Historisk-filosofiske Skrifter

udgivet af
Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab
Bind 4, nr. 3.
Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk. 4, no. 3 (1966)

THE DIALECT OF AWROMAN

(HAWRAMAN-I LUHON)
Grammatical sketch, texts,
and vocabulary

BY

d. n. Ma c k e n z i e

København 1966
Kommissionær: Ejnar Munksgaard
 D et Kongelige D anske Videnskabernes S elskab udgiver følgende
publikationsrækker :
T he R oyal D anish A cademy of Sciences and L etters issues the
following series of publications:
Bibliographical Abbreviation
Oversigt over Selskabets Virksomhed (8°) Overs. Dan. Vid. Selsk.
(Annual in Danish)

Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser (8°) Hist. Filos. Medd. Dan. Vid. Selsk.

Historisk-filosofiske Skrifter (4°) Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk.
(History, Philology, Philosophy,
Archeology, Art History)

Matematisk-fysiske Meddelelser (8°) Mat. Fys. Medd. Dan. Vid. Selsk.

Matematisk-fysiske Skrifter (4°) Mat. Fys. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk.
(Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry,
Astronomy, Geology)

Biologiske Meddelelser (8°) Biol. Medd. Dan. Vid. Selsk.

Biologiske Skrifter (4°) Biol. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk.
(Botany, Zoology, General
Biology)

Selskabets sekretariat og postadresse: Dantes Plads 5, København V.

The address of the secretariate of the Academy is:
Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab,
Dantes Plads 5, København V, Denmark.

Selskabets kommissionær: E jna r Mu nksgaard ’s Forlag, Nørregade 6,

København K.
The publications are sold by the agent of the Academy:
E jnar Mun ksgaard , Publishers,
6 Norregade, Kobenhavn K, Denmark.
 Historisk-filosofiske Skrifter
udgivet af
Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab
Bind 4, nr. 3.
Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk.4, no. 3 (1966)

THE DIALECT OF AWROMAN

(HAWRAMAN-I LUHON)
Grammatical sketch, texts,
and vocabulary

BY

d.n. Ma c k e n z i e

København 1966
Kommissionær: Ejnar Munksgaurd
 P R I N T E D IN D E N M A R K
B IA N C O L U N O S B O G T R Y K K E R I A /S
 Introduction
ear the turn of this century three Europeans in succession visited the m ountainous
N district of Awroman (Hnwrnmnn), in the west of the Persian province of Kur­
distan (A rdalån), and m ade notes on the dialects spoken there. The first to publish
his not very considerable notes was J. d e M o r g a n ,1 in 1904. By that time both
Å ge M e y e r B e n e d i c t s e n and O skar M a nn had returned with the fruits of their
labours, b u t neither imm ediately published his material.
Although both these scholars actually visited Awroman, the greater part of their
linguistic notes was m ade beforehand in the town of Sanandaj (Sinn). It is possible
that Mann becam e aware of a certain discrepancy between his notes and the dialect
of Aw rom an proper, due to the shortcomings of his inform ant. At least, whatever
the reason, he did not mention the dialect specifically in the plan for the appropriate
part of his great Kurdisch-Persische Forschangen. Nevertheless his notes were published,
after his death, by H a d a n k .2 It will, therefore, be necessary to return to the question
of their accuracy.
The m ost im portant collection of notes and texts was undoubtedly that made
by B e n e d i c t s e n . Unfortunately it was not until 1921, when in his own words ‘les
textes ne m ’étaient plus bien familiers, et que bien des passages m ’étaient devenues
incom préhensibles’, that his m aterial was published, ‘grâce aux lumières et au zèle
inlassable de M. A r t h u r C h r i s t e n s e n ’.3
In the light of new m aterial it is now possible to give a clearer picture of the
m orphological processes of the language. These are of a surprising complexity for
a m odern W est Iranian dialect. They are far more intricate, for example, than those
of any K urdish dialect, though H aw ràm ï forms an island in a Kurdish sea. Indeed,
in m any w ays H aw ràm ï has the aspect of a somewhat archaic Middle Iranian dialect.
Not the least of its claims for attention is the light it throws on the history of neigh­
bouring K urdish dialects.4
1 In Mission scientifique en Perse, tome V, Etudes linguistiques, Paris, 1904.
2 Mundarten der Gûrân, besonders das Kandûlaî, Auramânî und Bâdschalânî, bearbeilet von Karl Hadank,
Berlin, 1930, pp. 367-395.
3 Les dialectes d ’Awromdn et de Pâwa, textes recueillis par Âge Meyer Benedictsen, revus et publiés
avec des notes et une esquisse de grammaire par Arthur Christensen, Copenhagen, 1921 (Hist, Filol. Medd.
Dan. Vid. Selsk., VI, 2) [cited B-CJ; also ‘Some New Awromânï Material prepared from the collections of
Åge Meyer Benedictsen’, by A. Christensen, BSOAS, 8, 467-476 [B-C, II].
4 See my ‘Origins of Kurdish’, 2'PS, 1961, 68-86. In that article the transcription of Hawràmï ex­
amples was brought into line with that used in my description of Kurdish (see below). In the present work
1*
4 Nr. 3

In 1957 I had the good fortune to meet in London a young m an from Awroman,
Tahsin, son of Muhammad Amin, originally of the district of Luhon (see Map). Now
when B e n e d i c t s e n visited ‘Naw-e-Sütà’ (rede NawsTida) in 1901 he was the guest
of the ‘sultân-e-Lohün’ [sic], who, however, regarded him with ‘une méfiance crois­
sante’ and in the end ‘une inimitié ouverte’ which forced him to retire from the scene
sooner than he would have wished. It was to our comm on am usem ent, therefore,
that Tahsin and I decided this ‘sultan’ m ust have been his great-grandfather, namely
Hama Sacld San (= Sultan), father of Jdfar San, father of M uhammad Amin Srln.5 My
friend proved ready and willing to m ake am ends for his ancestor and the following
notes are based entirely on inform ation kindly supplied by him in the course of m any
m onths of periodic questioning. T hanks are also due to the School of Oriental an d
African Studies, of the University of London, which m ade his co-operation possible.
H aw râm ï is a Gôrânï dialect and, as will appear, probably the most archaic an d
best preserved of the group. The dialect described here is that of H aw ràm àn-ï Luhôn,
and more specifically of its chief village Nawsüda. This was the hom e of Jafar San
and his family until 1932, when he went into exile in Iraq. There he died, in Halabja,
in about 1943. Tahsin was born in a Haw râm ï village in Iraq. On the fam ily’s return
to Persia his father went to live in Pâwa, which he therefore considered his home.
Nevertheless he was well aware of the differences between his m other tongue a n d
the dialect of Pâwa. To avoid any chance of confusion, however, I preferred to restrict
my enquiries to his own dialect. It m ust be said further that his second language
is the Kurdish of Suleimaniye. W hile it is always possible that this m ay have in ­
fluenced his Hawrâm ï, his rem arkable consistency under cross-exam ination leads me
to think not.
I have felt obliged to reverse the process and transcribe the occasional quotations from Kurdish according
to the scheme demanded by the description of Hawrâmï.
8 See the family tree given by C. J. Edmonds, Kurds, Turks and Arabs, London, 1957, p. 155, to
which work the reader is also referred for a full description of Awroman (see Index, s. v. Hewrâmàn).
 IRAQ IRAN

Key to the map.

(Villages identified from the 1/4 inch: 1 mile m ap by Tahsin.)

a Uaray m ar. d Berwäz. g Balxa.

b Gulp. e Häna garmta. h Biära.
c ? Bit.va kon. f Xarpäni.

Luhon. Nawsuda.
la Zâwar. Id Nods a. lg Sarakän.
lb Sosakän. le Bemrwe. lh Dar aw Hajijiä
lc Sosme. If Narwi. li W ufä.

Hajij-
6 Nr. 3

Jw anro.
ja Hirwe.* jd Komadara.* jg DiSa.
jb Daribar.* je Nijar.* jh G(i)rala.
jc Darian. jf Sawalxe.* ji Nuriaw.*

Paw a. Pdwa.
pa Xdnagd. pd Nosma. Pf Sarkran.
pb Durisan.* pe Darmur. Pg Bmdara.
pc Darabayan.*

Taxt. Sari Hawrdman.

ta Kamdtd. tc Dizli. te Tifli.
tb Darawki. td Bdrdmdwd. tf S(i)len.

Razaw. Razciw.
ra Dag ago.. rd Dalamarz. rf Asparez.
rb Mdzibm. re Zom. rg Kalji.
rc Biridar.
* Kurdish-speaking population.
 Phonology
§ 1. The phonem ic system of H aw ram i is rem arkably sim ilar to those of the sur­
rounding Kurdish dialects of Suleimaniye and Sina. There are 26 consonants (in ­
cluding two semi-vowels), which m ay be represented by the same symbols as have
already been adopted for the Kurdish dialects.1 The vowel phonemes, however, 10
in num ber, present a problem of representation. For various reasons, particularly
the close relationship between ‘long i, u and the corresponding semi-vowels, the
diacritics traditionally used are inadequate for our purposes. The symbols used be­
low, therefore, m ay appear strange at first sight.

Dental, Palato- Pharyn-

Labial Velar Uvular Glottal
Alveolar Alveolar gal

P t 6 k <7
Stop and A ffricate...................
b d / 9

Í s2 à X h h
Fricative......................................
z i (

N asal............................................. m n

L a te r a l........................................ l l

Vibrant ........................................ r r

Semi-vowel.................................. w V

C on son an ts.
§ 2. Of the consonants it is the dental and alveolar series which requires most de­
finition.
(a) d, norm ally a voiced dental stop, is realized in post- and inter-vocalic position,
and between r and a following vowel, as a continuant [a], as in the Kurd, of Sul.
and Sina.3 This sound, represented in the notes of A ndreas4 and Benedictsen by d,
1 See my Kurdish Dialed Studies, London, 1961, I, § 1.
3 As in Sul. Kurdish (v. K D S, I, § 10b), the Arabic emphatic consonant j * s is heard in the two
words Sas ‘60’ and sad ‘100’ only.
3 K D S, I, §§ 8 b, 37.
4 Iranische Dialektaufzeichnungen, aus dem Nachlass von F. C. Andreas, zusammen mil K aj Barr . . .
bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Arthur Christensen, Berlin, 1939, p. 215.
8 Nr. 3

without further definition, is a half-close central continuant caused by the tip of the
tongue approaching the upper teeth without m aking contact. Thus it is not a fricative
and will be written here d, i. e. as a continuant allophone of d.
An exception is the d of the 2nd person plural verbal ending -de. Although
Benedictsen gives -da as a variant of his -da, Tahsin never realized this as other than
a dental stop in any context.
hard ‘he did ’, karda ‘done’, karde ‘you do’
In one context d is entirely absorbed, viz. by a following i, e. g. -idi- > -i- in
b^idia [‘b i :e] ‘look!’

(b) The same continuant [a] is heard as the norm al realization in final position of
the 2nd singular personal pronoun suffix, in contrast with the non-final form -(/)/.
The continuant is accordingly written /.
hdy-t-d ‘art thou aw ake?’
dizman-it ‘thy enem y’, add-{ ‘thy m other’

(c) The phonem e n comprises, beside the norm al voiced dental nasal, a velar
allophone [rj]. This is never heard without a following g (k), however lleeting.
angusa [arj'gusa, ap'^usa] ‘finger’
dang [daqg, darjg/k] ‘fam e’
In a few num erals it is realized as a nasalization of the preceding vowel a, thus yanza
[ja : 1za] ‘eleven’.

(d) / and l, r and r, correspond exactly to the same phonemes of Sul. Kurd.5 / is
a front and / a back, velarized, dental lateral, r is an alveolar llap, while r is rolled.
Neither l nor r ever occur in initial position in a word.

mila ‘m ountain pass’ : m il a ‘m ouse’

mdru ‘I bring’ : maru ‘I b reak ’

(e) h and c, occurring m ainly in loanw ords from Arabic, are quite distinct from h
and the glottal stop [?] respectively.

horia ‘houri’, hdzir ‘ready’

f-vmr ‘age’, (c)amra ‘order’
V ow els.
§ 3. Seven of the vowel phonemes are ‘long’, i e e a d o u, and three ‘short’, i a u.

(a) Of the short vowels i , a slightly open, central [i], is particularly unstable. In
unstressed position between consonants it is frequently not realized.
5 K D S, I, §§ 13-16.
Nr. 3 9

Vowel scheme

w^it ‘he said ’ n}awt ‘he did not say’

k ife b im ‘my book’ a k(i)tebnfa ‘that my book’
whstij: ‘you p u t’ W\isttarla ‘you dropped it’

In such cases raised 1 will norm ally be written, as

naw It, a kitebhna, wistHara.

(b) In initial syllables both / and u are prone to reduction in certain contexts, even
when stressed, e. g.

*bifi > / 7/ ' z , *khta > A-7 / 1« , *b^isanu > brsldnu, *klusi > kwsli, *klusu > kws lu

(c) u is realized as a short, slightly open [u], except as in these last examples (i. e.
the word k wsi and the verbal stem k ws- < kustay) where the sequence *ku- is reduced
to a labialized velar [kw] without syllabic value. [Following w-, [u] is probably to
be considered an allophone of / in every case.]

(d) a ranges from an open front [a], norm ally, to near half-open [e], particularly
in final position. It is quite distinct, however, from the phonem e long e.

(e) The long vowels i, u are very near to cardinal position. W hen unstressed and
preceded by another vowel they are realized as semi-vowels, i. e. form diphthongs
(v. infra). Unstressed z, u followed by another vowel, however, do not become entirely
semi-vocalic, i. e. they do not always appear to lose their syllabic nature.

lule [Iu /w ' e :] ‘they w ent’ : Z1tie [1l u :£*] if he had gone’
usle ‘he was sleeping’ : n'awse ‘he was not sleeping’
wiarlu [w i/ja'fu:] ‘I pass’ : w^iaru p w iia f u ’] ‘if I pass’
kifeb , k ife b i ‘book’ (direct, oblique : zaroVa, zdroVay ‘child’
singular)
10 Nr. 3

(f) A special case of the realization of unstressed i, u followed by another vowel

is that of verbs with initial y-, w-, with the modal prefixes m (/)-, &(/)-. Thus
mi-yarH is realized [m i/ja: 1f i : ]
mi-warhi is realized [m u/w a'fu:]
It appears convenient to retain the phonem ic spellings -iy-, -iw-, for these i, u.
miwar^u ‘I eat’ : m iw arah [m u/w afu/w 'o:] ‘I d rink’
miwarH [m u/w a'fi:] ‘you eat’ : miwcirih [m u/w afi/j'o:] ‘you d rink’

(g) In contrast with the diphthong ay the vowel sequence ob’ also occurs, e. g.
zarotad ‘childhood’.
The diphthongs can, therefore, hardly be written in any other way than ay
and, by analogy, aw. It is equally possible to write phonetically yV, w V ( V representing
any vowel) whenever they occur. However, in view of the constant alternation be­
tween i/y lV and dV, u/w^V and diV in verbal paradigm s, it seems preferable to retain
the vowel phonem es i, u regularly in this context, as in the examples above. For this
reason the m acron as a diacritic is out of place here.

(h) The half-close long vowels e, o are quite distinct from the half-open e, o re­
spectively.
blie ‘they w ere’ bde ‘if he had been’
ludne ‘they were going’ ludne ‘they have gone’
w^aro ‘if he eat’ w dro ‘d rink!’
warVo ‘it is eaten’ w arih ‘you d rin k ’

(j) In unstressed position before another vowel o is norm ally indistinguishable from
the close u, e. g.
rold [ru]a:], oblique plural of fo ‘d ay ’,
birod [b ifu'e:], plural of biro ‘brow ’.

(k) e is most frequently the product of the juncture of a and following e. Compare
wit I whte ‘h e /th e y slept’ : n /n 'd /d /n 'e ‘he /th e y cam e’
k itleb I k it lebe ‘book / books’ : dag1a / dag1e ‘village / villages’.
It is also the result of the reduction of final -ewa in certain circum stances (v. § 24).
In a few cases it appears to be the result of Imdla, e. g. er ‘fire’ (< *ddir, OIr. atar-);
but com pare kikeb ‘book’ (< Ar. kitab). The latter form is norm al in Kurd., from
which it is probably borrowed.

(l) o has only one function. It appears for the suffix -(a)wa following a consonant
or the vowels i, u.
Nr. 3 11

warenew^a ‘I was drinking’, waruh ‘I d rin k ’

warendo ‘you were drinking’, war do ‘you d rin k ’
warewhi ‘he was drinking’, warouda ‘he drinks’
w lardewa ‘drink ye!’ udaro ‘d rink!’
bdqas nid kmdcakewa / mezakdyo ‘he pushed the girl / table’

J u n ctu re.
§ 4 . A part from the juncture of -d + -e, yielding -e, the following alone have any
m ajor effect on morphological processes.
-a is norm ally absorbed by a preceding vowel other than i, a. Thus

yard a, p i 1a + -1« rem ain yd n la, pda,

wade, wado + -auda > warew^a, warowla.

On the other hand, final -a is displaced by following -e.

da- + -^ene > d^ene, ydida + -ew > ydin^ew.

S tr e ss.
§ 5. Stress plays a m ajor role in Hawram i. Its position alone m ay either distinguish
between otherwise identical forms or entail certain m orphological consequences.

hde ‘they w ent’ due ‘if he had gone’

d m lene ‘they have com e’ 1dmene ‘if I had com e’
m ldrd ‘it is a snake’ m ada ‘they bring’
xu) a ‘laughter’ xdia ‘laugh!’
x a sla ‘goodness’ x^dsa ‘good (fern, sing.)’
pod a-n ‘it is steel’ poVdmdi-na ‘it is our steel’

(a) E ach word has one invariable loud stress, the position of w hich is not pre­
dictable except within certain inflectional patterns. This main word stress is m arked
by []-] before the stressed vowel (not necessarily syllable). W ords, or phrases, of
three or m ore syllables m ay also have an appreciable secondary stress, m arked [|-],
the position of w hich bears no fixed relation to that of the m ain stress.

Pretonic: 1 mm isu\ad a T am sitting down’

2 nis\eneda T was sitting down’
3 ri\iktdneda T sat dow n’
Posttonic: 1 n lal\dne T did not go’
2 m ]asdn\U T do not buy’
3-4 n lanisyar\a ‘if I do not sit dow n’
4 idani§ener\a T was not sitting dow n’
5 rdanistabenerw T had not sat dow n’
12 Nr. 3

In these examples the stress pattern is determined by the fixed order of pre­
cedence of the stresses of the various prefixes, stems, endings and suffixes.

(b) The only examples of a shift of stress away from the norm al pattern occur when
a vowel irregularly loses its syllabic character. Its stress is then taken by the following
syllable.
b lilu ‘if I go’, but bh^anu [b 's a rn u ] ‘if I take’
fo/r'oe ‘day/days’, but birlo/birole [b if'u e:] ‘eyebrow /brow s’

(c) Sentence stress differs only in degree from word stress. In complete utterances
the m ain stresses are m arked ["], the secondary stresses [-]. Thus, dir\eza)i + hizli +
$lcuve + \i zanginda+^azni > dIrezai hizi sawe i zanghna dzni. ‘I heard this bell
throughout last night’.
 Morphology
N o m in a l In flection .
§ 6 . In the inflection of both nouns and adjectives a distinction of two num bers
(singular and p lu ral),1 two gram m atical genders (m asculine and fem inine), and two
cases (direct and oblique) is observed.

(a) A substantive appears in the oblique case when it is:

i) the direct object of a verb, and is at the same time defined,

ii) in genitival relation to another noun (v. § 9, ii),
iii) governed by a preposition (but see § 43 (c)),
iv) the agent, in certain circumstances, of a transitive verb (v. § 38 (a)).

In all other circum stances a noun appears in the direct case.

(b) W ith nouns having no natural gender2 the distinction of gram m atical gender is
m ainly dependent on the form of the word. Thus nouns which in their simple form
end in a consonant, or in the stressed vowels - 1«, - iz, - 1o, - zz, are m asculine. Those
ending in unstressed -a or -z, or in stressed -1e, are feminine. Most nouns ending in
-1rl are m asculine, but a few are feminine.

§ 7. All adjectives (other than those listed in § 13), whether attributive or predicative,
agree w ith the nouns they qualify in num ber, gender and case.3 They accordingly
show the fullest inflection. The inflectional m orphem es are the same for all nouns
and adjectives, viz. obi. sg. M. -z (-z/), F. -e, and dir. pi. -e, obi. - 1rt for both genders.
W hen these are joined with the simple nom inal forms there emerge three m ain patterns
of inflection.
1 A small number of nouns appear only in the plural, e. g. j'lle ‘clothes’, q'lie ‘hair’, slm'ele ‘mou-
stache(s)’.
2 W ith some animals the sexes are distinguished by different names, e. g. asp ‘horse’, mä'ini ‘mare’ ;
g'äwa (F!) ‘ox’, mäng'äwa ‘cow’; bar'an ‘ram’, m'atja ‘sheep’; säbr'in ‘he-goat’, b'lza ‘she-goat’; tut'a ‘dog’,
d'ala ‘bitch’; ijakdn'a ‘wild boar’, d'ara ‘wild sow’. For other animals the same noun, with fixed gender,
serves for both sexes, e. g. Masc. blzl'a ‘kid’, hawre&'a ‘rabbit’, xug ‘pig’; Fern, 'dska ‘gazelle’, h'aSSa ‘bear’.
klt'a, F. ‘cat’ has irregular stress.
3 Except that of two or more attributive adjectives joined by u ‘and’ only the last takes inflectional
endings.
14 Nr. 3

I. Adjectives and Masc. nouns ending in a consonant, or stressed -1i, -'o, -'u;
Fem. nouns ending in unstressed -a, -i.

Masc. Fem.
Sg. Dir. pir ‘old (anim ate)’ pdra
Obi. p liri p 1ire
PI. Dir. pdre
Obi. p ir]a
Sg. Dir. har ‘donkey’ mdh^ara ‘she-ass’
Obi. h 1ari mähbare
PI. Dir. h 1are mähbare
Obi. har^a m d h a fd
Sg. Dir. ro ‘d ay ’
Obi. roy
PI. Dir. foe*
Obi. rold

Fem. nouns ending in -i preserve this in the direct case, both sg. and pi., b u t
only in isolation. W hen they are joined with any other form (except a simple epithet)
they are inflected as if they ended in -a.

Sg. Dir. k ldrdi (kftrd a -) ‘knife’

Obi. kfirde
PI. Dir. k ]drdi (k^drtfe-)
Obi. kdrcVd

II. Adjectives and Masc. nouns ending in stressed -'a; Fem. nouns ending in
stressed - le.
Masc. Fem.
Sg. Dir. kon^a ‘old (inanim ate)’ kon^e
Obi. kon^ay kon e
PI. Dir. kon^e
Obi. kon^a
Sg. Dir. ydn^a ‘house’
Obi. ydn'ay
PI. Dir. ydin^e
Obi. y fin^d

Fem. nouns ending in -*e only preserve this in isolation. W hen they are joined
with any other form (except either Izafe) they lose this ending and are inflected as
if they ended in -la.
4 Exceptionally blr'o ‘eyebrow’, pi. blro'e (v. § 3 (j)).
Nr. 3 15

Sg. Dir. km åå]e (kinåé^a-) ‘girl’

Obl. kmåc^e
PI. Dir. kmåi^e
Obl. kinåc^å

III. Adjectives, and nouns of either gender, ending in stressed -'a.

Masc. Fern.
Sg. Dir. J ild ‘separate’ /i'e
Obl. Ji'ay jVe
PI. Dir. jVe
Obl. /m y 1«
Sg. Dir. p kå ‘m an’ ad^ft ‘m other’
Obl. pdåy a d le
PI. Dir. pVe a(Jle
Obl. piåy^å atfayla

Examples.
kitéb I kitébe båra bring a book / books!
yånd I ydné karb build a house / houses!
kårdi bdra bring a knife, knives!
kinåcé il fa call a girl, girls!
dagå I dagé bTsåna buy a village / villages!
ja ds\ini / taxt\ay / taw\ane faqkar harder than iron (ash#) / board ( ta x t]a) /
stone ( ta w jin i)
cifuc\amu z lane / kinåi^e / atjle the face of a w om an (z^ani) / girl / mother
kit\ebu k u fjl I p iå yjl \ zaiiå / k m å c lå a book of (= for) boys (k u f) / m en /
women / girls
D efinition.
§ 8. The degree of definiteness of a substantive m ay be m arked by any one from
three pairs of suffixes, according to its gender.

(a) The suffixes -ew M., -ewa F .,5 express singleness or indefiniteness. Their presence
naturally precludes the plural m orphem es6 and the oblique m orphem es expressing
5 A fern, noun takes the suffix -ew, however, when it quantifies another noun (v. § 10) or when a greater
degree of indefiniteness is intended. The obl. is then -ewi.
å,awew fa Saw'å one night (S'awa) from the nights
p,afu åftåw'ewi a pitcherful (aftaw'e; cf. aftaw,eway p'ara ‘a full
pitcher’)
dgnna s'ålew some years (s'ala)
yåwå dagéw he came to a village (dag'a F.)
6 Indefiniteness in the plural is marked only by the absence of any of the following defining suffixes.
dhmu karddyd m l ward - he even eats knife-blades
dfrmu kardakd ttt karo - sharpen the blades of the knives.
16 Nr. 3

a direct object. Otherwise a noun with either suffix is declined according to pattern
I above.

h^arew, r^oew, yfinlew, p i lew a donkey, day, house, m an

mfildarewa, k^firdewa, kmfic^ewa, ad 1sum a she-ass, knife, girl, m other
kitébew I kdrdewa barn bring a book / knife!
d\amu k lfirdewe a knife-blade
sarpiw p i lewi \ kinfic^ewe a m an ’s / girl’s head

(b) A substantive is norm ally defined by one of the suffixes -akla M., -akle F. W ith
these suffixes the noun is declined m ainly according to pattern II above.

harakla, rokla, yfinak^a pifikdi - the donkey, day, house, m an

harak^e, rokle, yanak]e, pifikle - the donkeys, days, houses, men
mfiharakle, k firdak1e, km ficakle, adfikle - the she-ass(es), knife (knives), girl(s),
mother
but adekle - the mothers
kitebakdy / kitebakd barn - bring the book / books!
kfirdaké / kfirdakd barn - bring the knife / knives!
sar\aw pifikdiy / kinficakle - the head of the m an / girl
cifuc\anm za n a ke / adfikle - the face of the wom an / m other
kit\ebe kvrak)fi / kinficak]fi - the boys’ / girls’ books

(c) An isolated substantive qualified by a demonstrative adjective (v. § 13, i) always

takes one of the suffixes -la M., -'e F.

i ha rla, yfinWi, pVfi - this donkey, house, m an

a mfihar^e, kfircke, kmfic^e7 — that she-ass, knife, girl

Unlike -aka, however, this determ inant normally follows all other inflectional m or­
phemes and suffixes. W hen so separated from the qualified noun it is represented
by -1« for both genders (and is therefore not realized after any vowel other than
i, u).

a kitebhn ^a / kin ficem di - that my book / daughter

i h a r id / yfin ayd b h fin a - buy this donkey / house!
fi kfird é I d a g é b rsan a - buy that knife / village!
fi k iteb im d / km ficem d b å r a - bring that my book / daughter!
+ d k iteb im d / km ficem d b å r a - bring that our book / daughter!
i har^e, yfiide, p k e - these donkeys, houses, men

7 In this case only was Tahsin in any doubt, as to whether ‘that village’ should be *a dag'd or *d dag's
(though in the course of a story he used a werag'a ‘that evening’). The obi. sg. and dir. pi. forms are undoubt­
edly both d dag'e.
Nr. 3 17

a mahar^e, kdrdle, k in d le - those she-asses, knives, girls

d kitebenda / kinbcend a - those my books / daughters
+d kitebendd / kinadem^d - those our books / daughters
i hard I ydnd bhsdna - buy these donkeys / houses!
d kdirdd / dagdiyd bTsana - buy those knives / villages!
d kitebdma / kmdcdmd bdra - bring those my books / daughters!
+d kitebamd / kmdcdmd bdra - bring those our books / daughters!

W hen a plural pronom inal suffix is present, as in the examples m arked + above,
the definite suffix -!a is concealed. Rarely the suffix -'a, or at least its stress, may
occur before such a pronom inal suffix. The effect is to emphasize the individuality
of the object defined.

d kiteb^amd / kma&emd - that our book / daughter

d kitebamd / kmdcemd pay bdra - bring that book / girl for us
i kiteba siawmd wdindno - we have read this black book8
i kiteba sidwdmd wdndno - we have read this black book9

Izafe.
§ 9. There are two forms of Izafe in Hawram I, connecting a substantive with a
following epithet or genitive respectively.

i) The Epithetic Izafe is i (y). It is displaced, however, by the sg. noun endings
-1/, -z, - 1e, and by all inflectional m orphem es. The following epithet, even a noun in
apposition, agrees in num ber, gender and case with the substantive it qualifies.

kit\ebi I kit\ebewi sVaw - a black book

kit\ebe si^awe - black books
ydn\ay / yan\ew i yawr^a - a big house
ydn¡e gawr^e - big houses
t\djeway dltdina - a crown ( t laja) of gold ( d ttliin)
m\aray / mpireway gaw rle - a big cave ( ndara)
dag\dy / dag\eway gawrle - a big village
m\are / dag\E gawrle - big caves / villages
taw\ani I taw\aneway si^awa - a black stone
taw\ani s i1awe - black stones
kmdc\e / km dc\ew ay zar]ifa - a beautiful girl
kinddle za rlife - beautiful girls
ja ds\ini xir^dbi - (m ade) from bad iron
ja taxt\ay koiday - (m ade) from old wood
ja poi\dy birqadhlri - (m ade) from shining steel
8 See § 38 (b).
9 See further § 9, i (c).
Hist. Kilos. Skr. Dan.Vid. Selsk. 4, no. 3. 2
18 Nr. 3

ja taw\ane sVâwe — (m ade) from black stone

h\inu z\anewe gosfine — that of a fat wom an.

