INTRO A Guide to Communication Sciences and

Disorders 3rd Edition Michael P. Robb pdf

download

https://ebookname.com/product/intro-a-guide-to-communication-
sciences-and-disorders-3rd-edition-michael-p-robb/

Get Instant Ebook Downloads – Browse at https://ebookname.com

Instant digital products (PDF, ePub, MOBI) available
Download now and explore formats that suit you...

Communication Sciences and Disorders From Science to

Clinical Practice Second Edition Ronald Gillam

https://ebookname.com/product/communication-sciences-and-
disorders-from-science-to-clinical-practice-second-edition-
ronald-gillam/

Language Development An Introduction 8th Edition Allyn

Bacon Communication Sciences and Disorders Robert E.
Owens

https://ebookname.com/product/language-development-an-
introduction-8th-edition-allyn-bacon-communication-sciences-and-
disorders-robert-e-owens/

The Social Sciences A Cross Disciplinary Guide to

Selected Sources 3rd Edition Nancy L. Herron

https://ebookname.com/product/the-social-sciences-a-cross-
disciplinary-guide-to-selected-sources-3rd-edition-nancy-l-
herron/

Defending God biblical responses to the problem of evil

1st Edition Crenshaw

https://ebookname.com/product/defending-god-biblical-responses-
to-the-problem-of-evil-1st-edition-crenshaw/
Insect Diets Science and Technology Allen Carson Cohen

https://ebookname.com/product/insect-diets-science-and-
technology-allen-carson-cohen/

Physical Signs of Child Sexual Abuse 2nd Edition Royal

College Of Paediatrics And Child Health

https://ebookname.com/product/physical-signs-of-child-sexual-
abuse-2nd-edition-royal-college-of-paediatrics-and-child-health/

Mr and Mrs Stevens and Other Essays 1st New edition

Edition Ford

https://ebookname.com/product/mr-and-mrs-stevens-and-other-
essays-1st-new-edition-edition-ford/

FrontPage 2003 All in One Desk Reference For Dummies

For Dummies Computer Tech 1st Edition John Paul Mueller

https://ebookname.com/product/frontpage-2003-all-in-one-desk-
reference-for-dummies-for-dummies-computer-tech-1st-edition-john-
paul-mueller/

Colloquial Dutch The Complete Course for Beginners 1st

Edition Bruce Donaldson

https://ebookname.com/product/colloquial-dutch-the-complete-
course-for-beginners-1st-edition-bruce-donaldson/
Learning Reactive Programming with Java 8 1st Edition
Nickolay Tsvetinov

https://ebookname.com/product/learning-reactive-programming-with-
java-8-1st-edition-nickolay-tsvetinov/
INTRO
A Guide to
Communication Sciences
and Disorders
Third Edition
INTRO
A Guide to
Communication Sciences
and Disorders
Third Edition

Michael P. Robb, PhD

5521 Ruffin Road
San Diego, CA 92123

e-mail: [email protected]
website: http://www.pluralpublishing.com

Copyright © 2020 by Plural Publishing, Inc.

Typeset in 11/33 Palatino by Flanagan’s Publishing Services, Inc.

Printed in Canada by Friesens.

All rights, including that of translation, reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
recording, or otherwise, including photocopying, recording, taping, Web distribution, or information
storage and retrieval systems without the prior written consent of the publisher.

For permission to use material from this text, contact us by

Telephone: (866) 758-7251
Fax: (888) 758-7255
e-mail: [email protected]

Every attempt has been made to contact the copyright holders for material originally printed in another source.
If any have been inadvertently overlooked, the publishers will gladly make the necessary arrangements at the
first opportunity.

Disclaimer: Please note that ancillary content (such as documents, audio, and video, etc.)
may not be included as published in the original print version of this book.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Robb, Michael P., author.

Title: INTRO : a guide to communication sciences and disorders / Michael P.
Robb.
Other titles: Guide to communication sciences and disorders
Description: Third edition. | San Diego, CA : Plural, [2020] | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018028843| ISBN 9781944883669 (alk. paper) | ISBN
1944883665 (alk. paper)
Subjects: | MESH: Communication Disorders | Hearing Disorders
Classification: LCC RC423 | NLM WL 340.2 | DDC 362.196/855 — dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018028843
 Contents

Foreword xi
Preface xiii
Reviewers xv

Section 1
Background to Communication Sciences and Disorders 1

1 Communication Disorders and the Professions 3

Objectives 3
Introduction 4
Terminology and Definitions 4
Models of Communication 6
The Professions 11
A Brief History of the Professions 12
Educational Preparation 17
Professional Work Settings 21
Professional Code of Ethics 22
Cultural Considerations and Communication Disorders 23
The Professions of Audiology and Speech-Language Pathology on the World Wide Web 24
Study Questions 24
References 24
Appendix 1–A. ASHA Code of Ethics (2016) 25

2 Anatomy of Speech and Hearing 31

Objectives 31
Introduction 32
Speech Anatomy 32
The Process of Speech Production 40
Hearing Anatomy 41
The Process of Hearing 47
Historic Aspects of Anatomy and Physiology 49
Cultural Considerations in Anatomy and Physiology 52
Current Research in Speech and Hearing Anatomy and Physiology 54
Anatomy and Physiology on the World Wide Web 55
Study Questions 55
References 55

v
vi INTRO: A Guide to Communication Sciences and Disorders

Section 2
Developmental Communication Disorders 57

3 Child Language Disorders 59

Objectives 59
Introduction 60
Terminology and Definitions 60
Language Development 61
Historic Aspects of Child Language Disorders 66
Types of Child Language Disorders 68
Current Theories Regarding Child Language Development and Disorders 72
Assessment of Child Language Disorders 74
Treatment of Child Language Disorders 80
Cultural Considerations and Child Language Disorders 82
Current Research in Child Language Disorders 83
Child Language Disorders on the World Wide Web 84
Study Questions 84
References 85

4 Child Phonological Disorders 87

Objectives 87
Introduction 88
Terminology and Definitions 88
Historic Aspects of Child Phonological Disorders 95
Types of Phonological Disorders 97
Current Theories Regarding Child Phonological Disorders 101
Assessment of Child Phonological Disorders 102
Treatment of Child Phonological Disorders 106
Cultural Consideration and Child Phonological Disorders 110
Current Research in Child Phonological Disorders 112
Child Phonological Disorders on the World Wide Web 113
Study Questions 114
References 114

5 Fluency Disorders 115

Objectives 115
Introduction 116
Terminology and Definitions 116
Historic Aspects of Fluency Disorders 117
Types of Fluency Disorders 121
Current Theories Regarding Stuttering 127
Assessment of Fluency Disorders 128
Treatment of Fluency Disorders 130
Cultural Considerations and Fluency Disorders 132
Current Research in Fluency Disorders 133
Fluency Disorders on the World Wide Web 134
Study Questions 134
References 134

6 Cleft Lip and Palate 137

Objectives 137
Introduction 138
 Contents vii

Terminology and Definitions 138

Historic Aspects of Cleft Lip and Palate 141
Disorders of Cleft Lip and Palate 144
Current Theories of Cleft Lip and Palate 146
Assessment of Cleft Lip and Palate 147
Treatment of Cleft Lip and Palate 150
Cultural Considerations and Cleft Lip and Palate 154
Current Research in Cleft Lip and Palate 155
Cleft Lip and Palate on the World Wide Web 156
Study Questions 156
References 156

