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Chapter 1: Introduction

Test Bank for Managerial Economics Theory Ap-

plications and Cases 8th Edition W Bruce Allen
full chapter at: https://testbankbell.com/product/test-bank-for-
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MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. Managerial economics uses to help managers solve problems.

a. formal models
b. prescribed behavior
c. quantitative methods
d. microeconomic theory
e. all of the above
ANS: E DIF: Easy REF: 2 TOP: Introduction
MSC: Factual

2. Managerial economics draws upon all of the following EXCEPT:

a. finance.
b. microeconomics.
c. accounting.
d. marketing.
e. sociology.
ANS: E DIF: Easy REF: 2 TOP: Introduction
MSC: Factual

3. The economic theory of the firm assumes that the primary objective of a firm’s owner or owners is to:
a. behave in a socially conscientious manner.
b. maximize the firm’s profit.
c. maximize the firm’s total sales.
d. maximize the value of the firm.
e. All of these are primary objectives.
ANS: D DIF: Easy REF: 3 TOP: The Theory of the Firm
MSC: Factual

4. In managerial economics, managers are assumed to maximize:

a. current profits.
b. their take-home pay.
c. their employees’ welfare.
d. the value of their firm.
e. social welfare.
ANS: D DIF: Easy REF: 3 TOP: The Theory of the Firm
MSC: Factual

5. Owner-supplied labor is a cost that is usually:

 a. included in both accounting costs and economic costs.
b. included in accounting costs but not in economic costs.
c. included in economic costs but not in accounting costs.
d. not included in either accounting costs or economic costs.
e. ignored because it is impossible to place a value on it.
ANS: C DIF: Easy REF: 5 TOP: Profit
MSC: Factual

6. What is the relationship between economic and accounting profit?

a. Economic profit is equal to accounting profit.
b. Economic profit is greater than accounting profit.
c. Economic profit is less than accounting profit.
d. Economic profit may be equal to or less than accounting profit.
e. Economic profit may be equal to or greater than accounting profit.
ANS: D DIF: Easy REF: 5 TOP: Profit
MSC: Factual

7. The difference between accounting and economic profit is:

a. caused by confusion over tax laws.
b. the value of owned resources in their next best alternative use.
c. the result of superior training received by accountants.
d. proportionately very small for owner-managed firms.
e. a decreasing function of interest rates.
ANS: B DIF: Moderate REF: 5 TOP: Profit
MSC: Factual

8. Managers make decisions that contribute to the profitability of a firm by:

a. exploiting market efficiencies.
b. taking on risks.
c. engaging in illegal behavior.
d. maximizing sales.
e. manipulating the share price of the firm’s stock.
ANS: B DIF: Moderate REF: 5 TOP: Profit
MSC: Factual

9. Economic profits may result from:

a. innovation.
b. risk taking.
c. exploiting market inefficiencies.
d. all of the above.
e. a and b
ANS: D DIF: Easy REF: 6 TOP: Profit
MSC: Factual

10. Which of the following would a manager NOT use to create market inefficiencies?
a. Establishing a brand name.
b. Sophisticated pricing strategies.
c. Diversification efforts.
 d. Output decisions.
e. Building market entry barriers.
ANS: A DIF: Moderate REF: 6 TOP: Profit
MSC: Factual

11. Managers may make decisions that are not consistent with the goals of stockholders. This is referred to
as the problem.
a. principal–agent
b. economic disincentive
c. incentive–compromise
d. efficiency–inefficiency
e. equilibrium
ANS: A DIF: Easy REF: 7
TOP: Managerial Interests and the Principal–Agent Problem MSC: Factual

12. Managers may choose to pursue goals other than maximization of a firm’s value. This is referred to as
the problem.
a. slacker–shirking
b. neuropathy
c. generation X
d. principal–agent
e. none of the above
ANS: D DIF: Easy REF: 7
TOP: Managerial Interests and the Principal–Agent Problem MSC: Factual

13. The principal–agent problem refers to:

a. the threat from foreign competition.
b. the need to manage inventory more effectively.
c. double-entry bookkeeping.
d. the potential costs of separation of ownership and control.
e. the time value of money.
ANS: D DIF: Moderate REF: 7
TOP: Managerial Interests and the Principal–Agent Problem MSC: Factual

14. As a result of historically high gasoline prices in 2008, traffic volume in the United States (measured in
terms of billions of miles driven per month) declined significantly. These changes were caused by a
of gasoline and .
a. surplus; a decrease in the quantity demanded of gasoline
b. surplus; a decrease in the demand for gasoline
c. shortage; a decrease in the quantity demanded of gasoline
d. shortage; a decrease in the demand for gasoline
e. shortage; an increase in the demand for gasoline
ANS: C DIF: Moderate REF: 7 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Applied

15. The market supply curve shows the quantity of a good or service that , holding other possible
influences constant.
a. households would sell at various prices
 b. households would buy at various outputs
c. firms would sell at various prices
d. firms would buy at various prices
e. households would buy at various prices
ANS: C DIF: Easy REF: 13 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Factual

16. The market demand curve shows the quantity of a good or service that:
a. households would sell at various prices.
b. households would buy at various outputs.
c. firms would sell at various prices.
d. firms would buy at various prices.
e. households would buy at various prices.
ANS: E DIF: Easy REF: 13 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Factual

17. The price of computers has fallen, while the quantity purchased has remained constant. This implies that
the demand for computers has:
a. decreased, while the supply of computers has increased.
b. increased.
c. decreased, while the supply of computers has decreased.
d. increased, while the supply of computers has increased.
e. become more volatile.
ANS: A DIF: Easy REF: 13 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Applied

18. J. D. Power, the big management consulting firm, extols the reliability of Dell computers; this causes
the:
a. demand for Dell computers to increase.
b. supply of Dell computers to increase.
c. quantity supplied of Dell computers to increase.
d. quantity supplied of Dell computers to decrease.
e. demand and supply of Dell computers to remain unchanged.
ANS: A DIF: Easy REF: 13 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Applied

19. ConAgra has introduced a lean mixture of cereal and ground beef that is indistinguishable from ground
beef but has about the same amount of fat as chicken. As a result, the:
a. demand for chicken increases.
b. demand for ground beef decreases.
c. demand for chicken decreases.
d. demand for cereal decreases.
e. supply of chicken increases.
ANS: C DIF: Easy REF: 13 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Applied

20. In the following figure, there will be an excess supply at any price:
 a. above Pb.
b. below Pb.
c. other than Pb.
d. below Pa.
e. above Pc.
ANS: A DIF: Easy REF: 15 TOP: Equilibrium Price
MSC: Applied

21. In the accompanying figure, the equilibrium price and quantity are:

a. Pa and Qa.
b. Pb and Qb.
c. Pc and Qc.
d. Pa and Qc.
e. Pc and Qa.
ANS: B DIF: Easy REF: 15 TOP: Equilibrium Price
MSC: Applied

22. In the following figure, there will be an excess demand at any price:
 a. below Pa.
b. below Pb.
c. other than Pb.
d. above Pb.
e. above Pc.
ANS: B DIF: Easy REF: 15 TOP: Equilibrium Price
MSC: Applied