(a) In the oblique plural the succession of two words, noun and epithet, each with
the m orphem e J a is avoided, the first -a being reduced to -a.10

dag\EW paru ydn\a gaw rld - a village full of big houses

k\asew paru mar\a wuckVd - a m ountain full of sm all caves
ydn\ew pay zdrol\a badarafkdi - a home for delinquent children
ine yâgapè zanà g os t inane - these are the footprints of fat women.

T hat this vowel, -a, is a reduction of the m orphem e J d, and not sim ply a compound
vowel (see below), is shown clearly by the following example, in w hich it is realized
after -a.
h\ine pidy\a gostin â - those of fat men.

(b) W hen the qualified noun phrase is defined, either by the suffixes -ak a, -ak^e
or by a dem onstrative adjective, the Izafe construction is replaced by an ‘open’ com­
pound construction. That is to say, the noun is joined to its epithet by a compound
vowel -a (not realized after -a, -a, but displacing the F. endings -i, -le) and the ad­
jectival element is then inflected as if the phrase were a single substantive.

kit\eba sidw akla / sidwak'e - the black book / books

kiticba sidwak\aw x ldni - the K han’s black book
kitèba siâwakây / siàwakâ bàra - bring the black book / books!
d ydn\a gaw rla / gaw rle - that big house / those big houses
d ydnù gawrayâ / gawrâ würna - destroy that big house / those big houses
d ydnù gawràw / gawrà xdniâ würna - destroy that big house / those big houses
of the Khan!
i dag\d gawrle - this big village, these big villages
i dagà gawré / gawrâ brsana - buy this big village / these big villages!
taw\ana sidw akle - the black stone(s)
tawàna sidwaké / siàwakâ bàra - bring the black stone / stones!
d kindë\a za rifle - that beautiful girl, those beautiful girls
d kindcà zarifé / zarifâ cira - call that beautiful girl / those beautiful
girls!

(c) In the case of a singular m asculine noun qualified both by an adjective of in­
flectional type I11 and by a demonstrative adjective, the suffix -1« m ay appear twice,
viz. once (with secondary stress) im m ediately following the adjective, which it em ­
phasizes, and again finally.
10 The behaviour of the adjective lar ‘other’ in this context is exceptional; v. § 13 (b).
11 The only case in which this phenomenon is observable.
Nr. 3 19
d kitéba siåwid båra - bring that black book!
d kitéba sidwaya bara - bring that black book!
d kitéba siawu æd nid båra - bring that black book of the Khan!
d kitéba siåwåw xdnid båra - bring that black book of the Khan!

ii) The Genitival Izafe is u ( w). This displaces the sg. obi. m orphem es -i, -e, but
is itself superseded by the M. sg. ending -li, F. sg. ending - le, and by both pi. m or­
phemes, dir. -e, obi. - ld. The following genitive almost always appears in the obi. case.12

h\aru I yån\aw kididay the shepherd’s donkey / house

h\are / yån\e kidrday - the shepherd’s donkeys / houses
mdh\araw / kplrdaw / dag\dw hidid ay the shepherd’s she-ass / knife / village
kmdc\e kid n 1ay - the shepherd’s daughter(s)
mdh\are / k\drde / dag |6 kid idag the shepherd’s she-asses / knives / villages
h\arewu / yan\ewu kidn'ay - a donkey / house of the shepherd
mdh\arewaw / k\drdewaw hidid ay a she-ass / knife of the shepherd
dag\ewaw / kindé\ewaw kidrday a village / daughter of the shepherd
harak\aw / ydnak\aw kidrday the donkey / house of the shepherd
harak\e / yanak ¡e kid idag the donkeys / houses of the shepherd
mdharak \e / kdrdak \e / kmadak\e hidid ay
- the she-ass(es) / knife (knives) / daugh­
t e r s ) of the shepherd
dagdk\e / dagek¡e suandiy the village / villages of the shepherd
hårn kidnakdy / harakåw kidndy båra — bring the shepherd’s donkey!
kårdaw kidnakdy / kdrdaké kidndy båra — bring the shepherd’s knife!
håre kidnakdy / harakå suåndy båra bring the shepherd’s donkeys!
kårde sudnakdy / kdrdakå kidndy båra - bring the shepherd’s knives!
di h\aru / mdh\araw k id n a y la that donkey / she-ass of the shepherd
d l\\are / mdli\are kidnaydi those donkeys / she-asses of the shepherd
d håru I kårdaw kidnayd båra bring that donkey / knife of the shepherd!
d harå I kdrdåi kidnayd båra bring those donkeys / knives of the shep­
herd!

(a) This same Izafe form occurs in a num ber of com binations where the genitival
nature of the second element is sometimes less than obvious, e. g.

p\aru aftaiidewi - a pitcherful (paru . . . generally ‘full of

. . . ’)
masy \ulu h a rm 1ana busy with, at work
p dw (¡duduni - according to the law, legally
cdynu eewid - it is exactly the same (replica o f the thing).

It also helps to form a num ber of com pound prepositions (v. § 43 (a)).
12 See § 10.
2*
20 Nr. 3

P a rtitiv e relation .
§ 10. A partitive relation is not expressed with the genitive (oblique), but by the
simple juxtaposition of the quantifying and quantified nouns.
sin\iew birhnj - a tray of rice
c\inna s\arew na£lir - some head of game
nimsacat ra - half an ho u r’s journey (o f road)
paru aftawewi ndwtam pay bdra — bring me a pitcherful of oil!

W hen the quantifying noun is feminine and singular it takes the suffix -ew,
not -ewa.
h\itew kWase - a pair (Ifita ) of shoes
m\istew m 1aki - a handful (m 'ista) of salt
kom\£iv taxt\e m arks - a heap (kom 'd) of broken boards

Note the (inexplicable) distinction between:

zaru pidlew cdym da pand - give me the money of (= for) a cup of tea,
zaru due pidle cdym da pand - . . . . for two cups of tea,
with ‘cup’ in the direct case in both sentences, and:
zaru cudr / fird pidla cdym dd pand - give me the money for four / many cups
of tea,
with the expected oblique case.

V ocative.
§ 11. A simple noun, or one qualified by a single epithet joined to it by the Izafe,
is uninflected when used as a vocative.
lay mafia - 0 aunt!
l ay mat\iay x lasa - O dear (good) aunt!
l ay k lur - O lad!
l ay k\uri j u ldn - O young lad!
Iay mdmpy a:'as - () dear uncle!

Such an epithet m ay be com pounded wit i the noun, however, and the resulting open
com pound takes the defining suffixes M. - la, F. - Ie, in the vocative.

lay mat\ia xds^e — O dear aunt!

¡ay k\vra judn^a - O young lad!

Similarly, when a noun is qualified by more than one epithet the final adjective may
take the appropriate defining suffix.
ay fdhisdy besdrmi bewaqare - O shameless and undignified whore!
Nr. 3 21

W hen no vocative particle is present the stress is brought forw ard to the first
syllable of a noun.
fola —Child!
add - Mother!
hdma-tamai - Lazy Hama!

C om p arison of ad jectives.
§ 12. (a) The com parative is form ed by the addition of - ja r to the simple adjective
and inflects norm ally. In com parisons ‘th an ’ is expressed by the preposition ja.

pola ja tawdne raqtdra - steel is harder than stone

tawanewa niana ja almasi raqtdra - there is no stone harder than diam ond
i tawane ja karde teztdrana - this stone is sharper than a knife
mazgewi xds xdstara ja cirudamewi - a good brain is better than a handsom e
judnxasi face.

(b) A superlative in -tar1in is used attributively, preceding the noun.

madati\ew pay azdtarjn caskdtri - a medal for the bravest soldier

kit\ebew pay ziraktarjn zdroVay - a book for the cleverest child.

Predicatively, however, Ihe superlative is norm ally expressed by the periphrasis

‘more . . . than all . . .’.

almas ja gird tawanewe raqtdra - diam ond is the hardest stone.

A djectives p rec ed in g th e noun.

§ 13. The following classes of adjectives precede the nouns they qualify:
i) The dem onstrative adjectives d ‘th at’, i ‘this’, which are inflexible. The qualified
noun, or noun phrase, takes the suffix - 1«, -le (v. § 8 (c)).
ii) Num erals, both cardinal (§ 14) and ordinal (§ 15).
iii) Superlatives (§ 1 2 (b)).
iv) The following interrogative and indefinite adjectives, none of which agrees with
the noun qualified. The noun m ay take an indefinite suffix -ew, -ewa (v. § 8 (a)),

ci ‘w hat(ever)’
cm n(a) ‘som e’
fildn(a) ‘such-and-such’
gird ‘all’
hid (with the negative) ‘(not) any’
liar, h 1arci, hac ‘whatever, whichever’
kdm ‘w hich’
22 Nr. 3

ci kitebew miwanib - w hat book are you reading?

cm n s lawew - some nights
cinna midd^atew - some time
midd\atu C\inna m^angewi - a period of some m onths
fd\dna k las - such-and-such a person, so-and-so
jn g\ird ta w lanewe - than all stone(s)
gird c\ewil h an - you have everything
gdroew (gird roew) - every day
luc ndwcn harmanewa nakare - he would do no kind of work
har n)awtew - whatever kind, m anner
kdm kitebi miwanib - which book are you reading?

(a) The adjective fir la ‘many, m uch’ m ay either precede or follow the noun it
qualifies. Only when following does it agree with the noun.

m\dre fir le - m any snakes

fir\a pial\e c ldy - m any cups of tea.

(b) The adjective tar ‘other’ always follows the noun it qualifies and accordingly
agrees with it.
sat\dteu) bar - (in) another hour
kindc\eway t^ara - another girl
j\d a koii\e X\alqi t lari - old clothes of other people
kinad¡e bare - other girls

It is exceptional, however, in that it does not take the obi. pi. m orphem e -'a, but -z
for both genders. The obi. m orphem e of the preceding noun therefore rem ains un ­
changed (v. § 9, i (a)).

pes\a haz\dr juan\d t lari - like a thousand other youths

pes\a kmdc\d t ari - like other girls
l\utaw kas\d t lari — the peaks of other m ountains

(c) ‘Such’ is expressed by pds(nya, cam nla, etc., prim arily adverbs meaning ‘thus’,
following the qualified noun.
sudtk\ari cdm nla — such a beggar
cewi pds(n)d ndbian - there has never been such a thing.

(d) Certain ordinary adjectives m ay occasionally precede the noun they qualify and
are then uninflected. The effect is of greater emphasis.

ta ja b kdsTb\iew - a fine (strange) business!

xas Judbsd ndddwa - they did not give a straight (good) answer.
Nr. 3 23

C ardinal n u m er a ls.
§ 14. 1 yak 11 yanz^a13 21 wis u y lak
2 d lue 12 duanzdi
3 ydire 13 senz1a 30 si
4 culdr 14 cuarddi 40 cil
5 panj 15 pdinz^a 50 p a n j1a
6 S IS 16 sdnzdi 60 sasu
7 haw t 17 hawiVa 70 h a ft1a
8 hast 18 hazdla 80 hast1a
9 no 19 noz1a 90 n a w la<j
10 da 20 wis 100 sacju
1,000 haz^dr
the only adjectival form of ‘one’
yak p ild / z lani - one m an / wom an
In counting, however, the form y luwa is used. Thus,
ifuw a, (kue, y^are, <Su)ar . . . — one, two, three, four, etc.
This is, in fact, a feminine pronoun, the m asculine equivalent being yo.
y^osd I y' uwasd — one (m ale / female) of them
tania yo / yuwa ama - only one (m an / w om an) came.

(b) Normally a noun qualified by a cardinal appears in the plural.

r1n i
panj sis sware - five or six horsem en
sad s ldle - a hundred years
due I yare kitebem pay bara - bring me two / three books!

(c) W hen a definite noun is also qualified by the num erals ‘2’ or ‘3’ these, appearing
as d\ua, y\ara, form a type of open com pound with it, the whole being treated as
a singular.
dim kitebakay bara - bring the two books!
d ydra zdrolayd clra - call those three children!
but, a cudr zdrotA clra - call those four children!

(d) Note the idiomatic use of the cardinal adjective in m\dngay duardle ‘full ( ‘four­
teen’) m oon’.

(e) W hen used substantively all the cardinals (except ydiwa F., obi. y luwe) m ay
take the obi. m orphem e -i (-y).
pay yoy, dhii, ydtri, cudlri, noy, day, iv1isi - for one, two, three, four, nine, ten, twenty.
13 See § 2 (c).
14 See § 1, n. 2.
24 Nr. 3
O rdin als.
§ 15. O rdinals are norm ally form ed by the addition of -lam (-ldam for the num bers
10-19) to the cardinals.

fiaklam, dulam, yarlam, cuar^am, no^am, — first, second, third, fourth, ninth,
dah^am, yanzaldam tenth, eleventh
yak\am p i ld - the first (= most im portant) man.

Alternatively -am 1in is employed.

yaram yn j ldr - the third time
duaram(in) zarolakciy bfira — bring the fourth child!

P ron ou n s. P er so n a l and D em o n stra tiv e.

§ 16. H aw ram i has, in effect, not two but three series of independent pronoun forms
which m ay be classed under this heading.

(a) Pronouns of the 1st and 2nd persons, singular and plural, which are in­
flexible.
Sg. 1 m in T, m e’ PI. 1 em la ‘we, us’
2 to ‘thou, thee’ 2 Sim1a ‘you’

(b) Pronouns of the 3rd person, ed, dd, which have both personal and dem on­
strative features. These are fully inflected, according to pattern I, but with exceptional
obi. plural forms.

3 Proxim ate M. F.
Sg. Dir. ed ‘he (h ere)’ leda ‘she’
Obi. ledi 1ede
PI. Dir. letfe ‘they’
Obi. edispel

3 Remote
Sg. Dir. eld ‘he (there)’ ‘she’
Obi. We
PI. Dir. lâçle ‘they’
Obi. âdislâ

(c) Purely Demonstrative pronouns, in 1a, a n 1a. These are fully inflected according
to pattern II, but with the addition of the suffix -'a where it is observable (in the M.
sg. obi.) and the same ‘pronom inal’ obi. plural. Although the stress is norm ally on
the last syllable it m ay shift to the first, yielding the em phatic forms Hna, lâna.
Nr. 3 25
Proxim ate M. F.
Sg. Dir. in}a ‘this’ iikc
Obi. in a y 1a in 1e
PI. Dir. in^e
Obi. in is1à

Remote
Sg. Dir. a n 1a ‘that’ fin^e
Obi. änayla ftn^e
PI. Dir. äix'e
Obi. änW ä

S u ffixes.
§ 17. Beside the independent forms there occur six personal pronoun suffixes.
Sg. 1 PI. 1 -md
2 < 0 t, <i)t- 2 -tä
3 -(i)s 3 -sä

(a) These suffix forms fulfil the functions of a pronoun which is:
i) in genitival relation to a noun ( ‘possessive suffix’),
ii) direct object of a transitive verb in the present tenses,
iii) agent of a transitive verb in the past tenses,
iv) governed by a preposition.

In conjunction with the substantive verb (v. § 28) they m ay also have dative sense.

(b) The ‘possessive suffix’ is attached directly to the noun, or phrase, it qualifies.
W hen this represents an article of personal property, or one having a close personal
relation to the possessor, it is norm ally defined by the suffix -ak]a, -akle.

kitebaklam, -ak^aj!, -aklas - my, thy, his book

yän\d harin^a käunlbiak^asä - their dilapidated m ud house
but,
y ä n lewmä ( wurän) - one of our houses (has collapsed).

Parts of the body and senior relatives are not so defined.

d lasim - my hand
s^arif. - thy head
päy r^asirn (meso) - my right foot (hurts)
15 When followed by another morpheme these forms lose their vowel. In such cases a raised 1 will
normally be written.
26 Nr. 3

mninak\e a d lem - my m other’s m are

ana aspu tdtaymana - that is our father’s horse.

(c) As the last two examples show, the possessive suffix follows any oblique m or­
phem e which m ay be present. The same is true of an agent suffix.
saraw ktjfew im / kindcewem mar6. — I broke a boy’s / girl’s head.
A suffix governed by a preposition differs significantly from its possessive or agential
counterpart in that it displaces an oblique m orphem e which w ould otherwise be
present (though this is not discernible in the case of a fern. sg. noun). Thus:

kitebakdym (kindcakem) bdra - bring my book (daughter)

kitebakdm / kinacakdm bdra - bring my books / daughters
a kitebima (kindcemd) bdra - bring that my book (daughter)
d kitebdmd / kindcdmd bdra - bring those my books / daughters
but,
kitebakdm ( kindcakem) pay bdra - bring the book (girl) for me
kitebakem / kindcakem pay bdra - bring the books / girls for me
d kitebhnd (kindcemd) pay bdra - bring that book (girl) for me
d kltebemd / kindcemd pay bdra - bring those books / girls for me.

(d) Before elaborating these examples it is convenient to introduce one last suffix
which m ay appear with a nom inal form, viz. the adverbial -ic (-ye; -c only following
-e, -i, -y) ‘also, moreover, even’. Its position, following an obi. m orphem e, but pre­
ceding any pronom inal suffix, m ay be clearly seen in the following series of sentences.

kiteba sidwakdy(c) bdra - bring the black book (too)!

kiteba sidiwakdy(ci)m bdra - bring my black book (too)
kiteba sidwaka(yci)m pay bdra - bring the black book for me (too)
d kiteba siawi(c)d / sidway(c)d bdra - bring that black book (too)
d kiteba sidwi(cI)ma / sidway(c1)md bdra - bring that my black book (too)
d kiteba sidw (idym d / sidwa(ycI)md pay - bring that black book for me (too)
bdra
kdrtfa tezaké(c) bdra - bring the sharp knife (too)
kdrda tezaké(ci){ bdra - bring your sharp knife (too)
kdr^a tezaké(ci)m pay bdra - bring the sharp knife for me (too)
a kdr^a tezé(ca) bdra - bring that sharp knife (too)
d kdrda t e z e ^ y d bdra - bring that your sharp knife (too)
d kdrda teze(c1)md pay bdra - bring that sharp knife, those sharp knives
for me (too)
kiteba siduvakd(yc) bdra - bring the black books (too)
kiteba sidwakd(yci)m bdra - bring my black books (too)
Nr. 3 27

kitèba sidwaké(ci)m pay bàra - bring the black books for me (too)
d kitèba sidwâ(ycd) bàra - bring those black books (too)
d kitèba sidwd(ycI)md bàra - bring those my black books (too)
d kitèba sidwe(ci)mà pay bàra - bring those black books for me (too)
kârda tezakâ(yc) bàra - bring the sharp knives (too)
etc. etc.

R eflexive P ron ou n .
§ 18. The sole reflexive pronoun is we- ‘self’. It never occurs independently, but is
always qualified by a personal pronoun suffix, thus
wem, we(, wes - myself, thyself, him self (herself)
w^ema, w letd, w^esa - ourselves, yourselves, themselves
This qualified form m ay take a second pronom inal suffix.
kitebakaw we-t-im pay bdra - bring me your own book!
hakdyatake wetim pay kdra — tell me your (own) story!
It does not, however, take the same suffix twice.
wes (for *wes-i§) fdirdi - she disguised herself.

P o s s e s s iv e P ron ou n .
§ 19. The place of a possessive pronoun is taken by the words hin M.,16 h ina F.,
¡fine pi., which, joined to a following genitive noun or pronoun, give the sense ‘that
o f. . .’.
hinu m in ja hinu to fird xdstdrd - mine is m uch better that yours
d kdrdè hinaw mlnana - that knife is mine
d kàirçle gird hine m l none - those knives are all mine
i bizè hinaw tdtaymana - this goat is my father’s.

In terro g a tiv e p ron ou n s.

§ 20. The following interrogative pronouns occur.
ces ‘w hat?’
ke ‘w ho?’
kdm ‘w hich?’
àna césd - w hat is that?
pay cési midday - what are you looking at?
i yaribà kén - who is this stranger?
kâmsd - which one (o f them)?
16 hin appears in neighbouring Kurdish dialects in much the same sense, and in Suleimani Kurd,
with the extended meaning of ‘what’s-his-name, thingummy’.
28 Nr. 3

V erbs.
§ 2 1 . Each verb has two stems, present and past, which are not always predictable
one from the other. On these two stems the system of simple tenses is built by m eans
of various m odal prefixes and personal endings. From the present stem are form ed:
i) the Present Indicative tense,
ii) the Present Subjunctive,
iii) an Im perfect tense,
and iv) the Imperative.
From the past stem are form ed:
v) the Past Indicative tense,
and vi) the Past Conditional.
Also from the past stem is formed a past participle which, com bined with simple
tenses of the substantive verb, yields further, com pound tenses. These are:
vii) the Perfect Indicative,
viii) the Perfect Subjunctive,
ix) the Pluperfect,
and x) a Perfect Conditional.
An infinitive verbal noun is also formed from the past stem, by the addition
of the m orphem e -•(«)£/. It is in this form that verbs are norm ally quoted.
The use of the various tenses is described below, § 46.

R elation b etw een th e ste m s.

§ 22. (a) The m ajority of verbs have past stems ending in -'a and infinitives
fore in -ltiy, preceded by a consonant. W ith very rare exceptions the form
present stem is then that of the past stem less the final vowel.

Intransitive. Past Present

geVäy ‘go about’ geV ti­ gel-
p i f ltiy ‘fly’ pi fti- pir-
pizm^tiy ‘sneeze’ pizm^ti- pizm -
tarsltiy ‘be afraid ’ tars^ti- tars-
ziw ltiy ‘live’ ziw {ri­ ziw-
Transitive.
ftiftiy ‘change’ far lti- ftir-
les^tiy ‘lick’ leslti- les-
parsltiy ‘ask’ pars^ti- pars-
seVtiy ‘press’ seVti- sel-
zän)äy ‘know ’ zán) ti­ ztin-
zan)äy ‘shut’ zan) á- zan-
Nr. 3 29

Exceptions.
affray ‘snatch’ arf'd- : arfdn-
as1ny ‘buy’ as1«- : asd ri­
day ‘give’ dd- : da-

(b ) M any verbs have past stems ending in -fd-, infinitives in - f dy. These form
their present steins in -za-.17
Intransitive.
gi z f ay ‘fight’ gizfd- gizia-
l i k f dy ‘stick’ likfd- likia-
m anfdiy ‘be tired’ md n f d - mdnia-
mar V ay ‘b reak ’ inarid- maria-

The only Transitive of this type is

nfdy ‘p u t’ n i ld- nia-.

(c) Verbs whose past stems end in -i, infinitives in - f ay, have present stems without
this final vowel. W ith the exception of
bfay ‘be’ bi- b-

they are all Transitive

asafi1ay ‘w ipe’ 1asafi- asar-
a zn (a w )f ay ‘h ear’ 1azn(aw )i- azn(aw)-
bi rf ay ‘cut’ bi fi - b ir­
¿inf ay ‘pluck’ cin i- aiil­
di zf ay ‘steal’ dizli- dn-

(d ) W hen the past stem of a verb ends in -st- the present stem, with few exceptions,
ends in -z-.
Intransitive.
( e)sfay (e>/- (e)z-
was f a y ‘rise’ wast- waz-
Transitive.
(1st1ay ‘let’ dst- diz-
gas f ay ‘bite’ gast- gaz-
w àst1ay ‘request’ wdist- wdz-
w is f a y ‘throw ’ wist- W IZ -

Exceptions.
bast1ay ‘tie’ bast- bas-
kids f a y ‘send’ k i ldst- kidm-
17 See § 3 (e).
30 Nr. 3

niwisbay ‘w rite’ iu w list- : niwis-

Pest1ay ‘spin’ rest- : res-

There is a sim ilar relation between some past stems ending in -st- and their
present stems ending in -z-,

Transitive.
biresb ay ‘roast’ bir^est- birez-
m ist1ay ‘suck’ mist- miz-
faSbay rast- raz-

but m any such verbs have present stems in -s-.

Intransitive.
n isbay ‘sit’ nist- nis-
Transitive.
kest^ay ‘weigh’ kest- ke§-18
kusbay ‘kill’ kust- k ws-

Other past stems ending in -t- correspond to a variety of present stems ending
in palatal consonants.

Intransitive.
w it1ay ‘sleep’ wit- us-
Transitive.
m ibay ‘spill’ mit- mij-
p ä t1ay ‘chop’ pdt- päc-
sobay ‘b u rn ’ sot- soc-
w äbay ‘say’ wät- wäc-
w et1ay ‘sift’ wet- we¿-
wabay ‘doff’ wat- waz-
wurabay ‘sell’ wubat- wuras-
Note the ‘irregular’ correspondences of
girbay ‘seize’ gwt- ger-
kaw bay ‘fall’ kawt- gm-
sib ay ‘w ash’ sit- sor-

(e) W hen the past stem ends in -rd- the corresponding present stem norm ally ends
in -r-.
Intransitive.
w iarday ‘pass’ wdard- wiar-
18 Cf. keS'ay, keS- ‘puli’; the above form with -i- is secondary, as in awa-pett'ay, alongside awa-ped'dy,
-pe(- ‘wrap up’.
Nr. 3 31
Transitive.
bard1ay ‘take’ bard- : bar-
kard^ay ‘do’ kard- : kar-
The stem vowels may differ, or the present stem be con traded.
Intransitive.
w ard1ay ‘die’ ward- : rmr-
Transitive.
w ard1ay ‘eat’ wdrd- : war-
dw irdlay ‘bring’ d w lird- : dr-

G la ssification of ste m s.
§ 23. The form ation of the simple tenses is m aterially affected by the forms of the
two stems. The m ain types m ay be classified as follows:

Past stems.
1) Monosyllabic, e. g. kard-, wit-.
2) Polysyllabic, with initial stress, e. g. lasari-, wHard-.
3) Polysyllabic, with final stress, e. g. dw [ird-, fd rld-.
4) Ending in -d-, e. g. dinfdi-, da-.
5) Ending in -z-, e. g. 1azn(aw )i-, birli-.

Present stems.
A) Ending in a consonant, e. g. us-, nis-.
B) Ending in -a-, e. g. da-, gizia-.
C) With initial a-, e. g. asdn-, osar-.
D) W ith initial e. g. dr-, dz-.
Some stems, naturally, fall into more than one such class.

P reverbs.
§ 24. A num ber of verbs are com pounded with the ‘preverbs’ an)a, arWi, aw la. These
are, in fact, only ever prefixed to the infinitive,
anakard^ay ‘don’, araniSfay ‘sit dow n’, awawdrday ‘d rin k ’.
W ith all finite forms of the verbs they are suffixed, after the personal endings and
all other suffixes.
kard-aifa, karo-s-aifa
nist-ar^a, miniSo-r^a
wdrcje-w1a, m iw arow 1a
awa is exceptional in that after all consonants and the vowels i, u it appears as o.
wardh, m iw aruh, iniwaru-s-h.
32 Nr. 3

(a) The form -w la, following a verbal ending with final -e, m ay yield either -ew la
or -le. The result m ay be seen below (§ 33 (b )) in the conjugation of d m ]dy. The
reason for this reduction is unclear.19
As a ‘preverb’ awa yields -arawa when combined with -ara (but see § 43 (a)).

wiziiSara wdr - I shall throw it down

wizosardwa wdr - he will throw it down again
wistHardwa wdr - he threw it down again.

W ith -ana it appears to form *-awana in the com bination dawanlay ‘hit’,
ddsdwand - they set off (lit., beat it)
but on the analogy of the sim ilar combination, with an absolute preposition, ddypanlay
‘give (to )’, das pand ‘he gave it to him ’, the ‘preverbs’ may become separated as wana,
dd§ wand - he set off.

M odal and N eg a tiv e p refix es.

§ 25. (a) mi-, before vowels m-, is prefixed to the present stem of certain verbs
only to form the Present Indicative tense. All verbs with an initial vowel other than
a- take the prefix m-. Initial a- is displaced by the prefix mi-. All verbs with initial
n-, z-, z-, and y-, and some with initial d-, g-, r-, and w-, appear to take the prefix
mi-. The factors determ ining which verbs do and which do not take this prefix are
not evident.20

(b) Verbs taking m (i)- in the Present Indicative take the prefix 5 ( /) - in the Present
Subjunctive and the Im perative, with the exception of a few with initial w-. Thus, from

dr- ‘bring’ Indie, mdr- Subj. b 1dir-

us- ‘sleep’ mus- b 1us-
asdn- ‘buy’ misdn- bTs^dn-2
nis- ‘sit’ m m is­ b ' in is-
wan- ‘rea d ’ ai i wdn- b liwdn-
war- ‘eat’ (mi)war-, but w ]ar-,

and, with irregular loss of initial w-, from

wdc- ‘say’ mdc-, but w ldc-.
Verbs which do not take the prefix b(i)- are stressed on the first syllable in both
Present Subjunctive and Imperative, as are all verbs in the Past Conditional.
19 Short forms such as ew'a, mew'a, bew'a are not, however, reduced to *e, *me, *be. Nor are such forms
as ârnew'a (< *âmâ-e-w'a) reduced.
20 The syllabic structure of the stem does not seem to have any bearing on the matter. Cf. keS-1 m i­
nis-, raé-1ml-fam-, wâz- / ml-wan-.
21 See § 3 (b).
Nr. 3 33
(c) The negative prefix for the Present Indicative and the Im perative is normally
m^a- for all verbs. W ith stems having initial a-, however, and the stem a- ‘com e’,
this would produce forms indistinguishable from the affirmative except occasionally
in the position of the stress, ma- is therefore replaced by mi- and ji 1/-, giving in effect
n lim- w ith these stems. Thus,
affirmative mär-, negative n limar-
mus- m 'aws-
mi snn- m lasän-
minis- m lanis-
miwän- m lawan-
(m i)war- m lawar-
mäc- m 1awäc-
and, from a-, ma- n lima-.
(d) The prefix n la- negates all other tenses of all verbs, replacing bl(i)- in the Present
Subjunctive.