Section 3
Acquired and Genetic Communication Disorders 157

7 Voice Disorders 159

Objectives 159
Introduction 160
Terminology and Definitions 161
Historic Aspects of Voice Disorders 163
Types of Voice Disorders 166
Current Theories of Voice Disorders 171
Assessment of Voice Disorders 172
Treatment of Voice Disorders 174
Cultural Considerations and Voice Disorders 178
Current Research in Voice Disorders 179
Voice Disorders on the World Wide Web 180
Study Questions 180
References 180

8 Neurogenic Communication Disorders 181

Objectives 181
Introduction 182
Terminology and Definitions 182
Historic Aspects of Neurogenic Communication Disorders 186
Types of Neurogenic Communication Disorders 190
Current Theories Regarding Neurogenic Communication Disorders 194
Assessment of Neurogenic Communication Disorders 196
Treatment of Neurogenic Communication Disorders 199
Cultural Considerations and Neurogenic Communication Disorders 200
Current Research in Neurogenic Communication Disorders 201
Neurogenic Communication Disorders on the World Wide Web 203
Study Questions 203
References 203

9 Dysphagia 205
Objectives 205
Introduction 206
Terminology and Definitions 206
Historic Aspects of Dysphagia 210
Types of Dysphagia 211
viii INTRO: A Guide to Communication Sciences and Disorders

Causes of Dysphagia 213

Assessment of Dysphagia 214
Treatment of Dysphagia 219
Cultural Considerations and Dysphagia 222
Current Research in Dysphagia 224
Dysphagia on the World Wide Web 225
Study Questions 226
References 226

10 Augmentative and Alternative Communication 227

Objectives 227
Introduction 228
Terminology and Definitions 229
Historic Aspects of AAC 231
Types of AAC 236
Assessment of AAC 239
Treatment of AAC 240
Cultural Considerations and AAC 242
Current Research in AAC 243
AAC on the World Wide Web 243
Study Questions 244
References 244

11 Genetics and Syndromes 245

Objectives 245
Introduction 246
Terminology and Definitions 246
Historic Aspects of Genetics 250
Types of Syndromes 252
Assessment of Genetic Conditions 265
Treatment of Genetic Conditions 268
Cultural Considerations and Genetics 268
Current Research in Genetics 269
Genetics and Syndromes on the World Wide Web 269
Study Questions 270
References 270

Section 4
Audition 271

12 Hearing Disorders 273

Objectives 273
Introduction 274
Terminology and Definitions 274
Historic Aspects of Hearing Disorders 275
Types of Hearing Disorders 279
Assessment of Hearing Disorders 287
Cultural Considerations and Hearing Disorders 294
Current Research in Hearing Disorders 296
Hearing Disorders on the World Wide Web 297
Study Questions 298
References 298
 Contents ix

13 Auditory Rehabilitation 299

Objectives 299
Introduction 300
Terminology and Definitions 300
Historic Aspects of Aural Rehabilitation 300
Treatment Approaches: Hearing Rehabilitation 305
Treatment Approaches: Speech and Language Rehabilitation 314
Cultural Considerations and Aural Rehabilitation 322
Current Research in Aural Rehabilitation 323
Aural Rehabilitation on the World Wide Web 324
Study Questions 324
References 324

Glossary 325
Index 355
 Foreword

What a pleasure it is to see the new edition of Pro- student a broad and current understanding of the
fessor Robb’s INTRO: A Guide to Communication science that underlies the study of communica-
Sciences and Disorders. As someone who has taught tion disorders, the nature of the various disorders
the introductory course over many years and that can occur, and the current best practices for
watched the incredible scientific and professional their remediation. He brings the experience of his
development of this field of study, I can vouch for long career in this field at several distinguished
this text as a comprehensive overview of Commu- academic programs throughout the United States
nication Sciences and Disorders. One of the sev- and New Zealand to aid the beginning student in
eral features that makes this text special is placing understanding and appreciating this important
it within an international framework. Disorders field of study. I have long appreciated his aca-
of Communication have no national boundaries. demic prowess and personal friendship.
Professor Robb has brought to the introductory

John H. Saxman, PhD

Professor Emeritus
Speech-Language Pathology and Audiology
Teachers College, Columbia University
New York, New York

xi
 Preface

First released in 2010, INTRO is designed for the tive Communication is now included in Section 3.
beginning university-level student who has an Section 4 addresses audition and contains chap-
interest in entering the field of communication sci- ters on hearing disorders and aural rehabilitation.
ences and disorders, or for a student who may be Unique aspects of the book include its use
interested in entering one of the companion health of an identical structure for each chapter to assist
professions. As is the case for any book claiming to beginning students in grasping new vocabulary
be introductory, the aim is to paint a picture for the and concepts. Each chapter also provides a focus
student using broad strokes. This book provides on “past and present.” An introduction to each
straightforward and essential information con- of the various disorders would not be complete
cerning a wide range of communication disorders without knowing some of the fascinating histori-
found in children and adults. The sole authorship cal background surrounding each disorder, as
of the book ensures a balanced writing style that well as current theories and research. In the years
is missing from existing introductory texts. Now that have passed since the 2nd edition, there have
in its 3rd edition, the book remains a core source been exciting research advancements in communi-
of information for beginning students entering cation sciences and disorders. Each chapter high-
the profession of audiology or speech-language lights some of the very latest research findings.
pathology. The book holds worldwide appeal and is
The format of the 3rd edition is similar to written for an international audience. A portion
earlier editions, but each chapter has been exten- of each chapter is dedicated to cultural aspects of
sively updated. The 13 chapters are organized communication disorders, as well as prevalence
into four sections. Section 1 provides background information about various communication dis-
information related to communication disorders. orders as found in English-speaking countries
The chapters in this section cover the topics of around the world, including Australia, Canada,
communication science, the professions of audi- New Zealand, India, the United Kingdom, and
ology and speech-language pathology, and anat- the United States. The chapters include a series of
omy and physiology. Section 2 is concerned with FYIs (for you information), which present inter-
developmental communication disorders, and esting and novel information about the particular
includes chapters on child language disorders, topic area. A number of websites are listed at the
child phonological disorders, fluency disorders, end of the chapters that provide students with an
and cleft lip and palate. Section 3 covers acquired opportunity to learn more about each topic. Many
and genetic communication disorders. The chap- of these websites provide real-life examples in the
ters in this section describe voice disorders, neu- form of video links.
rogenic communication disorders, dysphagia, and INTRO is a clear and concise primer for stu-
genetic-based communication disorders. A new dents wishing to obtain fundamental information
chapter dedicated to Augmentative and Alterna- about the myriad of communication disorders that

xiii
xiv INTRO: A Guide to Communication Sciences and Disorders

occur across the lifespan. For some, this informa- language pathology. For others, my hope is that
tion will serve as a springboard for pursuit of you will acquire an appreciation of the gift of com-
a professional career in audiology or speech- munication that we so often take for granted.