23. California imposes strict new regulations on the blending of gasoline that increase production costs. As
a result, the:
a. demand for gasoline will increase.
b. demand for gasoline will decrease.
c. supply of gasoline will increase.
d. supply of gasoline will decrease.
e. demand for and supply of gasoline will not change.
ANS: D DIF: Easy REF: 17 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Applied

24. Which of the following would be likely to reduce the demand for residential housing?
a. High prices for residential housing units.
b. High mortgage interest rates.
c. High prices for lumber and other construction materials.
d. Low unemployment rates.
e. Low prices for residential housing units.
ANS: B DIF: Moderate REF: 17 TOP: Demand and Supply
MSC: Applied
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
of the church continued to develop in the same direction as they had
taken during the preceding century. This I shall again proceed to
prove from (1) its constitution, (2) life, (3) doctrine, (4) literature,
(5) worship, and (6) its estimate of the state.
(1) The political organisation of the church attained its complete
development, and the result was a structure so stable,
homogeneous, and comprehensive that no other association within
the empire could vie with it. While the framework of the state grew
looser and looser, and the several parts began to exhibit symptoms
of falling apart, the edifice of the church grew steadily firmer and
stronger. The bishops, as successors of the Apostles, everywhere
concentrated the power in their own hands and suppressed all other
forms of authority; the church became an episcopal church. But the
bishops were not only united among themselves by provincial
synods, they kept up an active and intimate correspondence
throughout the whole empire by means of letters and emissaries,
and even at this time all matters of importance were settled by
common consent. If we take the provincial synods as corresponding
to the diets of the provinces, the organisation of the church had
advanced a step beyond the latter. As early as the second half of the
third century synods were held at Rome to which bishops came from
every part of Italy, and sixty years before the Council of Nicæa a
synod sat at Antioch to which bishops flocked from all the countries
between the Halys and the Nile. Thus the episcopal confederation
which ruled the Christian communities was a state within a state.
The fact could not be hidden from the chiefs of the state. Under
Maximinus Thrax the bishops had borne the brunt of persecution;
Decius is reported to have said that he could sooner endure a rival
emperor in Rome than a Christian bishop; and the persecutions of
Gallus, Valerian, Diocletian, Galerius, and Maximinus Daza were
directed in the first instance against the bishops. Gallienus and
Aurelian addressed letters to the bishops, the former to those of
Egypt, the latter to those of Syria, and thus made it plain that they
were well aware of the authoritative position of the bishops in the
churches.
 More than this, Aurelian appreciated the value of the episcopate
which had Rome for its centre as a conservative and patriotic
element in the state; for when a quarrel was raging at Antioch as to
the ecclesiastical party to which the church buildings, and
consequently the church property, belonged of right, he ignored the
theoretical disqualifications of the church before the law and decided
that possession was due to that party which was “in epistolary
correspondence with the bishops of Italy and the city of Rome.” That
is to say, he was already using the church to reinforce the Roman
spirit in the East. But what warrant had he to interfere? Thus much:
the disputant parties in the church had themselves applied to him to
decide their quarrel. Thus, forty years before the time of Constantine
the church had appealed to the emperor to arbitrate in a question of
canon law, and the emperor had practically acknowledged the
existence of the church and its value as a pillar of imperial authority.
If, in addition to this, we consider that the church already
possessed buildings, land, and property in every province of the
empire; that the clergy, in the large towns, at least, were very
numerous and represented a strictly organised scale of hierarchical
degrees; that by their assistance the bishops directed and
superintended all the affairs of the communities in even the most
trivial details; that each community was likewise an effective
organisation for the relief of the poor; and, finally, that in many
provinces the country districts were overspread by a close network
of provincial bishoprics and parishes, we shall no longer be surprised
that even the emperor Alexander regarded the system of church
government with envious eyes.
The civil and military system of the empire was falling into decay,
the legions were permanent centres of revolution, the generals born
pretenders; but the milites Christi were everywhere united in
compact squadrons, and, though many internal dissensions might
prevail amongst these troops, they confronted the state as a single
army. The state had no other alternative than to try and destroy this
army, as Decius, Valerian, Diocletian, and Maximinus Daza would fain
have done, or to enter into alliance with it, as Constantine did. After
the middle of the third century a policy of laissez-aller or weak
toleration was an impossibility. The church seems also to have been
numerically strong—though this is a point which has not been
exhaustively examined as yet. As early as the year 251 the Roman
bishop Cornelius wrote: “Besides the one bishop, there are at Rome
forty-six priests, seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, forty-two
acolytes, fifty-two exorcists, lectors, and ostiarii, and more than
fifteen hundred widows and needy persons, all of whom are
maintained by the grace and goodness of the Lord.”
(2) During the last decades of the third century Christian life
underwent a virtual amalgamation with that of the world. The
Christian who desired to live a life apart from the world became a
member of a distinct class, the ascetics, or withdrew into the desert;
the rest—i.e., the vast majority, had come to terms with the world.
There was no class, from senators to artisans, in which Christians
were not to be found, and in each class they fulfilled the obligations
of their station. They were, indeed, bound to eschew certain callings
(e.g., municipal appointments, which were all too closely bound up
with “idolatry,” the theatrical profession, etc.), but the admonitions
and penalties which were promulgated and denounced against the
infringement of these prohibitions show that they were not always
regarded. Certain facts, such as that, in the year 255, a Christian
bishop in Spain was at the same time a member of a pagan society
and had his children interred in the burying-ground of the said
society; that a Syrian presbyter was director of the imperial purple-
dye factory at Tyre; that a metropolitan bishop of Antioch was a
ducenarius; that not a few of the clergy engaged in trade and
travelled to the annual fairs—give us a clear insight into the
amalgamation of Christian life with the life of the world. And it is
very significant that Origen, in his pamphlet against Celsus, draws a
comparison between Christian and municipal communities in order
to commend the moral advantage of the former, and merely
demands an admission of their superiority. That is, he insists on a
difference of degree only, and refrains from contrasting the Christian
communities with the municipal communities, like light with
darkness.
Thus Christianity was no longer separated from the “world” in
practical life, as every persecution made abundantly plain, for at first
the number of apostates always exceeded that of confessors. The
Christians only gathered strength as the persecutions proceeded.
They were practically “exclusive” no longer, except in matters of
religion in the strict sense of the word. Why should not the state
tolerate them? The malicious aspersions on their moral character
had died away into silence. Was it not madness on the part of the
