scholarly works have approached sexually
yet no confirmed authentic representations of explicit Moche vessels in a variety of ways.
homosexual intercourse, and oft-cited examples Gebhard (1970), whose investigations were
appear to be modern forgeries. In several instances, supported by the Kinsey Institute, approached the
humans engage in sexual acts with skeletal beings. vessels as a representational catalog of the sexual
Animals, such as llamas and mice, are also practices of the Moche people. A number of authors
occasionally portrayed engaged in copulation. have viewed them as didactic objects intended to
demonstrate methods of contraception (Cáceres
Macedo 2000: 34; Jiménez Borja 1985: 44;
Kauffmann-Doig 1979: 38; Larco Hoyle 1965).
4
An exception is the frequent inclusion of an infant that suckles at its Larco Hoyle (1965: 87, 89) considered certain
mother’s breast as she lies partially covered by a blanket and is
penetrated anally by a crouching male figure. See Weismantel 2004.
vessels that portray skeletons engaged in sex acts as
objects that convey moralizing content,
6
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
Cells, What They Are, 11
Cerebro-Spinal Meningitis, 134
Charbon, 135
Chest Founder, 135
Chicken Cholera, 135
Choking, 136
Chronic Founder, 165
Circulation of Blood, 28
Coffin Joint Lameness, 137
Colds, 137
Colic, 137
Colic Mixture, 80
Concretions, 140
Constipation, 142
Corns, 142
Corns, Examine for, 49
Cornstalk Disease, 143
Corrosive Sublimate, 73
Cough Mixture, 80
Cow Pox, 144
Cracked Hoofs, 144
Cramp Colic, 145
Creolin, 74
Cribbing, 144
Crib Suckers, 145
Croton Oil, 73
Curb, 145
Diabetes, 146
Diarrhoea, 147
Difficult Parturition, 147
Digestion of Food, 23
Dipping Live Stock, 147
Disease, Diagnosis and Treatment, 92
Disease on the Farm, 1
Disease, Physical Examination in, 92
Disease due to Heredity, 84
Disease from Chemical Causes, 84
Disease, Origin of, 86
Disease, The Causes of, 83
Disease, The Meaning of, 82
Disease, The Course of, 87
Disease, The Termination of, 89
Disease, The Treatment of, 95
Diseases of Farm Animals, 101
Dishorning, 148
Disinfect Frequently, 5
Disinfectants, 6
Distemper, 148
Dropsy, 148
Dysentery, 150
Dystokia, 149
Eczema, 149
Enteritis, 151
Epilepsy, 151
Epizootic, 151
Ergotism, 151
Erysipelas, 152
Examining Animals, 39
Farcy, 153
Feet, 17
Fever, 153
Firing, 98
Fistulæ, 154
Fits, 157
Flatulent Colic, 157
Fleas, 157
Flies, 157
Flukes, Liver, 158
Fly Blister, 80
Foot and Mouth Disease, 158
Foot Puncture, 160
Foot Rot in Sheep, 160
Fore Legs, 48
Founder, 162
Fowl Cholera, 165
Framework of the Body, 13
Front Feet, 48
Gapes, 165
Garget, 166
Gastric Juice, 25
Gastritis, 166
Gentian, 75
Germs, 85
Gid in Sheep, 166
Ginger, 75
Glanders, 167
Gravel or Dirt in Foot, 174
Grease Heel, 175
Grub in the Head, 176
Hair, 13
Hair Balls, 177
Heart, How it Works, 31
Heat Exhaustion, 178
Heaves, 177
Hernia, 179
Hide-Bound, 181
High Blowing, 181
Hind Feet, 49
Hind Legs, 49
Hip Joint Lameness, 181
Hipped, 182
Hog Cholera, 182
Hollow Horn, 193
Hoof Cracks, 194
Hoof Ointment, 80
Horn Fly, 194
Horses, Special Type in, 40
Hoven, 194
Hydrocephalus, 194
Hydrophobia, 194
Hydrothorax, 195
Hyposulphite of Soda, 75
Impaction of Rumen, 195
Indigestion, 196
Infectious Anemia in Horses, 197
Infectious Pneumonia, 197
Inflammation of the Bowels, 197
Inflammation of the Lungs, 199
Influenza, 200
Inoculation, 86
Internal Organs, 65
Intestinal Worms in Horses, 201
Intestinal Worms in Sheep, 251
Intestines, 66
Iodide of Potassium, 76
Iodine, 76
Itch, 202
Jaundice, 202
Kidneys, 67
Kidney Worms, 204
Knee Sprung, 205
Lameness, Examine for, 50
Laminitis, 205
Laudanum, 76
Leg Bones, 17
Leg Wounds, 61
Lice, 205
Linseed Oil, 76
Liver Flukes, 207
Lockjaw, 208
Loco Disease, 212
Lumpy Jaw, 213
Lung Fever, 214
Lungs, 67