— M. Robb
 Reviewers

Plural Publishing, Inc. and the author would like Breanna Krueger, PhD CCC-SLP
to thank the following reviewers for taking the Assistant Professor
time to provide their valuable feedback during the Communication Disorders
development process: University of Wyoming
Laramie, Wyoming
Jane Bickford, BAppSc (SpPath), PhD, CPSP
Lecturer Lisa Rickard, AuD, CCC-A
Speech Pathology and Audiology Assistant Clinical Professor
Flinders University Department of Hearing and Speech Sciences
South Australia, Australia University of Maryland
College Park, Maryland
Angela D. Haendel, PhD Candidate, CCC-SLP Carmen Larimore Russell, PhD, CCC-SLP
Clinic Director & Assistant Professor Professor and Chairperson
Speech-Language Pathology Communication Disorders and Deaf Education
Concordia University Wisconsin Fontbonne University
Mequon, Wisconsin Saint Louis, Missouri

Melissa Johnson, PhD, CCC-SLP Mohammed Safi, PhD, CCC-SLP

Assistant Professor Assistant Professor
Communication Sciences and Disorders College of Applied Medical Sciences
Nazareth College King Saud University
Rochester, New York Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

xv
To Jenne
 Section 1

Background to Communication
Sciences and Disorders
 1
Communication Disorders
and the Professions

Objectives

After reading this chapter, the student should be able to:

n Recognize the different forms and types of communication.

n Demonstrate an understanding of the audiology and speech-language
pathology professions.
n Describe the various work settings for audiologists and speech-language
pathologists.
n Demonstrate an understanding of developmental and acquired communi-
cation disorders.
n Demonstrate an understanding of organic and functional communication
disorders.
n Demonstrate an understanding of epidemiology, including prevalence and
incidence.
n Demonstrate an understanding of the Code of Ethics.
n Describe cultural competency in audiology and speech-language pathology

3
4 INTRO: A Guide to Communication Sciences and Disorders

Introduction
The most widely used language in the world
Communication is any act involving the exchange is Mandarin with more than 1.2 billon speak-
of information related to a person’s needs, wants, ers. Next on the list is Spanish with more
perceptions, knowledge, or feelings. At birth we than 700 million speakers. English is the third
are equipped with the physical attributes to com- most widely used language with 500 million
municate. Our earliest forms of communication speakers.
are quite basic and revolve around fundamental
needs and desires between infant and caregiver.
As we grow, we learn to communicate more effec- to adults. In addition, the professions dedicated
tively by observing other people communicating. to helping individuals with communication dis-
We model our communication on what we see, orders are profiled.
hear, and experience. Our communication skills
grow in complexity and sophistication through
formal education, and by practicing those skills
and having them evaluated. Terminology and Definitions
Most of us take communication for granted.
We tacitly assume that when we speak, we will be
understood, or when someone speaks to us, we As a prerequisite to understanding various com-
will understand them. Only when a breakdown munication disorders, it is important to first have
in communication occurs do we realize how spe- a grasp of normal communication. Knowledge
cial and vital this act is to our daily lives. A com- concerning the normal process of communication
munication disorder is a diagnosed condition in serves as the foundation for the identification and
which a person is unable to say correctly what he management of communication disorders. The
or she wants to say and/or is unable to under- word communicate is related to the word com-
stand some or most of what is being said. Some mon. The word has its origin in the Latin verb
individuals may have an isolated impairment in communicare, which means “to share” or “to make
speech or hearing; others may have impairment common.” When we communicate, we make
in both domains. Simply stated, a communication things common. Communication is one of those
disorder is any impairment in the exchange of activities that we take for granted. It seems to
information that deviates from what might be con- occur naturally, and we spend the majority of our
sidered normal. The nature of the disorder may living hours engaged in some form of communica-
range from mild to severe. However, the impact tion. Although we tend to think of communication
of the disorder upon a person’s ability to commu- as talking to someone, communication also occurs
nicate may be profound, regardless of the severity. in other ways, like when we watch television or
The focus of this book concerns situations when send a text message. We communicate to others by
the process of speaking and listening is some- the way we dress, the style of our hair, and the tat-
how impaired. A communication disorder is one toos we choose (or choose not) to wear. At a fun-
of the most common types of disabilities found damental level, communication can be defined as
throughout the world. When communication fails, a two-way process in which a message is sent and
misunderstandings occur, and sometimes people received. The sender’s role in the process of com-
become frustrated, worried, or even angry. Some munication is to generate (or encode) a message.
communication impairments are minor and can The receiver’s role is to translate (or decode) this
be easily corrected, whereas others are more message. Communication is never a one-way pro-
severe and may require an extensive period of cess. Both the sender and the receiver need to par-
treatment. This first chapter is intended to intro- ticipate. If the sender is unable to clearly encode
duce the nature and type of communication dis- a message, then a breakdown in communication
orders found across the lifespan — from children occurs. Similarly, if the receiver is unable to suc-
 1. Communication Disorders and the Professions 5

cessfully decode a message, then communication refers to factors such as tone of voice, loudness,
is likely to fail. Excellent communicators are those inflection, and pitch. By altering these various
who have mastered the process of both sending parameters of voice, the message conveyed is like-
and receiving messages. It is estimated that 75% wise altered. A simple example would be to com-
of a person’s day is spent communicating in some municate an identically worded message, such
way. Most of our daily communication involves as “Watch your step,” in a soft comforting voice
speaking and listening to others. The remaining versus a loud, alarming voice. A listener of this
portion of the day is spent communicating via same message would likely interpret these mes-
reading and writing. sages quite differently.
Verbal communication is at the core of what Sign language is a form of expressive com-
most of us do; it is the expression of language using munication where words are replaced by ges-
spoken words. Our verbal communication varies tures. Commonly used gestures include waving,
depending on the particular communication act, as pointing, and using fingers to indicate number
well as the formality of communication. Acts of ver- amounts. There are also fully developed language
bal communication include: (1) discussion, (2) dia- systems that rely exclusively on signs, as are often
logue, and (3) debate. Discussion is an act of verbal found in the deaf community. This form of sign
communication to make decisions. Discussions are language is discussed further in Chapter 13.
likely to involve the exchange of facts and opin- Body language pertains to our use of facial
ions between communicating partners. Dialogue expressions or postures to communicate infor-
refers to the free-flowing conversational exchange mation. Facial expressions are responsible for a
of ideas. These ideas involve the sharing of perspec- huge proportion of nonverbal communication.
tives and understandings. The act of debate differs One need simply smile or frown to communicate
from discussion and dialogue because this form of a clear nonverbal message. One way of conceal-
verbal communication is used to achieve agreement ing our communication via body language would
on a topic, which other participants of the commu- be to put on a “poker face,” which is a face that
nication may not share. We often think of debate shows no emotion or change in expression. Expert
as the verbal communication found in the political card players are masters in the use of body lan-
arena. One person states a point of view, which is guage to prevent other card players from knowing
subsequently challenged by an opposing view. the strength of their card hand.
Verbal communication also varies in its for- Tactile communication refers to commu-
mality. The level of formality can be found in the nication that occurs via touch. The use of touch
vocabulary and grammar characterizing spoken can play a comforting role when paired with ver-
language. Formal verbal communication follows bal communication such as consoling a grieving
a specific code of communicating that might be spouse. Use of touch between parent and child
found in settings such as classrooms, courtrooms, during the infancy period has also been shown to
job interviews, or formal parties. Alternatively, play an integral part in establishing social interac-
informal communication also has a specific code tion. Proxemics concerns how space and time are
of communication, but allows for a much varied used to communicate. A common example is our
manner of speaking. Situations such as hanging need for interpersonal space when communicating
out with friends and informal parties are likely to with others. The amount of personal space needed
reflect a markedly different form of speaking com- when having a casual conversation with another
pared with more formal settings. person usually varies between 18 inches and 4 feet.
Nonverbal communication refers to the fea- In contrast, the personal distance needed when
tures of communication that occur aside from speaking to a crowd of people is around 10 to 12
what is actually spoken or heard. There are at least feet. Our physical appearance plays an important
six different types of nonverbal communication role in communication. Physical appearance such
that we use and experience on a daily basis. These as clothes and hairstyle serves to convey a mes-
include: (1) paralanguage, (2) sign language, sage regarding a person’s attitude, mood, wealth,
(3) body language, (4) tactile communication, and cultural background, which subsequently
(5) proxemics, and (6) appearance. Paralanguage affects the judgment and interpretations of others.
6 INTRO: A Guide to Communication Sciences and Disorders