government to continue to persecute people, who were more
conscientious and peaceable citizens than many others, and did not
disturb the organisation and functions of public life? If they would
not give up their exclusive faith, then the government must give
them leave to hold it—a way out of the difficulty so simple that it
would have been adopted long before the time of Constantine if the
Christians, on their part, had not stipulated for certain conditions.
Their God was not to be merely tolerated, he was to reign alone in
the sphere of belief. With the world they had already come to terms.
(3) With regard to doctrine, the astounding labours of Origen
brought the preparatory work of earlier Christian theologians to a
kind of conclusion in the East; in the West, doctrine and learning
never played more than a subordinate part. Origen worked the
doctrines of Christianity up into a religious system which was able to
vie with the systems of the neo-Platonists and give them battle upon
equal terms. His schools at Alexandria and Cæsarea were attended
by even pagan young men, and continued to flourish after his death;
his pupils and their pupils occupied the episcopal sees of the most
important cities. It was no longer possible to esteem Christianity a
religion for mechanics, slaves, and old women. The Christian
“mythology” which gave so much offence was not actually altered,
but it was spiritualised by the application of the allegoric method. In
this form the majority of philosophers and men of culture found it
endurable; for they were accustomed to employ the allegoric
method in the interpretation of their own religious traditions, and to
transmute base images and repulsive tales into sublime conceptions
and the history of ideas. Even the solemn confession of Jesus Christ
was so expressed by philosophical bishops that it sounded like a
brief philosophical dissertation.
Strictly speaking, there were only three points on which Christian
dogma differed essentially from the neo-Platonic which was then in
the ascendant; the former taught the creation of the world in time,
the incarnation of the Logos, and the resurrection of the flesh; the
latter rejected all these three doctrines. Nevertheless the pupils of
Origen conceived of these theological propositions in such wise that
the assertion was very like a denial, and they made common cause
with the neo-Platonists in their contest with the dualistic-pessimistic
school of philosophy. Christian philosophy was in the mid-current of
the intellectual movement, and it was therefore a singular
anachronism that the state could not as yet bring itself to place
those who professed it upon the same footing as other citizens.
(4) The literature produced and read by Christians was by this
time hardly to be distinguished from literature in general. It differed
only in name; the spirit was the same, if we leave out of
consideration the texts of Scripture which the Christians interwove in
their books. The legends of Apostles and Martyrs took the place of
the old stories of gods and heroes, and adopted from the latter
whatever element of fiction they could make serve their turn. The
forms of epistolary and literary correspondence had already won full
acceptance among Christians; their dedications, plots, titles, and
headings were those of pagan literature. In this last connection we
note particularly how ceremonious the “brethren” have become.
Finally, educated Christians were familiar with the whole body of
profane scholastic literature, derived their culture from it and used it
for example and quotation. The shoot of Christian literature had
been grafted on the stock of Hellenism, and the sap of it streamed
through the new branch.
(5) With regard to public worship we note the following changes
during the sixty years before the time of Constantine. In the first
place the ritual became more solemn and mysterious; the prayers
more studied and rhetorical; symbols and symbolic acts were
multiplied; and secondly, there was an increased tendency to meet
halfway the polytheistic leanings which swayed the Christian masses.
This is indicated, on the one hand, by the constantly increasing
importance attached to “intercessors” (angels, saints, and martyrs)
both in public worship and in private life; and, on the other, by the
“naturalisation” and differentiation of religious rites after the manner
of pagan ceremonials. An observer watching a Christian religious
service about the year 300 would hardly have realised that these
Christians were monotheists, and in words proudly professed their
monotheism and spiritual worship. Except the bloody sacrifice, they
had adopted almost every part and form of pagan ritual ceremonial;
and, in fact, the bloody sacrifice was not lacking, for the death of
Christ and the celebration of the Lord’s Supper were dealt with in
materialistic fashion as bloody sacrifices. They were fond of
appealing to the Old Testament to warrant the innovations, and in
virtue of this appeal nearly the whole pagan system of worship could
be dragged into the church.
Chapels were dedicated to angels, saints, and martyrs and
decorated on their festivals; a habit grew up of sleeping in churches
or chapels in the expectation of holy dreams or miraculous cures;
holydays were multiplied and differentiated more and more;
superstitious ceremonies, usually associated with the holy cross or
consecrated bread, were woven into the tenor of ordinary life; nor
were charms in the name of Jesus or of holy men, nor even amulets
wanting; wakes and banquets for the dead were celebrated; the
relics of saints were collected and adored, etc. What more was
lacking to complete the analogy with heathen cults? Was not a
sagacious Roman statesman bound to confess that this church, with
the form of divine worship it had adopted, met every religious need?
And how then could he fail to wish that the senseless state of war
that prevailed between state and church should come to an end? A
monotheistic form of doctrine, combined with a worship so
diversified, so adapted to every need—no better device could
possibly be invented.
(6) In considering the church’s estimate of the state there are two
points of importance to be observed. In the first place we note that
Christians now began to profess that those emperors who had not
shown active hostility towards the church, or whose personal piety
had borne a certain kindred likeness to that of Christians, had really
been Christians in secret. Bishop Dionysius of Alexandria (about 260
a.d.) merely repeats an opinion widely received when he states that
Alexander Severus and Philip the Arab were Christians; of Philip it
was even reported that he had on one occasion done penance at the
bidding of a bishop.
Such legends are eloquent; they disclose the daring wishes of the
Christians and show that they no longer thought the empire and
Christianity incompatible. This is likewise evident from the fact that
this same Dionysius does not shrink from applying a Messianic
prophecy in the Old Testament to the emperor Valerian. Gallienus
had cancelled his father’s writ for the persecution of Christians, and
Dionysius therefore applies to him the prophecy of Isaiah, and styles
him, moreover, “our sanctified emperor, well-pleasing in God’s sight.”
This is the very language which Christian bishops used of
Constantine sixty years later. Secondly, it is a significant token of
change that Origen, in his great work against Celsus, written
towards the end of his life, in the reign of the emperor Philip,
expressed the hope that by gradual advances Christianity would
attain to victory in this world. This is the exact opposite of what
primitive Christians had believed and hoped. Origen could not have
put the anticipation into words, unless, in spite of all the differences
which still subsisted between state and church, these two great
powers had drawn considerably nearer to each other. At bottom the
only question was that of the removal of “misunderstandings”; in
actual fact, nothing blocked the way to the conclusion of peace
except the church’s demand not for mere toleration but for exclusive
recognition.
 IV