P er so n a l e n d in g s.
§ 26. There are five distinct sets of personal endings, forming the Present tenses,
the Im perative, the Imperfect, the Past Indicative and Past Conditional respectively.
They are essentially as follows: 22
Present Im perative Im perfect
Sg. 1 -u l-w 23 - 1ene
2 -1 l-y -a / - -leni
3 -0 -le
PI. 1 -me ¡-ym le - 1enme
2 -de /-yd ]e -de j-yde -1ende
3 -n - lene
Past Indicative Past Conditional
Sg. 1 -a(ne) -ene
2 -i l-y (-ay after i) -eni
3 M. —
-e
3 F. -a21
PI. 1 -ime l-yme (-ayme) -enme
2 -ide \-yde (-ayde) -ende
3 -e -ene
22 The second forms in each case appear after stem-final vowels.
23 Hadank, publishing Mann’s ‘Auramänl’ material, has Pres. Sg. 1 -ürn (-um) in every case but one
(mälü (Sh) against mälüm (A), p. 386) and Sg. 3 -d (except mägtlö (Sh), p. 390). -urn occurs as a Pres. Sg. 1
ending only in the literary Goräni xoivrj (e. g. Mokri, Kurdish Songs, No. 171) and it was almost certainly
this that his informant (A), if not (Sh) also, was ‘selling’ to Mann as HawrSmi. The few correct forms in A’s
manuscript vocabulary (kindly placed at my disposal by the Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur,
Mainz) were not transcribed by Mann and were therefore overlooked by Hadank. They are: [overleaf]
Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan.Vid. Selsk. 4, no. 3. 3
34 Nr. 3

The connection between the Im perfect and Past Conditional endings is obvious.
The latter m ust be presum ed to comprise the former preceded by a ‘conditional
infix’ with a + e > e.

S u b sta n tiv e verb.

§ 27. (a) The substantive verb, beside the norm al tenses detailed below, has a
special enclitic form of the present tense. This, alone of present tenses, shows a
distinction of gender in the 3rd person singular. In the 3 Sg. Masc., moreover, the
postvocalic form of the enclitic depends on the position of the stress in the word
supporting it.
Following a consonant,
Following a vowel
z, or zz.
Sg. 1 -and -nd
2 -ani -ni

3 M. -d )[ l-n after a stressed vowel

} -na after an unstressed vowel
3 F. -ana -na
PI. 1 -anme -nine
2 -ande -nde
3 -ane -ne

The postvocalic forms of the enclitic appear regularly as the auxiliary in the
Perfect Indicative of all verbs.

(b) The enclitic also combines with n'i- to form the following negative present:
Sg. 1 /ihand, 2 n'zanz, 3 M. n'za, 3 F. n'zana - am, art, is not
PI. 1 nHanme, 2 nHande, 3 n liane - are not

(c) Following the adverbs znhz, d n ld (v. § 45 (a)), however, the enclitic verb appears
in a variant form in all persons other than the 1st Sg. The variant form s are identical
with the Past Indicative endings given above. Thus, in 1ana, but iiddty, inld, in]dyme,
in ldyde, and in le ( < *in]a-e).

indy ciko? inand ce — where are you? here 1 am.

23 contd. mh by nwS = mabenu-S ‘I shut it’ (cf. mabinum, p. 381),
mch SwS = mataSu-i ‘I taste it’ (cf. maiaSum, p. 383),
mh lyswSiu = malesu-S-o ‘I lick it up’,
mpycwlySw = mapeiu/i-S-o ‘I/you wrap it up’.
A further corruption is to be seen in the form mnyrwm = mdnlarhm ‘I put down’ (p. 390; it occurs twice
in A’s vocabulary), in which the ‘preverb’ -ara appears before, instead of after, the personal ending
(v. § 24 above); the correct form tnnywrh = maniaw-ara is given by A on another page of his vocabulary.
24 Thus a past stem ending in a consonant or i appears to be declined like an adjective, in the 3rd
person, e. g. Sg. M. w it, F. w 'lta, PI. w'lie. But stems with final a do not change like adjectives in a, nor is
the stem modified for gender or number in the 1st and 2nd persons.
Nr. ,3 .35
(d) Examples.
min kür-anä / kinäce-nä - I am a boy / girl
to kür-ani / kinäce-ni - you are a boy / girl
ad kür-ä / kür a ernä-n - he is a boy / our son
äcla kmäce-na / kinäce mtn-ana - she is a girl / my daughter
emä küre-nme / kinäce-nme - we are boys / girls
simä küre-nde / kinäce-nde - you are boys / girls
ade küre-ne / kinäce-ne - they are boys / girls
änä ¿es-a - w hat is that?
dsp-ä I kiteb-ä / yäna-n - it is a horse / book / house
tawäni-ana / mäini-ana - it is a stone / m are
dspe-ne \ yäne-ne - they are horses / houses
kitebakd-n / tawanake-na - it is the book / stone
änä aspu tätdym-ä / tätdymä-na - that is my / our father’s horse
äne mainaw tätdym-ana / tätdymä-na - that is my / our father’s m are.

§ 28. The m orphem e h la- combines with the 3rd person (postvocalic) forms of the
norm al enclitic verb, thus

Sg. M. han, 3 F. Idana, PI. Idane

with the sense ‘there is, are’.

(a) In the affirmative and interrogative, but not the negative (where the simple
forms nda, etc., suffice), these forms appear with the personal pronoun suffixes
giving the sense of ‘to have’.

kitebewil han't hdnim - have you a book? (yes) I have

hanm uiat liana pdyit karat - is there anything (have you any work)
that I can do for you?
hdnam - yes ( / have)
kctrdis hdna / hdne - he has a knife / some knives
xuewi zarifis han - she has a pleasant laugh.

(b) The ordinary enclitic substantive verb is used in conjunction with the personal
pronoun suffixes in a num ber of idioms, e. g.

hdy-t-ä - are you awake?

äwrd-s-ä - he is hungry (now)
(but äwrä-n - he is hungry (poor and starving))
qubül-1m-ä - I accept
täjirakä hdthsä - the m erchant is lucky.
3*
36 Nr. 3

(c) Especially comm on is the use with the word gar^ak necessary to express want,
w ish’.
gardk^m -å - I w ant (it is necessary to me)
désit garåkå —w hat do you want?
agar gardkHd ba m^råd btydwi — if you want to attain youi desire . . .

(d) In tenses other than the Present Indicative, forms of the verb b ilay serve in all
these constructions in place of the enclitic, or ban, etc.
due kVre-S bene - he had two sons
dwrå-§ be ~ he was hungry
gardksd be bllii pay fame - they wanted to go hunting.

P a st P articip le.
§ 29. The past participle, from transitive verbs always passive in meaning, is formed
from the past stem by the addition of -'a. Thus, trom
wit- the participle w itla ‘having gone to sleep’
wHard- wiard]a ‘having passed’
åwhrd- a w ir^a ‘having been brought’
but from d m 1a- a m 1a ‘having com e’.

The participle, being an adjective, has distinct feminine and plural forms. The
direct case forms appear consistently throughout the com pound tenses.
M. w itla F. w it]e PI. w itle
wiardla w ia r^e wiardle
but am 1å ånde ånde

S tr e ss preced en ce.
§ 30. The various elements which m ake up verbal forms each have a certain stress
value, including zero. W hen two or more elements, which would have had the m ain
word stress had they occurred singly, appear in the same verbal form they are sub­
ject to the following order of precedence:
1) negative prefixes, n la-, m la-, n lim-,
2) the ‘preverb’ suffixes -anla, -arla, -aw la (-h , -'e),
3) the m odal prefix b '(/)-, or the initial stress of the Present Subjunctive, Imperative,
or Past Conditional,
4) the personal endings of the Present Indicative or Imperfect, or the past stem, or
the past participle.
Thus the stress of a m em ber of class 2 becomes a secondary word stress if a
m em ber of class 1 is present, as this has the m ain word stress. The stress of a m em ber
Nr. 3 37

of class 3 becomes a secondary word stress if a m em ber of class 2 is present, but

is often reduced entirely if a m em ber of class 1 is present, and so on. The eilect of
this will be seen in the paradigm s below.

R egular co n ju g a tio n .
§ 31. i) The Present Indicative is formed of the present stem, the Present personal
endings and, with some verbs, the m odal prefix m(/)-. The substantive verb bkay
shows slight irregularity in this tense. Thus, from :

us- ‘sleep’ da- ‘give’ kar- ‘do’ b- ‘be’

Sg. 1 musdi m i^ a w kar^u bu
2 musli m i^ a y kard bi
3 mus^o mid^o kar^o bo
PI. 1 m usm e m idaym 1e karm 1e bdme
2 in usd1e m itfaydle kardd b 1ide
3 nms1a m i^ d kar^d bd

Negative, with the prefix m'a-,

Sg. 1 m^awsu m ladaw m [akar\U m^abu
etc. etc. etc. etc.

ii) T he Present Subjunctive is formed of the present stem and the Present
personal endings with, in some cases, the modal prefix bl(i)-. W hen this is not present
the first ssyllable of the stem is stressed. The subjunctive of the verb ‘toi be’ is only
distinguished from the indicative in the negative.

Sg. 1 b 1usu bdijaw kdiru bu

2 b1usi bdday kari bi
3 b 1uso b 11do k^aro bo
PI. 1 b hisme bddayni\e k^arme b lime
2 b 1usde b liQlayd\e k^arde b 1ide
3 b1usd b1idd kdira bd

Negative, with the prefix n la~,

Sg. 1 n lawsu n latfaw n^akariu n ]abu
etc. etc. etc. etc.

iii) T he Im perative consists of the present stem and the Im perative endings
and, with some verbs, the prefix b '(/)-.

Sg. 2 blusa (bd)da k lara bn

PI. 2 b^usde (bd)dayde kdirde b lide
38 Nr. 3

Negative, i. e. prohibitive, with the prefix m la »

Sg. 2 m 1awsa m 1adrt ndak¡ara in1aba
PI. 2 m^awsde m lad¡ayde m lak¡arde mdb¡ide

iv) The Im perfect is formed simply by the addition of the Imperfect endings
to the present stem.

Sg. 1 us^ene d lene karlene bdne

2 usleni d leni ka rd ni bdni
3 us e de kard be
PI. 1 usdnme d lenme kargen me bdnme
2 usdnde duende kargende blende
3 uslene d lene karlene bdne

Negative, with the prefix n la-,

Sg. 1 n laws\ene n lad¡ene n lakar ¡ene n lab ¡ene
etc. etc. etc. etc.

v) The Past Indicative is formetl by the addition of the appropriate personal

endings to the past stem. Thus from :

wit- ‘sleep’ da- ‘give’ kard- ‘do’ bi- ‘b e ’

Sg. 1 w litä(ne) ddl(ne) kdirçlâ(ne) bdä(ne)
2 w liti day kdtrdi b ia y
3 M. wit J- kard bi
aa
3 F. w lita k larda bda
PI. 1 wdtime ddiyme kdtrdi me b 1iayme
2 wdtide d 1äyde kdtrdide b day de
3 w lite de kdirde bde

Negative,
Sg. 1 n'[awIt¡ñ(ne) n laçl\â(ne) n lak¡ardá(ne) ndbi\ä(ne)
etc. etc. etc. etc.

vi) The Past Conditional consists of the past stem, always stressed on the first
syllable, and the Past Conditional endings.

Sg. 1 w lit\Eiie d lene25 kdrd¡ene bli¡ene

2 wdt¡eni d^eni kard¡eni bd\eni
3 w 1ite de kdirtje bde
25 See next note.
Nr. 3 39

PI. 1 w ]it\£nme d^enme k larej\enine b li\enme

2 w lit\Ende duende k larej\£nele bd\£iide
3 w^it\£iie ed ene k larej\ene ldi\ene

Negative,
Sg. 1 n)awIt\Ene n^ad\£ne ii'a/carr/iene idabi\ene
etc. etc. etc. etc.

vii) The Perfect Indicative, being form ed from the past participle bv the addition
of the enclitic present of the substantive verb, has distinct forms for Mase. and Fem.
in the singular.

Sg. 1 M. w it1aim d'emri26 kardlanel bdanel

1 F. widenå d lEim karedenä bdenå
2 M. widani edåni kardlani bdani
2 F. wideni d leni kardleni bdeni
3 M. w it1an dein karedan bdan
3 F. widena (Vena karedena bdena

PI. 1 wid emne edenme karrdenme b i1emne

2 wit''ende ed ende karedende bidende
3 wid ene edene keirej^ene bisene

Negative,
Sg. 1 M. n law11¡and n lad\ånå idakard\eum n labi\anå
etc. etc. etc. etc.

viii) The Perfect Subjunctive is formed from the past participle by the addition
of the Present Subjunctive of the isubstantive verb (see ii) above).

Sg. 1 M. widabu d leibu karedabn bdabu

1 F. widebu d lebu ka r^ebu bdebu
2 M. w it1ab i (dñbi karedabi b i1abi
2 F. widebi d lebi kardllebi b i1eb i
3 M. w it1abo (dábo karedabo bdabo
3 F. widebo d^ebo kard^ebo bdebo

PI. 1 widebime d lebime kar^ebim e bdebime

2 widebide d lebide karedebide bdebide
3 widebel edebel kar edebel bdebel

2S A number of Past Conditional and Perfect Indicative forms of the verb del- are identical. Regarding
this peculiarity of verbs with a past stem ending in -71-, see § 33 (a).
 40 Nr. 3
Negative,
Sg. 1 M. n [awIt\abu n)a$\abu n^akard\abu n^abi\abu
etc. etc. etc. etc.

ix) The Pluperfect is formed from the past participle by the addition of the
Im perfect (and not, as might be e xpected, the Past) tense forms of the auxiliary verb.

Sg. 1 M. wibab\ene d ]áb\ene kar^ab\ene bVab\ene

1 F. wikeb\ene d ]eb\ene kar^eb\ene b ileb\ene
2 M. w itlab\eni d lcib\eni kar^a b \en i b ilab¡eni
2 F. wikeb\eni d leb\eni kardleb\eni b ileb\eni
3 M. w itlab\e d ldbe kar^ab\e b i]cibe
3 F. w itleb ¡e d lebe kar^eb\e b ilebe
PI. 1 wibeb\enme d leb\enme kardleb\enme b ileb\enme
2 wit ]eb\ ende d ]eb\ende kar^eb\ende b i]eb\ende
3 w it1eb ¡ene d ]eb\ene kardleb\ene bi^eb\ene

Negative,
Sg. 1 M. n lawIt\abene n ]ad\dbene n lakard\abene n labi\abene
etc. etc. etc. etc.

x) The Perfect Conditional consists of the past participle and the Past Con-
ditional forms of the auxiliary.

Sg. 1 M. w itlab\iene d lab\iene kard]ab\iene bVab\iene

1 F. w itleb\iene d leb\iene kar^eb\iene bVeb\iene
2 M. wibab\ieni d ]ab\ieni kardlab\ieni bVab\iEni
2 F. wikeb\ieni d leb\ieni k a r^e b \h n i bVeb\ÍEixi
3 M. wikab\ie d^ab\ie kard^ab\ie bkab\ie
3 F. w itleb\ie d^eb\ie kar^eb\ie bVeb\ÍE
PI. 1 w ifeb\ienm e d leb\ienme kard^eb\ÍEnme b i]eb\ienme
2 witleb \iende d leb\iende kar^eb\isnde b i]eb\Í£nde
3 w itleb\iene d leb\iene kartfleb\ÍEne bVeb\isne

Negative,
Sg. 1 M. n'aw H ^biene n lad\dbiene n lakartf\abiene n labi}abiene
etc. etc. etc. etc.

V arian t con ju g a tio n s.

§ 32. (a) Variations from the regular conjugation are caused, in the present tenses,
by the different com binations of the m odal and negative prefixes with certain present
Nr. 3 41

stems (v. § 25). In the past tenses the only norm al deviation is in the position of the
stress in polysyllabic stems. The following are representative examples. From :

ár- ‘bring’ asan- ‘b u y ’ wiar- ‘pass’ waé- ‘say’

i) Present Indicative.
Sg. 1 marfil m\isñii[u w í\arlu machi
Neg. ndmär\u in 1asá n\ ii m lawiar\ii m)awñc \u

ii) Present Subjunctive.

Sg. 1 b läru bis^ánu21 indar u in^ácu
Neg. n^ärii n lasánu n^awiarn n lawácu

iii) Im perative.
Sg. 2 b^ära hispana indar a w ]áca
Neg. ndm\ára m^as\ána m)aw\iara m law\á¿a

iv) Imperfect.
Sg. 1 arkene asán[ene w i\arlene wácdne
Neg. n 1årene n^asán¡ene n lawiar\ene idawác\ene

From : äwdrd- ‘bring’ wdard- ‘pass’

v) Past Indicative.
Sg. 1 áwdrd\áne indar d\á(ne)
Neg. n läwird\äne idawiard\áne

vi) Past Conditional.

Sg. 1 läwirtfi£ne wdartf\ene
Neg. n läwird\ene ndiwiard\ene

vii) Perfect Indicative.

Sg. 1 M. äw Ir la n d wiardllaná
Neg. ndlwird[\anä n ]awiar<j[\aná
etc., etc.

(b) The ‘preverbs’ ana, ara, awa (-o, -e) alter the usual stress patterns through­
out the conjugation. Thus,

27 See § 3 (b).
42 Nr. 3

fro m : aranist^ay, nis- ‘sit dow n’ awaward^ay, war- ‘drink

i) Present Indicative.
Sg. 1 minisu\(trla (m i)w aruh
2 rninisi\arla (m i)w arih
3 mm is\orla (mi)war\OW^a
PI. 1 minium \erla ( m i)w arni\ew la, -warm}e
2 mmi§d\era (m i)w ard\ew la, -wardls
3 minis\dr'a (m i)w ar\dw la

Negative.
Sg. 1 m lanisuar\a m)awaru.\D
etc. etc.

ii) Present Subjunctive.

Sg. 1 b\inisuarla iz>ianzb
2 b\inisiarla {¿»lorzb
3 b\inisor^n MZ|arozzLa
PI. 1 b\inism era w a r m e w a , warm's
2 b\inisdera w\ardew]a, w a rd s
3 b\inisdr]a w \ardw la

Negative.
Sg. 1 n lanisuar\a n'aw aru\0
etc. etc.

iii) Im perative.
Sg. 2 b\inisarla war'd
PI. 2 b\inisderla W\ardew'a, ward's

Negative.
Sg. 2 m [anisar\a in'a war \d
PL 2 m lanisder\a m'awardew\a, -ward\S

iv) Imperfect.
Sg. 1 ni§ | ener'a war\enewla, war\en's
2 nzs| eniarla war\enih
3 nis\erla war\ewla, war's
PL I ni§\ enmer^a war^enmew'a, war^enm's
2 nis | ender^a war\endew1a, war\end1s
3 nis | ener1« war\enew'a, war\en's
Nr. 3 43

Negative.
Sg. 1 n lanisener ^a n lawarenew\a, -waren¡e
etc. etc.

v) Past ]indicative.
Sg. 1 n\istñ(ne)rla
2 n\istiarla
3 M/F . n\istarla w árdh
Pl. 1 n\istimerla
2 n\ iStider1a
3 n¡ister^a W\árdew]a, wárd^e

Negative.
Sg. 3 idanistar\a idawárd\D
etc.

vi) Past Conditional.

Sg. 1 n\istenerla
2 n\isteniarla
3 n iste r 1a W\drdewla
Pl. 1 n\ist enm ela
2 Distenderla
3 n\ist enerva W\árdenewla, W\ñrdenle

Negative.
Sg. 3 n lanister\a nUiwardew\a
etc.

vii) Perfect Indicative.

Sg. 1 M. ni§t\anárla
1 F. nist \enarca
2 M. ni$t\aniarla
2 F. nist\eniar¡a
3 M. nist\anarla w ñr^anh
3 F. nist ¡enarca wárd\enh
Pl. 1 nist\enmerla
2 Distenderla
3 nistienerdi ward¡enewUi, wård\en1e
44 Nr. 3

Negative.
Sg. 3 M. n lanistanar\a idawärdan\3
etc. etc.

viii) Perfect Subjunctive.

Sg 1 M. nist\abnarla
1 F. nist\ebuarla
2 M. nist\abiar]a
2 F. nist\ebiarla
3 M. nist]aborla ward\abowla
3 F. nist\eborla wärtf\ebowla
PI. 1 nist\ebimerla
2 nist\ebider'la
3 nist\eb(irla wnrdl\ebäwla

Negative.
Sg. 3 M. n lanistabor\a n^awnr^abow\n
etc. etc.
ix) Pluperfect.
Sg. 3 M. nist\aberla warg\abewla
Neg. n ]cinistaber\(t n lawär(Jabew\a
etc. etc.

x) Perfect Conditional.
Sg. 3 M. nist\abierla wärd\abiew^n
Neg. n ]anistcibier\a n 1awärd.abiew\a
etc. etc.

Ir reg u la r C onjugation .
§ 33. (a) The verb lulay ‘to go’ is conjugated irregularly, m ainly in that the stems,
present hi-, past /u1«-, lose the vowel -u- throughout in the negative and also in the
Present Indicative and Subjunctive tenses. Parts of the conjugation of the more re ­
gular type, x u lay ‘laugh’, duldy ‘talk ’, are given below for comparison.
The verbs dm lay ‘to com e’, awa-am lay ‘come back’, have a num ber of irregular
forms, notably the 3rd Sg. Present, Indicative and Subjunctive, and certain of the
Im perative forms.
Both of these irregular verbs, even more than regular verbs with a past stem
ending in -ld-, present a num ber of tense forms which are distinguished, in the af-
iirmative, by the position of the stress alone. In the negative even this distinction is
obscured. E. g.
Nr. 3 45

Perf. Indie. PI. 3 liberie : Past Cond. Sg. 1 Huene (== PI. 3)
Neg. W ahne = Neg. W ahne

Past Indie. PI. 3 am 1e : Past Cond. Sg. 3 âme

Neg. Warne = Neg. Warne

Note also the negative forms of

Past Indie. Sg. 3 iWä : Pres. Subj. PI. 3 Wild
Neg. Wald = Neg. Wald

(b ) From : l(u)- ‘go’ xii- ‘laugh’ a- ‘com e’ a- + -awa

i) Present Indicative.
Sg. 1 m il1u xWu maw m aw h
2 miVi xW i may m ayb
3 miVo xWo me m ew1a
PI. 1 m ilm 1e xom h in1ay me iWayme
2 m ildh xodh m layde m 1ayde
3 miVd xWd m)aya mWydw\a

Negative.
Sg. 1 iWalu m !ax mi W lm aw W lm aw \0
etc. etc. etc. etc.

ii) Present Subjunctive.

Sg. 1 b lrlu xWu baw bawh
2 b lili X llli bay etc.
3 Wilo xhio be
PI. 1 Wilme xWme Wayme
2 Wilde x lode Wayde
3 b 1ilä xhid Wayd

Negative.
Sg. 1 Wahl n 1ax mi naw Wawo
etc. etc. etc. etc.

iii) Im perative.
Sg. 2 Vua x lua bo borhiS
PI. 2 Vode xWde Way de baydh
28 See next note.
46 Nr. 3

Negative.
Sg. 2 m)ala m 1axua n^imo n lnnor\£29
PI. 2 ndalde m lax\ode idini\ayde idimayd\E

iv) Imperfect.
Sg. 1 ligene xidene lene eide
2 luleni etc. leni endo
3 lule e ew^a
PI. 1 lidenme lenme enm 1e
2 ludende lende endls
3 lu1ene lene enle

Negative.
Sg. 1 n lal\ene n^ene idene
etc. etc. etc.

F ro m : /(u)n- ‘go’ xidd- ‘laugh’ andd- ‘com e’ + -awa

v) Past Indicative.
Sg. 1 lula(ne) x u ld(ne) dnda(ne) *dmdwdi,
etc. dmanlE
2 lu)ay dm^dy dm dyh
3 M./F. lid a dinddi dmauda
PI. 1 lid ay me and ay me dmaynde
2 hdayde anddyde dmdyd^e
3 lide dm^e dime a

Negative.
Sg. 1 n lal\dne idaxu\dne n ldm\dne iddmdn\E
2 idaldy etc. idamdy etc.
3 id aid n ldmd
PI. 1 idal\dyme iddm\dyme
2 idal\dyde idam\dyde
3 id ale id dime

vi) Past Conditional.

Sg. 1 dii\ene x lU\ene 1dm\ene 1amende
2 Vu\eni etc. 1dm\Eiii \dmenih
3 due 1dme idm ew]a
29 The introduction of an euphonic -r- into the Imperative, normal in the neighbouring Kurdish
dialects (v. K D S, I, § 210 (b)), is restricted here to the two singular forms of this verb alone.
Nr. 3 47

PI. 1 Vu\enme ldm\enme ¡ámenme

2 l lU\ende 1dm | ende ¡dmemVe
3 Vu\ene \dm ¡ene ¡ámenle

Negative.
Sg. 1 n lal\ene n^axu\Ene n ldni\ene idámen\E
2 idal\eni etc. n^dni\eni etc.
3 n lale id dime
PI. 1 id assum e iddni\ennie
2 id amende n'dm ¡ende
3 idal¡enc id dm ¡ene

vii) Perfect Indicative.

Sg. 1 M. lu^dna x id and dinddindi amendin'' a
1 F. hi1End xid end dm 1end dm¡endw¡a
2 M. lidani etc. dinddmi dm \dnih
2 F. luleni dndeni dm¡enih
3 M. lid an and dn am¡dnh
3 F. hi1sna dndena dni\Eidd
PI. 1 hi1enine ándenme am¡ennde
2 lid Ende and ende «m lend1e
3 hdene and ene dni\Eide

Negative, (cf. Past Conditional, negative, above)

Sg. 1 M. n^al\dna idaxii[dnd n 1dm | and idámánáw¡a
1 F. n lal\Ena idaxu\£nd id dm ¡end iddmendw ¡a
2 M. n^al\dni etc. idám¡áni etc.
2 F. n lal\Eni idám¡Eni
3 M. n laldn idáimán
3 F. idal\Eim n^dm¡ena
PI. 1 idal\enme idáni\Eiime
2 id amende id áni\£nde
3 idal\ene id dm ¡ene

viii) Perfect Subjunctive.

Sg. 1 M./F. lidd/ebu xidá¡ebu andd/ebu ám¡á/ebido
2 lidd/ebi etc. andd/ebi etc.
3 hda/ebo dudd/ebo
PI. 1 hdebime andebime
2 lidebide dndebide
3 Ivdeba dimebd
48 Nr. 3

Negative.
Sg. 1 M./F. n^al\â/ebu n ]axu\ä/ebii n läm\ä/ebu n^ämälebii\3
etc. etc. etc. etc.
ix) Pluperfect.
Sg. 1 M./F. lula/ebene xii^a/ebene äm lä/ebene äm\ä/ebenle
2 lu^ä/ebeni etc. ä m lä/ebeni etc.
3 lu^ä/ebe äm lä/ebe
PI. 1 lu^ ebenine ä m lebenme
2 liebende äm^ebende
3 hibbene äm ]ebene

Negative.
Sg. 1 M./F. n lal\ä/ebene n laxu\ä/ebene n läni\ä/ebene ixiämäleben\e
etc. etc. etc. etc.

x) Perfect Conditional.
Sg. 1 M./F. 1ulä/ebiene xu^ä/ebiene äm lä/ebiene ämiä/ebien^e
2 lulä/ebieni etc. äm lä/ebieni etc.
3 lulä/ebie ä m lä/ebie
PI. 1 lu)ebienme äm lebienme
2 lu)ebiende äm^ebiende
3 lulebiene äm^ebiene

Negative.
Sg. 1 M./F. n lal\â/ebiene n ]axii\ä/ebiene n {äm\ä/ebiene n lämä/ebien\e
etc. etc. etc. etc.
P a ssiv e .
§ 34. The passive of all transitive verbs is formed by m eans of a secondary con-
jugation, based on two stems derived from the transitive verb. In forming the passive
stems the m orphem es -ia-, present, and -Vä-, past, are added directly to the transitive
present stem. Thus:
kustay, k ws- ‘kill’ > k wsia-, k wsi^å- ‘be killed’
( awa)wänay, wän- ‘rea d ’ > wänia-, wänVä- ‘be rea d ’
wätay, wäc- ‘say’ > wäcia-, wäcVä- ‘be said’

A few passive verbs have slightly irregular stems, e. g.

däy, da- ‘give’ > drria-, diri ci­ ‘be given’
karday, kar- ‘do’ > kiria-, k iril(i- ‘be done’
girtay, ger- ‘take’ > giria-, girVä- ‘be taken, blocked’
Nr. 3 49
Passive verbs are identical in form with a num ber of intransitive verbs with
infinitives in -Vdy (v. § 22 (b)) and are conjugated regularly (see below).