FYI
Models of Communication
Before the development of speech, the most
primitive form of human communication was
The term model has a wide range of uses. It can
likely to have been shouting. A group of pri-
refer to a type of product, a person who poses for
mates would construe loud sounds as asso-
photographers, or a miniature version of an object.
ciated with danger.
From an academic standpoint, a model refers to
an abstract idea. The transmission model of com-
munication is an idea regarding the way in which
humans communicate. This classic model was
FYI proposed by Claude Shannon and Warren Weaver
(1949), who were electrical engineers working for
The first vocalization produce by infants is Bell Telephone Laboratories in the United States.
a cry. Babies cry for various reasons: when The essence of the model is that the successful
they are uncomfortable, hurt, hungry, or for transmission of a message requires both a sender
no reason at all. Researchers are now explor- and a receiver. A simplified version of the trans-
ing whether the early crying of infants is mission model is shown in Figure 1–1. The model
language-specific. For example, do German depicts the process of communication as one in
babies cry differently than Chinese babies? which a person affects the behavior or state of
If so, it would seem that babies are acquir- mind of another person. If the effect was smaller or
ing this ability prior to birth — in their mother’s different from what was originally intended, than
womb. a failure in communication takes place. A modi-
fication of the transmission model was proposed

Figure A

Encoder Message Decoder

Figure B
Feedback

Encoder Message Decoder

Feedback

Figure 1–1. Models of communication. A. Classic transmission model of

communication. B. Revised transmission model that includes feedback loops.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 It is necessary that the capitalists should know it: the
workingman will respect the machine only on that day when it
shall have become for him a friend which shortens labor, instead
of being, as it now is, the enemy, the robber of bread, the killer
of workingmen.[111]

The Congress adopted unanimously and with great enthusiasm a

motion inviting the workingmen to apply the boycott and sabotage
when strikes would not yield results.
During 1897-98 the Federation of Bourses and the Confederation
were to work together, but no harmony was possible. The report
presented to the Congress of Rennes (1898) is full of complaints and
of accusations on both sides. Personal difficulties between the two
secretaries, M. Pelloutier and M. Lagailse, who was an “Allemanist,”
sprang up; besides, the National Council and the Federal Committee
were animated by a different spirit. The Federal Committee evidently
tried to dominate the National Council. The latter was weak. It
counted only 18 organizations, and no new members were gained
during 1897-98. The National Council did not function regularly; the
explanation given was that as no functionaries were paid, they had
but little time to devote to the business of the Confederation. The
dues paid during 1897-8 amounted to 793 francs; the whole income
was 1,702 francs. The treasurer thought that this showed that the
“General Confederation of Labor was in a flourishing condition.”
The “Committee for the propaganda of the General Strike” admitted
on the contrary that it had accomplished little. Only twenty Bourses
formed sub-committees. The five per cent of strike subscriptions was
not paid by the syndicats. Only 835 francs came in from this source;
together with the income from other sources, the receipts of the
Committee totaled 1,086 francs; of this it spent 822 francs.
During 1898 the Syndicat of Railroad Workers had a conflict with the
railroad companies and a railroad strike was imminent. The
Secretary of the General Confederation of Labor sent out a circular
to all syndical organizations of France calling their attention to the
“formidable consequences for capitalism” which such a strike could
have, if joined by all trades. The circular formulated eight demands,
such as old-age pensions; eight-hour day, etc., which “could be
realized in a few days if the working-class, conscious of its force, and
of its rights, was willing to act energetically.”[112]
The “Committee for the propaganda of the general strike” also took
up the question. It sent out a question to all syndicats for a
referendum vote. The question was: “Are you for an immediate
general strike in case the railroad workingmen should declare a
strike?” The report of the Committee to the Congress of Rennes
complained that the syndicats voted for the general strike at
conventions but changed their opinions or their disposition “when
the hour for action came.”[113] “It was disastrous to make such a
discovery,” read the report,

when it was expected that by the strike of our comrades of the

railroads, many other trades would be compelled by the force of
events to quit work, and that this would have been the starting-
point of the general strike, and possibly of that economic
revolution which alone can solve the great problems which
confront the entire world.[114]

The Syndicat of the Railroad Workingmen voted for a strike. But the
government intercepted the strike order of the National Committee
of the Syndicat, and the strike did not take place.
The Congress of Rennes made new changes in the statutes of the
Confederation. The Federation of Bourses was to leave the
Confederation. The latter was to be composed only of national
federations of trade and of national syndicats and to be represented
by the National Council. The “Committee of the general strike” was
to be part of the Confederation, but was to be autonomous and was
to live on its own resources.
The Congress discussed a number of questions: Alcoholism,
suppression of employment bureaus, election of inspectors of
industry, etc. Most reports on the various questions adopted by the
Congress assert that the workingmen must solicit the co-operation of
their representatives in the legislative bodies of the country in order
to obtain any reforms. But one report was presented which
emphasized the opposite idea of “direct action”.
This report was presented by the “Committee on the Label, the
Boycott, and Sabotage.” The reporter on the boycott and sabotage—
M. Pouget—noted the little progress that had been accomplished in
the application of these two methods since 1897, but again affirmed
their validity and recommended them to the workingman; the report
affirmed that the menace, only, of sabotage is often sufficient to
produce results. “The Congress,” said the report,

cannot enter into the details of these tactics; such things

depend upon the initiative and the temperament of each and
are subordinate to the diversity of industries. We can only lay
down the theory and express the wish that the boycott and the
sabotage should enter into the arsenal of weapons which the
workingmen use in their struggle against capitalists on the same
plane as the strike, and that, more and more, the direction of
the social movement should be towards the direct action of
individuals and towards a greater consciousness of their
personal powers.[115]