In the foregoing pages we have shown how the church, as it

developed, drew nearer to the state; all that now remains to be
done is to point out how, in the second century, and still more in the
third, the state, on its part, drew nearer to the Christian religion and
to the church. I will confine myself to a few suggestive indications.
(1) During the imperial period the Roman state wielded no real
influence upon the religious life of the citizens of its domains, except
by means of the worship of the emperors; the other Roman cults
were of local importance only, and were perpetually being thrust into
the background by alien religions. Under these circumstances the
state had made an attempt to develop emperor worship into the
actual universal religion of the empire. Sagacious statesmen and
religious politicians were, however, constrained to own that this cult,
the adoration of the secunda majestas, was not enough. The state
accordingly had recourse to the expedient of officially recognising as
many alien religions as it possibly could (indeed, it was in a manner
forced to accord them recognition), in order that these alien religions
might not constitute a barrier between it and its subjects. By this
means there gradually arose a medley and diversity of religions in
the empire which was bewildering and rendered a sound religious
policy impossible.
A single, new, universal religion was the crying need of the hour.
It seemed that this need might be met in various ways. Elagabalus,
Alexander Severus, and Maximinus Daza were the emperors who
tried to strike out a fresh line before the time of Constantine.
Elagabalus wished to do this by exalting one Syrian divinity to the
position of Supreme God of the empire and giving a subordinate
place to all other cults; Alexander, by endeavouring to discover the
common element in all religious doctrines and forms of worship and
uniting them in peaceful conjunction (as all, at bottom, meaning the
same thing); Maximinus Daza by making regulations for the
administrative union of all the religions and cults of a single province
under one high priest appointed by the state, and for the control of
these priests by the civil government. These were all attempts to
create a new church, and an established church to boot, and must
all be regarded as preliminaries to Constantine’s achievement.
A certain bias towards monotheism was involved in the case of
Elagabalus and Alexander; towards an oriental monotheism in the
former. Diocletian, indeed, attempted once more to make the old
Roman religious system serve the purpose; but as he had placed the
political administration and government of the empire on an entirely
new basis, and introduced a new oriental and despotic system after
the dissolution of the ancient state, his reactionary religious policy
was a grave error. It was foredoomed to utter failure—the new state
could not possibly rest upon the scanty foundations of the old cults;
and Constantine, who witnessed its collapse, drew from it the only
correct inference. The new basis of the state must be a monotheistic
religion—an oriental monotheism. So much the third century had
taught.
(2) The Roman state approximated to Christianity and the church
by a steady process of levelling up from within and by its
transformation from a Roman state into a state of provinces.
Caracalla bestowed the rights of Roman citizenship on the
inhabitants of all the provinces; the influence of the old Roman
aristocracy steadily declined, the state became really cosmopolitan.
But the church was cosmopolitan likewise; indeed, Christianity was
at bottom the only really universal religion. It was not bound up with
Judaism, like the religion of the Old Testament; nor with Egypt, like
Isis-worship; nor with Persia, like Mithras-worship; it had shaken
itself free from all national elements. Hence every step by which the
state lost something of its exclusively Roman character brought it
nearer to the church.
(3) The legislation begun by Nerva and Trajan and continued by
the Antonines and the emperors of the first half of the third century
under the guidance of great jurists marked an enormous advance in
the sphere of law. The Stoic ideas of the “rights of man” and the
leavening of law by morality were introduced into legislation and
operated by countless wholesome ordinances. By this means the
state met halfway the feeling which prevailed in the church as a
matter of principle. By the beginning of the fourth century there
were but few points in Roman civil law to which the church (which, it
must be owned, had somewhat lowered its moral standard) could
fairly take objection, and many, on the other hand, which it hailed
with joyful assent. Thus the development of Roman law must be
recognised as a preliminary step to the amalgamation of state and
church.
(4) At first sight it seems as though after the middle of the third
century the state had met the church in a far more hostile spirit and
had therefore been far less capable of appreciating it than in the
preceding epoch. But although it is true that the systematic
persecution of the church first began under Decius, yet the
conclusion that therefore the state cannot have appreciated the
church does not hold good in fact. Rather, the persecutions of Decius
and Valerian prove, as has been suggested before, that these
emperors realised the danger the old political system implied in the
existence of the church more clearly than their predecessors had
done. They accordingly endeavoured to extirpate the church, as
Diocletian’s co-emperor did likewise. But these attempts must be
regarded as desperate and (with the exception of the last named)
short-lived experiments. During the early years of the reign of
Valerian and from 260 to 302 the church enjoyed almost absolute
peace within the empire; and, above all, the imperial government
recognised the importance of the bishops and the ecclesiastical
hierarchy. This is proved not only by the persecutory edicts, but, as
has been said above, by peaceful acts. Gallienus and Aurelian wrote
letters to the bishops, and the latter even tried by peaceful means to
use their influence to strengthen Roman dominion; nay, Maximinus
Daza actually attempted to copy the constitution of the church and
to organise the pagan system of worship in similar fashion. Under
the circumstances it was much simpler to ally the hierarchy of the
church itself with the state than to make any such attempt. That the
strength of the church lay in the hierarchy the despots had long
recognised. Accordingly as soon as he had decided in favour of
Christianity, Constantine joined hands with the bishops. He not only
joined hands with them, but he honoured them and bestowed
privileges upon them, for he was anxious to secure their power for
the state. His success was immediate; the hierarchy put itself—
unreservedly, we may say—at his disposal when once he had set the
cross upon his standard. Thus the state within the state was
abolished; the strongest political force then existent, to wit, the
church, was made the cornerstone of the state. Both parties, the
emperor and the bishops, were equally well pleased; history seldom
has a conclusion of peace like this to record, in which both
contracting parties broke forth into rejoicings. And both were fully
justified in their rejoicing, for a thing for which a way had been
slowly made ready now had come to light; the empire gained a
strong support and the church was delivered from an undignified
position, in which she could not avail herself freely of the forces at
her disposal. The church of the fourth century not only accomplished
much more than the church of the period between 250 and 325, but
she brought forth men of greater distinction and more commanding
character.

BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY

CHAPTERS

[The letter a is reserved for Editorial Matter]

 Chapter XXIX.

b Georg Weber, Allgemeine Weltgeschichte.

c Victor Gardthausen, Augustus und seine Zeit.
d Joachim Marquardt (in collab. with Theodor Mommsen), Römische
Staatsverwaltung.
e Charles Merivale, A History of the Romans under the Empire.

Chapter XXX.

b F. C. Schlosser, Weltgeschichte für das Deutsche Volk.

c Georg Weber, op. cit.
d Eduard Meyer, Untersuchungen über die Schlacht im Teutoberger
Walde.
e Caius Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of the History of Rome
(translated from the Latin by J. S. Watson).
f Florus,
Epitome of Roman History (translated from the Latin by J.
S. Watson).
g Cornelius Tacitus, Annales.

Chapter XXXI.

b Victor Gardthausen, op. cit.

c Georg Weber, op. cit.
d Karl Hoeck,Römische Geschichte vom Verfall der Republik bis zur
Vollendung der Monarchie unter Constantin.
e Monumentum Ancyranum.
 f Johann Heinrich Karl Friedrich Hermann Schiller, Geschichte der
römischen Kaiserzeit bis auf Theodosius den Grossen.
g Charles Merivale, op. cit.
h B. G. Niebuhr, The History of Rome (translated from the German
by J. C. Hare, C. Thirlwall, W. Smith, and L. Schmitz).
i H. Taine, Essai sur Tite Live.

Chapter XXXII.

b Georg Weber, op. cit.

c Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, The Lives of the Twelve Cæsars
(translated from the Latin by A. Thomson).
d Thomas Arnold, History of the Later Roman Commonwealth.
e Victor Gardthausen, op. cit.

Chapter XXXIII.

b Victor Duruy, Histoire Romaine jusqu’à l’invasion des barbares.

c Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, op. cit.
d Cornelius Tacitus, op. cit.
e Thomas Keightley, The History of Rome to the End of the Republic.
f Charles Merivale, op. cit.
g Caius Velleius Paterculus, op. cit.
h Flavius Josephus,
The Works of Josephus (translated from the
Greek by William Whiston).
i Herennius Byblius Philon, Περὶ τῆς Βασιλείας.
 j Dion-Cassius Cocceianus, Ῥωμαϊκή ἱστορία.

k Plinius Secundus, Historia Naturalis.

l Lucius Annæus Seneca, Apocolocyntosis.
m G. F. Hertzberg, Geschichte der Römer im Alterthum.
n Tarver, Tiberius.