Lungs, Congestion of, 213
Lung Worms in Calves, 214
Lung Worms in Lambs, 214
Lymph, 12
Lymphangitis, 214
Lymph Through Cells, 29
Mad Dog, 217
Maggots, 217
Maggots in Wounds, 61
Mange, 219
Mastication, 24
Medicines, 69
Medicines, Administration of, 97
Medicines, Giving in a Ball, 97
Medicines, Giving in a Drench, 97
Mallenders, 218
Mammitis, 218
Milk Fever, 219
Monday Morning Sickness, 221
Mouth, Examining the, 46
Muscular System, 19
Mustard Plasters, 98
Nasal Gleet, 221
Navicular Disease, 222
Neck, 47
Nervous System, 19
Nitrate of Potash, 77
Nitrate of Soda, 77
Nits, 224
Nodular Disease in Sheep, 224
Nostril, 45
Nutriment, How Absorbed, 27
Nux Vomica, 77
Obstetrics, 225
Paces, Testing of, 52
Palisade Worm, 228
Paralysis, 229
Parasites, 230
Parturient Apoplexy, 230
Parturition, Difficult, 230
Pelvic Girdle, 15
Peritonitis, 230
Physic Drench for Cattle, 81
Physic Drench for Horses, 81
Physiology You Ought to Know, 21
Pink Eye, 231
Placenta, 232
Plant Building, 21
Pleurisy, 233
Pleuro-Pneumonia, 234
Pneumonia, 234
Poll Evil, 234
Post-Mortem Examination, 62
Post-Mortem, First Things to Do, 63
Post-Mortem, Removing the Skin, 65
Post-Mortem, The Discharges, 64
Poultices, 98
Prescriptions, 80
Prevention Better than Cure, 4
Profuse Staling, 146
Protoplasm, 9
Pulse, Taking the, 93
Punctures, Nail, 59
Quarantine Quarters, 8
Quarter Crack, 235
Quittor, 235
Rabies, 236
Reproductive Apparatus, 20
Respiration, 32
Respiration, Taking the, 95
Respiratory Organs, 20
Rheumatism, 236
Ringbone, 237
Ringworm, 238
Roaring, 239
Roup, 239
Salts, 79
Sand Crack, 240
Scab in Cattle, 241
Septic Navel Infection, 243
Sheep Bots, 243
Sick Animals, 7
Side Bones, 243
Skeleton, 14
Skin, 13
Skull, 15
Slobbering, 245
Soothing Ointment, 80
Soundness, Examining Animals for, 39
Spasmodic Colic, 245
Spavin, 245
Spaying, 247
Spirits of Niter, 78
Splints, 248
Sprains, 249
Staggers, 250
Stomach, 66
Stomach Churn, 26
Stomach of Horse, 24
Stomach of Ruminants, 25
Stomach Worms in Sheep, 251
Stone in Bladder, 253
Strangles, 253
Stringhalt in Horses, 255
Sugar of Lead, 78
Sulphate of Copper, 78
Sulphate of Iron, 78
Sulphur, 79
Sunstroke, 255
Swamp Fever, 255
Sweeny, 257
Swine Plague, 258
Tape Worms, 258
Teeth, As an Indication of Age, 34
Teeth, Loosening of Temporary, 35
Teeth of Cattle, 37
Teeth of Sheep, 38
Temperature, Taking the, 94
Tetanus, 258
Texas Fever, 258
Thick Leg, 262
Thoroughpin, 262
Throat, 47
Thrush, 262
Thumps, 262
Tick Fever, 263
Tissues, Body, 12
Tooth, The Mark in, 35
Trichinosis, 263
Tuberculosis, 264
Tumors, 268
Tumors in Pigs After Castration, 268
Turpentine, 79
Urinary Organs, 20
Warbles, 269
Warts, 269
Water in the Brain, 270
Water in the Chest, 270
White Scours of Calves, 270
Wind Puffs, 271
Wind Sucking, 272
Wind, Testing the, 51
Worms, 272
Worms in Hogs, 272
Wound, Cleansing the, 56
Wounds, 54
Wounds, First Step in Treating, 56
Wounds, Kinds of, 55
Wounds, Special Treatment of, 58
Transcriber’s Notes

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation have been


retained.
The Plates have been added to the List of
Illustrations.
Jekyl-like (page 11) and post portem (page 120)
have not been corrected.
Page 110 ff.: not all entries are listed in alphabetical
order, this has not been corrected.
Changes and corrections made:
Page 21: Æsophagus changed to Œsophagus
Page 183: ... characteristic “a” or even “b” ...: Letter
“b” was invisible in the source document
Page 186: On open- the carcass ... changed to On
opening the carcass ...
Page 201: Intestinal Worms in Horses: capitalised as
other section headings
Page 275: Nail Punctures changed to Punctures,
Nail.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FARMER'S
VETERINARIAN: A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE DISEASES OF
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