C ausative.
§ 35. A causative verb is also expressed by a secondary conjugation based on stems
derived from the simple verb. The causative m orphem es are -(i)n-, present, and
-(i)n ld-, past, added to the present stem of the simple verb. Thus:

esäy, es- ‘h u rt’ v. i. > e$n-, esnld- ‘h u rt’ v. t.

girawdy, giraw- ‘w eep’ > girawn-, girawn'a- ‘m ake weep’
pizm dy, pizm - ‘sneeze’ > pizm n-, pizmn^d- ‘m ake sneeze’

W hen the simple present stem ends in -za-, however, this is displaced by the
causative m orphem es, e. g.

faw tidy, fawtia- ‘perish’ > faw tm -, fawtm^d- ‘destroy’,

with the exception of

giridy, giria- ‘boil’ v. i. > girin-, girin^di- ‘boil’ v. t.

To an intransitive verb with present stem in -u-, viz. daäy, du- ‘talk, chatter’,
there corresponds a transitive, causative in form, dondy, don- ‘talk to, address’.
The causative verb is conjugated regularly as a transitive verb with infinitive
in -ldy. Some verbs, causative in form, have simple transitive meaning, e. g. awasoqn^dy
‘shake, agitate’, and even, in the case of verbs of ‘noise’, intransitive meaning, e. g.
qernldy ‘shout’, qiznlay ‘scream ’.

C onjugation of P a ssiv e and C au sative verb s.

§ 36. From : kirkay ‘be done’ girawiddy ‘m ake weep'

i) Present Indicative
Sg. 1 k ir ilaw giraw n1a
Neg. m^akiri\aw in1agirawn | u

ii) Present Subjunctive.

Sg. 1 k liriaw g^ i raw nil
Neg. n lakiri\aw n ]agirawn\ii

iii) Im perative.
Sg. 2 khria ghrawna
Neg. m lak\iria m lag\irawna
Hist.rilos. Skr. Dan.Vid. Selsk. 4 no. 3. 4
50 Nr. 3

iv) Imperfect.
Sg. 1 kirkene girawn'ene
Neg. n lakiri\ene n^agirawn\ene

v) Past Indicative.
Sg. 1 kirkdne giraw nldne
Neg. n lakiri{dne n lagirawn\dne

vi) Past Conditional.

Sg. 1 k liri\ene gjraw n\ene
Neg. n^akiri\£ne n lagirawn\ene

vii) Perfect Indicative.

Sg. 1 M. kirk ana girawikand
1 F. kirkendi girawikend
Neg. n lakiri\dnd n lagirawn\dnd
etc., etc.

C ontin uou s ten ses.

§ 37. A specifically continuous sense is given to the Present Indicative and Imperfect
tenses of any verb by an adverb which, preceding either tense form, is formed from
it by the substitution of the m orphem e -ldy for the personal endings. In other words,
the adverb consists of the present stem + - lay for the Im perfect tense, and the same
with the m odal prefix m (/)-, where appropriate, for the Present tense. Rarely the
adverb m ay be form ed with a negative prefix.

m i ram Ay miramii I am running

hizi ram Ay ramene yesterday I was running
k wsiAy k wsidw I am being killed
har ja isAwa wdrdy ward it is raining already
mawdrAy mawdro it is not actually raining
midiay miclidw pay d bdixia I am looking at that orchard
ja du(d)ariakb diay diene I was looking out of the window

The adverb m ay take a pronom inal suffix expressing the direct object, e. g.
k w§Ay-Sd k w3enme — we were killing them .

(a) In the case of com pound verbs (v. § 42) such an adverbial form does not appear
to be used. Instead the non-verbal element is stressed to give the continuous sense.

qTse karu - I (shall) talk

q!se karu - I am talking.
Nr. 3 51
T e n ses fo rm ed from th e p a st s te m s of T r a n sitiv e v erb s.
§ 38. The past stems of all transitive verbs, and accordingly all tense forms based
on them, have a passive sense. They are not, however, used to express a true passive
(in which the agent is unknow n), but to give a transitive m eaning in conjunction with
an expressed agent. The ending of the verb then always expresses the person of what
m ay be term ed the affectee of the verbal action, e. g.

kusVanä-l - thou hast killed me (I have been killed -

by thee)

(a) W hen the agent is im personal it m ay be expressed by a noun in the oblique

case, e. g.

yaxaka garm åy täwnawa - the heat melted the ice

taznày kore kårde - they were blinded by thirst
äwray pdka wistå - hunger afflicted me
sarday råq kardawa - the cold froze (made) me still’
garåkmå be bllme pay råwe wåle wärani - we w anted to go hunting but the rain did
nåst not perm it
sån cima diwâxàn wùle nawasiakàym - the Sultan came into the reception room
nåst hurziio but my illness did not perm it me to
rise.

(b) By far the more comm on construction, however, is for the agent to be expressed,
or if it is present as an indepenent nom inal form for it to be resum ed, by a pro-
nom inal suffix. Such a nom inal form is then in the direct case and occurs first in
the clause.

teléw-is hur girt - he took up a cudgel (a cudgel, by him it

was taken up)
a kinâce-m-à diéna - I have seen that girl (that girl, by me she
has been seen)
tâtàm nåst-is bilu pay sinamåy - my father would not let me go to the
cinem a (m y father, it was not allowed
by him . . .)
åda edå-s kiåstena - she has sent her (that one, this one by
her has been sent)
garmå karaké-s täwnawa - the heat melted the butter (the heat, the
butter by it was melted).

§ 39. The pronom inal suffix of the agent is suffixed to whichever representative of
three classes of word comes first in the clause, viz.
4*
52 Nr. 3

i) a nom inal form expressing an afTectee, direct or indirect,

ii) an absolute preposition,
iii) the verb.

W hen suffixed to the verb itself it follows the personal endings, bu t precedes any
‘preverb’ suffix, e. g.

ward-sa-wa — they drank it

est-H-d - he found it
w ist^m -ara war - I dropped it down.

(a) Two types of paradigm therefore arise, consequent on the change in person of
the agent or the alfectee. Thus, from didty ‘see’, the simple tenses:

Agent AfTectee
Fast Indicative.
I saw di-m : ddane-S he saw me
thou sawest di-t : dday-s he saw thee
he saw di-s he saw it
we saw dd-má : ddayme-s he saw us
you saw dd-ta : ddayde-S he saw you
they saw dd-m : dde-s he saw them

Perfect Indicative.
I have seen (M.) didin-1 m : didim -s he has seen me M.
dVena-m : didna-s F.
(F-)
(PI.) didne-m
thou hast seen (M.) dVan-i[ : dVani-S he has seen thee M
didna-f : didni-s F.
(F.)
he has seen (M.) dVan- IS he has seen him
(F-) didna -s he has seen her
we have seen (M.) didm-ma : didnme-S he has seen us
(F.) didna-m a
you have seen (M.) d id n -tá : didnde-s he has seen you
they have seen (M.) d ilan-sá : didne-§ he has seen them

Pluperfect.
I has seen (M.) d ilab\e-m : didib\ene-s he had seen me M.
(F .) didb\e-m : didb\ene-s F.
etc., etc.

§ 40. An indirect afTectee m ay be expressed simply by a nom inal or pronominal

form. In the latter case some emphasis is laid on the pronoun.
Nr. 3 53

dd-s ba ham ay u ades - she gave it to Ham a and his m other

de-s pand-ma - he gave them to us
i zamina-ta ja emd nasci - you did not buy this land from us
ja ema-ta ndsd - you did not buy it from us

(a) W hen, as is generally the case, the direct affectee is of the 3rd person the verb
m ay take a personal ending which represents, not the direct affectee but, either
i) a pronom inal indirect affectee, or even
ii) a pronom inal qualifier of the direct affectee.30
Exam ples, i)
kitebakd-s ddne (pand) - he gave the book to me (the book, by him
I was given to))
kitebaka-m dani pand - I have given you the book
i zamina-ta. cand nasayme - you did not buy this land from us
warm-im po didni / dieni - I have dream t about you (M /F)
naw ati-m pand - did I not say to you?
jlle pddsaydne-s pay as 6 - he bought regal clothes for him
hakdydta-s pay kdrd - he told the story for him

ii)
bdxcakd-s diayme - he saw our garden (the garden, by him
we were seen)
bdxcakd-m diene - I have seen their garden
diraxtake-sa biriayde - did they cut your trees down?
diraxtake-td biridnd - you have cut my trees down.

The first case (i) above in effect covers the behaviour of com pound verbs whose
affectee, though indirect, is not governed by a preposition, e. g.
mocidri-sd kardd - they instructed her (made instruction to
her).
(b) W hen the direct affectee is both of the 3rd person and pronom inal it need not
be expressed at all in a sentence of the type (i). Thus:

ddyme-s pand - he gave it (or, them ) to us

cand-td nasayme - you did not take it / them from us
cana-§ asayme = asdyme-s cand - he took it / them from us.
30 This dialect of Hawrami shares this peculiar extension of the transitive past construction with the
Kurdish of Sul. and Mukri (v. KDS, I, § 229; Mann, Mundart der Mukrt-Kurden, I, § 94), but not that of
Sina. Since no examples of this construction are to be found in the Hawr. material collected by Benedictsen,
and the present material is taken from an informant as well acquainted with Sul. Kurd, as with his mother
tongue, it is possible that it is not a true Hawr. construction at all, but an individual borrowing from Kur­
dish. What seems more likely, however, is that the Kurd, idiom has had its effect on a group of neighbouring
Hawr. speakers.
54 Nr. 3
A u x ilia ries.
§ 41. (a) The only auxiliary verbs occurring in Hawr. are the isolated forms 3rd
Sg. present m i$(i)lo, imperfect asile, of a verb *aSiay ‘must, ought, should’. The p re­
sent form is followed by the Present Subjunctive of the m ain verb an d the imperfect
by the Past Conditional.

mis(i)d btli I ndli - you must go / should not go31

asie lueni - you should have gone
asie pdsatd karde - you should have done thus.

(b) The particle bd, also followed by the Subjunctive, expresses ‘let . .

bd bllmera wdr - let us go down

baza, bd bllo - let him go (allow, . . .).

C om pound verb s.
§ 42. Apart from the verbs com pounded with ‘preverbs’ (v. § 24) a large num ber
are formed with nouns, adjectives and adverbs. Such adjectives and adverbs are in­
flected norm ally.

i mezd (M ) ja taxtdy dirds / was kiridn - this table is m ade ( diros / was karday) of
wood
d qddie (F ) lula bida - roll that carpet up (lul day)
wakdza wdra biana - the stick got free (war biay).

W hile nouns in such com binations do not seemingly inllect for gender,

hakdyatake (F) wetim pay baydn kara — tell me your story

and tawanake-na (F) to bds-if karda - that is the stone you m entioned

they frequently appear in the plural,

xitle-m matfa - do not tickle me (xitla day)

q1se-m karde - I spoke (qJsa karday).

P re- and p o stp o sitio n s.

§ 43. (a) Of the simple prepositions (see list below) ba and ja are peculiar in that
they combine with the postpositional suffixes -ana, -ara, -awa (already met as ‘pre­
verbs’, § 24) to form com pound prepositions with divergent m eaning. They also re­
gularly appear devoiced, as p- and c(/)- respectively, before 3rd personal pronouns,
demonstrative pronouns and adjectives, and in certain other com binations (see the
vocabulary). W ith the postpositions these devoiced forms occur as ‘absolute’ pre-
31 mdbo blli was also recorded for ‘you must not go’, but, being a solitary example, was perhaps
calqued on Kurd, ndbe blfoy; v. K D S, I, § 221 (a), but cf. also Sin. Kd. aSe ‘must’: naive ‘must not’.
Nr. 3 55

positions, employed when the form they govern is other than an independent noun
or pronoun. In this way

p-ana, 6-ana correspond to ba, ja respectively,

po, co correspond to ba, ja . . . -awa respectively,
pora apparently represents ba . . . -awa + ara.

See sentences 105 if. (p. 63).

The postpositions also appear alone and following com pound prepositions, their
meanings varying according to the accom panying verb. See sentences 97 IT.
Com pound prepositions are form ed with a variety of nouns and adjectives,
norm ally followed by the genitival Izafe -u, -w.
Of very rare occurrence is the prepositional form -aw ‘tow ards’, only appearing
suffixed to a noun form (cf. KDS I, § 252 (b )).32

(b) ba I p- ~ pana, to, by

ba I p- . . . -ara, on,through
ba I p- . . . -awa ~ po, about, on, against, with
pora, on
(ba) be, without
b^ayn-u, between
can1z, with
c ler-u, under
c^er-u . , . -ana, below
d lile, inside, into
d lam -i (Kurd, or Pers. Izafe), at (the m oment of)
dim^a-w, after
darb^as-u, concerned with
y layr-u ( + negative), except
ja 1 c(i)— ëana, in
ja 1 c(i)- . . . -awa ~ co, from, to
ja bâb^at-u, about, concerning
ja bonla-w, on account of
j i lâti, j i lay (Kurd. Izafe), instead of, as
la, beside
n iz1ik-u, near
pay, to, towards, for
pay ddle, onto, into
p lesa, like
f u ba, r lu-aw, towards, facing
s^ar-u, on
32 The preposition *ou> noted by Christensen, B-C, 64, appears to have arisen largely from mishearing
of the conjunction u ‘and’ and the ‘preverb’ -o.
56 Nr. 3

s^ar-u . . . -ana, across

s lar-u . . . -awa, (from ) over, above
s^ona-w, after, following
ta, until
duS-u, facing
w ]ar-u, before, on account of.

(c) A noun governed by a simple preposition appears in the oblique case only when
it forms an integral part of the clause. W hen the whole phrase is merely adverbial
the noun rem ains in the direct case, even when it is definite.

gird dew c-i dinid-na qoratu xutfdyd - everything - in this w orld, life (dinid) —
is (brought about by) the power of God
ba cays-n-nos i diniaya barme sar - let us live out this life —in pleasure

Compound prepositions with the genitival Izafe necessarily take the oblique case
in all circumstances.

dimaw cays-n-nosewi firdw dni - after m uch pleasure

A dverb s.
§ 44. Adverbs m ay be formed from any noun by m eans of the suffix -e. This is
distinct both from the oblique singular m orphem e, as it is the same for both genders,
and from the direct plural ending, as it becomes -ye after nouns ending in -d
(not -e).

p a 1ize - in autum n
hizH same - last night (yesterday at night)
wasie hdr bi - he went wild with pleasure
qinie qernds - he shouted in anger
tarsdye m drd33 - he died of fright
awraye pakam kdwta - I collapsed from hunger
awis ndydwe pana tazndye kor be3i - if water had not reached him he would
have gone blind with thirst

A noun with this suffix m ay also take a postpositional suffix.

dwrayena mirdy mirene - they were dying of hunger

The suffix also appears to be added to a noun governed by a sim ple preposition.

ba hazdr caydrie - by a thousand ruses

33 From tars'ay ‘to fear’, rather than Varsi ‘fear’.

34 tainaye, from tatn'a ‘thirst’, probably on the analogy of awraye < awra ‘hunger’.
Nr. 3 57

§ 45. Two types of independent adverbs require special m ention.35

(a) and, ind correspond closely to French voild, void, but are practically untrans­
latable into English. Frequently they appear instead of the copula.

mitfio ind mdrewis cana-n - he sees that there (is) a snake inside it
= mdrewis ind cana

In one exam ple, at least, a plural form occurs:

hare due ine cd — both (are) there.

(b) pdsa, peso ‘thus’ (the latter also used as a preposition ‘like’) are peculiar in that
they may support a pronom inal suffix, be it agential or governed by an absolute
preposition. In this case the pronom inal suffix is always followed by the defining
suffix -la (§ 8 (c)).

agar pesa-t-d ntwiste . . . — if you had written thus . . .

pasa-S-a pand dmdn kas mdgdro qrses cam - it has come over him so that no one dares
kdro, turd bo speak with him ; he becomes angry.
35 See also, regarding the adverbial suffix -id, § 17 (d).
 Notes on Syntax
U se of ten se s.
§ 46. The use of tenses in Haw ram i agrees closely with that in the neighbouring
Kurdish dialects (v. KDS, I, §§ 244 if.), given that the Im perfect tense here formed
from the present stem replaces the Kurd. Im perfect tense, formed from the past stem.
The various uses m ay be sum m arized as follows:

Present Indicative - habitual and actual present action / state,

continuous present action (v. § 37).
Present Subjunctive - in subordinate clauses,
injunctive,
following misio, bd (§ 41), garak (§ 28 (c)) and certain
verbs ( tdw dy, ydrdy, astay, etc.).
Im perfect - continuous, prolonged, repeated, or habitual past action.
Past Indicative - definite past action,
recently perfected action.
Perfect and Pluperfect — perfected and long perfected action.

The only m ajor differences between Hawr. and Kurd, are in the combinations
of tenses which appear in Conditional sentences.

C on d ition s.
§ 47. (a) In present, possible conditions the Present Subjunctive in the protasis is
generally followed in the apodosis by the Present Indicative.
agar wâran wdro tar bii - if it rains I shall get wet.

(b) W hen the action of the apodosis m ust necessarily follow that of the protasis in
time the Past Indicative m ay appear expressing the condition.
agar dim mâcus pana - if I see (saw) him, I shall tell him.
See sentences 154-6 (p. 64).

§ 48. (a) In past, impossible conditions the Past Conditional tense is used in the
protasis, followed by either the Im perfect or the Pluperfect tenses.
Nr. 3 59

agar hizi dmeni pewa winenmes - if you had come yesterday, we could
have seen it together
. . . fratdrmd i^wistabe — . . we could have written more.

(b ) T he same com bination of tenses occasionally expresses a possible condition

(see sentence 158), the m eaning being clear only from the context.

(c) In the same circumstances as perm it the use of the Past Indicative in a possible
condition ( v. supra), the Perfect Conditional m ay appear in the protasis of impossible
conditions, always followed by the Pluperfect.

agar hizi diem wdcenes pand | if I had seen him yesterday I would
agar hizi didbiem watabem pand \ have told him

See sentences 157-162.

R elative c la u se s.
§ 49. A relative clause, especially when im m ediately following its antecedent, may
be joined to it by the indeclinable particle ka ‘th at’. This is, however, frequently
om itted.
ina kitebakdn to bdsif, kard - this is the book (w hich) you m entioned.

An antecedent separated from the verb of which it is the object by a relative

clause appears in the direct case and is resum ed by a pronom inal suflix.

piaka I zanake ka isa ama cuar, cira-s I call the m an / wom an who has just
pidkay / zanake cira ka isa dmdi cuar f come in.
 Texts
I. Sentences
1. ind qol-a. This is the upper arm .
2. qol ina-na. The upper arm is this (part).
3. aspakaw i kmdce xastar-a. This girl’s horse is better.
4. m dinaw a kurid xastara-na. That boy’s m are is better.
5. roe zim sani tdrike-ne. W inter days are dark.
6. warataw bdrz-d. It is late ( the sun is high).
7. xalqu ko sinjdqi-d. He is a native of Koy Sanjaq.
8. ja ko sinjdqio td sTIemdni rake gird xbdba-na. From Koy Sanjaq to Suleimaniye
the road is bad all the way (is all bad).
9. ja narw h td nawsuda nimsacat ra-n. From Narwi to N aw suda it is half an
h o u r’s journey (road).
10. har maba. Don’t be an ass!
11. bd ba pid. Be a man!
12. cesil 5e? W hat was the m atter with you?
13. hizi cd benrt W ere you there yesterday?
14. ca bidnd. I have been there.
15. hdym bid. I was aw akened.
16. zdrolaim fh a was ndbian. My childhood was not very happy.
17. cewi pds(n)d ndbian. There has never been such a thing.
18. wdrmim me. I am sleepy (sleep conies to me).
19. xudm me. I am going to laugh (laughter comes to me).
20. bo egd. Come here!
21. ka m in amdne to ndn wareni. W hen I cam e you were having a meal (eating
bread, food).
22. hangiiri pesa hdlce ja zamino bar ntme, Idkm ja dirdxtew h mdtociord. Grapes
do not grow (come up) from the ground like m ushroom s, but hang down from
a tree.
23. mazu blli pay ydndysd. I perm it you to go to their house.
24. tdtam ndstis bllu pay sinamdy. My father would not let me go to the cinema.
25. mawardy mdwdro, pdwci paltawaka{ dstdn jid. It is not actually raining, so
(foolishly) you have left your coat behind!
26. waresake hazard. Let the rope down!
Nr. 3 61

27. biridys ndrahdta. It is difficult to cut it.

28. dasu wem birim. I cut my hand.
29. clnnewd dasu wem nabifian(im ). It is some time since I have cut my hand.
30. bäqiakäm buh. Give me the change (rest, o f the money).
31. d qdlie tula blda. Roll that carpet up!
32. xitlem mdda. Don’t tickle me!
33. hdr zilewieni; gijiakdf xitlef del You were wriggling; was your shirt tickling
you?
34. liizi coxeway täzem warana be; direzdi röy xitlem de. Yesterday I had a new
‘chogha’ (jacket) on; all day long it was tickling me.
35. pay cesi m idiay? W hat are you looking at?
36. mnjiay mididw pay ä bäxiä. I am looking at that orchard.
37. ayar ja duariakb bldiay bdxcakdymd mini. If you look out of the window you
will see our garden.
38. ka to did net ja duariako diäy diene. W hen you saw me I was looking out of the
window.
39. ja duariakb didine, panj sis sudrem die, ru ba egdy ene. I looked through the
window and saw five or six horsem en coming in this direction.
40. waltdr dienern. I have seen them before.
41. d kindcemd diena cewdl. I have seen that girl before this.
42. liüris mdzii / nlmdzu. I shall / shall not toss it up. [cf. 48]
43. hursta-w-arariiStdyif xirdbd. Your behaviour is bad.
44. warmana hürst. He woke up, got up (from sleep).
45. sacdtf sis hurzd. He got up at 6 o ’clock.
46. glroew sauil sis hürze. He used to get up every day at 6 o’clock.
47. d gostid hür wdza. Hang that m eat up!
48. hüris mdzii / mdwäzu. I s h a ll/s h a ll not hang it up. [cf. 42]
49. xarikand hüris wdzu. I am just hanging it up.
50. komes. We beat it.
51. agar m exakdt kue . . . If you had ham m ered the peg . . .
52. lua dgd. Go there!
53. ka to ydway kirmdsdn m m ludbene pay smay. W hen you reached Kirm anshah
1 had already gone to Sanandaj.
54. ba zdrotal liar ba pay pdwirud luene rana. In (m y) childhood I used always
to walk about barefoot.
55. mtdra. Stop!
56. mdtdwo midrord. He cannot stand up(right).
57. to ndnisti. You did not wait.
58. nistdne rds. I waited until he caught up (on his road).
59. nistd tdi sacdt dd, to har ndmäy. I waited till 10 o’clock (but) you did not come.
60. fangas p Ir^na. He has turned pale (his colour has flown).
61. wdsim misio. I like him (he seems pleasant to me).
62 Nr. 3

62. wááiS misiáw. He likes me.

63. Vfakd másela. Don’t squash the m ulberries!
64. dime( sHéne'l Have you washed (the two sides of) your face?
65. taqianel I touched, grazed you.
66. birinjakay táqna. Sift the rice!
67. ké mitáwb i diñaría wázo? W ho can climb this plane tree?
68. m itdwi wdzisl Can you climb it?
69. mitáwii wazusó. I can climb it again.
70. mátáwu baw. I cannot come.
71. nátdwdm báw. I could not come.
72. ka zárolá bene nátáwene inglizi biwdnub. W hen I was a child I could not read
English.
73. áwi m iw aruj w nanid miwarú. I drink water and eat bread too.
74. áwim wárda = wáre¡D. I have drunk water.
75. diie nánem wártfe. I have eaten two loaves.
76. har ja isñwa wdray ward. It is raining already (even from now).
77. hizi würán ware. It was raining yesterday.
78. hizi har wñráy ware. It kept on raining yesterday.
79. m m wastánás. I have climbed it [a tree].
80. f Jldna kas wastdnis. So-and-so has (already) climbed it.
81. tdyc wdzas. You climb it too!
82. hür waza sdr. Climb up [a wall]!
83. wiziiS kisdm. I shall put it in my pocket.
84. wist1mb kisdm. I put it back in my pocket.
85. xuliawb. I w ander about.
86. panas xomé. We laugh at it.
87. agar xúem pana denes wand. If he had laughed at me I would have hit him.
88. miyarVn Are you equal to it?
89. har náiydrenes. I was simply not equal to him.
90. náyárám, páwci ramáne. I could not stand up to him , so I ran (aw ay).
91. ka zárolá bene inglizi ndydwenena. W hen I was a child I did not understand
English.
92. ba qIse hasdni, hid cani kdrawdnakdy warn hakdyataká ka aznawiébenes ja
bábátu cataká saru rdká. According to Hasan, he went with the caravan be­
cause of the tales he had heard about the robbers on the roads.
93. ba be tTfdng lua. He went without a gun.
94. jiá ti tTfdngi teléwis hur girt. Instead of a gun he took (up) a cudgel.
95. be hie, yaym telewi ndbo, jid y cdki ndtdwds glzio cani catakd ba tania. W ithout
anything except (it be) a cudgel for a weapon he could not fight with the
robbers alone.
96. kdrawdnaká ja gnndlko ru ba f Jldnd daga luá. The caravan set out from Gundik
for such-and-such a village.
Nr. 3 63

97. awwal ja r lud dile darbánnewi wa pi Jora kasakàra wiard. First it went into a
gully and so (in this manner) traversed the m ountain.
98. ka darbannakdna bind bar, pay dite sârâiakày, yàwâ dagéw. W hen it cam e out
of the gully onto the plain it came to a village.
99. kârawànakà dagâkèna b dr is wist wa bàc-zew ja piâkà gelé dagâkèna nán bhanâ
pay gîrdisà. The caravan unloaded at the village and some of the men went
about the village to buy food for all of them.
100. dimawa kârawànakà saru pirdewena wiard, ka sàru roxânéwio bè, wa roxânakà
dólewana wiarè. Afterwards the caravan went across a bridge (which was)
over a river which flowed (and the river was passing) along a valley.
101. Injâi kasakàra luir wást wa páw dimará hidra war. Then it went up the m ountain
and down the other (that) side.
102. natijàna qardxu dàrisânewiana wiard. Finally it passed by the edge of a wood.
103. ka cent dIraxtakâna wiard bà^zew ja baraka sàru wilàxakâwa kawterà. As it
went under the trees some of the loads fell off the anim als.
104. ba har hat glrdu kàrawânakày dami mayrib yâivd dagâkonè. Nevertheless the
whole caravan reached Dagakone at sunset.
105. bàqas nid kmàcakéwa. He pushed the girl.
106. boqas nid pâdisâiwa. He pushed them.
107. boqas nié po = cb. He pushed them.
108. pa wulerá lúa. Go through that hole.
109. jlles porcine. He has clothes on.
110. to nábieni ce, dés ba emà = démà panà. If it were not for you being here, he
would give it to us.
111. . . ., dés papisa = dés panàéà. . . ., he would give it to them.
112. warn to nábie, ddbes panàmâ. If it were not for you, he would have given it
to us.
113. . . ., ddbeé panà. . . ., he would have given it to him.
114. payjàs panà mdcme. We call it (a ladder) p a y jla.
115. wàcénes panà mala, har gdS nágere. 1 kept telling him not to go (do not gol)
but he took no notice.
116. panàm wárd. I m ade him eat it (I ate it by him).
117. dây-panày ja hur-girtày xâstàrà. Giving is better than receiving.
118. i dama tirestà ja àsmi xiràbi dirás kiridn. This adze-head is m ade from bad iron.
119. « roà tó ja xânagd béni minie ca bène. That day you were in Khanaga I was
there too.
120. gôsis ja qefakdyo be. He heard the shout.
121. golds cb be. He heard it.
122. cikówa âm dntf W here have you come from?
123. ja yñnb amana. I have come from home.
124. ramdne pay maktábi. I ran to school.
125. pay kógay ludy? W here did you go?
64 Nr. 3

126. ludni pay pü w á yl Have you been to Pawa?

127. payij. midió. He is looking at you.
128. didne pdyi{. I looked at you.
129. i warese xásana pay dilane. This rope is good for a swing.
130. ä tawdnaw lä kursiá bdra. Bring that stone by the chair.
131. niziku mdrgitd. Your hour of death is nigh (it is near your death).
132. kufakti hür wast saru diwdrakdy. The boy climbed up the wall.
133. par poize tüsu hássewe amane. Last autum n I came across (m et) a bear.
134. enna nizika be, agar dasim pay barde dásim taqiés cb. It was so near that if I
had stretched out my hand to it I could have touched it.
135. warn yänakäyana bmiasard, warn waratáwi. Put it down in front of the house,
in the sunlight.
136. d pdttdwim a kára dárara. Hang (that) my coat up!
137. cewewim da ddso. Hand me something!
138. hárcin topakés dene ddso wizesardwa war. However often I handed him the
ball he threw it down again.
139. ganmakésd hará td wúrda bia. They ground the wheat until it was fine.
140. i kalime wdcio‘? Can (should) this word be used (said)'?
141. i kalime infició. This word is used.
142. i kalime mdwdcio. This word is not used.
143. i kitebd mdwdniowa. This book cannot be read.
144. sad selle cewdl ndwdniewa. A hundred years ago it could not be read.
145. i kitebHd middw (pana) pay maya btwäniowa. I am giving you this book to
read (for this, that it may be read).
146. glluam giriéna. My throat is blocked up.
147. mdgirawnus. I shall not m ake him cry.
148. min ndgirawnänim . I did n ’t m ake him cry.
149. (Hat pizmnóm. Pepper m akes me sneeze.
150. wdznamara war. Help me (cause me to) climb down!
151. birdkds ba zör hür is waznd saru diwdrakdy. His brother forced him to climb
up the wall.
152. dondys dono. He is talking to him.
153. mddonam. Don’t talk to me!
154. agar risis tdisi w file xases kariand juanew i ba-haykdhs canci bar mé. If you
shave him and put fine clothes on him a fine figure of a youth will emerge
(from him).
155. and milu kdsana. agar ndwärä xo xds; dgar ward and tdf bu. qdydis césd? I
am going to the m ountains (hunting). If it does not rain, well and good; if
it does rain then I shall get wet. W hat does it m atter?
156. lim pay kirmdsdni. agar minie cd bid and winút, agarna lúa pay tdrdni. Go to
K irm anshah. If I am there then I shall see you, otherwise go to Teheran.
157. agar wdte( panam luéne pay bay day. If you had told me I would have gone to
Baghdad.
Nr. 3 65

158. agar m lnic dmene glrdima pewa was widrenme. If I were to come too we could
all pass a pleasant (tim e) together.
159. to ndbieni ce denes pdcji. If it were not for your being here I would give it to him.
160. warn to ndbie k wsenes. W ere it not for you I would kill him.
161............................ kustdbem..................................... I would have killed him.
162. agar hizi dmdbieni isd harduima didbemd. If you had come yesterday we would
have both seen it (by) now.