Chapter XXXIV.

b Victor Duruy, op. cit.

c Cornelius Tacitus, op. cit.
d Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, op. cit.
e Charles Merivale, op. cit.
f Thomas Keightley, op. cit.

Chapter XXXV.

b Oliver Goldsmith, History of Rome.

c Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, op. cit.
d F. C. Schlosser, op. cit.
e Thomas Keightley, op. cit.
f Dion-Cassius Cocceianus, op. cit.
g Plinius, op. cit.
h William Gell (in collab. with John P. Gandy), Pompeiana: the
Topography, Edifices, and Ornaments of Pompeii.
i Cornelius Tacitus, Historiæ.
 j Arthur Murphy, in the Appendix to Book V of his translation of The
Works of Cornelius Tacitus.
k Charles Merivale, op. cit.
l Flavius Josephus, op. cit.
m G. W. Botsford, A History of Rome.
n V. Duruy, op. cit.

Chapter XXXVI.

b Oliver Goldsmith, op. cit.

c Victor Duruy, op. cit.
d J. Ernest Renan, Histoire des origines du Christianisme.
e Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire.
f F. C. Schlosser, op. cit.
g Dion-Cassius Cocceianus, op. cit.
h Xiphilinus, Ἐπιτωμή τῆς Δίωνος Νικαέως ῥωμαϊκῆς ἱστορίας.

i R. W. Brown, History of Roman Classical Literature.

j Plinius, op. cit.
k R. Burn, Old Rome: a Handbook to the Ruins of the City and the
Campagna.
l Charles Merivale, op. cit.
m G. F. Hertzberg, op. cit.
n J. B. Bury, Student’s Roman Empire.
 Chapter XXXVII.

b Jean-François Denis, Histoire des théories et des idées morales de

l’antiquité.
c Edward Gibbon, op. cit.
d Benjamin Aube, Les Chrétiens dans l’empire romain.
e Dion-Cassius Cocceianus, op. cit.
f Epictetus, in Arrian’s Διατριβαὶ Ἐπικτὴτου and Ἐγχειρίδιον
Ἐπικτήτου.
g Cocceianus Dion Chrysostom, Δόγοι περὶ βασιλείας.

h Seneca, Opera.
i Marcus Aurelius, Μάρκου Ἀντωνίνου το αὐτοκρατορος τῶν εἰς
ἐαυτὸν Βιβλία ιβ (translated from the Greek by Jeremy Collier).
j Plinius Minor, Epistolæ.
k Cornelius Tacitus, op. cit.

Chapter XXXVIII.

b J. Ernest Renan, op. cit.

c Charles Merivale, op. cit.
d Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticæ.
e M. L. G. Boissier, L’Opposition sous les Césars.
f Joachim Marquardt, op. cit.
g A. Bouche-Leclercq, Manuel des institutions romaines.
h M. L. G. Boissier, La religion romaine d’Auguste aux Antonins.
 i J. Y. Sheppard, The Fall of Rome and the Rise of New Nationalities.
j H. S. Williams, History of the Art of Writing.
k Valerius Maximus, De Factis Dictisque Memorabilibus Libri IX.
l W. A. Becker, Gallus, oder römische Scenen aus der Zeit Augusts.

Chapter XXXIX.

b G. F. Hertzberg, op. cit.

c Thomas Keightley, op. cit.
d Herodianus, Ἡρωδιανοῦ τῆς μετὰ Μάρκον Βασιλείας ἱστοριῶν
βιβλὶα ὀκτώ.
e Dion-Cassius Cocceianus, op. cit.
f Augustan History (Historiæ Augustæ Scriptores).
g Henry Fynes Clinton, Fasti Romani.
h Zosimus, The History of Count Zosimus (translated from the
Greek).
i Xiphilinus, op. cit.
j J. Ernest Renan, op. cit.

Chapter XL.

b G. F. Hertzberg, op. cit.

c Thomas Keightley, op. cit.
d Zosimus, op. cit.
e Johannes Zonaras, Χρονικόν (Annales).
 Chapter XLI.

b F. C. Schlosser, op. cit.

c Edward Gibbon, op. cit.
d Zosimus, op. cit.
e Thomas Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders.

Chapter XLII.

b Edward Gibbon, op. cit.

c S. Reinhardt, Der Perserkrieg des Kaisers Julian.
d Ammianus Marcellinus, The Roman History of Ammianus
Marcellinus (translated from the Latin by C. D. Yonge).
e Thomas Keightley, op. cit.

Chapter XLIII.

b Edward Gibbon, op. cit.

c Victor Duruy, op. cit.
d Ammianus Marcellinus, op. cit.
e Thomas Keightley, op. cit.

Chapter XLIV.

b Edward Gibbon, op. cit.

c F. C. Schlosser, op. cit.

Chapter XLV.
 b Edward Gibbon, op. cit.

Chapter XLVI.

b Edward Gibbon, op. cit.

c Thomas Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders.
d Jordanes, De Getarum origine et rebus gestis.

Chapter XLVII.

b T. Hodgkin, article “Vandals,” in the Ninth Edition of the

Encyclopædia Britannica.
c Edward Gibbon, op. cit.
d R. H. Wrightson, The Sancta Republica Romana.
e Eduard von Wietersheim, Geschichte der Völkerwanderung.
f Amédée Thierry, Récits de l’histoire romaine au cinquème siécle.
g T. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders.
h Kurt Breysig, Kulturgeschichte der Neuzeit.

A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ROMAN

HISTORY

BASED CHIEFLY UPON THE WORKS QUOTED,

CITED, OR CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION
OF THE PRESENT WORK; WITH CRITICAL AND
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
[For convenience of reference, the Byzantine historians are
included here, though their work has to do chiefly with the period
treated in vol. VII. Further notes on many of the Roman historians
may be found above (p. 15), and in vols. V (p. 25) and VII (p. 1)].