The Congress of Paris (1900) again recorded but little progress. In

the interval since Rennes (1898-1900) only a few new federations
joined the General Confederation. The others, whose adherence was
solicited, refused or even were not “polite enough” to make a reply.
The adhering organizations paid irregularly; the decisions of the
Congresses were not executed. The Committees still did not function
because the number of delegates to the National Council was small.
The total income for both years amounted to 3,678 francs, of which
1,488 were dues paid.
The “Committee for the propaganda of the general strike” had
collected during this period (1898-1900) 4,262 francs. Of this 3,172
francs were the five per cent of the strike subscriptions. It may also
be interesting to note that the organizations which contributed most
to this sum were: Union of Syndicats of Seine, 901 francs; the Union
of Machinists of Seine, 727 francs; the Federation of Moulders, 536
francs; the Federation of Metallurgy, 457 francs. The Committee
published thirteen numbers of a journal, “The General Strike,” and a
brochure on the general strike.
The general strike was again the subject of a long discussion at the
Congress of Paris. But the discussion was given a new turn. The
question now was: “The general strike, its organization, its
eventuality, its consequences.” And the ideas that prevailed revealed
some further modifications in the conception.
The question was given this turn because certain syndicats thought
that the principle of the general strike had been sufficiently affirmed
and that it was time to treat the subject practically. As the discussion
showed, the majority of the delegates thought that the general
strike could take place at any moment and that in order to be
successful, it did not presuppose a majority of organized
workingmen, nor big sums of money. A daring revolutionary minority
conscious of its aim could carry away with it the majority of
workingmen and accomplish the act of appropriating the means of
production for society as a whole. Some even thought that in order
that the general strike should be prompt and lead to the aim in view
it was best to have no money at all; everyone would then take what
he needed wherever he found it, and the result would be the
completest possible emancipation.[116] As one of the delegates
expressed it: “Count exclusively upon the enthusiasm (entrainement)
of the working-class.”[117]
This conception of the general strike attributed to the syndicat a
revolutionary rôle, as the syndicat was to take possession of the
means of production in the name of society as a whole. It did not
exclude however the parallel action of political parties. The latter
could profit by the general strike and seize the political power of the
State to co-operate in the transformation of society. But the
syndicats were not to count upon this possibility; on the contrary it
was their task to make the general strike absolutely independent of
all political parties, to perform the principal part in the economic
revolution and to leave to the new government, if one arose, no
other function but that of sanctioning the economic change
accomplished by the syndicats.
This emphasis upon the revolutionary and preponderant part to be
played by the syndicats went together with a mistrust and defiance
of political parties. “All politicians are betrayers,”[118] exclaimed one
delegate. “In politics one has always to deal with intrigues,” said
another, and the same sentiment pervaded the other speeches.
Though not refusing to make use of all methods, “for the
disorganization of capitalism,” all delegates emphasized the necessity
for the workingmen to rely mainly upon themselves and upon their
syndical organizations.
The majority of delegates recognized also that the general strike
must necessarily have a violent character. Though a few still thought
of the general strike as of a “peaceful revolution,” a “strike of folded
arms,” the majority rejected this conception as childish and foresaw
the inevitable collision to which the general strike would lead.
All these ideas were briefly summarized in the conclusions of the
Committee appointed by the Congress to report on the question.
This Commission recommended leaving the “Committee for the
propaganda of the general strike” as free as possible in its action.
The Congress merely determined the syndicats which were to elect
the members of the Committee. The latter was now to obtain
regular monthly dues for the continuation of its work.
The revolutionary spirit which manifested itself in the conception of
the general strike expressed itself also in the resolution of the
Congress on the army. This resolution demanded the suppression of
permanent armies, and invited the syndicats to establish relations
with the workingmen in military service, to invite them to social
gatherings and to assist them financially (to establish the so-called
Sou du Soldat).
The same spirit characterized the report of the Committee which
formulated the ideas of the Congress on the “practical means of
realizing the international harmony of the workingmen.” “Capital,”
read the report, “in its various forms is international,” and it is
necessary that labor should also be organized internationally. The
slight differences in conditions of life varying from country to country
are not important. “The predominating fact everywhere, in all
countries, is the division of society into two categories; the producer
and the non-producer, the wage-earner and the employer.” The
report went on to say that the idea of “fatherland” (patrie) is a
means of protecting the strong against the weak, “an emblem of
speculation, of exploitation,” “a synonym of property,” “a fiction for
the workingmen who possess nothing.”[119] The practical conclusion
of the Committee was to bring together the wage-earners of all
countries in an international organization which should be
represented by an international secretariat.
During 1900-1 the Confederation displayed a little more activity than
before. The National Council employed a permanent employee to
attend to the business of the Confederation, at first for two, then for
four hours a day at a remuneration of 50 and then 100 francs a
month. In December, 1900, the Confederation began also to publish
its own weekly, La Voix du Peuple. Since 1896 the question of a
trade-journal had been on the order of the day. It was discussed at
every Congress and various plans were recommended in order to
obtain the financial means for a daily. The Congress of Paris, in view
of the financial impossibility of starting a daily and recognizing that
“it was more than ever necessary to create a revolutionary
syndicalist organ,” decided to publish a weekly. One of the
Committees of the National Council was to attend to it.
The Voix du Peuple, however, was not in a satisfactory condition at
the time of the Congress of Lyons (1901). Pouget, the editor of the
paper and the secretary of the Committee of the Voix du Peuple,
complained that the Voix du Peuple, “suffered from the apathy and
the negligence of the comrades.” Only 260 syndicats subscribed for
the paper (out of 2,700 syndicats then in existence). In Paris only
600 copies were sold weekly. The finances showed a deficit for the
year of over 6,000 francs. The number of copies printed fell from
12,000-14,000 during the first months to 800 during the later
months.
The secretary of the Confederation, M. Guérard, also complained
that the “Confederation was anaemic for lack of means.” The twenty
organizations—federations and syndicats—which adhered to the
Confederation during 1900-1901 paid in 1,478 francs. The total
income was 4,125 francs. With such limited means the
Confederation could do nothing. The Congress of Lyons (1901)—
where all these reports were read—was provided for by a subvention
from the municipality of Lyons which appropriated 7,000 francs for
the purpose.
The Congress of Lyons, nevertheless, showed that the Confederation
was beginning to feel a little more confidence in its future. The
Congress decided that henceforth only syndicats adhering to the
Confederation should take part in its Congresses. Previous to that all
syndicats were invited to send a delegate or their mandate to the
Congresses of the Confederation. The Congresses, therefore, neither
revealed the strength of the Confederation, nor had a binding
character, and were significant merely as revealing the state of mind
of a large part of the organized workingmen of the time. The
decision of the Congress of Lyons was to do away with this condition
and to give the Congresses of the Confederation a more coherent
and binding character.
Another decision taken by the Congress of Lyons was to admit local
and regional federations of syndicats. This was directed against the
Federation of Bourses. Though more friendly since 1900, the
relations between the two organizations still gave trouble. The
question of unity, however, was urged by many workingmen, and the
Congress decided to call a special Congress for 1902 to solve this
problem.
The Congress of Lyons revealed the further progress of revolutionary
ideas among the delegates. There were 226 delegates; these
represented 26 Bourses and 8 local federations, comprising 1,035
syndicats with 245,000 members;[120] eight regional federations
composed of 264 syndicats with 36,000 members; 8 federations of
trade or industry counting 507 syndicats with 196,000 members;
492 syndicats with 60,000 workingmen were represented directly.
The exact number of syndicats and of workingmen represented
cannot be obtained from these figures, because one syndicat could
be represented several times in a local federation, in a Bourse, and
in the federation of trade. The delegates, however, came from
different parts of the country and were numerous enough to show
that the ideas they expressed were accepted by a considerable
number of French workingmen.
Of the questions discussed at Lyons three had a particular
significance as showing the revolutionary tendency which the
Confederation was taking. These were the questions of the general
strike, of labor-laws, and of the relations to the political parties.
The “Committee for the propaganda of the General Strike” reported
more activity for the year 1900-1 and greater success in its work.
The Committee published a brochure on the General Strike of which
50,000 copies were distributed. It collected over 1,500 francs in
monthly dues, and its total income amounted to 2,447 francs. It was
in touch with a number of sub-committees in the different Bourses
du Travail, arranged a number of meetings on various occasions, and
lent its support to some strikes. The Committee affirmed that the
idea of the general strike had spread widely during the year and
attributed this fact to the big strikes which had taken place in France
after the International Exhibition of 1900 and which had thrown the
workingmen into a state of agitation.
At the time the Congress of Lyons was being held, the miners were
threatening to strike, if their demands were not granted by the
companies. The delegate of the miners was at the Congress, and the
discussion that took place under these conditions was very
characteristic.
The Committee on the general strike which consisted of fifteen
members reported:

The idea of the general strike is sufficiently understood to-day.

In repeatedly putting off the date of its coming, we risk
discrediting it forever by enervating the revolutionary energies.
What better occasion to realize it!
The miners will give the signal on the first of November; the
working-class—in case of a revolution—counts upon this
movement which must bring them their economic liberation.

And the report of the Committee went on to point out the conditions
which in its opinion indicated “that the moment had come to try the
general strike (faire la Grève générale) with strong chances of
success.”[121]
The delegate from the miners said: “If you wish to join us, we will
be able not only to strike, but to bring about the revolution; if we
were made sure of the co-operation of all trades, even if it were
necessary to wait for it two, three, or even six months, we are ready
to grant you this concession.”[122]
The following motion was then adopted:

The Congress declares that the General Strike cannot be the

means merely of obtaining amelioration for any category of
workingmen.
Its aim can be only the complete emancipation of the proletariat
through the violent expropriation of the capitalist class.
The Congress, in view of the situation, declares that the
movement which may take place in favor of the miners, the
importance or character of which nobody can foresee and which
may go to the point of a general emancipation, will be in any
 case a movement of solidarity which will not impair in the least
the revolutionary principle of the general strike of all
workingmen.[123]

The delegate of the Typographical Union (La Fédération du Livre)

combated the idea of the general strike and argued that it was
impossible in view of the small number of organized workingmen.
But his argument had no effect on the Congress. It was rejected as
of no importance because the minority of organized workingmen
could carry away with it the majority.
The question of labor laws was the subject of an animated
discussion at the Congress because of its importance. The answer
given to this question was to determine the attitude of the General
Confederation to legislative reforms and to the State in general.
The question was a very practical one. The government of Waldeck-
Rousseau (22 June, 1899-6 June, 1902), in which the socialist,
Millerand, was Minister of Commerce and Industry, outlined a
number of labor laws which touched upon the most vital questions
of the labor movement. The most important of these law-projects
were on strikes and arbitration, on the composition of the superior
Council of Labor, on the institution of Councils of Labor, and on the
modification of the law of 1884.
The policy of the government in planning these laws was clear and
expressly stated. It was the continuation and accentuation of the
policy which had guided M. Waldeck-Rousseau in 1884 when he was
Minister of the Interior in the Cabinet of Jules Ferry, and which had
then found partial expression in the ministerial circular on the
application of the new law on syndicats.
This “Circular,” sent out to the Prefects August 25, 1884, pointed out
to the Prefects that it was the duty of the State not merely to watch
over the strict observation of the law, but “to favor the spirit of
association” among the workingmen and “to stimulate” the latter to
make use of the new right. In the conception of the government the
syndicats were to be “less a weapon of struggle” than “an
instrument of material, moral and intellectual progress.” It was “the
wish of the Government and of the Chambers to see the
propagation, in the largest possible measure, of the trade
associations and of the institutions which they were destined to
engender” (such as old-age pension funds, mutual credit banks,
libraries, co-operative societies, etc.) and the government expected
the Prefects “to lend active assistance” in the organization of
syndicats and in the creation of syndical institutions.[124]
The aim of Waldeck-Rousseau was to bring about the “alliance of the
bourgeoisie and of the working-class”[125] which Gambetta and
other republican statesmen had untiringly preached as the only
condition of maintaining the Republic. In the period 1899-1902 this
policy seemed still more indispensable. It was the time when the
agitation caused by the Dreyfus affair assumed the character of a
struggle between the republican and anti-republican forces of
France. Republicans, Radicals, Socialists, and Anarchists were
fighting hand in hand against Monarchists, Nationalists, Anti-Semites
and Clericals. The cabinet of Waldeck-Rousseau constituted itself a
“Cabinet of Republican Defense” and it sought to attain its end by
securing the support of all republican elements of the country. This
was the cause which prompted Waldeck-Rousseau to invite a
socialist, Millerand, to enter his cabinet and to accentuate his policy
of attaching the working-class to the Republic by a series of
protective labor laws.
The policy of the Government was clearly expressed by Millerand in
the Chamber of Deputies on November 23, 1899. “It has appeared
to me,” said he, “that the best means for bringing back the working
masses to the Republic, is to show them not by words, but by facts,
that the republican government is above everything else the
government of the small and of the weak.”[126]
The facts by which M. Millerand undertook to show this were a
number of decrees by which the government tried to enforce a
stricter observation of labor-laws already in existence and a series of
new law-projects for the future protection of labor, such as the bill
on a ten-hour day, which became law on March 30, 1900. As M.
Millerand expressed it, this law was “a measure of moralization, of
solidarity, and of social pacification.”
Social pacification was the supreme aim of M. Millerand and of the
government. M. Millerand hoped to attain this by calling workingmen
to participation in the legislative activities of the Republic, by
accustoming them to peaceable discussions with employers, and by
regulating the more violent forms of the economic struggle.
A decree from September 1, 1899, modified the constitution of the
Superior Council of Labor, in existence since 1891, so that it should
henceforth consist of 22 elected workingmen, 22 elected employers
and 22 members appointed by the Minister from among the deputies
of the Chamber, the senators and other persons representing
“general interests.” The Superior Council of Labor was “an
instrument of study, of information and of consultation” in matters of
labor legislation. It studied law-projects affecting the conditions of
labor, made its own suggestions to the government, but had no
legislative powers.
The decree of M. Millerand was particularly significant in one
respect: it called upon the workingmen organized in the syndicats to
elect fifteen members of the Superior Council of Labor. M. Millerand
pointed out the significance of this measure in a speech delivered on
June 5, 1900. Said he:

The workingmen are henceforth warned, that in order to

participate through delegates sprung from their own ranks in
the elaboration of economic reforms which concern them most,
it is necessary and sufficient that they enter the ranks of that
great army of which the syndicats are the battalions. How can
they refuse to do this? By inducing them to do so we believe
that we are defending their legitimate interests at the same
time that we are serving the cause of social peace in this
country.[127]
The “Councils of Labor” were organized by two decrees from
September 17, 1900, and from January 2, 1901. Composed of an
equal number of workingmen and of employers, these Councils had
for their principal mission to enlighten the government, as well as
workingmen and employers, on the actual and necessary conditions
of labor, to facilitate thereby industrial harmony and general
agreement between the interested parties, to furnish in cases of
collective conflicts competent mediators, and to inform the public
authorities on the effects produced by labor legislation.[128]
M. Millerand emphasized that the Councils of Labor were to bring
workingmen and employers together for the discussion of “their
general interests” and that this new institution would be one more
motive for the utilization of the law of 1884 on syndicats. “To
encourage by all means the formation of these trade-associations, so
useful for the progress of social peace,” wrote the Minister in his
decree, “is a task which a republican government cannot
neglect.”[129]
To enlarge the possible operations of the syndicats, the government
also introduced a bill into the Chamber (November 14, 1899) which
contained several modifications of the law of 1884. This bill
proposed to extend the commercial capacities of the syndicat and to
grant the syndicat the rights of a juridical person.
To complete the series of measures which were to impart a peaceful
character to the syndical movement, M. Millerand introduced into the
chamber a bill (November 15, 1900) on the regulation of strikes and
on arbitration. This law-project proposed a complicated mechanism
for the settlement of economic conflicts. It hinged on the principle
that strikes should be decided by secret ballot and by a majority vote
renewed at brief intervals by all workingmen concerned; permanent
arbitration boards in the industrial establishments were part of the
mechanism.[130]
Toward this series of labor laws the Congress of Lyons was to define
its attitude. The principle of the Superior Council of Labor was
accepted by a majority of 258 against 205 votes (5 blank); the
project on the regulation of strikes and on arbitration was rejected
by a unanimous vote minus five; the Councils of Labor proposition
was rejected by a majority of 279 against 175 (18 blank).
The discussion on the labor laws brought out the fact that the idea
of “direct action” had undergone further modifications as a result of
the policy of the government. M. Waldeck-Rousseau was denounced
by the speakers as “a clever defender of the interests of the
bourgeoisie” who wished merely to stop the offensive movement of
the workingmen.[131] The legislative measures of the “pseudo-
socialist minister”,[132] Millerand, were interpreted as schemes for
restraining the revolutionary action of the syndicats.[133] The
workingmen were warned that, if they accepted the laws, they
would “reinforce a power which they wanted to destroy”.[134] They
were reminded that the main function of the syndicat was to
organize the workmen for their final emancipation which
presupposes the “abolition of the wage-system” and that all “so-
called labor laws” would only retard the hour of final liberation.
The revolutionary elements of the Congress did not deny, however,
the possibility or the desirability of reforms. They insisted only upon
particular methods of obtaining reforms and upon a particular kind
of reforms. They rejected all peaceful discussion with employers
because the interests of employers and of workingmen were held to
be distinct and antagonistic. They did not want an “economic
parliamentarism”[135] which would necessarily take the sting out of
the workingmen's weapons and deprive the syndicats of their force.
They wanted such reforms only as should “undermine the
foundations”[136] of existing society and which should advance the
movement for “integral emancipation” by strengthening the forces
and the organization of the workingmen.
Such reforms could be obtained only “independently of all
parliamentarism”,[137] by the workingmen organized in their
syndicats displaying all their initiative, manifesting all their energies,
relying only upon themselves and not upon intermediaries. Only in
this way would the syndicats wrest “piece by piece from capitalistic
society reforms the application of which would finally give the
exploited class the force which is indispensable in order to bring
about the social revolution”.[138]
These ideas showed the further application which the principle of
“direct action” was given by the revolutionary elements in the
syndicats. The syndicats were not only to carry on their struggle
“directly” against employers by strikes, boycotts and sabotage, but
also against the State, and not only against the State appearing as
the “enemy of labor”, but also against the State wishing to become
the protector and benefactor of the workingmen. This hostility to the
State and to its reform-legislation marked a further accentuation of
the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism.
The Congress of Lyons took, also, a decided stand on the relations of
the syndicats to political action. Under “political action” of course the
action of the Socialist parties was meant. After the foundation of the
General Confederation of Labor certain important changes had taken
place in the socialist movement of France which could not but have
their effect upon the syndicats.
In 1893 the socialist parties had their first big success in the general
elections. They obtained about 600,000 votes[139] and elected over
50 deputies. The socialist deputies in the Chamber constituted a
Parliamentary Group—Union Socialiste—which acted in common.
This strengthened the tendency toward union which had already
manifested itself, during the elections, when the Socialists had
entered into unions among themselves.
The unity in action was further made possible by a unity in views
which was becoming more and more manifest. After 1892, when the
Guesdists obtained a large number of votes in the municipal
elections and gained a number of municipalities, their ideas on some
of the most important points of their program began to change. In
1894, at their Congress of Nantes, the Guesdists elaborated a
detailed program of reforms designed to win the votes of the
agricultural population. This program made no mention of the
collective appropriation of the soil; on the contrary, it stated that, “in
the agricultural domain, the means of production, which is the soil,
is in many places still in the possession of the producers themselves
as individual property” and that “if this state of conditions,
characterized by peasant proprietorship, must inevitably disappear,
socialism must not precipitate its disappearance.”[140] With similar
promises of reform the Guesdists addressed other classes of the
population: artisans, small merchants and the lower strata of the
middle classes.
Formerly ardent revolutionists, they now began to emphasize the
legal aspect of their activity and the emancipating influence of
universal suffrage. Jules Guesde himself in his speeches in the
Chamber of Deputies on various occasions expressed his belief that
universal suffrage was the instrument with which all questions might
be peacefully solved,[141] and that nothing but legal weapons would
throw the Republic into the hands of the socialist army. G. Deville,
then one of the principal theorists of the party, affirmed in 1896 that
the only actual task of the party was to increase the number of
socialist electors and representatives.[142] With the affirmation of
the emancipating significance of universal suffrage the importance of
parliamentary action was more and more emphasized.
Thus the “revolutionary” socialists were approaching the reformist
elements composed of Broussists and of Independents. In 1896 this
rapprochement was manifested at the banquet of Saint Mandé
arranged on the occasion of the success obtained by the socialists
during the municipal elections of that year. All socialist parties took
part in it and Millerand delivered a speech in which he outlined the
common points of the socialist program. This program emphasized
the peaceful and evolutionary character of socialism: “We address
ourselves only to universal suffrage,” said Millerand, ... “In order to
begin the socialization of the means of production, it is necessary
and sufficient for the Socialist party to pursue with the help of
universal suffrage the conquest of the political powers.”[143] Guesde,
present at the banquet, approved and “applauded” the definition of
Socialism given by Millerand.
The Dreyfus affair brought the socialists for some time into still
closer contact. A “Committee of Harmony” (Comité d'Entente) was
formed in which all the socialist organizations were represented. The
demand for unity was expressed in the socialist periodical press, and
J. Jaurès outlined a plan according to which the old separate and
rival factions were to disappear in one unified party.[144] The belief
in the possibility of such a unified party was general.
The entrance of Millerand into the Ministry of Waldeck-Rousseau was
a sudden shock which again disrupted the elements tending toward
union. The Guesdists, Blanquists and a few other groups denounced
the act of Millerand as a violation of the principles of class and class-
struggle—the fundamental principles of Socialism. The
Independents, Broussists and similar elements, on the contrary,
insisted upon the necessity of taking part in the general life of the
country and of assuming responsibilities when they are inevitable. At
two general Congresses of all socialist organizations held in Paris
(December, 1899, and September, 1900) this question was
discussed. The Congresses ended with a quarrel among the various
socialist organizations which led to complete rupture at the following
Congress in Lyons in May, 1901. The Guesdists, Blanquists and
several regional federations formed the Parti Socialiste de France;
the Independents, Broussists, and Allemanists formed the Parti
Socialiste Français, which supported Millerand and the cabinet of
Waldeck-Rousseau. Within each new grouping, however, the old
organizations remained intact.
The “case Millerand” raised such violent polemics, such bitter mutual
accusations among the Socialists that many members of the party
felt disgusted. Even the French socialist movement, so rich in inner
divisions and dissensions, had never before experienced such a
critical condition.
In view of this situation the organized workingmen were anxious
now more than ever to keep politics out of the syndicats. The
resolution adopted unanimously by the Congress of Lyons insisted
upon the fact that the introduction of politics into the syndicats
would cause division in the syndicalist ranks, and therefore invited
the syndicats and the federations to remain independent of all
political parties, “leaving to individuals the undeniable right to devote
themselves to that kind of struggle which they prefer in the political
field.” The syndicat as an organization, however, should remain
neutral; otherwise it would be “false to its true rôle which consists in
grouping all the exploited without distinction of race, nationality,
philosophical or religious opinions, and political views.”[145]
The reaction of socialist workingmen, however, to the situation
created by the “case Millerand” was of a more complicated character.
While the entrance of a socialist minister into the government
aroused hopes and expectations in the minds of many, to others it
seemed the beginning of the end of socialism. Habitually regarding
socialism as a class-movement, imbued with the ideas of class and
class-struggle, they were shocked and grieved at the “collaboration
of classes” which Millerand practised in the government and the
Socialists in Parliament.
To these socialist workingmen the danger seemed the greater
because it presented itself as a crowning act of a policy that had
been pursued for some time by all the socialists. As we have seen,
even the revolutionary Guesdists had become more and more
moderate. They had co-operated in Parliament with the republican
parties and had concluded alliances during elections with
“bourgeois” parties. At the general Congress of socialists in Paris in
1899, M. Briand in a clever and somewhat biting speech pointed out
to the revolutionary socialists that their policy had made the “case
Millerand” possible. “It seems,” said Briand, “that great astonishment
has been aroused in our comrades of the Parti Ouvrier (Guesdists)
by the entrance of our comrade Millerand into a bourgeois
government. But, citizens of the Parti Ouvrier, what has taken place
is the very consequence of the policy which by successive
concessions you have forced upon the entire socialist party.”[146]
And Briand pointed out these “successive concessions” which
deprived the Guesdists of their revolutionary character. To quote M.
Briand again:

Yes, you become interested in these [electoral] struggles which

gave immediate results, and little by little our militant comrades
also became interested in them, took a liking for them to such a
degree that they soon came to believe that in order to triumph
definitely over the capitalist society nothing was necessary but
to storm the ballot-boxes. Thus within recent years the country
could gain the impression that the socialist party was no longer
a revolutionary party.[147]

This impression many socialist workingmen had, and the “case

Millerand” strengthened it in them. But preservation of the
revolutionary character of socialism was for them a necessity,
equivalent to maintaining their belief in the coming of socialism at
all. These workingmen of all socialist parties, Allemanists, Blanquists,
and even Guesdists, therefore, now threw themselves with greater
energy into the syndicalist movement which seemed to them the
only refuge for the revolutionary spirit. There they met the
Communist-Anarchists who had been taking an active part in the
syndicalist movement for some time. The Communist-Anarchists
before 1895 had generally shown little sympathy for the syndicats
where the workingmen, they said, were either engaged in politics or
trying to obtain paltry reforms. But tired of carrying on a merely
verbal propaganda and spurred on by Pelloutier,[148] they began to
change their attitude after 1895, and after 1899 became influential
in many syndicalist organizations. Their criticism of electoral action,
their denunciation of political intriguing, now under the conditions
created by the “case Millerand,” fell on prepared ground and yielded
fruit. A decided anti-political tendency gained strength in the
syndicats.
This tendency was further strengthened by the economic events of
the period. During these years, particularly after the Exhibition of
Paris, a series of big strikes took place in various parts of France,
among the miners in the north, the dockers in the ports of the
south, in the Creusot works, etc. These strikes were partly the result
of the large expectations aroused in the workingmen by the
entrance of a socialist minister into the government. But the
government sent troops against some of the strikers and in two or
three cases blood was shed. The agitation aroused by the bloodshed
was great and intensified the defiance toward Millerand and toward
the political parties in general. On the other hand, some of the
strikes became more or less general in character and were won by
the energetic action of the strikers. This strengthened the conviction
in the efficacy of economic action and in the possibility of the
general strike.
Under the combined influence of all these conditions, the socialist
and anarchist workingmen, during this period, began to ascribe to
the syndicats a decided preponderance in all respects, and they
actively engaged in making their revolutionary ideas predominant in
the syndical organizations. The resolutions and discussions at the
Congress of Lyons revealed this state of mind and the progress
attained. The revolutionary elements of the syndicats had by this
time become conscious of themselves, and in opposition to the
program of the political socialists, they advanced the idea of the
General Confederation of Labor as a distinctly unifying conception
which in the future was to play a great social rôle. “The General
Confederation of Labor uniting all the workingmen's syndical forces,”
said the Secretary, Guérard, in his report to the Congress of Lyons,
“is destined to become the revolutionary instrument capable of
transforming society.”[149] In greeting the delegates at the opening
of the Congress, Bourchet addressed them as “the representatives of
the great party of Labor” (grand parti du travail).[150] The same
term was used by other delegates,[151] and in the summing-up of
the work of the Congress, the emphasis was laid upon the
demarcation between the syndicalists and the politicians which the
Congress had clearly shown.
Thus, with the Congress of Lyons the General Confederation of Labor
may be said to have entered definitely upon the revolutionary path.
The main ideas of revolutionary syndicalism were clearly formulated
and consciously accepted. The main functionaries elected after the
Congress were revolutionists, viz., the secretary Griffuelhes and the
assistant secretary and editor of the Voix du Peuple Pouget.
The Congress of Montpellier held next year (1902) showed constant
accentuation of the revolutionary tendencies. The Congress of
Montpellier was almost entirely occupied with the elaboration of a
new constitution which would unite the General Confederation and
the Federation of Bourses. Statutes acceptable to both organizations
were adopted to go into force on January 1, 1903.
At the Congress of Montpellier the report of the Secretary Griffuelhes
claimed that during the year the Confederation had made progress.
But this progress was very slight. The real growth of the
Confederation began after its fusion with the Federation of Bourses.
Since then also dates the more active participation of the
Confederation in the political and social life of the country. But
before taking up the history of the General Confederation since
1902, it seems advisable to sum up the main ideas of revolutionary
syndicalism in a more systematic way.
CHAPTER V
Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebookname.com