P roverb s.
163. agar gardkHd ba ndrad blyawi
na sawena j&m na rona dwi.
If you w ant to attain your desire
Neither m irror by night nor water by day
(should you waste time looking into, at your own reflection).
164. agar gird gawre bime, ke layamakd gerol If we should all be great men, who
will hold the bridles (w hen we dism ount)?
165. zamin sdxt a asman bdrz. The ground (is) hard and the sky high (and there
is nothing can be done to change m atters).
166. hara kawd lad baydd, bi ba hasdra. The grey donkey went to Baghdad and
becam e a mule.
167. aznidnH u ndm Isani{. You have heard it and you have not understood it.
168. rudsa ndle w tlara, hazgewaycis basta qilickdso. The fox could not get into (its)
hole and yet it tied a dwarf-oak bush to its tail (as an added im pedim ent).

Hist. Kilos. Skr. Dau.Vid.Selsk. 4, no. 8. 5

66 Nr. 3

II.1
(1) sáwew ja sawá, róew ja foá, pádséw be, ojáxas kóra be, dawlátewi firás be.
(2) wazirewi eáqíhs be, tagbiris pay kárd, wátis paná: (3) saqáxánéw ja biábáno
bina kára, tá bar kásew ja duro ám á w ta in a s bi, místew áwi wárowa w a ducét pay
káro, balku xu^á zároléwit biijo paná. (4) ja qazá q Jsé waziru wes pasánm s kár^e.
(5) á m atla b ^ á ba yágé áwird.
(6) sáleway tam ám as paná sí. (7) zánaw pá(lsáy róew nistará, yare zárolés
die. (8) m idré diársáw a tá gawré bie. (9) yáwé si sálá, dim áw inaya zánisá pay
áwir<je. (10) páijsá am láku wés gird kárd ba yáre base, har yósá ja sáru básu weso
nistará, m asyülu húkm i bi. (11) firá cacábate béne.

(12) ea dimSy pa^lsa tarku pa^lsais kard, dasis kard ba cibadat karday. (13)
giroew zarolakes luene las, wacenes p ana: bore saru pa^jsai wet. (14) razi nabi.
(15) yawa darajew ba tamami juabis de: dafcew tar nayde la min, firata Cadiz kardana.
(16) ba kulli juabis de. (17) dafcew tar mimewa.
1 This short text is not properly Hawrami of Luhon but a word for word ‘translation’, or reconstruc­
tion, of Benedictsen’s first text (B-C, 76), given for the sake of comparison with his notation. Even in this
form the language seemed somewhat strange to Tahsin.

III. Hakáyátaw H am á-tam áli2

(1) Pirazánew ay faqiray becáre bé, kürewis be, námés ham á-tam ál be. (2) kár
u kásibi [káspi] ham a-tam áli aranistáy u kawtáy pále be. (3) hic nawca harm ánew a
nákare. (4) adá pirakes sácbew tá weragá gima be ka liqméw nán pay^lá karo pay
hárduisá. (5) hárei karé ham a-tam ál hur náeze, bllo, harm ána káro. (6) enná tam ál
be hatá nálec saru üwe. (7) já r já r pirazáni faláqáycis karé, lákin har fáy^ás nábe.

(8) dimáw cinna m iddátewi ba hazár cayárie pirazáni náwcewis kard ham a-
tam ál hur zá wa táwas bilo rána. (9) pirazáni hézis éaná nám anabe ka itir káspi
káro. (10) w átis: rola, iná náxtew záriná hán, bálku báris, káspis paná kári wa
bítáwme bíziwme. (11) ham á zarakás nia kisás wa luá pay bázári, lákin hié ja
káspi názáne. (12) midió iná kábréw sinnóqewi ziniás iná dáso, wurasáys wurasó.
(13) ham á parsás: i sinnoqá césis canán? (14) kábrá wátis: wet u báxtab m um kiná
hícis nábo caná wa m um kínicá céwi xásis éaná bo. (15) h am á w átis: qubúPm á,
m isánús. (16) hárci záris bé dás ba sinnoqakáy wa ám áw a pay vánáy.

(17) pirazáni lúa dám ^o, bízáno éésis karcjá. (18) ka dís iná sinnoqewis asan
cris w ar bianá, wátis: rola, xudá ja m tm t b Isáno. (19) naxtew zarm á be, ádíéit
2 See J. P. Asmussen, ‘Remarks on some Iranian Folk-tales’, A d a Orientalia, X X V III (1965), p. 231.
Nr. 3 67

II.
(1) Once upon a time there was a king; he was childless (his hearth was blind)
but he had m uch wealth. (2) He had a wise minister, who counselled him, saying:
(3) ‘Make a cistern in the desert so that whoever comes from afar, and is thirsty,
may drink a little water and say a prayer for you; perhaps God will give you a child.’
(4) It happened that he approved of his m inister’s words. (5) He carried out that plan.
(6) A whole year passed by. (7) The king’s wife sat down one day and saw
(that she h ad given birth to) three children. (8) She looked after them until they
grew up. (9) They reached (the age of) thirty years; after that wives were procured
for them. (10) The king divided all his territory into three parts and each one of
them settled in his own part and occupied him self with governing. (11) They were
very just.
(12) Thereafter the king abandoned the kingship and took to worshipping
(God). (13) Every day his children would go to him and say to him : ‘Come back
to your kingship . (14) He did not consent. (15) It reached a stage where he answered
them once and for all: ‘Do not come back to me again; you have m ade me very
angry.’ (16) He answered them finally. (17) They did not come back again.

III. The story of Lazy Ham a

(1) There was (once) a poor, helpless old w om an (who) had a son (whose)
name was Lazy Ham a. (2) Lazy H am a’s (only) occupation was sitting and lying
down. (3) He did no kind of work at all. (4) His aged m other would disappear from
morning till night in order to find a morsel of bread for both of them. (5) W hatever
she did, Lazy Ham a would not get up (to) go and work. (6) He was so lazy he would
not even go to the privy. (7) From time to time the old wom an would even thrash
him, but it had absolutely no effect.
(8) After some time, by m eans of a thousand tricks, the old wom an m anaged
it so that Lazy Ham a got up and could walk. (9) The old wom an had no strength
left to work any longer. (10) She said: ‘(My) child, here we have a little money;
you had better take it and do something with it that we m ay live.’ (11) Ham a put
the money in his pocket and went to the m arket, but he knew nothing of business.
(12) He saw a fellow with a closed box in his hands which he was selling. (13) Ham a
asked: ‘W hat is in this box?’ (14) The fellow said: ‘Try your luck ( you and your luck),
maybe there is nothing in it and m aybe there is something good in it.’ (15) H am a said:
‘I accept, I ’ll buy it.’ (16) He gave all the money he had for the box and returned
to the house.
(17) The old wom an went to meet him to see what he had done. (18) W hen
she saw that he had bought a box she was fired (with rage) and s a id : ‘Child, may
5*
68 Nr. 3

fawtinå, ilir ba cés biziwme? (20) ham å sinnoqakås kardo, midió inä márewis
canån. (21) m arås nia tåq, låkin pirazåni w håmsekés tarséne ja m årakåy \va wåtså:
m is ^ k wsis. (22) ham åyc tirestéwis gut dáso w luá m arakåy k wso. (23) m årå åmåwa
zuán wa w á tis: m åkwsam, m in küru såw m årånå. (24) agar bårim o pay lå tåtåym
xås caywazåt mi^lowå.

(25) kurä saräs sif m an wa wátis: m ásallá ja qorätu xu^áy! (26) wátis: xás,
wa xudähäfizis k ard ]a adés wa kawt sonaw m áráy. (27) m äraka w átis: inä ka
miyáwmé m am lakátu m ará, m äre frré m äyä pewáymo. (28) hié nátarsi, har sársána
wíara. (29) wa ka luáym e lä tätäym inä m äcot pana, césij garäkä dáwit pana? (30)
tä dúe jare wáca, zinnäy saräw pá^lsáy. (31) yaram in já r wátis, césit garäkä?, wáca,
kilkaw änäw säw m ärä. (32) härci taiäb kári i kilkaw änä päyit häzir karó.

(33) fu ba coli w past ba åw a^åni lué håtå yåwé saru m ará. (34) m årakå haina-
tam åbs bard huzüru páíJsáy. (35) pá^sá wátis: hám a-tam al, to - taniá kürewim
hán - najátit dán. (36) césit garåkå tå dáwit panå? (37) ham a jvuábis dáw á: zinnåy
saråw pácjsáy. (38) disån såw m årå wátis: césit garåkå? (39) ham a hår wátis: zinnåy
saråw såy. (40) yaram in já r ham a wátis: kilkaw ånåw såw m årå. (41) pådså hanåséw-
is hur kesá wa wátis: sållå hårcim bie nåm ane, dåwåw kilkaw ånakåyit nåkarde,
låkin inå midåwif pana.

(42) yak düe roe cá dim a ham a izms ja pá^lsay wást u xu^laháfizis kárd. (43)
rana fJra awrás be wa hic nám s nábe pana. (44) w iru kilkaw anays kawto, wátis:
áy kilkaw ána, garákhná isa nán házír bo. (45) har ennás zaná harci tacám sar
zam ínana be am a w aru dámis, norakár am a ba aftáwá w lagáno, dases shé wa ba
fotéwi náyab ásaries. (46) xás nám s w árd u dim áw nñni ces arazü káro ja mewahati
w aru dám isana házír be. (47) dim áw mewáy fu-aw yáná milis niá.

(48) fána tüsu darwésewi ám á wa darwés wakázewas dáso be. (49) darwés
wátis: áy ráw iar, fJra áw rá w taznám á. (50) ham a wátis ba kilkaw ánáy ka nán
pay i darw esa faqirayá háztr káro. (51) darw esi ba^báxt, ka ham isá náni wúskis
wárcjan, dis iná ba ám raw i kilkaw ánayá xorákewi sáháná w aru dám isana házír
bí. (52) bism illáhis kárd u dásis kard ba wár^láy.
(53) ka darwés nám s w árd wa sükru xucjáys kárd w átis: áy m usulm án, i
kilkaw ánaytá máfáfio pi w akázem á? (54) ham a wátis: á w akázé pay cési xásana?
(55) i m ám alam á qubül nía. (56) darwés wátis: pi w akázé m itáwi ham isá hosiári wet
kári. (57) ám ras pana kára, dizm ám t pácorá, déw bo, dirín] bo, ádám bo, ádam izád
bo. (58) ham a wátis dilu w ésana: fárusó wa dim áw a kilkaw ánakás cana misánuó.
(59) darwés kilkaw ánás kard angúsas wa ham a w akázas gtrta dáso w xu^lá-
Nr. 3 69

God take you from me! (19) We had a little money, that too you have squandered;
now w hat shall we live on?’ (20) Ham a opened the box and saw that there was a
snake in it. (21) He put the snake in a niche, but the old woman and her neighbours
were afraid of the snake and said: ‘You must kill it.’ (22) So Ham a took hold of
an adze and went to kill the snake. (23) The snake broke into speech and said: ‘Do
not kill me, I am the son of the king of the snakes. (24) If you take me back to my
father he will rew ard you well.’
(25) The boy was am azed and said: ‘God’s power preserve us!’ (26) He said:
‘Very well,’ and bade his m other farewell and set off after the snake. (27) The snake
said: ‘W hen we reach the country of the snakes m any snakes will come to meet me.
(28) Have no fear, simply walk over them . (29) And when we go to my father he
will say to you: “ W hat do you w ant me to give you?’’ (30) (Up to) two times say:
“ (Long) life for the King(’s head).” (31) The third time he says: “ W hat do you
w ant?” say: “ The ring of the king of the snakes.” (32) W hatever you seek this ring
will get for you.’
(33) W ith their faces to the wilderness and their backs to civilization they went
until they reached the city of the snakes. (34) The snake took Lazy H am a into the
presence of the king. (35) The king said: ‘Lazy Ham a, I have but one son and you
have saved him. (36) W hat do you w ant me to give you?’ (37) Ham a answered:
‘For the King to live long.’ (38) Again the king of the snakes said: ‘W hat do you
w ant?’ (39) Ham a still said: ‘For the King to live long.’ (40) The third time Hama
said: ‘The ring of the king of the snakes.’ (41) The king heaved a sigh and said:
‘W ould that I might lose everything I have (but) that you had not asked for the ring,
but here I give it to you.’
(42) One or two days later H am a took leave of the king and bade him farewell.
(43) On the road he became very hungry and he had no food with him . (44) He
rem em bered the ring and said: ‘O ring, I w ant food to be ready now .’ (45) He only
knew this m uch, that every kind of food on earth appeared before him, servants
came with basin and pitcher, he w ashed his hands and dried them on a fine towel.
(46) He ate a good meal and after the meal w hatever kind of fruit he desired appeared
before him. (47) After the fruit he set out for home.
(48) On the road he m et a dervish and the dervish had a staff in his hand. (49)
The dervish said: ‘O traveller, I am very hungry and thirsty.’ (50) Ham a told the
ring to produce food for this poor dervish. (51) The unfortunate dervish, who had
always eaten plain bread, saw that by order of this ring a regal meal appeared before
him. (52) He said grace and began to eat.
(53) W hen the dervish had eaten and thanked God he said: ‘O Moslem, w on’t
you exchange this ring of yours for this staff of m ine?’ (54) Ham a said: ‘W hat is that
staff good for? (55) I do not agree to this bargain.’ (56) The dervish said: ‘W ith this
staff you can always take care of yourself. (57) Give it the order and it will knock
your enemy to pieces, be he demon, ogre, or hum an being.’ (58) Ham a said in his
heart: ‘I shall exchange it and afterw ards I shall take the ring back from him .’ (59)
70 Nr. 3

háfizisá ja yaktíri kárd. (60) ham a ám ras kárda ba wakaze ka darw ési k wsó. (61)
har ennás zana w akáza w ára biana darw ési w palpáhs kárd. (62) ham a luá, kilka-
w ánakás áwirdó wa ru-aw yáná milis niá.

(63) ka yawáwa y ana midió iná aejás wáxtá miro wa yanakás bián ba weráná.
(64) cam árátu páejsáy cá sáraná hic w aiátew aná am sáhs nábe pay náyábí. (65) ham a
wátis ba kilkaw anáy: garákhná sawáy, w árm ana huí* stá, qásrew am pay háztra
biébo tamftmu diniáyana dang bar karo. (66) wa fawri luá kám hakim xás be sárakána,
áwlrglis pay saru atjés. (67) him am lam iáas káreja wa jile náyábes pay asá. (68)
pirazáni sarás sir m anábe ci cewa xásá, cun direzái cfimris nana raqá ziátár wa
jila koné xalqi tari nabo hicis ná^iabe. (69) lákin wasíe inaya ham a-tam ál ba silámati
am ano yaná hósis saru wéso nábe.

(70) ka sawáy húr ste dísá iná yaná harina káw ilbiakásá bián ba camárátew
ba hic náwcew am sáhs ja diniána nía. (71) ham a dásew jlle frra xáses karejená,
dim áw him ám i w ris-tásáy, wa yak juánew i ba-haykál wa juánxásis cana bar sí.
(72) dilé yánakáysana ces árazü káro ja w árdáy u dileyáná w albisá ham isá házír
be. (73) ba m iddátu cinná mángewi ñam es w aiátakána walá bió wa bás har básu
sarw átu ham áy be. (74) dilé zanáycana ham isá básu juánxásis kirie. (75) pásasá
paná ám ábe itlr kas básu pá$sáy nákare.

(76) adákés róew wátis: rola, su kur gird céwit hán u juánani, cí zánewa ntm ári?
(77) ham á wátis: áejá, kinácéwaw pá^sáy hána, m acá enná zarífana náwari, nákari,
har tam ásáw sáw gardánis kári. (78) pirazáni wátis: rola, aeját xás, tatát xas, pa^sá
caní kináce wés mielo ba bekásewi pesá tó? (79) ham á w átis: á kinácé ziátár
kásim garák niá.

(80) ham á-tam álew , ka áwsá áwráye már^E kas har názáne, isá diwánu
pádsáyana básis kirié. (81) róew páejsá cani wazirás diw ánana nistaberá; (82) wátis:
i y arib á kén ka ci saru m inaná pesá náma^lár bián? (83) báczew ja wazirakás wátsá:
xabárm á nía, lákm yósá, cun cáqíl be w ham isá xabáris ja awzácu sárakáy bé,
wátis: ágar pádsá ijázá farm áw ó tá cárzis káru. (84) pá^jsá wátis: ádáy, wázir,
q*se kára.

(85) wazir wátis: pá^sám silámát, iná áslana ham a-tam ális ñam é be. (86)
küru pirazánew e frra faqíre be, wáxt be áwráye m ira. (87) cínna sálew céwal i
kufá gim bí wa kas sónis názáne. (88) m axlóq niásárá ka m ardábo wa adákés
káw ta suál kar^láy. (89) iná yáre m ángén pay^lá bianó pi nawcá, lákin kas síru i
sarw atisá mázáno. (90) m in pásasá xás m izánú pádsá kiáno sónis, bizánm e wés
ces mácó.
Nr. 3 71

The dervish put the ring on his finger and H am a took hold of the stall’ and they bade
each other farewell. (60) Ham a ordered the stall' to kill the dervish. (61) The next
thing he knew the staff had set about the dervish and knocked him to pieces. (62)
Ham a went, brought back the ring and set out for home.
(63) W hen he reached hom e again he saw that his m other was near dying and
that his house was a ruin. (64) The king’s castle in that city had no equal in any
country for beauty. (65) Ham a said to the ring: ‘W hen 1 wake up from sleep tomorrow
I w ant such a palace to be ready for me as will be fam ous throughout the w orld.’
(66) And straightway he went to whichever doctor was the best in the city and brought
him to his mother. (67) He bathed her and bought fine clothes for her. (68) The
old w om an was am azed at these fine things, for all her life she had never seen anything
but dry bread and other people’s old clothes. (69) But from joy that Lazy Ham a
had come safely home she alm ost lost her senses.
(70) W hen they woke in the m orning they saw that their ruined m ud house
had become such a building as had no kind of equal in the world. (71) After a bath
and a shave, H am a put on a suit of fine clothes and turned out an upright and h and­
some young m an. (72) In his house whatever he w anted in the way of food and
furniture and clothes was (im m ediately) present. (73) In a few m onths his name
spread throughout the country and all the talk was of H am a’s riches. (74) Among
the wom en too there was always talk of his good looks. (75) It cam e about that no
one talked of the king any more.
(76) One day his m other said: ‘Child, thanks (be to God), you have every­
thing and you are young; why don’t you take a wife?’ (77) H am a said: ‘Mother,
the king has a daughter who they say is so beautiful that you (need) eat nothing,
do nothing, only look at the shadow of her neck.’ (78) The old wom an said:
‘Child, (m ay) your m other and your (late) father (be) well, how will the king give
his own daughter to a nobody like you?’ (79) Ham a said: ‘I w ant no other than
that girl.’
(80) One (such as) Lazy Ham a, who once if he had died of hunger nobody
would have know n (or cared), was now talked of in the king’s court. (81) One day
the king was sitting in court with his m inisters; (82) he said: ‘W ho is this stranger
who has become so fam ous in this city of m ine?’ (83) Some of the ministers said:
‘We do not know ,’ but one of them, as he was wise and was always inform ed of the
affairs of the city, said: ‘If the king graciously perm its that I m ay tell h im .’ (84) The
king said: ‘Carry on, minister, speak!’
(85) The m inister said: ‘(M ay) my king (be) safe, this (fellow )’s name was
originally Lazy Ham a. (86) He was the son of a very poor old w om an and they were
near dying of hunger. (87) Some years ago this boy disappeared and nobody knew
w hither he went. (88) People decided that he was dead and his m other was reduced
to begging. (89) It is now three m onths that he has appeared again in this fashion,
but no one knows the secret of these riches of his. (90) I consider it best so, that the
king should send for him, that we may know w hat he says him self.’
72 Nr. 3

(91) papisa kiástis sónaw ham áy ka bé, m em ánis bo, cun isa ham á piéwi
m ihtarám be ja sárakana \va sarw átana yakám be. (92) ham á wátis ba qásidakáy:
cárzu pácjsáy kára ka házíraná pay liar ámrewe. (93) ham á wes rek wíst wa jim árá
pay cam árátu pá^lsáy. (94) tasá^üf pása be ka yawá lá b arak áy kinácé pádsáys
día ka cani kanizakas pay yánáy luéne. (95) ham á fawri eáshjü kináce bí, cun
zarifiS d arajána nábe. (96) aje horiana ja bahásto ám énara wár. (97) kinácéc ham ás
di wa ba tiraw cásqis giriftára bía.

(98) ham á luá diw ánu pá^sáy wa sijdás pay bárd. (99) pá^sá farm áw ás:
n^hám m ad, bínisara. (100) ham á nistará wa dimáw cárzu irádáti w átis: pa^sám
ám ras césana kiástánis sónim ? (101) saráycim ina fáw táxtitana. (102) pacjsá
farm aw ás: nnn básu tom fbra aznián wa maxlóq básu daw lam annit f*rá karó wa
isá m ictabárani ba yakam piáw i sáriá. (103) min cun ñam é tom náznaw iena, áyá
yaríb an i yá áhlu i sárayáni, sirit cesa?

(104) ham á w átis: pá^sám silámát, iná hakáyátam ana. (105) nnn faqirewi
fTra becárá béne. (106) aw ráyena m iráy m iréne cani adá pirakém . (107) á waxtá
kas haw áhm názáne wa kám kásec darbáse ánaya béne liqméw nanm á bí^lá ka
panás bíziwme. (108) lákin isá cun jva sáyáw xu^áyo w saráw pa^say sarw atm ánnaná
gird kas básim karo wa ina biáná ba m em anu pá^lsáy.

(109) pá(,lsá farm aw ás: i sarw atTta cani pay^á k a r^ a n ? (110) ham a wátis:
qurbán, gird cew(ew) ci diniána qoratu xu^láyá. (111) albatta xu^lá m aylis be min
pesa daw lam an" bu. (112) walhásil, fásaw kilkaw ánakays naw áta. (113) izms wást
wa luáw a pay yánay.
(114) wátis: a^lá, biyáw am pana. (115) cásTqu kináce pá^sáy bianá iva nnsio
bili, dáwás kari. (116) pirazani wátis: rola, adát xás, tátat xás, pá^lsá cani kináce
ives mido ba bekasewi pesa to? (117) pirazanis ba zor kiásta pay cam áratu pá^lsáy,
lákin xás juábsá na^áw a. (118) kináce pá^sáyc dilis hamayo be, am m á ba be iznu
tátays natáw e sus pana karo.

(119) diw ánu pá^sáyana har á roa q arár diriá ka ba naweew sifu daw iam anni
ham ay áskirá kirio. (120) w azirá w átsá: pá^sám silámat, agar nazánm e i kábrá i
sa rw at^ a chto bi m uinkiná ja pá^sáy daw lam anntar bo wa á waxta jva sárakana bo
ba yakam piá. (121) qarársá dá ka pirazanew ay cayára pay^á kará wa kiánás ka
bo ba kárakaraw yánaw ham ay. (122) m ociárisá karija ka ba har nawcew bian bizáno
ham a i sarw atJsa ciko bi.

(123) m iddatew is pana si, k árak ara h ar natáw ás hic xabarew baro pay pádsáy.
(124) áxirrso roew k árak ara gosis co be ka a^lákes wátis ba ham ay: (125) rola, isa
to pay him ám i mili, kilkaw ánakaw sáw m árá angusatana bára bar, naku him ám ana
Nr. 3 73

(91) The king sent after Ham a to come and be his guest, since now H am a was
a respected m an in the city and the first in wealth. (92) Ham a said to the messenger:
‘Submit to the king that I am ready for any com m and.’ (93) Ham a prepared him self
and set out for the king’s castle. (94) By chance it so happened that when he reached
the door he saw the king’s daughter as she was going hom e with her maids. (95)
Ham a im m ediately fell in love with the girl, for her beauty was beyond measure.
(96) One would have said she was a houri come down from heaven. (97) The girl
too saw H am a and was smitten by the arrow of love for him.
(98) H am a went to the king’s court and paid homage to him. (99) The king
said: ‘Be seated, M uham m ed.’ (100) H am a sat down and after paying (his) respects
said: ‘W hat is my king’s com m and, that he has sent for me? (101) My head is in the
path of thy throne.’ (102) The king said: ‘I have heard m uch talk of you and people
talk m uch of your wealth and now you are considered as the first m an in the city.
(103) Since I have not heard your name (before), w hether you are a stranger or a
native of this city, (I w ondered) w hat is your secret?’
(104) H am a said: ‘Your Majesty, this is my story. (105) I used to be a very
poor man. (106) I was dying of hunger with my old m other. (107) Nobody knew
about me then and there were few, moreover, concerned (enough) to give us a morsel
of bread to live on. (108) But now that, in the shadow of God and Your M ajesty(’s
head), I am rich everybody is talking about me and I have even become the king’s
guest.’
(109) The king said: ‘How did you obtain this w ealth?’ (110) Ham a said:
‘(May I be your) sacrifice, everything in this world is (brought about by) God’s
power. ( I l l ) No doubt it pleased God that I should become so ric h .’ (112) In short,
he did not tell the truth about the ring. (113) He took his leave and returned home.
(114) He said: ‘Mother, come to my aid. (115) 1 have fallen in love with the
king’s daughter and you m ust go and ask for her (h a n d ).’ (116) The old woman
said: ‘Child, (m ay) your m other and father (be) well, how will the king give his
own daughter to a nobody like you?’ (117) He sent the old w om an to the king’s palace
by force, bu t they did not give her a straight answer. (118) The king’s daughter’s heart
was with H am a too, but without her father’s perm ission she could not m arry him.
(119) In the king’s court that very day it was decided that the secret of H am a’s
wealth should be discovered in some way. (120) The ministers said: ‘Your Majesty,
if we do not find out where this fellow has got this wealth from he m ay become richer
than the king and then he will be the first m an in the city.’ (121) They decided to
find a cunning old wom an and send her to be the servant of H am a’s house. (122)
They instructed her to find out, by whatever m eans it might be,3 where H am a had
got his wealth from.
(123) Some time went by (and) the servant could not take any news to the king.
(124) In the end the servant overheard the m other saying to H am a: (125) ‘Child,
now you are going to the bath take the ring of the king of the snakes off your finger
3 The use of the Perfect in this clause indicates the certainty of the eventual completion of the action.
74 Nr. 3

dile sábun u kaiiana ginora, cun agar gim bo disan ginme suála. (126) kárakara
lieu wes gasta wa wátis: sa inana siru sarwatis.

(127) fawri á weragá xabaris bard pay pájjsáy. (128) papisa farm áw ás: i
kilkaw ánam a garaká. (129) wátis ba w aziraká: agar i kilkaw ánam a pay házir
nakarde saratá hinu m ina. (130) w azirake qarársá da ka wácá ba k árak are darm ánu
behosi bi^lo ba ham ay u a^les wa kilkaw ánakay dizo.
(131) k árak ara sawe darm ám s kardana dile eá^i wa das ba ham ay u a^es.
(132) har duesá fawri behose kawte. (133) hur sta, kilkaw ánakas angusaw ham ayana
bar áwird wa bar^is pay páíjsáy. (134) ka hosis ám áw a wesara ham a fawri dasis
bard pay kilkaw ánakays. (135) ka dis diár niá háwáris kard : adá, kilkaw ánakasá
dizian. (136) a^jákes w átis: har zánám i kárakare cewewis iná daso. (137) rola,
naw átim pana bá yarib ci yánaw em ana nabo? (138) ham a w átis: min pay xátiraw
to á kárakarem e [!] girta. (139) cu zánu ema dizm anm á han?

(140) ham a, á m iddata ka daw lam an11 be, enna xás biabe cani faqir u fuqaráy
u m axloqi, fira wasawis be ja sárakana wa ja m am lakatakana. (141) isa ka itir
hicis nam an maxloq har bazaisá ewa poras wa wácene: ay ham ay faqir, cani pesa
zu pesasa pana ám á? (142) cun xásas kardabe isa maxloqic canis xás be. (143)
am m á pádsá, ka kilkaw ánakas kawt das, dasis kard ba zilm u zorewi firáwán ka
radyatakes yakjár bezár u nárahate bie das^o. (144) cun pá^lsá be w saltanat u
zoris be, wa isa kilkaw ánaw sáw m árávcis be, itir ja hici natarse wa ja hici naparsewa.
(145) har kas dizm am s bie fawri fawtines wa m uhtáj ba harci bie ham isa w aru
dasisana házir be.