A. Classical and Later Latin Works

Ælianus, Claudius, Ποικίλη Ἱστορία, edited by Perizonius, Leyden,

1701; translated from the Greek by A. Fleming, The Variable History
of Ælian, London, 1576. (A biographical notice of this writer has
been given in vol. I, p. 295.)—Agobardus, Works, edited by Baluze,
Paris, 1666; edited by Migne, in his Patrologiæ Latine, vol. CIV, Paris,
1844-1855; edited by Chevallard, Lyons, 1869.—Ammianus
Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum Libri XXXI, edited by Accorsi,
Augsburg, 1532, 5 vols.; edited by Wagner and Erfurdt, Leipsic,
1808, 3 vols.; English translation by C. D. Yonge, The Roman History
of Ammianus Marcellinus, London, 1862.
Ammianus Marcellinus, by birth a Syrian Greek, served many years
in the imperial bodyguards. His history covered a period of 282
years, from the accession of Nerva, 96 a.d., to the death of Valens,
378 a.d. Of its thirty-one books the last eighteen have been
preserved. These include the transactions of twenty-five years only,
but they are valuable as a source because of the author’s
conscientious effort to be truthful and of his first-hand knowledge of
the events he describes.
Anastasius, see Liber Pontificalis.—Annales Alamannici (741-
779), founded on Annales Mosellani.—Annales S. Amandi (708-
810), founded on Annales Mosellani.—Annales Fuldenses, records
of the monastery of Fulda.—Annales Guelferbytani, or
Wolfenbüttel Codex (741-805), founded on Annales Mosellani.—
Annales Laurissenses or Laureshamenses (741-829), composed
at Lorsch.—Annales Maximiani (710-811), founded on Annales
Mosellani.—Annales Mettenses, composed at Metz or Laon about
the end of the tenth century.—Annales Mosellani (703-797),
composed at the monastery of St. Martin in Cologne.—Annales
Nazariani (741-790), founded on Annales Mosellani.—Annales
Petaviani (708-799), founded on Annales Mosellani; original from
717-799.
The foregoing annals of the German monasteries possess varying
historical value. They have all been edited by Pertz, in Monumenta
Germaniæ Historica, Hanover, 1819, in progress.
Appianus Alexandrinus, Πωμαϊκὴ ἱστορία, edited by
Schweighauser, Leipsic, 1785, 3 vols.; translated from the Greek by
J. D(ancer),“The History of Appian of Alexandria,” London, 1679.
(See Introduction, vol. V.)—Apuleius, Lucius, Metamorphoseon seu
de Asino Aureo Libri XI, edited by Andrew, bishop of Aleria, Rome,
1469; translated from the Latin by Thomas Tylor, London, 1822; and
by Sir G. Head, The Metamorphoses of Apuleius, London, 1851.—
Augustan History, Historiæ Augustæ Scriptores (Ælius Spartianus,
Julius Capitolinus, Ælius Lampridius, Vulcatius Gallicanus, Trebellius
Pollio and Flavius Vopiscus), Milan, 1475; Venice, 1489; edited by
Casarabon, Paris, 1603; by Salmasius, Paris, 1620; by Schrevelius,
Leyden, 1671; by Jordan and Eyssenhardt, Berlin, 1863. (See also
Dirksen, Paucker and Plew.)
Augustan History is the title given to a series of biographies of the
Roman emperors from Hadrian to Carinus, ostensibly written by the
six authors above mentioned in the time of Diocletian and
Constantine. The most recent research tends to show that the
collection, at least, in the form in which we have it, is a compilation
of the end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century and that
the authors’ names formerly attached to it are entirely fictitious. The
authenticity of the official documents contained in it is also
questioned. It is, nevertheless, an important, for many facts almost
the only, source of our knowledge of imperial Rome.
 Augustine, Saint, De Civitate Dei, Paris, 1679-1700: reprint,
1836-1838. Edited by Strange, Cologne, 1850-1851, 2 vols.; by
Dombart, Leipsic, 1877.

Cæsar, Caius Julius, Commentarii de bello Gallico; Commentarii

de bello civili, Rome, 1440; edited by Jungerman, Frankfort, 1606;
by C. E. Moberly, with English notes, 1871-1872; 1877; 1882
(translated by Edmunds); Cæsar’s Commentaries, on the Gallic and
Civil Wars, London, 1609 (translated by W. H. McDevitte and W. S.
Bohn, London, 1857).
Julius Cæsar, who shares with Alexander and Napoleon the
honours of unapproachable military genius, was born on July 12th,
b.c. 100, or according to Mommsen, in b.c. 102. His merits and
demerits as a soldier and statesman have been fully dealt with in
volume V. Here note need only be taken of his celebrated writings—
the Commentaries—which relate the history of the first seven years
of the Gallic War, and the progress of the Civil War up to the
Alexandrine, and the main object of which was the justification of
the author’s course in war and in politics. The opening words of De
bello Gallico are often noted as a model of literary perspicuity, and
throughout the whole work there is a rigorous exclusion of every
expression for the use of which no standard authority could be
found. It is the utterance of a man who, knowing precisely what he
means to say, says it with directness and lucidity. The Commentaries
may indeed be regarded as a kind of high-class classical journalism,
written down, as we have reason to assume, from day to day from
the dictation of the chief actor in the events narrated.
Capitolinus, Julius, see Augustan History.—Cassiodorus,
Senator Magnus Aurelius, Variarum (Epistolarum) Libri XII; Libri XII
De Rebus Gestis Gothorum, Augsburg, 1533; Paris, 1584; Rouen,
1679, 2 vols.
Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus (about 480-575 a.d.), although a
scion of a noble Roman family, spent the best part of his long life in
the service of the Gothic kings, and filled the most important offices
under Theodoric and his successors. In his later years, after
retirement to a monastery, he was no less active as a writer and a
protector of learning. His most important work, De Rebus Gestis
Gothorum, is preserved only in the barbarous version of Jordanes.
The Variarum, a collection of letters and official documents, forms
the best source of information concerning the kingdom of the
Ostrogoths in Italy.
Chronicle of Moissiac (Chronicon Moissiacense), in the
Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, Hanover, 1819-1904, in progress.
The Chronicle of Moissiac, which seems to have had its origin in
Aquitaine, is of some value for the history of southern Gaul in the
early part of the ninth century.
Chronicon Cuspiniani, Basel, 1552.
These annals, an outgrowth of the consular fasti and more
recently known as Fasti Vindobonenses or Consularia Italica, are
important for their accurate chronological data of the fourth and fifth
centuries.
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, Orationes (Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino),
edited by Andrew, bishop of Aleria, Rome, 1471; German translation
by Klotz, Leipsic, 1835, 3 vols.; English translation by Wm. Guthrie,
London, 1806, 2 vols.; and by C. D. Yonge, London, 1851-1852, 4
vols. Cicero’s writings, though not primarily historical, furnish
valuable material for the historian.—Claudian(us), Claudius, Opera,
Vincenza, 1482; Vienna, 1510; edited by Palmannus, Antwerp, 1571;
by Burmann, Amsterdam, 1760; English translation by A. Hawkins,
London, 1817, 2 vols.
Claudian was the last Latin classic poet. He was a native of
Alexandria, but came to Rome about the end of the fourth century.
He enjoyed the patronage of Stilicho, who granted him wealth and
honours, but probably shared his patron’s ruin in 408. Claudian
wrote numerous panegyrical poems, three historical epics, and many
occasional verses. His epics are not without value as historical
sources, as they follow the facts of history closely.
 Cluverius (Cluver), Philip, Germania Antiqua, Leyden, 1616.—
Cochtaens, Joannes, Vita Theodorici regis Ostrogothorum et Italiæ,
annotated by J. Peringskiöld, Stockholm, 1699.—Codex Carolinus
(Letters from the Popes to Frankish Kings), edited by Philip Jaffé in
his Monumenta Carolina, Berlin, 1867.
The Codex Carolinus, Letters from the Popes to the Frankish
Kings, collected by the order of Charlemagne, is one of the most
important of historical sources.
Codex Gothanus, edited by Waitz, in Monumenta Germaniæ,
Historica, Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum, Hanover,
1819, in progress.
Composed probably about 810, and prefixed to a manuscript of
Lombard laws now in the Ducal Library at Gotha.
Codex Theodosianus, Paris, 1686; edited by Hanel in the
Corpus Juris Antejustinia neum, vol. II, Bonn, 1842.
A compilation in the year 438, of the constitutions of the Roman
emperors from Constantine the Great to Theodosius II. It formed the
basis for the Code of Justinian, and is the great authority for the
social and political history of the period. These decrees with their
appendices were officially recognised in the eastern empire, but in
the west they had force only in an abbreviated version. The original
work was in sixteen books, arranged chronologically by subjects, but
at least a third of the entire work exists only in the abbreviated form.