(146) cáwal pá^jsá zánábes ka kinácakes dilis iná ba hamayo. (147) isa itir
nawcewis kard ka kináce hajgiz natáwo ham ay ba cam wino, lákin kináce har
dihs ba ham ayo be, wa pi faqiria ham a har tam ádár be kináce pádsáys pay bo.
(148) ham a enna faqir be, kawtabew a suála cani a^ákes; (149) enna be-aham m iyat
be, pá^lsá nakustis wa wátis: bá har biziwo. (150) suálkari cám na mitáwo ces
karo?

(151) kináce pá(jsáy dáyánew as be, ennaw a^les wasas sie wa dáyánakes
kinácakes ennaw cam ás wasa sie. (152) kináce ja m aráqu ham ayana rangzarda w
zacifa biebe wa dáyánakes fira m aráqana be ka nuru cam ás pesa dilgirána bo.
(153) roew kináce wátis ba dáyánakes: hac nawcewif kar^lan m is’o biyáwi ba ham ay
wa bizáni ci pesasa sar ám á wa nawcew kari cam im pana gino. (154) agar pá^jsá
zánes ka dáyána milo pay lá ham ay fawri saras bire, lákin pirazani, cun cayára
be, záne cani bilo ka kas panas nazáno. (155) weragew izms wást ka bilo, sar bido
ja yánakays. (156) cáwa wes fárá wa jile suálkaris kar^lene pay inaya kas naznásos.
Nr. 3 75

lest it should fall into the soap and lather in the bath, for if it is lost we shall be re ­
duced to begging again.’ (126) The servant bit her lip (in surprise) and said: ‘So
this is the secret of his w ealth!’
(127) Straightway that evening she took the news to the king. (128) The king
said: ‘I w ant this ring.’ (129) He said to the m inisters: ‘If you do not produce this
ring for me your heads are m ine.’ (130) The ministers decided to tell the servant to
give H am a and his m other a sleeping-draught and to steal the ring.
(131) At night the servant put the opiate into the tea and gave it to Ham a and his
m other. (132) Both of them im m ediately becam e unconscious. (133) She got up, took
the ring oil' H am a’s linger and carried it to the king. (134) W hen he recovered con­
sciousness H am a im m ediately felt for his ring. (135) W hen he saw that it was not
there he called out: ‘Mother, they have stolen the ring.’ (136) His m other said: ‘I
just knew this servant had something in hand. (137) Child, did I not tell you that
no stranger should come into our house?’ (138) Ham a said: ‘1 took that servant for
your sake. (139) How should I know that we have enem ies?’
(140) H am a, when he was rich, had been so good to the poor and the comm on
people that he was much loved in the city and in the country. (141) Now that he
had nothing left people had compassion for him and said: ‘Poor Ham a, how has
this befallen him so soon?’ (142) As he had done good so the people were good to
him. (143) But the king, when the ring fell into his hands, began to practise such
great tyranny that his people were utterly weary and distressed at his hands. (144)
Since he was king and had the power, and now had the ring of the king of the snakes
too, he no longer feared anything nor asked (leave) of anyone. (145) W hoever was
his enemy he im m ediately destroyed him and w hatever he needed was always ready
at his hand.
(146) From the beginning the king had know n that his daughter’s heart was
set on H am a. (147) Now he arranged it in such a way that the girl could never see
Ham a, but the girl still set her heart on Ham a and, even in his poverty, Ham a still
hoped that the king’s daughter would be for him. (148) H am a was so poor that he
had sunk to begging, together with his m other. (149) He was so insignificant that
the king did not kill him but said: ‘Let him live. (150) W hat can a beggar like this
do?’
(151) The king’s daughter had a nurse whom she loved as a m other and the
nurse, for her part, loved the girl as dearly as her (own) eyes. (152) The girl had
become pale and weak from longing for Ham a and her nurse was greatly distressed
that the light of her eyes should be so sad. (153) One day the girl said to her nurse:
‘However you do it you m ust reach Ham a and find out why this has befallen him
and you m ust contrive somehow that I see h im .’ (154) If the king had known that
the nurse was going to Ham a he would have beheaded her imm ediately, but the
old w om an know how to go without anyone being aware, for she was cunning. (155)
One evening she asked perm ission to go and visit her home. (156) There she disguised
herself and put on beggars’ clothes, so that nobody should recognize her.
76 Nr. 3

(157) luâ, haina w acjâkes diewa wa bayâm s kard pay ham ay ka cani kinâce
pàdsây har eâs^qasana wa â j a edas kiâstena pay lâys. (158) ham ayc câ mifasal
ba dâyanes wât ka cani ros yâw ân ba âro wa hakâyataw kilkaw ànays pay karçla.
(159) wâtis ba dâyâne: ¿arzu kinâce pâçjsây kara ka minie pi be-qâbiliyati wema
câsTqu âcje bianâ; (160) lâkin cun pâçjsà pi masale mizâno pay xàtiraw xudây
wâzim cana bâro, naku p â js â panas bizâno wa xirâbis pana karo. (161) dâyàna
wâtis: rola, xamij nabo. (162) isallâ ba har nawcew bian m iyâwde ba yaktiri.

(163) dâyâna ka luâw a la kinâce gird cewis pay gelnâwa wa ka kinâce wazeaw
ham ays xâs zânâ dasis kard ba girawây pays. (164) wâtis: av adâ - cun ba
dâyânakes a^â wâce - ba har nawcew bian mis'o ham ay najât bidaym e. (165) isa
itir pâçjsà raftâris nawcew be kas wasis nasie wa hatâ kinâce wes qinis be cana.
(166) pâdsâ qaçlaxas k anjabe ka kinâcakes bilo bar wa ham isa ja qasrakena habsa
be. (167) pâsasa pana âm âbe tâtays ba dizm anu wes zâne wa zânec tâ tâtas m ano
âda m atâwo ba ham ay biyâwo wa ham ayc har ba suâlkari m anow a.

(168) cani dâyânakes qarârsâ dâ ka ba har nawcew bian kilkaw ânakay dizâ,
lâkin ina lira nâfahat be. (169) kilkaw âna ham isa angusaw pâdsâyana be wa
pâcjsâyc ham isa dile piâyâna be wa zanake natâwene biyâwâs pana. (170) amrnâ
yo ja w azirakâs bezâr biabe ja zilm u zoru pâçlsây wa hâzir be i pâdsàya fawtino
wa piewi câdil bm iâ yâges. (171) pâçlsâ wes kuris nabc wa kinâcakes nakirie bo
ba pâ^jSâ. (172) injâ asie piewi câdil u sâlihsâ estewa pay saru taxti. (173) wazir
qubulis kard ka cani kinâce wa dâyânakes ba har nawcew bian pâcjsây fawtinâ.

(174) roew wazir carzu sâys k ard: pâdsâm silâmat, m iddatew â tasrifit nabar^lan
kasana. (175) bâ cinn sawew biline sayrân; (176) bâ pâcjsâyc naxtew isrâhat karo.
(177) pâcjsâ farm âw âs: wazir, qisaket m âqulana [!]. (178) gird cew rek wiziâ ka
pâdsâ bilo kasana. (179) lue wa weragâ m anzilasâ saru hânewio reka wista. (180)
â weragâ pâsa qarâr diriâ ka sawây wazir xizmatu pâdsâyana bilo kasana.

(181) safaq suâre bie wa dâsâw ana, lue ru ba kasewi saxt. (182) yâwe mawqicewi
lira saxt, wazir carziíí kard ka itir ba pe bilâ wa wilâxakâ kiânâw a w àr tâ weragâ,
waxtew pâçlsâ tasrií barow a pay manzile. (183) ka sarkase rosine bie cinna sarew
nacir hukm u tifangiana w aru dam u pâçjsàyana kawte bar. (184) pâçjsâ mistas
girtebe tifang taqno. (185) wazir dim âwa boqewas niâ po wa pâ^lsâ qaçju m â-hazâr-
hazârakew a til bio wa tâ yâw âra w âr qutqut bi. (186) diniâ bi ba siloq wa dang
walâ bio ka pâdsâ pâs xizân wa kaw tanara wâr. (187) harci m axloq be dasis kard
ba pâdsâm fo wa gird harasâ pim â wa ru ba sâr luewa.
Nr. 3 77

(157) She went and saw Ham a and his m other and related to Ham a how the
king’s daughter still loved him and how she had sent her to him. (158) Ham a (then
and) there told the nurse in detail how his affairs had reached this pass and told
her the story of the ring. (159) He said to the nurse: ‘Explain to the king’s daughter
that 1 too love her, for all my inability; (160) but, as the king will find out about
this m atter, for God’s sake let her abandon (hope of) me, lest the king find out about
her and do her h a rm .’ (161) The nurse said: ‘Child, do not worry. (162) God willing,
in some way or other you will attain to one another.’
(163) W hen the nurse returned to the girl she related everything to her and
when the girl learnt of H am a’s state she began to weep for him. (164) She said:
‘M other,’ - for she called her nurse ‘m other’ - ‘however it m ay be we m ust save
H am a.’ (165) Now the king’s behaviour was such that nobody liked him and even
his own daughter hated him. (166) The king had forbidden his daughter to go out
and she was always im prisoned in the palace. (167) It had now become so that she
considered her father as her enemy and she knew that so long as her father lived
she would not be able to reach Ham a and Ham a would rem ain a beggar.
(168) She and her nurse decided that, however it might be, they would steal
the ring, but it was very difficult. (169) The ring was on the king’s finger and the king
was always amongst the m en and the women could not reach him. (170) But one of
his m inisters had become disgusted on account of the king’s tyranny and was ready
to destroy this king and for them to put a just m an in his stead. (171) The king him self
had no son and his daughter could not be m ade king. (172) Therefore it was necessary
for them to find a ju st and pious m an to ascend the throne. (173) The minister agreed
with the girl and her nurse that they should destroy the king, however it might be.
(174) One day the m inister said to the king: ‘Your Majesty, it is a long time
since you have been to the m ountains (to hunt). (175) Let us go for an outing for
some nights; (176) let the king rest a little.’ (177) The king said: ‘Minister, w hat
you say is wise.’ (178) Everything was prepared for the king to go to the m ountains.
(179) They went and in the evening their cam p was pitched by a spring. (180) That
evening it was decided that on the next day the minister should go to the m ountains
in attendance on the king.
(181) At first light they m ounted, set off and went towards a difficult m ountain.
(182) They reached a very difficult place and the m inister suggested that they should
continue on foot and send the anim als back down until the evening, when the king
would return to cam p. (183) W hen the m ountain peaks becam e bright some head
of game appeared within range before the king. (184) The king h ad taken aim and
was about to fire. (185) The m inister gave him a push from behind and the king
rolled down the trem endous ( thousand thousand) cliff and by the time he reached
the bottom he was shattered to pieces. (186) There was a great commotion and it
was noised abroad that the king’s foot had slipped and he had fallen down. (187)
Everybody began (wailing), ‘My king (is dead), alas!’ and they all poured dust (on
their heads) and set off back to the city.
78 Nr. 3

(188) dim åw m iddatewi, ka tafziyaw pådsåy tam åm a bia, wazire qarårså da

ka båz hur bnjå wa saru hac kasewio nisto å kasia karå ba padså. (189) å ro harci
m axloq be åm åbe b ar bizáná ke bo ba padså. (190) ja qasraw padsåyo båzså hur-då,
båz m iddatew i direz har xuliawa wa nanisto. (191) åxir lulas wardo wa xul luå,
saru ham ayo nisto.

(192) harci m axloq be saris sir m anabe ka cani i suålkara bo ba papisa; (193)
låkin cun cåwal, waxtew ka daw lam ann u såhib saltanat be, ham a h a r xas biabe
éani m axloqi, ka zånåså ina å ham ana harci maxloq be fåzi be ka ad bo ba
pådsåså. (194) sarit naesnu, ham a bi ba padså w kilkaw anas kawto das wa kinåée
pådsåys m åra karda.

(195) wa minie åm åne, hieså nadåne.

IV.
(1) Padsew be, due kufes bene, m ahm ud u ahm ad. (2) [íadsewi ham sá kináceway
fira nayábas be, nakari, naw ari, tam ásaw sáw gardanis kari. (3) m ahm ud u ahm ad
har due tam ádáre bene ka i kináce bárá. (4) tátasá watis: xas har inana harm anew ata
bidaw pora wa hac kñmta xástar kardatá anata kinácake m aro. (5) ina yo pansad
dináretá mido pana ka bilde ja dur, kásibis [káspis] pana karde. (6) dimáw sis
manga hac kám ta daw lam antar ám ayde anata bo ba zaina.

(7) kure tosasá peto, zafsä niä kisasä w fu ba coli w past ba äw adäni däsäw ana.
(8) lue tä yäwe duarew, räw häti w fäw nahäti. (9) cä h ar yo kilkaw änaw wes bar
äw ird u har duesä nie ceru tawanewe, ka hac käm sä äinäw a i yäge bizäno awsä
ämano yä näm äno. (10) kufi w urdi wätis: ay birä, to ja m in gaw ratarani. (11)
räw hätiara lua wa minie saru xudäy räw nahätiara milu. (12) i lä w aw lä w
yaktirisä m äc kard u xudähäfizisä kard u däsäw ana, jimera.

(13) bayme saru kufi gawray. (14) dim äw cum a farsaqew i yäwä bäx-u-
gulzärew, dileräsasana camäratewi sähäna diär be. (15) kufa wätis: xäs har inana
bilu, ci bäxcana naxtew isrähat karu, wa baczew ähfic paydä karu pay aspakaym .
(16) ka yäwä dile bäxi dis inä xizm atkäre äme pewäyso, layäm u aspakaysä girt
wa wätsä: (17) farm äw a, ay m em äni caziz, ay päd-säzädi juän. (18) xätuna haz karo
Nr. 3 79

(188) After a while, when the m ourning for the king was over, the ministers
decided to release a falcon and on w hom soever’s head it should settle, to m ake him
king. (189) T hat day everybody had come out to see who would become king. (190)
They sent up the falcon from the king’s palace and for a long time the falcon simply
wheeled about and did not settle. (191) Finally it swooped dow n and circled and
settled on Ham a.
(192) Everybody was am azed at how this beggar could become king; (193) but
as form erly, at a tim e when he was rich and powerful, H am a had always been good
to the people, when they learnt that this was that same H am a everybody was pleased
that he should become their king. (194) 1 will not m ake your head ache (with more
talk, but tell you that) Ham a becam e king and recovered the ring and m arried the
king’s daughter too.
(195) And 1 too have come (from there, but) they gave me nothing.

IV.
(1) There was (once) a king (w ho) had two sons, M ahmud and Ahmed. (2) A
neighbouring king had a very beautiful daughter - (so beautiful that if) you were
to do nothing and eat nothing, (only) look at the shadow of her neck (it would suffice
you). (3) M ahm ud and Ahmed were both desirous of taking this girl (to wife). (4)
Their father said: ‘The only good (thing) is this, that I set you a task and whichever
of you perform s it better, that one of you shall take the girl. (5) Now I am giving
you each 500 dinars for you to go far away and gain a livelihood with it. (6) After
six m onths whichever of you comes back the richer, that one of you shall be the
bridegroom .’
(7) The boys w rapped up their provisions, put the money into their pockets
and set off towards the wilderness and away from civilization. (8) They went until
they reached a fork in the road, (one) the road of chance and (one) the road of
m ischance. (9) There each of them took off his ring and they put both (rings) under
a stone, so that whichever of them should come back to this place would know
whether that (other one) of them had returned or not. (10) The younger son said:
‘Brother, you are older than me. (11) You go on the road of chance and I, for my
part, shall go with God on the road of m ischance.’ (12) (They argued) this way
and that, (then) kissed one another and took leave of each other and set out and
moved off.
(13) Let us come to the elder son. (14) After some leagues he reached a large
flower-garden, in the middle of which a regal building was visible. (15) The boy
said: ‘It is best that I should go and rest a little in this garden and also procure some
fodder for my horse.’ (16) W hen he got into the garden he saw that some servants
came to meet him ; they seized the bridle of his horse and said: (17) ‘Be so good
(as to dism ount), dear guest and young prince! (18) The lady would like you to be
80 Nr. 3

i nim aro m em ánis bi. (19) kura qubuhs kard \va wátis: hostá aspakaym bo, cun
duro m aw wa áwrásá.
(20) ka yáwá dde eamárati dis ka yáge cimne yánaw táta y c^ a n a natjianas.
(21) dim áw m iddatewi xátunaw ¿am árati am a pay láys wa kura h ar ina nabe behos
gino, cun zarifi w náyábi ruxsáru kináce aje m ángay cuárdena.

(22) dim áw ¿ays-u-nosewi fira w firáw áni sacáta yáwá nim asaw wa kura w
kináce tam ám mánie bene. (23) ennasá saráb w árdabe hossá ja wesá nam anabe.
(24) balám kináce enna náyába be wa ba jorew wes ráznábew a kura h a r ina nabe
set bo pays.
(25) kináce xás inaya záne wa zánec ka milk m ahm ud kura pá^Sán wa
daw lam anná. (26) waxtu witay, ka taniá h ar duesá diw áxánakana m anebene, kináce
wátis: (27) ay pádsázád, girawew karm e. (28) esaw har duem á yágewana m usm e
wa agar táw át tá sacbew dasim nadayana á waxta min bu ba hinaw to wa harci
to wáci pása karu. (29) wale agar dasit dánena min harci m aylim bo panaj karu.
(30) kura enna ba áwáto be kináces pay bo qubuhs kard.

(31) luena yáge wa tá m iddatew milk m ahm ud wes girt. (32) zoris pay ám ábe,
waxt be hár bo wa natijana wes nagirt wa dasis bard ka kináce ziná karo. (33)
kináce háys be wa wátis: ay pádsázá^l, giraw akat niára. (34) kináce cá zana zarifa
beim áná be ka hic fahm u wasawisi dilsána niá. (35) nokares cirie wa wátis: barde,
harci zafis han canas bisánde wa asp u asásakays gird w urasde, m já barallás karde,
bá bilo.

(36) tum az ina kináce pi jvora daw lam anna biena, cun hic piew natáw ám s
sawew canis bo wa dasis pay nabaro. (37) carzu áyaw wem karu, milk m ahm udsá
jorew ruána kard pá hála ¡decís pora m anebene. (38) dás w ana, luá tá yáwá sárevvi
mzik wa cá bi ba ságird kabábci.

(39) sarat naesnu, bayme saru milk ahma^li. (40) ba saray barzo w sarwatewi
firáwáno kura fu ba yánaw tátays luewa wa fikre karew a dáxom birákas cesis sar
ám ábo. (41) ka yáwá duaráka luá, taw anakes hur dáw a wa dis iná kilkaw ánake
har due ine cá wa hinakaw m ilk m ahm udi zange girtan. (42) kilkaw ánakaw wes
kardo angusas wa das w ana. (43) kawt sonaw birákays, bizáno cesis sar ám án.

(44) ba dilewi giráno rúas niá tá yáwá báxca-w-gulzárew u áw-u-hayátew.

(45) cá w astara pay isráhati wa báxcaw ánakas cifi, canas j^arsá: kurewi pesa w
pásata nacían pegara w iaro? (46) báxcaw án wátis: gawram, bale, kurewi pádsázátjí
pesa wet cum a mángew cewal pegara w iard, wale ba talism u áyazanem gir bi wa
pesa hazár ju án á tari dasIsana bar nasi.
Nr. 3 81
her guest this noon.’ (19) The boy accepted and said: ‘Look after my horse, for I
have come from afar and he is hungry.’
(20) W hen he got into the building he saw that such a place as this he had never
seen even in his father’s house. (21) After a while the lady of the house came to him
and the boy was on the point of fainting, for the charm and beauty of the girl’s face
(was such that) one would have said it was the full moon.
(22) After a great deal of pleasure the hour reached m idnight and the boy and
girl were quite tired. (23) They had drunk so m uch wine that they were hardly aware
of themselves. (24) But the girl was so beautiful and had adorned herself in such
a way that the boy was on the verge of going m ad for her.
(25) The girl well knew this and she also knew that Malik M ahmud was the
son of a king and rich. (26) (W hen it was) time to sleep, when only the two of them
rem ained in the reception room, the girl said: (27) ‘O prince, let us make a wager.
(28) Tonight we shall both sleep in one bed and if you are able not to touch me till
morning then I shall be yours and I shall do w hatever you say. (29) But if you do
touch me I shall do to you w hatever I w ish.’ (30) The boy was .so full of desire that
the girl should be his that he accepted.
(31) They went to bed and for a while Malik M ahm ud controlled himself. (32)
He was un d er (such) stress that he was near to going wild and finally he could not
control him self and put out his hand to fornicate with the girl. (33) The girl woke
up and said : ‘O prince, you have lost the wager.’ (34) The girl was (one) of those
beautiful and faithless women who have no m ercy or love in their hearts. (35) She
called some servants and said: ‘Take him , take all the money he has from him and
sell his horse and all his property, then turn him out, let him go.’
(36) W ould you believe it? The girl had become rich in this way, for no m an
had been able to be with her for a night and not touch her. (37) 1 subm it to (you),
my m aster, that they sent Malik M ahmud oil' in such a way that only his clothes re­
m ained to him . (38) He set off and went until he reached a town nearby and there
he became an apprentice cabob-m aker (whose job it is to stand and fan the charcoal
over w hich the cabobs roast).
(39) I will not m ake your head ache (but cut a long story short, so) let us come
back to M alik Ahmed. (40) W ith his head high and abundant wealth the boy was
going back tow ards his father’s house and thinking of w hat might have happened to
his brother. (41) W hen he reached the fork in the road he went, turned the stone
over and saw that the rings were both there and that Malik M ahm ud’s had gone
rusty. (42) He put his own ring back on his finger and set off. (43) He went after
his brother to see w hat had happened to him .
(44) W ith a heavy heart he set out until he reached a large flower-garden and
place of (m u ch ) water and life. (45) There he dism ounted to rest and called the
gardener, asking him : ‘Have you not seen a boy like this and that passing by here?’
(46) The gardener said: ‘Yes, my m aster, a princely boy like yourself did pass by
here some m onths ago, but he was caught by my m istress’s magic and like a thousand
other youths he did not escape her h an d s.’
Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan.Vid. Selsk. 4, no. 3. G
82 Nr. 3

(47) milk ahm ad wätis: ay bäxcaw än, baram pay lä i kinäce, eesit garakä
mi^lawh pana. (48) bäxcaw än kufas bard pay qasraw kinäce wa ham än jor kinäce
äm ä pewäyso wa bard^sana yäna, baläm i jära kinäce ba tiraw casqu milk ahmadi
pekiä wa dilis luä m i^sara. (49) direzäi sawe milk ahm ad päsa hosiär be saräbi
kamis w ärd, pay inaya sarwas nabo, wa hic fikris nadä ba zarifi w näyäbi kinäce.

(50) kinäce wätis: ay pä(Jsäzä$i juän, agar tä saebew canim witi wa dasij
na^änena, änä m in bu ba hinaw to. (51) wa agar dasij dänena to bi ba cabdu min.
(52) kura yäw äna ka pi jora biräkas dilena sian. (53) wätis: ay parizäd, sartaj
qubula bo. (54) ka luEna yäge milk ahm ad sim serakas niä baynu harduisä wa pay
wes wit. (55) kinäce injä hära bia ka pesa i piä gosis maijo pana. (56) dasis kard
ba naqiza-däy kuray ba das u ba qäc, wale milk ahmadi hic wes nayäw näna. (57)
sarat naesnu, tä ro bia kinäce xarika bia, kuras nazTlewnä.

(58) ka w ar kawt nulk ahm ad hurst wa wátis: ay fáhisay besarm i bewaqáre!

(59) cajab káspiewij pay wej estaño! (60) birákami{ ces pana kard? (61) kináce
garakis be kuray xiláfno ba q*se wase wa wátis: (62) ci harduim a ba zan-u-mer<ji
pewa naziwme wa ba cays-u-nos i diniáya barm e s a r ? (63) k u fa wátis. panam
wáca, birákam cesis sar ám á, anná pi simseria palpalij karu. (64) nácar kináce
hakáyatas pay kard.

(65) kura áwir^is, harci nokar u k árakare kináce bene giráis cirie wa wátis:
(66) i yána w báxa gird pay shna wa ja árowa girdtá ázádende; (67) balám i áyazanetá,
ka tü aro p ijo ra juáne basazuánes sarnugum kai’dene, hinaw m inana, cun girawakam
bardana wa miso ces láyiqis bo pásasa pana karu.

(68) milk ahm ad das w ana, luá pay sárakay ka birákas cá be wa kinácecis
barcia cani wes. (69) cá das sarasa tasa wa barbas fáhisaxánew ana, astas jiá wa
wátis: ana caywazát bo! (70) dim áw a luá, gelo pay birákays.

(71) fira gelá ba be sud tá m ániá wa áwrás bi. (72) árazu w kabábis be. (73)
luá kabábxánew , dis iná yo ja ságir^laká, ras u rut u pis, birákaw wesá. (74) hurst,
haréis bar wa hakáyatas pay kard wa haréis, him ám lam isis kard w a jile pá^sáyánes
pay asá. (75) dásáw ana ba sá^li, fu ba yánaw tátaysá luEwa. (76) m ilk ahmad
kinácakes pay bia wa bi ba yágam sinu tátays.

(77) minie äm äne, hiesä na^áne.

Nr. 3 83
(47) Malik Ahmed said: ‘O gardener, take me to this girl and I will give you
whatever you w ant.’ (48) The gardener took the boy to the girl’s palace and in just
the same way the girl came to meet him and took him to the house, but this time
the girl was smitten by the arrow of love for Malik Ahmed and her heart went out
to him (to his neck). (49) All night Malik Ahmed was so careful that he drank little
wine, so that he should not become drunk, and he gave no thought to the girl’s grace
and beauty.
(50) The girl said: ‘O young prince, if you sleep with me till morning and do
not touch me, then I shall be yours. (51) And if you do touch me you shall be my
slave.’ (52) The boy understood that in this way his brother had been lost. (53) He
said: ‘O fairy-born, let your condition be accepted.’ (54) W hen they went to bed
Malik Ahmed put his sword between the two of them and went to sleep. (55) The
girl becam e wild because this m an took no notice of her in this way. (56) She began
to goad the boy with hands and legs, but Malik Ahmed took no notice at all. (57)
To cut a long story short, till day came the girl was (so) engaged (but) she did not
get the boy to budge.
(58) W hen daw n broke Malik Ahmed rose and said: ‘O shameless and u n ­
dignified whore! (59) A fine business you have found for yourself! (60) W hat have
you done to my brother?’ (61) The girl wanted to distract the boy with pleasant words
and said: (62) ‘W hy don’t we both live together as m an and wife and live out this
life in pleasure?’ (63) The boy said: ‘Tell me w hat has happened to my brother,
otherwise I shall cut you to pieces with this sw ord.’ (64) Of necessity the girl told
him the story.
(65) The boy set to, sum m oned all the girl’s servants and m aids there were
and said: (66) ‘This house and garden is all for you and from today you are all free;
(67) but this mistress of yours, who till today has overthrown (so m any) helpless
youths in this way, is mine, for I have won the wager and I m ust deal with her as
befits h er.’
(68) Malik Ahmed set off and went to the town where his brother was and
took the girl along with him. (69) There he had them shave her head and took her
to a brothel and left her, saying: ‘Let that be your rew ard!’ (70) Then he went and
searched for his brother.
(71) He w andered about m uch w ithout result until he becam e tired and hungry.
(72) He had a desire for some cabobs. (73) He went to a cabob-shop and saw that
one of the apprentices, black and bare and dirty* was his own brother. (74) He got
up, took him out and told him the story and took him and bathed him and bought
kingly clothes for him. (75) They set off happily and went back towards their father’s
house. (76) The girl (from the neighbouring kingdom) became Malik A hm ed’s and
he becam e his father’s successor.
(77) I too have come (but) they gave me nothing.
4 The whole phrase is Kurdish.

6*
84 Nr. 3

V. Couplets5
1
ar ina ndbo, ja bonaw town,
gulani bahar ndkaru bbwa.
If it were not (for) this, (nam ely) on account of you,
I would not (even) smell the flowers of spring.

2
ar ina ndbo, ja bonaw towa,
mardam ndmardan, p i kas-u-kbwa.
If it were not (for) this, (nam ely) on account of you, (it were for nothing):
Nobody dear to me {my dead) has died (that I should w ander thus, like a
m adm an) in these m ountains.

3
salta roy cazal ndibldy wa yd run,
ndibidy wa bdcis6 dItakdy yambdrim.
W ould to God that (from ) the First Day you had not been (ordained to he)
my love,
That you had not been the cause of my sorrow-laden heart!

4
cm sal baxawdn6 narndini no biin,
namdm bar ama, m in ranjaro bim.
How m any years did I tend (was I gardener of) the young sapling!
The sapling grew up (and spurned me), all my eilort was wasted.

5
di, cesnn wdt, to getdy ja rang?
naddnim kardan, sarim dd la sang.5
Why, w hat did I say (that) you blushed ( turned from colour)?
I have committed a folly (and) struck my head against a stone (for sham e).
5 These verses present a number of non-dialect forms taken from literary Gorani (see V. Minorsky,
‘The Guran’, BSOAS, 11, 89 if. and my ‘Some Gorani lyric verse’, BSOAS, 28, 255-83) and Kurdish. Most
common is the generalized form of the copula -an. Note also the Kurd, preposition la, and many word-
forms differing from those given in the Vocabulary.
6 As always in Gorani verse, which is regularly decasyllabic with a caesura in the middle of each
line, an Izafe required morphologically after the fifth syllable is omitted here.
Nr. 3 85

6
hur beza ja xaw l ct waday war maul
sddim bi batdt, siwanim garman.
W ake up! W hat time is this for sleep!
My happiness has been spoiled, my lam entation is fierce (hot).

7
mayna, m aw lari; cima madoniV
yd xua, seta bi, ginima sonil
You come, you pass by; why don’t you talk to us?
0 God, m ay you become m ad (an d ) follow us about!

8
hay dd(j, hay beddd, hay bedddimanl
bedddim ja das saw-tanidiman.8
Alas and alack! Oh, I suffer (have) injustice!
My injustice is from my spending the nights alone (night-loneness).
7 Pawal verbal forms; see B-C, p. 73.
8 Cf. M. Mokri, Guranl, ya iaranaha-yi kurdi (Kurdish songs), Teheran, 1951, song 284.
 Vocabulary
The vocabulary is arranged alphabetically taking into account only initial
vowels and consonants (including the semi-vowels i/y, u/w, except in the diphthongs
ay, aw).
Hawr. and the neighbouring Kurd, dialects of Suleim aniye and Sina have
strongly influenced each other, particularly in vocabulary. W here they are of interest,
therefore, equivalent words from these two Kurd, dialects have been quoted for
com parison or contrast. No suggestion that the Kurd, and Hawr. form s are etymologi­
cally connected is necessarily intended. Sul. forms are quoted from personal notes,
Sin. forms m ainly from Sayx M uham m ad Mardux, Farhang-i Mardux, Teheran
(? 1957), controlled by various, mostly unpublished sources. Kd. indicates that the
form is comm on to Sin. and Sul. (but not necessarily any other Kurd. dial.).
Etymological statements concern only the Hawr. words and are by no m eans
intended to be exhaustive. Only non-Iranian words, i. e. those ultimately of Arabic
and T urkish origin, are regularly m arked as such. The abbreviations Ar. and Tk.
do not, however, necessarily im ply that either form or m eaning are identical in the
source languages.
A few words m arked * are recorded in B-C and not from Tahsin, but are con­
firmable from the other evidence given. [See Addendum , p. 141.]

Other abbreviations
a. adjective inter. interrogative
abs. absolute Mid. Pers. Middle Persian
A-B A ndreas-B arr1 n. f. noun feminine
av. adverb n. m. noun m asculine
Av. Avestan NP New Persian
cj- conjunction OP Old Persian
cpd. com pound part. particle
dem. demonstrative pers. person(al)
indef. indefinite pi. plural
int. interjection pn. pronoun
1 Iranische Dialektaufzeichnungen, aus dem Nachlass von F. C. Andreas, . . . Kurdische Dialekte, be­
arbeitet von K aj Barr, Berlin, 1939.
Nr. 3 87

prep. preposition vb. verb

pres. present v. aux. verb auxiliary
Pth. Parthian v. c. verb causative
pv. preverb v. i. verb intransitive
rel. relative v. p. verb passive
sg- singular V. t. verb transitive

a, dem. a. (v. § 13, i). that,

z, dem. a. (v. § 13, i). this.
aw, dem. a. (in certain phrases), that (other of two); |~ d a sa jo a k le, on that side of
the stream ; paru s ]dri, on that side of the town. [cf. Kd. aw ‘th at’]
atf, pers. pn. (v. § 16 (b)). he (there); lada, she; ldde, they.
ed, pers. pn. (v. § 16 (b)). he (here); letfa, she; ]etfe, they.
atfd, n. f. mother. [Kd. ddyk]
ddlay, int. (of encouragem ent), go on! hurry! [= Kd.]
ddamiz^atf, n. m. hum an being. [= Kd.]
cddliz, a. angry. [Kd. ¿djiz ‘angry’; Ar.]
dftdw le, n. f. ewer; dftdw\a-w-lag^an, ewer and basin.
dgla, av. there.
eg1a, av. here.
aglar, cj. if.
agrij^e, n. f. tress. [Kd. agrija]
dyla, n. m. master. [Kd. dyd; Tk.]
~ z lani, n. f. mistress. [Kd. ~zin]
aJlo, (defective vb., 3rd sg. pres.) one would say; a jle, (3rd sg. im perf.) one would
have said.
ojldxa, n. f. hearth. [Kd. w a jd x; Tk. ojaq}
at, a. reddish-brow n, sorrel (horse). [= Kd.]
dlubaVu, n. m. small dark sour cherry. [= Kd.]
dlocVay, alocia-, v. i. ara~ , hang down.
aVif, n. m. fodder. [= Kd.; Ar. ca la f]
aim 1as, n. m. diam ond. [= Kd.]
dVos, n. m. itch. [= Kd.]
~ k a r ^ a y , v. t. itch.
aVat, n. m. pepper. [= Kd.]
dlkun, n. m. gold. [= Kd.; Tk.]
alulan, a. reddish-brow n (m aterial, etc.). [? Ar.]
dVaya, n. f. flag. [Kd. did]
emla, pers. pn. we, us. [ - Kd.]
umlecl, n. m. hope; ~ a w ldr, a., hopeful.
tumr, n. m. age. [Ar.]
([cyamra, n. f. order, com m and. [Ar. amr]
88 Nr. 3

am}ay, a-, v. i. come.

an 1a, pv. (v. § 24). See under simple verbs.
dn la, dem. pn. (v. § 16 (c)). that.
iiha, dem. pn. (v. § 16 (c)). this.
d n ld, in ld, avv. (v. § 45 (a)), voila, voici.
ang^usa, n. f. finger. [Sul. amust, Sin. angus}
~weVa, n. m. finger ring. [Kd. ~i7a]
linjd, av. then. [= Kd.]
anjanVay, anjan-, v. t. (pres, minjari-). chop. [Kd. anjinin]
anfanVa, a. chopped.
a n n ld, av. otherwise, if not. [Kd. agind, aynd]
ennla, av. so (m uch); ~ w . . ., as m uch as . . . [Kd. aw anda]
(c)annldm , n. m. body; ~//n mes\o, (every bone in) my body aches.
annazla, n. m. m easure; ~ girt1ay, v. t., m easure.
cdq]il, a. wise. [= Kd.; Ar.]
dr-, see awirday.
er, n. in. fire. [Kd. digir]
~ war (ana)bi^ay, v. i. catch fire; ~ // war bona, (approxim ately) dam n you! [Kd.
~ te bar bun]
~ war (ana)d^dy, v. t. set fire. [Kd. ~ bar ddn(awa)]
ar'cr, pv. (v. § 24). See under simple verbs. [Kd. da]
dr'o, av. today. [Note, not -r-]
a r fa y , arfdn-, v. t. (pres, nurfdn-). snatch. [Kd. rifdnin, firdnin]
drldin, n. m. rest; ~ /( bo, be still!
~ girt1ay, v. t. settle down.
drlaq, n. m. sweat. [= Kd.; Ar. ¿araq]
~ kard^ay, v. t. sweat. [Kd. ~ kirdin(awa)]
araz^u, n. m. desire; ~ nh an(n), a., desirous. [= Kd., ~m an(d)]
araznlo, n. m. elbow. [Kd. dnisk; OP arasni-, v. A-B, 307 1'.]
as-, see witay.
is1a, av. now. [= Sin., Sul. esta]
1awsdi, av. then, long ago. [= Kd.]
]dska, n. f. gazelle. [Kd. asik]
ast, n. m. origin; ^~ana, originally. [Ar.]
(t)dsm)an, n. m. sky, heaven.
asdn-, see asduy.
as1in, n. in. iron. [= Kd.]
asp, n. in. horse.
isrdlhat, n. m. rest, repose. [= Kd.; Ar. istirdhat]
asari^ay, asar-, v. t. (pres, misar-). wipe. [Kd. Sirin]
astray, dz-, v. t. (pres. mdz-). let, allow; ara-dskay, let down. [Kd. hestin, hei-; dd ~ ;
cf. Pth. hist, hirz-]
Nr. 3 89

dstay jdd, v. t. leave behind, abandon. [Sul. ba je hestm]

esbay, ez-, v. t. (pres, mez-); awa-esOay, find. [See also hur ~]
*dstdnla, n. m. (B-C, astana). threshold. [= Kd.]
ds^dw, n. m. mill.
disdw^dn, n. m. miller.
as^dy, asdn-, v. t. (pres, misdn-). take, buy. [Kd. san(d)in, sen-]
es^aw, av. tonight.
dskirld, a. evident, obvious. [= Kd.]
(i)satfa, int. God willing. [ = Kd.; Ar. In sd’ alldh]
¿asq, n. m. love. [Ar.]
casdq, a. loving, in love, lover; casJq lu . . ., in love with . . .; crHG/'d, he is in love.
[Ar.]
es^ay, es-, v. i. (pres. mes-). hurt, ache. [Kd. esd/z]
esn^dy, esn-, v. c. (pres. mesn-). hurt.
a$ddiy, v. aux. (v. § 41 (a)), must, ought.
itdr, av. any more, moreover, further. [Kd. itir]
aw 1a, -o, pv. (v. § 24). See under simple verbs. [Kd. -awa, -o]
1dwi, n. f. water. [Kd. dw]
awadanli, n. m. inhabited place.
dwrhi, a. hungry; ~n, he is hungry, starving.
~, n. m. hunger; ~s-d, he is hungry (now ); ~ye, av., from hunger.
dwirdhiy, dr-, v. t. (pres, mar-, past dwdrd-). bring; set to. [Sin. hawirdin, er-, Sul.
henan]
duhdit, n. m. desire. [= Kd.]
caywazhl, n. m. rew ard, retribution. [Ar., by ¿iwad out of waddtal]
cayhlr, a. cunning; ~ lz, n. m. trickery. [Ar.]
diz-, ez-, see dstay, estay, resp.
dzld, a. brave. [= Kd.]
dzhld, a. free. [= Kd.]
caz1«/, n. m. eternity without beginning. [Ar. azal]
izn, n. m. perm ission. [= Kd.; Ar. Idn]
aznasdly, azndis-, v. t. (pres, miznds-). know, recognize. [Kd. ndsin]
azn(aw )ilay, aznaw-, v. t. (pres, miznaw-, past ^azn(aw)i-). hear. [Sin. zinaftin,
zinaw -]

ba, prep. (abs. form p a n la). by, on, to; ~ . . . -ara, on, through; ~ . . .-awa, about,
against, with; ~ be, without.
ba, part. (v. § 41 (b)). let . . . (+ subjunctive). [= Kd.]
be, prep, without.
bdb^d, n. m. grandfather; ^gawr^a, great-grandfather.
bib1in, n. m. sash, cum m erbund.
bdblat, n. ja ~u, cpd. prep., about, concerning.
90 Nr. 3

batf, a. bad ; ~ o r la/’/, a., ill-behaved.

be-da^i, n. m. injustice.
be-dlang, a. quiet, noiseless; ~ew, av., quietly.
baydlaxa, n. f. flag. [Kd. bayddx; Tk. bayraq]
be-hlos, a. unconscious; ~ 'i, n. m., unconsciousness.
bahlast, n. m. heaven, paradise.
bal, a. erect (penis). [= Sin.]
bal, n. m. arm , wing. [= Kd.]
bal1a, n. m. calamity, m isfortune; (see also gize). [= Kd.; Ar.]
baVu, n. m. oak. [Kd. baru; Ar. ballut]
b lalku, av. perhaps. [= Kd.]
balokla, n. m. clitoris. [= Sin.]
balam, cj. but. [= Kd.]
*biles]a, n. m. (B-C, belesae). flame. [= Kd.]
ban, n. m. woollen string. [= Kd.]
b'ayn-u, cpd. prep, between.
bon1a, n. ja ~w , cpd. prep., for the sake of, on account of.
buddy, bin-, v. t. (= bastay). tie, bind.
bdqd, n. m. rem ainder, balance, change. [Ar.]
b loqa, n. f. push; ~ nidy p h , v. t., push.
bar, av. outside; ~ anday, come forth; ~ a w ir^a y , take off, doff; ~ kariVay, put out;
~ lulay, go forth; ~ s i1ay, emerge, escape.
bar, n. m. load; ~andak, n. m., (lit. ‘load of salt’), fine fellow (used sarcastically);
~ w isfa y , v. t., unload.
barla, n. m. door.
bTr^d, n. in. brother [= Kd.]; ~ y atfa-w-babad, full brother; tatad, half brother;
~ z !d, n. m ./f., brother’s child, nephew, niece; ~ z lani, n. f., brother’s wife, sister-
in-law.
Mr'o, n. m. (pi. biro]e). eyebrow. [== Kd.]
b a r^a y, bar-, v. t. take, carry; ~ sar, carry out, complete.
birdVui, n. f. a type of ? cornel, dogwood tree. [Kd. bataluk]
barall\d k a r ^ a y , v. t. set loose, free. [Kd. b° (< bar-hal-da) kirdin]
bar1an, n. m. ram . [= Kd.]
birdnj, n. m. (polished) rice.
birest1ay, birez-, v. t. roast.
birday, bir-, v. t. cut. [Kd. birin]
barz, a. high. [= Kd.]
barzlaq, n. m. drinking glass, tum bler. [Kd. pardax; Tk. bardaq]
bds, n. m. talk, m ention. [= Kd.; Ar. bahO}
baskay, bas-, v. t. (= bindiy). tie, bind. [Kd. bastm, bas(t)-]
basazidan, a. poor, unfortunate, harm less. [Kd. basazImdn]
b ]asa, n. f. share, portion. [Kd. bas]
Nr. 3 91

b laa, n. f. smell. [Sin. bo, Sul. bon]

bdw azlani, n. f. step-mother.
box, n. m. orchard; n. m., garden; ~ a w lan, ~caw lan, n. m., gardener. [= Kd.]
b o x 1ala, n. f. bosom, embrace. [Kd. bdxal]
bax$lay, baxd-, v. t. 1. forgive; 2. distribute.
blaxta, n. f. luck, fortune.
bVay, b-, v. i. be; ~ ba . . ., become.
biablan, n. m. desert.
bacz, n. ~ew, some. [Ar.]
bdz, n. m. falcon.
bliza, n. f. goat. [Kd. bizm]
bizVa, n. m. kid.
bazaar, n. m. m arket.
frez’dr, a. weary, disgusted.
bazaH, n. m. ~ amay porla, have pity, compassion on. [Kd. bazai pyd h d tm ]

cd, av. (= *ja a), there; dim\d, thereafter.

ce, av. (= *ja e). here; dim\d, hereafter.
£(/)-. Cpd. form of the prep, ja , e. g. cd, di, drklo = *Ja a, i, ko.
ci, inter., indef. a. what, whatever.
ci, av. why?
co, abs. prep., see ja . . .-awa,
do, n. m. wood (as a m aterial).
cu, av. how? (only in the following context); ~ z lanu, how should 1 know? [Kd. cu
zdinim ]
cak, n. m. weapon. [= Kd.]
c^oka, n. f. knee (in the following phrases); lu\dy c lokera, go down on the knees (in
hum ility); s\aru cok^d, kneeling, sitting on the heels. [Sul. cok, Sin. cuk]
cokVa, n. m. dry twig. [Sin. cukala]
dll, a. forty.
dot, n. m. wilderness, desert. [= Kd.; T k.j
c ]ata, n. f. pit. [Kd. cal]
caVama, n. f. wish-bone (with which a game sim ilar to philippina is played. After
two people have broken the bone, whenever one hands anything to the other the
recipient m ust say ‘I rem em ber,’ the first to forget having to pay a forfeit.) [= Kd.,
calamadkena, the game]
calt^iik, n. m. rice in the husk. [= Kd.]
dam, n. m. eye; ~ rastlay, v. t., apply kohl to the eyes.
camera, n. m. spoon.
damn1a, a. such as that; av., like that.
cim nla, a. such as this; av., like this.
dm(n), cinn'a, a. some; d^mnew, some time.
92 Nr. 3

cun, cj. since, because.

¿an^a, abs. prep., see ja.
c lani, n. f. needle.
canH, prep, w ith; av., how?
canak^a, n. m. chin [Sul. candiga, Sin. cindka]
~ d ldy, v. t. chatter; candik\e ndada, do not chatter!
c m 1dr, n. m. oriental plane tree.
dmi^ay, cm-, v. t. pluck. [Kd. cinin]
cap, a. left.
dap1oka, n. f. dow nw ard blow with the open h and; capok-dldy, v. t., slap. [Kd. capok,
~ dan ]
c ler-u, cpd. prep, under; ~. . . -ana, below. [Kd. la zer (. . . -da)]
ciruc^am, n. m. face. [Kd. cir-u-cdw]
carm^a, a. white. [Sin. carimg, Sul. carmu]
cd(r)Slua, n. f. bridal dress; ~ posldy, v. t., don the bridal dress. [Tk. carsaf < NP
cddar-i sab]
cirldwi, n. f. lam p.
cirday, cir-, v. t. call. [Kd. cirin]
ces, inter, pn. what?
c lasti, n. f. meal, (any boiled) food; ~ n g ld, n. m., m id-m orning mealtime. [Kd.
cest, ~angdw]
cat^a, n. m. robber, brigand. [= Kd.; Tk.]
dew, n. m. thing.
cawlal, av. previously, before that.
dew^al, av. previously, before this, ago.
cular, av. inside. [Kd. zur]
ciddir, a. four. [= Kd.]
~ c lo, n. m. door-fram e.
~£pa, a. fourteen.
~m erdla, n. m. sitting cross-legged; ■— p ekldy, v. t., sit cross-legged.
cox^e, n. f. hom espun ‘chogha’ jacket; cox\a-w-rdnlik, hom espun jacket and trousers.
[Kd. coxa, rdnik-u— ]
caxndax, n. m. steel (ring) for striking on flint (see tawani). [= Kd.; Tk. caqmaq]
cdiy, n. m. tea; ~parzlen, n. m., tea-strainer.

da, a. ten.
dad, n. m. cry for help; hay ~ , alas!; biydiwa ba ~lin, help!
didla, n. m. face. • . . . . .
dnVan, n. m. tooth. [= Sin., Sul. dan]
du(d)arli, n. m. window.
dagld, n. f. village. [Kd. de]
dah)am, a. tenth.
Nr. 3 93

duklal, n. m. smoke. [= Kd.]

dil, n. m . heart; ~ g ik d n , a., sad. [= Kd.]
d lala, n. f. bitch. [Sin. dal, Sul. del]
dike, prep, inside, among; ~na Skay, v. i., perish, be lost.
d lola, n. f. valley. [Kd. dol]
daw lankan(n), a. rich; ~ li, n. m., wealth. [Kd. -man(d)]
dildnle, n. f. child’s swing. [Sul. dildna, Sin. delakdne]
drier as^ a, n. m. centre, middle. [Kd. cf. nawarast]
dawkat, n. m. wealth. [Ar.]
dileyanrii, n. m. furniture and fittings, contents of a house.
dam, n. m. 1. m outh; 2. blade. [= Kd.]
dim, n. m. penis.
dim, n. m . side, half (of the face). [Kd. dim]
dam-i, cpd. prep, at (the moment of). [= Kd.]
d im ld, av. afterw ards; ~w , cpd. prep., after; ~w a, av., afterw ards, from behind;
(see also cd, ce). [Kd. dud]
dany, n. m. noise, fame. [= Kd.]
~ bar kardlay, v. t. m ake a nam e for oneself.
danriuk, n. m. beak. [Kd. dan(d)uk]
doikdy, don-, v. t. talk to.
dinka, n. m. world, life. [Ar.]
ddr, n. m. (in the following phrase); -a ra karikay, hang up (coat, etc., on anything).
[Kd. ddr ‘tree’]
dur, a. far, distant.
dak a, n. m. stream.
d lara, n. f. wild sow. [Sin. dar ?]
darblan(n), n. m. gully. [Kd. darban(d)]
darblas, a. concerned; ~ with. [Kd. darbas(t)]
darajla, n. m. degree; ~nn, within m easure. [Ar.]
darm lan, n. m. 1. m edicine; 2. gunpowder. [= Kd.]
diriinj, n. m. dem on, ogre. [= Kd.]
dirios, a. (in the phrase) ~ kardlay, m ake. [Kd. dirus(t) kirdm]
ddrislan, n. m. wood, forest. [Kd. ddris(t)dn]
diride, n. f. lie, falsehood. [Kd. diro]
diraw 1an, n. m. hired reaper. [= Sin.]
diriaxt, n. m. tree.
daridny, ddr-, v. t. irrigate. [Sul. ddstin, der-]
dirk ay, dir-, v. t. tear. [Kd. dirin]
dirk ay, diria-, v. p. be given. [Sul. dirdn]
diriez, a. long; ~ d li, n. m., length. [= Kd.]
das, n. m. h a n d ; (see also aw).
~ karday ba . . ., v. t. begin to . . .
94 Nr. 3

das1a, n. m. group of ten (nuts, etc.), suit; das\ew j lde, a suit of clothes.
das/zgirldn, n. in. fiancé [= K d.] ; - a , n. f., fiancée.
d lisdn, av. again. [= Kd.]
d last(a), n. f. plain.
dew, n. in. demon. [= Kd.]
c/'ue, a. two.
daw'a, n. m. dem and, request. [= Kd.; Ar. dacwd]
dulam, a. second.
da w an1ay, see day.
dudnz^a, a. twelve.
diw^dr, n. m. wall.
duarld, n. m. road fork, junction.
duarli, see dudar]i.
diw dxldn, n. m. reception room. [= Kd.]
duldy, du-, v. i. talk (nonsense, too m uch). [Sul. dudn]
ddxom, part, (introducing a question, approx.) I wonder. [Kd. ddxo(m)]
dày, da-, v. t. (pres. mida-). give; ~ p a n }ay (day + pana, with repeated infinitive
m orphem e -y), give to; ddw anlay, v. t. (v. § 24 (a)), hit, strike, set off.
d i]ay, win-, v. t. (= win^dy). see. [Kd. din, bin-]
day1ana, n. f. wet-nurse, foster-mother. [Sin. dâyân, Sul. ddyan]
dayeqla, n. m. m inute. [Sul. daqqa; Ar. daqlqa]
d ildr, a. visible; ~ . . . -awa, attending upon. [= Kd.]
d ilây, dia-, v. i. (pres, midia-). look; ~ pay, look at.
dizVay, diz-, v. t. steal. [Kd. dizin]
dizm lan, n. m. enemy. [= Sin., Sul. duzmin]

fdhisle, n. f. whore. [Ar. fdhisa]

fahisaxan]a, n. m. brothel.
f W a ^ a ) , a. such-and-such.
faldq\a kardlay, v. t. bastinado. [Ar. falaqa]
fer, a. skilled, expert; ~ b ilay, v. i., learn. [Kd. fer bun]
fh^a, a. m uch; av., very. [= Sin.]
farm dwldy, farmdw-, v. t. order, deign. [Kd. farmun]
farslaq, n. m. league, parasang. [Sin. firsaq]
firdw^an, a. abundant. [= Kd.]
fd rlay, far-, v. t. change, exchange; a w a - , exchange.
fisdrlay, fisdr-, v. t. press.
foba, n. m. towel. [= Sin.; Ar. futa]
fawtin^dy, fawtm-, v. c. destroy.
fawtVay, fawtia-, v. i. perish. [Sul. fawtdn; Ar.]
fd y ^ a , n. m. advantage. [= Kd.; Ar.]
Nr. 3 9 r>

gu, n. m. faeces; - kardlay, defecate. [= Kd.]

g a flay, gaf-, v. i. bark (dog). [Sin. gafa lardin]
goj, a. crippled, palsied (lim b). [= Sul.]
gijli, n. m. shirt.
gul, a. leprous; unpleasant, loathsome. [= Kd.]
gaVd, n. m. leaf. [= Kd.]
g^ola, n. f. w ater channel (between rows of tobacco, etc.). [Kd. gol ‘pool, puddle’;
Tk. gol]
gelnlay, getn-, v. c. aw a~ , turn over; relate.
geVas, n. m. cherry. [= Kd.]
glitua, n. f. throat. [Sin. gala, Sul. garu]
giiula, n. m. gorge, gully. [Sul. gam]
gel1ay, gel-, v. i. go about, w ander; ~ pay, look for; aw a~, return. [Sul. gaf an, Sin.
garidn, le ~ , ~awa]
gulzldr, n. m. flower garden.
gim, a. lost.
gandal, n. m. he-dog. [= Kd.]
gim lez, n. m. urine; ~//n me, I need to m ake water.
gin-, see kaw tay.
gun, n. m . testicle. [= Kd.]
gldni, n. f. copulation; (see gay).
gdinma, n. f. wheat. [Kd. gamin]
gip, n. m, cheek. [Kd. gup]
gir, a. caught. [= Kd.]
gir^aw, n. m. wager.
gawrla, a. big. [ = Kd.]
gir(d), a. all, every; gdrdima, all of us.
gdroew, every day.
gar^Van, n. m. neck. [= Sin., Sul. gar dan]
gar]ak, a. (v. § 28 (c)). [= K d .; Tk.]
gorakla, n. m. calf. [Kd. goraka]
garni, a. w arm , hot; ~ 'd, n. m., heat.
girirday, girin-, v. c. boil.
girawn^dy, girawn-, v. c. m ake weep, cry.
goranlia, n. f. song. [Kd. gordni]
gordniivlac, n. in. (professional) singer. [Sul. ~bez]
girs'ay, girs-, v. i. coagulate, stiffen. [Sul. gi/irsan, Sin. girsidn]
girt^ay, ger-, v. t. take, seize. [Kd. girtin, gir-]
gorawdi, n. m. sock. [Sul. gorawi, Sin. gorwd]
girawldy, giraw-, v. i. weep, cry. [Kd. giridn, giri(a)-]
girVdy, giria-, v. i. boil. [v. Morgenstierne, A. 0., I, 273; cf. N. Bal. graday]
girVdy, giria-, v. p. be blocked.
96 Nr. 3

gasOay, gaz-, v. t. bite, sling; awa~, bite oneself (in surprise, anxiety, etc.). [Kd.
gastin, gazin, ~awa]
goS, n. m. ear; ~ cj bVay, hear, overhear. [Kd. go, ~ le bun]
gost, n. m. meat.
g^dwa, n. f. ox, bull. [Kd. ga]
gdwas^in, n. m. ploughshare. [Kd. gdsm]
giwklw, n. m. grass. [Kd. gin]
gay, ga-, v. t. (pres. miga-). copulate with. [Kd. gdn, ge-]
*gildn, n. in. (B-C, gjdn) soul. [= Kd.]
gdz, n. m. pincers. [= Kd.]
gozaVe, n. f. pitcher, jar. [Kd. gozala]
g^ize, n. (? pi., in the sentence) batd-m dd gtze-t-ara, blast you!
gizVdy, gizia-, v. i. fight.

yam, see xam .

y^ayr-u, cpd. prep. ( + negative), except. [Ar.]
yardb, a. strange, foreign. [Ar.]