Dion Cassius Cocceianus, Ῥωμαϊκὴ ἱστορία; Latin translation by

N. Leonicenus, Venice, 1526; edited by Leunclavius, Frankfort, 1592;
by J. A. Fabricius and H. S. Reimarus, Hamburg, 1750-1752, 2 vols.;
by Sturz, Leipsic, 1824, 8 vols.; English translation by Manning, The
History of Dion-Cassius, London, 1704, 8 vols.
Dion Cassius Cocceianus, born 155 a.d. at Nicæa, in Bithynia, was
a grandson of Dion Chrysostom. He held many official positions
under different Roman emperors from Commodus to Alexander
Severus, but about 230 returned to Nicæa where he passed the
remainder of his life. His great work consists of 80 books, divided
into decades. It originally covered the whole history of Rome from
the landing of Æneas in Italy down to 229 a.d., but unfortunately
only a small portion of it has come down to us entire. We have
books 36-54 complete, but of all the rest of the work only fragments
and abridgments are extant. It was compiled with great diligence
and judgment, and is one of the most important sources for the later
republic and the first centuries of the empire. We have had occasion
to quote the abridgment of Xiphilinus.
Dion Chrysostomos Cocceianus, λόγοι περὶ βασιλείας, edited
by D. Paravisinus, Milan, 1476; and by Reiske, Leipsic, 1784, 2 vols.
Dion Chrysostom one of the most eminent rhetoricians and
sophists, was born at Prusa, in Bithynia, about 50 a.d. His first visit
to Rome was cut short by an edict of Domitian expelling all
philosophers. After extended travels through Thrace and Scythia, he
returned to Rome in the reign of Trajan, who showed him marked
favour. He died at Rome about 117 a.d. Eighty of his orations are still
extant, all the production of his later years. They possess only the
form of orations, being in reality essays on moral, political, and
religious subjects. They are distinguished for their refined and
elegant style, being modelled upon the best writers of classic
Greece.
Dionysius Halicarnassensis, Ῥωμαϊκὴ Ἀρχαιολογία, edited by F.
Sylburg, Frankfort, 1586, 2 vols.; Latin translation by L. Biragus,
Treviso, 1480; translated into English from the Greek by Edward
Spelman, under the title of The Roman Antiquities of Dionysius
Halicarnassensis, London, 1758.—Duchesne, André, Historiæ
Francorum scriptores coetanei ab ipsius gentis origine ad Philippi IV
tempora, Paris, 1636-1649, 5 vols.

Edictum Theodorici Regis, in Nivellius’ edition of Cassiodorus,

Paris, 1579.—Eugippius, Vita Sancti Severini, in vol. I of
Kirschengeschichte Deutschlands, also in vol. I of Auctores
Antiquissimi, in the Monumenta Germaniæ Historica.
Eugippius was abbot of the monastery of St. Severinus in the sixth
century. His work is valuable as a picture of life in the Roman
provinces after the barbarian invasions.
Eusebius, ἐκκλησιαστικὴ ἱστορία, edited by Valesius, with Latin
translation, Paris, 1659; edited by Dindorf, Leipsic, 1871; English
translation by Hanmer, 1584; by C. F. Cruse, New York, 1865;
Χρόνικόν, edited by A. Schone, Berlin, 1866; 1875.
Eusebius, who has been called the “Father of Church History,” was
born in Palestine about 260 a.d.; died at Cæsarea in 340. He was
made bishop of Cæsarea in 313, and became one of the leaders of
the Arians, and a conspicuous figure in the church in the time of
Constantine. Both his Ecclesiastical History and his Chronicle are
important sources.
Eutropius, Breviarium Historiæ Romanæ, Rome, 1471; Basel,
1546-1552; edited by Grosse, Leipsic, 1825; translated from the
Latin by J. S. Watson, under the title of Abridgement of Roman
History.
Flavius Eutropius, a Latin historian of the fourth century, was a
secretary of Constantine the Great, and accompanied Julian in his
Persian expedition. He wrote an abridgment of Roman history, in ten
books, from the founding of the city to the accession of Valens, 364
a.d., by whose command it was composed, and to whom it is
inscribed. Its merits are impartiality, brevity, and clearness, but it
possesses little independent value.

Fabretti, Raphael, Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum, Rome, 1699.

—Fabricius, Johannes Albert, Bibliotheca Latina, sive Notitia
Auctorum Veterum Latinorum, quorumcunque scripta ad nos
pervenerunt, Hamburg, 1697, 3 vols.; Bibliotheca Latina mediæ et
infirmæ ætatis, Hamburg, 1734-1736, 5 vols.; Bibliotheca Græca,
sive Notitia Scriptorum Veterum Græcorum, quorumcunque
Monumenta integra aut fragmenta edita extant, tum plerorumque ex
manuscriptis ac deperditis, Hamburg, 1705-1728, 14 vols.; edited by
Harless, 1790-1809.—Florus, Lucius Annæus, Rerum Romanorum
Libri IV (Epitome de Gestis Romanorum), Paris, 1471; translated
from the Latin by J. S. Watson, Epitome of Roman History, London,
1861.
The identity of this author is unsettled. The work is of scarcely any
value as a source.
Frontinus, Sextus Julius, De Aquæductibus Urbis Romæ Libri II,
edited by Bucheler, Leipsic, 1858.
Sectus Julius Frontinus was governor of Britain from 75-78 a.d. In
97 he was appointed curator aquæum. He died about 106. Frontinus
was possessed of considerable engineering knowledge, and is the
main authority upon the water system of ancient Rome.

Herodianus, or Herodian, Τῆς μετὰ Μάρκον βασιλείας ἱστοριῶν

βιβλία ὀκτώ, edited by Irmish, Leipsic, 1789-1805, 5 vols.; and by F.
A. Wolf, Halle, 1792.
Born about 170 (?) a.d., died about 240 a.d.; a Greek historian,
resident in Italy, author of a Roman history for the period 180-238
a.d. (Commodus to Gordian).

Historia, Miscella, in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, Hanover,

1819, in progress.
A compilation in three parts; the first a version of Eutropius,
ascribed to Paulus Diaconus, the second and third are credited to
Landulf the Wise (eleventh century). It includes extracts from the
annalists as well as from Jordanes and Orosius.
Hormisdas, Pope, Epistolæ, in Migne’s Patrologiæ latine, vol.
LXIII, Paris, 1844-1855, 221 vols.
 Isidorus Hispalensis, Historia Gothorum, Paris, 1580; Rome,
1797-1803, 7 vols., Chronicon, Turin, 1593.
Isidore, bishop of Seville, was born 560 a.d. at Carthagena, or
Seville; died at the latter city April 4, 636. He was a man of
extensive scholarship and was zealously concerned for the
maintenance and spread of the learning of classical times. To this
end he compiled his Originum seu etymologiarum libri XX, a sort of
encyclopædia of the sciences as known to his day. His historical
works comprise a Chronicon, or series of chronological tables, from
the creation to the year 627; Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum et
Suevorum.

Jaffé, Philip, Monumenta Carolina, Berlin, 1867; Bibliotheca rerum

Germanicarum, Berlin, 1864-1873, 6 vols.; Regesta pontificum
Romanorum ad annum 1198, Leipsic, 1881-1886.—Jerome, Saint,
De Viris Illustribus, s. de Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis; in Migne’s
Patrologiæ latine, Paris, 1844-1855; edited by Herding, Leipsic,
1879; Epistolæ, Basel, 1516-1520.—Jordanes (Jornandes), De
Getarum origine actibusque, Augsburg, 1515; Paris, 1679; edited by
Mommsen, Berlin, 1882; De Regnorum ac temporum Successione,
edited by Grotius, Amsterdam, 1655.
Very little is known of the personal history of Jordanes except that
he was a Goth, perhaps of Alanic descent, that he was a notary and
afterwards became a monk. His De Getarum origine actibusque,
largely taken from the lost history of Cassidorus, is highly important
for our knowledge of the Gothic kingdom in Italy. The other work
cited above possesses scarcely any value.
Josephus, Flavius, Περὶ τοῦ Ἰουδαϊκοῦ ἢ Ἰουδαϊκῆς ἱστορίας περὶ
ἁλώσεως (History of the Jewish War) and Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία
(Jewish Antiquities), Augsburg, 1470; Basel, 1544; edited by
Hudson, Oxford, 1720; translated from the Greek by William
Whiston, The Works of Josephus, London, 1737, 2 vols. A
biographical note upon this author will be found in vol. II, p. 232.
 Lambert, von Hersfeld (or Aschaffenburg), Annales, edited by
Hesse, in vol. V of Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, Scriptores,
Hanover, 1819, in progress.—Lampridius, Ælius, see Augustan
History.—Libanius, Λόγοι, edited by Reiske, Altenberg, 1791-1797, 4
vols.—Livius, Titus, Annales, Rome, 1469; edited by Drakenborch,
Leyden, 1738-1746, 7 vols.; English translation by Philemon Holland,
History of Rome, London, 1600; English translation, The Romaine
History written in Latine, London, 1686, English translation by D.
Spillan, C. Edmunds, and W. A. McDevitte, London, 1849, 4 vols.
(See vol. V, Introduction.)—Lucanus, M. Annæus, Pharsalia, edited
by Andrew, bishop of Aleria, Rome, 1469; by C. F. Weber, Leipsic,
1821-1831; by C. E. Haskins, with English notes, and introduction by
W. E. Heitland, London, 1887.

Marcellinus, Comes, Chronikon, Paris, 1696.

Marcellinus was an officer of the court of Justinian in the sixth
century. His chronicle covers the years 379-534 and deals chiefly
with affairs of the Eastern Empire.
Monumentum Ancyranum. (This is the title of an inscription
preserved at Ancyra, of which the text has been published by
Mommsen, 1865; and Bergk, 1873, for which see these authors in
the third section of the bibliography, pages 661, 667.) The text also
appears in the Delphin Classics, London, 1827.

Notitia dignitatum omnium, tam civilium quam militarium, in

partibus orientis et occidentis, edited by E. Bocking, Bonn, 1839-
1853.
This work is an official directory and army list of the Roman
Empire, compiled about the end of the fifth century, and was
preserved in a (now lost) Codex Spirensis.
 Olympiodorus, Ἱστορικοὶ λόγοι, abridgment edited by Ph. Labbé,
in his Eclogæ Historicorum de Rebus Byzantinis, included in D.
Hoeschelius’ Excerpta de Legationibus, Paris, 1645.
Olympiodorus, a native of Thebes, in Egypt, lived in the fifth
century. His history which is preserved only in the abridgment of
Photius was in 22 books, and dealt with the Western Empire under
Honorius from 407 to 425. It was a compilation of historical material,
rather than a history. Olympiodorus wrote a continuation of
Eunapius, one of the Byzantine historians.
Origo Gentis Longobardorum, edited by F. Bluhme, in
Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, Hanover, 1819, in progress.
The oldest document for the history of the Lombards, prefixed to
the code of King Rothari.
Orosius, Paulus, Historiarum adversus Paganos Libri VII: Vienna,
1471; edited by Havercamp, Leyden, 1738; English translation edited
by D. Barrington and J. R. Foster, with the Anglo-Saxon, by Alfred
the Great, London, 1773.
Paulus Orosius, born probably at Tarrayonce in Spain: lived in the
first part of the fifth century, a.d. At the request of the Bishop of
Hippo (St. Augustine) Orosius in early manhood compiled a history
of the world, remembered partly because Alfred the Great translated
it into Anglo-Saxon.

Panegyrici Veteres latine, edited by H. J. Arntzenius, Utrecht,

1790; edited by Bährens, Leipsic, 1874. A collection of eleven
complimentary orations delivered at Rome, in praise of different
emperors. While these orations are notable examples of rhetorical
skill, they are naturally valueless for historical study, being coloured
and distorted to suit the occasion.—Paterculus, Caius Velleius,
Historiæ Romanæ, ad M. Vinicium Cos. Libri II, Basel, 1520; Leyden,
1789; (translated by J. S. Watson, London, 1861).
 Caius Velleius Paterculus, born about 19 b.c.; died after 30 a.d.,
contemporary with Augustus and Tiberius. The work of Paterculus,
apparently the only one he ever wrote, appears to have been written
in 30 a.d. The beginning of the work is wanting, and there is also a
portion lost after the eighth chapter of the first book. It commenced
apparently with the destruction of Troy, and ended with the year 30
a.d.

Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum, edited by

Lappenburg, in the Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, Hanover, 1819,
in progress.
Paulus Diaconus, “Paul the Deacon,” born about 720-725 a.d.: died
at Monte Cassino, Italy, before 800 a.d. The first important historian
of the Middle Ages. His chief works are a History of the Lombards,
and a continuation of the Roman history of Eutropius.
Philostorgius, Ἐκκλησιαστική ἱστορία, abstract, edited by J.
Godefroi, Geneva, 1643; by H. Valesius, Paris, 1673.
Philostorgius was born in Borissus, Cappadocia, 358 a.d. His
history of the church, from the heresy of Arius, 300 a.d., to the
accession of Valentinian III, 425 a.d., exists only in an abstract by
Photius. He possessed considerable learning but was strongly
prejudiced in favour of the Arians and Eunomians, and unsparing in
abuse of their opponents.
Plinius (Minor), C. Cæcilius Secundus, Epistolæ, Venice, 1485;
Amsterdam, 1734; edited by W. Keil, Leipsic, 1853; 1873; English
translation by W. Melmoth, The Letters of Pliny the Younger, 1746;
1878.
Pliny “The Younger” (Caius Plinius Cæcilius Secundus). Born at
Como, Italy, 62 a.d.; died 113. Nephew of the elder Pliny. He was a
consul in 100, and later (111 or 112) governor of Bithynia and
Pontica. He was a friend of Trajan and Tacitus. His Epistles and a
eulogy of Trajan have been preserved. The most celebrated of his
letters is one to Trajan concerning the treatment of the Christians in
his province.