hac, a. whatever, whichever. [ = Sul. < harc(i)]

hie, a., pn. any(thing); (with a negative) no, nothing.
hawefa, a. seventeen.
hafha, a. seventy.
*haftaw dnla, n. m. (B-C, liseft wand), the Great Bear. [Sin. haftaw dndn, Sul. lxawta-
wdna]
hijb i, n. m. betrothal.
hajgHz = hargHz (by substitution of hac, q. v., for har).
hakdylata, n. f. story. [Kd. hakdyat; Ar.]
lull, n. m. state; ba har ~, in any case, nevertheless. [Ar.]
lhaVu, n. m. plum . [Sin. haluca, Sul. hahiza]
2haVu, n. m. eagle. [= Sin., Sul. hato]
heVa, n. in. egg. [Kd. helka]
h^alci, n. f. m ushroom .
heVaki, n. f. fine sieve. [Sul. hetak/g; Tk. elek]
*heldnla, n. m. (B-C, halan). nest. [= Kd.]
h^alsi, n. f. tear, sob. [Sin asrin, Sul. firmesk]
halu^e, n. f. smallpox.
hoWar, n. m. baby donkey. [B-C, s. v. holi (unknow n to T ahsin)]
haViza, n. f. m ussuck, skin used as a churn, [cf. Sul. hiza]
himhlm, n. m. bath-house (especially ‘T urkish’). [Ar.]
~ la m 1is, a. bathed. [Tk.]
h a m 1in, n. m. sum m er. [Sul. hdwin]
hangar, n. m. store, granary. [= Sin., Sul. cam m dr]
Nr. 3 97
hdm sld, n. m. neighbour. [Sin. hdwsd, Sul. hawse]
liamW a, av. always, constantly.
hin, pn. th at; ~ a k ]aw . . ., that of . . . .
h d n la, n. m. spring, source. [Kd. kani]
h a n g luri, n. f. grape(s). [Sin. hangar, Sul. tire]
hanasla, n. m. breath, sigh; ~ hur ke§]ay, v. t., heave a sigh. [= Kd., ~ hal keSan]
hoq^a, n. m. oke (a m easure of weight). [Sul. hoqa; Tk. oqqa]
har, n. m. donkey. [Kd. kar]
har, a. each, every; whatever, whichever; av., always, absolutely; only, merely.
[= Kd.]
har, a. wild, m ad. [= Kd.]
hor, n. m. double grain-sack for loading on a mule. [= Kd.]
hawr, n. m. cloud. [= Kd.]
hur, pv. (approxim ately ‘u p ’, forming the following cpd. verbs): [Kd. hal]
~ astray, az-, v. t. toss (a coin).
~ ( e)stla y , (e)z-, v. i. get up, stand up. [Kd. hat s(t)dn]
~ ezn^dy, ezn-, v. c. m ake stand up.
~ d ldy, da-, v. t. throw up; d ldy, uncover. [Kd. ~ dan, -awa]
gelnldy, geln-, v. c. overturn.
~ girt^ay, ger-, v. t. lift; keep. [Kd. ~ girtm]
~ keSldy, kes-, v. t. pull up. [Kd. ~ keSan]
~ lustlay, lu$-, v. t. drink up, swallow. [Kd. ~ lusin]
~ rniSOay, miz-, v. t. suck up. [Kd. ~ mizin]
~ s tlay, see ~ estay; hursta-w-aranistlay, n. m., behaviour.
~ wast^ay, waz-, v. i. climb.
~ wdstlay, waz-, v. t. (pres. ~ maz-). hang up. [Sul. ~ wasin, Sin ^ d wist in]
~ waznldy, wazn-, v. c. m ake climb.
~ z ldy = ~ (e)stay,
h ]ara, n. f. m ud. [Sin. harig, Sul. qur]
lilarci, a., pn. whatever. [= Kd.]
h lardm(n), av. however much.
h^drtfi, n. f. flour.
liargliz, av. (with, or implying, a negative) never.
liarm ldna, n. f. work, task. [Kd. firm an (: farm dn ‘com m and’)]
har^in, a. m uddy, m ud-built.
hawresla, n. m. rabbit, hare, [Sul. karweSk, Sin. kawreiik]
haf^ay, har-, v. t. grind. [Kd. hdrin]
liorHa, n. f. houri. [Ar.]
liaslara, n. f. mule. [Sul. estir, Sin. hesir]
hasar'a, n. m. star. [= Sin., Sul. astera]
haslirua, n. f. mother-in-law. [Kd. xasu]
Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan.Vid. Selsk. 4, no. 3. 7
98 Nr. 3

hos, n. m. sense, aw areness; cand bn, take care of this (for m e); - / / Ja wef bo,
take care of yourself!
hosla, n. m. bunch (of grapes). [= Sin., Sul. hesu]
haspisli, n. f.! louse. [Sul. aspe, Sin. sipe]
haspi$lin, a. lousy. [Kd. ~w m ]
ldassa, n. f. bear [Kd. wurc]
hast, a. eight; ~ 'a , a., eighty; - 'a m , a., eighth.
hast a t1ui, n. f. peach. [Sin. hastdlu, Sul. qox]
hosVar, a. alert, careful; - 'i , n. m., care; ~ i kard'ay, v. t., take care (of).
hat, n. in. luck, fortune. [= Kd. < hdtm ‘com e’]
hawt, a. seven; ~ lam, a., seventh. [= Sul., Sin. haft]
haba, av. even [ = Kd.; Ar. hattd]
h lita, n. f. pair (of oxen with plough, unless otherwise defined); (see F /'a s ) . [Kd .ju t;
Av. yuxta-, not hita-]
h a w lat, n. in. inform ation. [Ar. ahwdl]
h a w lar, n. m. cry for help. [= Kd.]
hay, n. m. aw areness; - /- a , are you awake?
haz ka rd lay, v. t. like. [Kd. haz kirdm ; Ar. hazz]
hez, n. m. strength. [= Kd.]
hiz, a. lecherous. [= Kd.]
hoz, n. m. group of families forming a section of a village, sub-section of a tribe.
[= Kd.; ? < *hod < Av. haota-]
hizH, av. yesterday.
hezdme, n. pi. firewood. [Sin. liezim]
haz1dr, a. thousand.
hdzJr, a. ready. [Ar.]
hazdla, a. eighteen.
Idazga, n. f. bushy type of ? dw arf oak (especially cut and used as fencing). [Kd.
hazy]

ja, prep. (abs. form can1a), from, in; - . . . -awa, from, to.
jd, n. (in the following phrase) ba - dwircVay, v. t., carry out, perform .
jahaiudam , n. m. hell. [Ar.]
jujaVe, n. f. chick. [Kd. jujaia]
jd , n. m. - anakarcVay, v. t., don; - w a tlay, v. t., doff; j lde, n. m. pi., clothes [Kd.
PI]
jam , n. in. m irror.
jim iddy, jim n -, v. c. rock (a cradle).
jin fd y , jim -, v. i. move; a ra~ , set out. [Kd. jn n in , jiw in]
jar, n. m. time, occasion. [= Kd.; Mid. Pers. jar]
jor, n. m. m anner. [= Kd.]
jd rm ldz, n. m. prayer-m at. [Sin. jd n m d z]
Nr. 3 99

j ]ua, n. f. watercourse. [Sin. Juga, Sul. joga]

Juldb, n. m. answer. [Ar.]
}uldn, a. young; ~ lu, n. m., colt, foal. [Kd. judn ‘handsom e’, ~u]
Judnxlds, a. handsom e; ~ lz, n. m., good looks, [v. xds]
jVa, a. separate; (see dstay). [= Kd.]
jVati, j f d y , cpd. prep, instead of. [Sul. la jidti; Ar. jihdt]

ka, rel. part, that, who.

ke, inter, pn. who? [= Kd.]
ko, n. m ., see kas. [Sul. kew, Sin. kef]
ko, kogla, inter, pn. where?; diklo, where?; ciklowa, whence? [Kd. ko]
kabldb, n. m. cabob, m eat (usually m inced and seasoned) roasted on a spit; ~ c 1/,
n. m ., cabob-m aker, -seller; ~ x d n la, n. m., cabob-shop. [Ar., -ci Tk.]
kaf, n. m. foam, lather.
kawgHr, n. m. perforated ladle (for straining boiled rice). [= Sin.; NP kafglr]
kal, n. m. ibex, m ountain goat. [= Kd. ‘b u ck ’; v. A-B, 305, 349]
ktVa, n. m. kohl. [Kd. kil; Ar.]
kWo, n. m. lum p; kilo\ew saklir, a lum p, loaf of sugar. [= Sin.]
k lilka, n. f. finger. [Sin. kilk ‘finger’, Sul. ‘tail’; v. A-B, 305]
^ ward a, n. m. finger ring. [ = Kd.]
kalinde, n. f. word. [Ar.]
kefdna, n. f. sheath, scabbard. [Kd. keldn]
koVin], n. m. that part of the back between the shoulder-blades; ~im k a r^ a n , my
back aches (from cold). [Kd. klq o lllm j; Ar. qawlanj < Gk.]
k^Vds, n. m. cotton, rag shoe (sim ilar to Persian giua); h\itew WVdse, a pair of cotton
shoes. [= Sin., Sul. kald§]
katas^er, n. m. cock. [= Kd., v. kal]
kibdwa, n. f. skull-cap, bonnet. [Kd. k ila w ; Pth. kaldf]
keVay, kel-, v. t. plough. [Kd. keldn]
kam, a. little.
kdm, inter., indef. a., pn. which, whichever. [= Kd.]
kom, a. hunch-backed. [= Kd.]
kom la, n. f. heap, pile. [Kd. koma]
kam 1an, n. m. bow. [Kd. kawdn]
1kam lar, n. m. waist. [= Kd.]
2kam lar, n. m. rock. [= Sin.; N. Kd. kavr]
koifa, a. old. [Kd. kon]
k in d le , n. f. girl, daughter; kindcazld, n. m ./f., daughter’s child, grandchild. [Sin.
kmdca, Sul. kanisk]
kann^ay, kan-, v. t. dig. [Kd. kan(d)m ]
kinnhr, n. m. cotton thread. [Kd. kin{d)ir]
kanizle, n. f. lad y ’s m aid.
7*
100 Nr. 3

k lapra, n. f. bower, arbour. [Kd. kapr]

kor, a. blind. [Kd. kør]
kur, n. m. boy, son; ~ a zla, n. m ./f., son’s child, grandchild. [= Kd.]
ka rle, n. f. butter. [Kd. kara]
k ]drdi, n. f. knife. [Sin. kdrd, Sul. kerd]
kardlay, kar-, v. t. do, m ake; ana~, don (clothes); awa~ , open. [Kd. kirdin, ka-;
~awa]
k larga, n. f. hen.
kdraklara, n. f. m aidservant. [Kd. kårakar]
kJr^el, n. m. key. [Sin. kilel, Sul. kilil]
kdraw^dn, n. m. caravan. [Kd. kårwån]
kirkdy, kiria-, v. p. be done. [Sin. kiridn, Sul. kirdn]
kisla, n. m. pocket; kis/zbdxlala, n. f., inside pocket of a jacket.
k wsi, n, f.! vulva.
kåsibli, kdsp]i, n. m. work, livelihood. [Ar.]
kas, n. m. m ountain; ~ u ko, m ountains. [Kd. kaz]
k laski, n. f. dried butterm ilk. [Kd. kask]
keskay, kes-, v. t. (see also kesdy). weigh.
kuSbay, k ws-, v. t. kill.
kesldy, kes-, v. t. (see also kestay). pull. [Kd. keSán]
k wsi^dy, k wsia-, v. p. be killed.
k Jka, n. f.! cat. [Kd. kitik]
kaw bay, gin-, v. i. fall; ara~, fall down; - p ldh, lie down; ~ sonaw . . . . go after,
follow. [Sul. kaw tin, kaw-, Sin. kaftm , kaf-; pal ~ ; Søni. . . ~ ]
kikeb, n. m. book. [= Kd.; Ar.]
*kutupir, av. (B-C, 70 k(u)tiipor). suddenly. [= Kd.]
ka w la, a. blue, grey. [= Kd.]
k a w ld, n. m. m an’s long-skirted coat, w om an’s quilted coat. [= Kd.]
krlw'il, a. ruined, destroyed [= Kd.]; ~ b ila, having been ruined.
kdw hf, n. m. gelded sheep. [= Sul. ‘yearling lam b’; v. Morgenstierne, A. O., I, 273]
kñw akiri, n. f. pigeon. [Kd. kotir]
k u lCiy, ku-, v. t. beat, knock.
kex^a, n. m. headm an. [Sin. kex(w )d, Sul. køxd]
kidst1ay, kidn-, v. t. send.

Id, n. m. side; ~, prep., beside [= Kd.]

lie, n. m. lip; sardn, upper lip [Kd. lew]; ~ i war1in, lower lip [Kd. //<*].
laguán, n. m. basin. [= Sin., Sul. lagan]
layldm, n. m. bridle. [Sin. laydw, Sul. hydiw]
likn^dy, hkn-, v. c. stick, affix.
hkVdy, likia-, v. i. stick, adhere. [Sin. likidn, Sul. likdn]
lul, a. rolled; ~ ddy, v. t., roll up. [= Kd., ~ dan]
Nr. 3 101

luVe, n. f. tube, flute, gun barrel. [Kd. lula]

IdVo, n. m . m other’s brother, m aternal uncle [= Sin., Sul. .X’d/(o)]; ~ z1a, n. m./f.,
cousin; ~ z lani, n. f., aunt.
IddVay, latia-, v. i. awa~ , beg. [Sin. latidn-, Sul. lalan-, -awa]
lim, n. m. sand. [= Sul.]
Varna, n. f. stomach. [Sin. lam, Sul. zik]
Idmhsta, n. f. handful (see 1mista). [Sin. lam ist]
ldq, n. m. leg. [= Kd.]
*Vaqa, n. f. (B-C, II, Idqd). branch. [Sin. laq, Sul. liqjk]
liqafir^e, n. f. twitching of a dead chicken, etc. [Kd. laqafirte]
liqnVa, n. m. morsel. [Ar.]
ldr, a. bent. [= Kd.]
larzldy, larz-, v. i. tremble. [Kd. larzin]
leslay, les-, v. t. lick; awa~ , lick up, clean [Kd. lestin, ~awa]
lust^ay, lus-, see hur ~.
Vuta, n. f. 1. nose; 2. m ountain peak. [1. Kd. lut; 2. = Sin., Sul. lutka]
~ w a n ]a, n. m. nose-stud. [= Kd.]
lawafVdy, lawaria-, v. i. graze. [Sin. lawaridn, Sul. lawarin]
lulay, l(u)-, v. i. (pres. m il-), go; lua-fanlay, walk.

ma, n. f. cliff. [= Kd.]

me, n. f. waist.
me, a. fem ale. [= Kd.]
mac'ak, n. m. wrist. [= Kd.]
mociarH, n. m. advice, counsel. [Sin. dmozidri, Sul. -gdri]
midd^at, n. m. period, while. [Ar.]
midr^dy, midr-, v. i. stop, stand; ara~, stand up(right).
mi fa s1at, a. detailed. [Ar.]
mayrHb, n. m. sunset. [Ar.]
m ahlara, n. f. she-ass. [Kd. mdkar]
mijVdy, mijia-, v. p. spill, be spilt (see m itay).
nVaki, n. f. salt; (see bar). [Kd. xe]
met, n. m. rifle bolt [= Sin., Sul. mil]
mil, n. m. (n ap e of the) neck. [= Kd.]
miVa, n. m. m ountain pass.
ndVa, n. m. mouse. [Kd. misk]
malady, mat-, v. t. rub. [Kd. malin]
manda, n. m . (pi. m anfe). breast. [Kd. m am ik]
manVa, n. f. grandm other. [Kd. nana]
m dm lo, n. m. father’s brother, paternal uncle [= Sin., Sul. mam]; ~ z la, n. m ./f.,
cousin; ~ z lani, n. f., aunt. [Kd. dmoza, -zin ]
mamaVa, n. m. transaction, bargain. [= Kd.; Ar. muUlmala]
102 Nr. 3

m em 1an, n. m., - läna, n. f. guest. [Sin. m ay man, Sul. miwän]

m äm ]äna, n. f. midwife. [Kd. m äm än]
m m , n. m. a m aund, a m easure of capacity (= 1/3 tanaka).
manway, man-, v. i. rem ain. [Kd. man, men-]
m än]e, n. f. bleached skin bag for flour, etc. [Sul. hamäna, Sin. hawäna]
m länga, n. f. moon, m onth; ~ s lawa, n. f., moonlight. [Kd. mding, ~asaw]
m ängläwa, n. f. cow. [Kd. mängä]
m antareka, n. m. back-sight (of a rifle). [? Ar. manäzir]
m änkäy, m ania-, v. i. be tired; mänVä, a., tired. [Sin. mäniän, mäniäg, Sul. mändu
bun]
m ankila, n. f. cam p. [Ar.]
m äqlul, a. sensible. [= Kd.; Ar. matqul]
mär, n. m. snake; ~ängaz, n. m., one who has been bitten by a snake, who will not
forget a lesson. [= Kd.]
*mor, n. m. (B-C, II, mör). seal. [= Kd.]
m^afa, n. f. cave. [Sin. mar ‘cave used as a sheepfold’]
mära kardlay, v. t. m arry (a certain w om an). [Kd. ~ kirdin]
merd, n. m. husband; (see zani). [= Kd.]
m a r^ a y, mir-, v. i. die. [Kd. mirdin]
marg, n. m. death.
m akäq, n. m. desire, longing, anxiety. [= Kd.; Ar.]
m ä rä y , mär-, v. t. break.
m ärkäy, märia-, v. p. break, be broken.
masake, n. f. question, matter. [Ar.]
mäs'äwi, n. f. fish. [Kd. mäsi]
m äkäy, mäs-, v. i. swell. [Sul. äwsän, Sin. äwusiän]
m is]äy, *mis-, v. t. (rare, in proverb), learn, understand.
1m asla, n. m. green gram, a pulse. [Kd. mäs]
2m äs]a, n. m. trigger. [= Kd.]
1m lista, n. f. quantity that fills the two hands cupped together; m\isteiu ndaki, a
double handful of salt; (see lämista). [Kd. mist (sic)]
2m^ßta, n. f. aim ; m ist-girkay, v. t., take aim.
m istlay, miz-, v. t. suck. [Kd. mizin]
m ibay, mij-, v. t. spill, pour out.
m akia, n. f. m other’s or father’s sister, aunt [Kd. pur, m im ik]; ~ z lä, n. m ./f., cousin.
m litka, n. f. bush.
m aykar, n. m. groom. [= Kd.]
m ew la, n. m. fruit(s). [= Sin., Sul. miwa]
~Alaf, n. m. sg. fruit(s).
m lewi, n. f. vine. [Kd. mew] 1
mex, n. m. peg. [= Kd.]
mex^aki, n. f. clove. [Kd. mexak]
Nr. 3 103

maxVoq, n. m. people. [Ar.]

m laya, n. f. sheep, ewe. [Sul. me]
m dlini, n. f. m are. [Kd. main]
mez, n. m. table. [= Kd.]
mdzH, n. m. back.
miz-, see m ist1ay.
*miz(Va, n. m., or *mizdle, n. f. (B-C, nwzdd). good news. [Kd. mizda, also Sin.
mizgdni, Sul. mizgeni]
mazg, n. m. brain. [= Sin., Sul. mesk]

1no, a. (rare), new. [= Sin., Sul. no]

2no, a. nine; ~ wam, a., ninth.
ndc^ar, av. willy nilly.
nacHr, n. m. game, quarry. [= Sin., Sul. necir]
nariand, n. m. stupidity, blunder.
naldat, n. m. ill-luck. [= Kd.]
n laku, cj. lest. [= Kd.]
noklar, n. m. servant. [= Kd.]
m m , n. (in the following phrase) m m m m waday, rain finely, drizzle; ~ n lak, a.,
dam p; (see sawnim). [Kd. m m ‘dam pness’]
nim, n. m. half. [= Sin., Sul. niw]
nande, n. f. nam e; nam adlar, a. famous. [Kd. ndw, ~ddr]
mm)a, n. f. prayer. [Kd. naz]
nonda, n. f. filly. [= Kd.]
nim arlo, n. m. noon, m idday; nima$law, n. m., midnight. [= Sin., Sul. niwa-]
namVay, ndmia-, v. i. (pres. mi-). ara~, bend down. [Kd. dd nawin]
nan, n. m. bread; ~afaq^a, dry bread; ~awusk)a, plain bread.
naqide, n. f. goad; naqiza d lay, v. t., goad, prod. [Kd. naqiza, ~ dan]
ner, a. m ale; (see fudisa). [= Kd.]
nar^a, n. m. a large tree commonly found in cemeteries, ? oak.
naraldat, a. 1. difficult; 2. uneasy, distressed. [Ar.]
norla, n. ( ‘turn, tim e’ = Kd.); ~ k ]ar, n. m., servant, attendant.
nisldr, n. m. the shady side of a hill. [= Kd.]
nisdnle, n. f. target, fore-sight of a rifle. [Kd. nisdna]
nist]ay, nis-, v. i. (pres, minis-). ara~, sit down; awa~, settle, alight (of birds). [Kd.
nistin, dd ~, ~awa]
n lawta, n. f. oil. [Kd. nawt]
n a tijla, n. m. result; ~ na, finally. [Ar.]
n a w la<H, a. ninety.
rfw iskay, n:wis-, v. t. (pres, minhvis-). write. [Kd. nusin]
naudas, a. ill, unwell; ~ li, n. m., illness. [Sin. naxums, Sul. naxoS, ~z]
naxt, n. ( ‘small quantity’ in the phrase) ~ew, a little. [Kd. naxte(k); Ar. naqd]
 104 Nr. 3
n laya, n. f. cotton string.
nay^db, a. fine, beautiful; ~ ], n. m., beauty.
nVay, nia-, v. t. (pres, m m ia-) put; ara~, put down, decide, lose (a wager). [Sin.
nidn, Sul. nan, da ~]
nozla, a. nineteen.
nizHk, a. near [= Kd.]

/>-. Cpd. form of the prep. ba.

pa, n. m. foot. [Kd. pe]
pa, abs. prep., see ba . . . -awa.
pay, prep, for; ~ dlle, into, onto.
p lawci, av. therefore.
peclay, pec-, v. t. (= p etlay). awa~, w rap up. [Kd. pecanawa]
pars'd, n. m. king; ~*i, n. m., kingship; ~ z ldtf, n. m., prince; ~ y d n la, a., regal.
p i f le, n. f. lichen, tinder. [Sin. pifik, Sul. pusu]
p a y jla, n. m. ladder. [Sin. paynja, Sul. payza]
p laka, n. f. (in such phrases as) ~/n kawta, I became exhausted, distressed; awrdy
~ wistd, hunger distressed me. [Kd. pak kaw tin, x is tin ]
pekldy, pek-, v. t. hit a m ark. [Kd. pekdn]
p ekilay, pekia-, v. p. be struck.
pal, n. in. feather. [Kd. par]
pal, n. (in the following phrases) \~a d lay, v. t., lean back; kaw t\ay *~e, v. i., lie
down. [Kd. pal ddnawa, ka w tin ]
pdiVd, n. m. (pi. paVe). leather shoes (Persian kafs). [= Sin., Sul. peldiw ‘footwear’]
poVa, n. m. steel. [= Kd.]
pal-pal, a. in pieces. [= Kd.]
paW aw, n. m. overcoat. [= Sin., Sul. pdlto; Fr. paletot]
palaw^ar, n. m. bird.
p im lay, pirn-, v. t. m easure. [Sin. piwan, Sul. pewdn]
p a n la, abs. prep., see ba.
pan], a. five; ^ 'a , a., fifty. [= Sin., Sul. pen], ~a]
panz]a, a. fifteen.
par, n. m. side, edge; (see aw). [= Kd.]
par, a. full; ~ k a r ^ a y , v. t., fill. [Kd. pir, ~ kirdin].
pir, a. old.
parla, abs. prep., pa + -ara; ~ bVay, be on (the person, of clothes).
p ]irgi, n. f. bridge. [Kd. pird]
parslay, pars-, v. t. ask. [Kd. pirsin]
p^^a y (= p Irkay), p Ir-, v. i. fly; (see also ranga, war). [Kd. firin]
pos, n. m. skin. [= Sin., Sul. pest]
pasla, a. such (== pasna); av., thus, like that.
pesla, a. such; av., like this; prep., like.
Nr. 3 105

pas^ak, n. m. felt waistcoat. [= Sin., Sul. pastak]

pasan(n) k a r ^ a y , v. t. like, approve of. [Kd. pasan(d) kirdin]
pasn}a, a. such; (see pdsa).
paspasakoVe, n. f. spider. [Sin. -kola, Sul. jdljdloka]
pesla, n. m. bone. [= Sin.]
pIsiVe, n. f. cat, kitten. [Kd. piSila]
p r8q]ali, n. f. sheep dung. [Kd. pisqjkal]
past, n. ( ‘b a c k ’, in the cpd. prep.) ~ ba, away from.
p lasta, n. f. ~ w m lili, nape of the neck. [Kd. pistm il]
pe$wlaz, n. m. welcome, welcoming party of men. [= Kd.]
pos^dy, pos-, v. t. put on, don. [Kd. podin]
pdt^ay, pad-, v. t. chop; ara~, chop up.
peOay, pec-, v. t. (= pec^dy). aw a~ , tie up, w rap up.
p^ewa, av. together. [Sul. pekawa = ba yak-aw a]
pdwar^e, n. f. underpants. [Sul. darpe]
pawirida, a. barefoot, [v. I. Gershevitch, ‘Outdoor terms in Iran ian ’, A locust's leg,
London, 1962, 83 f.]
pew^diy, n. welcome; anday ~ . . . -awa, come to welcome . . . .
pi^d, n. m. m an. [Sin. pidg, Sul. pidw]
piaVa, n. m. tea-glass. [= Kd.]
p a 1iz, n. m . autum n.
p luza, n. f. calf (of the leg). [Kd. puz]
pazm, n. m. wool.
pizmn)ay, pizm n-, v. c. m ake sneeze.
pizm^dy, pizm -, v. i. sneeze. [Kd. p izm in }

qub'ut, a. accepted; ~ bkay, v. i., be accepted; ~ k a r^a y , v. t., accept. [Ar.]

qdc, n. m. leg, foot. [= Kd.]
qatf-u, cpd. prep, (up, down) the full height of. [Ar.]
qadaxla, n. m. prohibition. [= Sin., Sul. qadaya; Tk.]
qol, n. m. upper arm . [= Kd.; Tk.]
qalb, a. useless. [= Kd.]
qIli(n)dkla, n. m. tail. [= Sin.]
qolanc^e, n. f. beetle. [Sin. qolanca, Sul. qdlonca]
quVanji, n. f. a short span (between thum b and forefinger). [Kd. quldnj; Tk.]
qdVia, n. f. carpet. [Kd. qali]
qawm, n. m. relative, relation. [Ar.]
q]ama, n. f. (a section of) dug-out tree-trunk used to carry a watercourse across a
dip. [Sul. qam, Sin. ? qum ]
qim lat, n. m . price. [Ar.]
qan, n. m. sugar. [Kd. qan(d)]
qdni, n. f. anger, hate. [Kd. qin]
106 Nr. 3

qdnga, n. f. rum p, anus. (Kd. q!ng]

qonrla, n. m. (pi. qonr]e). European type of shoe. [Sul. k/qondarcr, Tk. qundura]
qon]axa, n. f. rifle butt. [= Sin., Sul. qonaya; Tk. qundaq]
q lapa, n. f. bite, snap; qap girtlay, v. t., bite, snap. [Kd. qap, ~ girtin ]
qerla, a. ruptured, having hernia in the groin. [= Sin., Sul. qor]
q e fa , n. m. shout. [= Sin.]
qernlay, qern-, v. t. shout. [Sin. qerdnin, Sul. qir-]
qarsaq'ul, n. m. horse dung. [= Sin., Sul. tars]
qor'at, n. m. power. [= Sin.; Ar. qudrat]
qurw laqi, n. f. frog. [Sin. qurwdq; Tk. qurbaya; Sul. boq]
qar^ax, n. m. edge. [Kd. qarax/y]
qirz]angi, n. f. crab. [Kd. qirzang, etc.; Mid. Pers. kyrzng]
qTs le, n. pi. talk; qha lcar^ay, v. t., talk. [Kd. qTsa ; Ar.]
q lasra, n. f. castle, palace. [Ar.]
qaslaw, n. m. curry com b; ~ kardlay, v. t., groom, curry (a horse). [= Kd.; Tk.
qasayi]
qut, n. m. piece, fragm ent; ~qut, a., in pieces. [Kd. kut]
qaw, n. m. public revelation of private business. [= Kd.]
qdw la, n. m. coffee; ~ li, a. brown, coffee-coloured. [= Kd.; Ar.]
qalnn, a. thick; ~ d li, n. m. thickness. [Ar.]
qoz^a, n. in. cough. [= Sin., Sul. kok/xa]
qoz]dy, qoz-, v. i. cough. [Sin. qozin, Sul. kokin]
q ]ize, n. f. hair. [Kd. qiz]
qiznldy, qizri-, v. t. scream. [Kd. qizdnm]

rd, n. f. road; l~na, on the road; (see also lady). [Kd. re]
ro, n. m. day; l~na, by day; (cf. aro). [Kd. foz]
ro, int. (of lam entation), alas! [= Kd.]
fu, n. ( ‘face’, in the cpd. prep.) ~ ba, ~-aw, facing, tow ards; (see rhia). [== Kd.]
rafkdr, n. m. behaviour.
rojildr, n. m. sun. [? = Sin., Sul. rozgdr ‘w eather’]
rek, a. tidy, arranged; ~ w istlay, v. t., arrange. [= Kd., ~ x is tin ]
r lola, n. (voc.). child! [= K d.; v. A-B, 330, s. v. zdru]
rolax^a, n. f. intestines. [Sin. felaxo, Sul. rixola; v. A-B, 137 f.]
ram ldy, ram-, v. i. (pres, m iram -). run. [Sin. randan]
r langa, n. f. colour; ~ p ir ldy, v. i., turn pale.
rangzlard, a. pale, wan.
ranjblar, n. m. muleteer. [= Sul. ‘labourer’]
raidk^e, n. f. hom espun trousers; (see coxe). [Kd. ramk]
raq, a. hard, stiff; (see nan). [= Kd.]
rds, a. true; l~a, n. f., truth. [Kd. rds(t), ~i]
restdiy, res-, v. t. spin. [Sin. restm, Sul. ristin, res-]
Nr. 3 107

ris, n. m. beard; ~ tä iläy, v. t., shave. [= Kd., ~ täsin]

~carm ]a, n. m. elder, greybeard. [Sin. *~carmig, Sul. ~sipi]
ms bn, a. light, bright. [= Sin., Sul. rundik]
rast1ay, raz-, v. t. cam ~, apply kohl to the eyes. [Kd. Fait in]
rut, a. bare, naked. [= Kd.]
r lua, n. f. face; ~ nVäy, v. t., set out. [Kd. ru, ~ n(i)an]
r läwa, n. f. hunting. [Kd. raw]
rulan, n. m. cooking oil, clarified butter. [Kd. ron]
ridän, a. free moving (of bowels). [= Sin., Sul. rawdin]
rucin\a k a r ^ a y , v. t. send off. [= Sin., Sul. rawäna, ~ kirdm]
rulasa, n. f. fox, vixen; ru\äseway n lera, a male fox. [Sin. riwi, Sul. rewi]
räwVar, n. m. traveller, wayfarer. [Sin. rebigär, Sul. -buär]
roxanla, n. m. river. [= Sin., Sul. rubär]
ruxs^är, n. m. face. *
räznläy, räzn-, v. t. awa~, adorn. [Kd. räzänmawa]

sä, n. (in the following phrase) ~ w ga r^a n i, shadow of the neck, (epitom e of a
w om an’s) beauty; (see also saiga, säya).
sä, int. well! then! [= Kd.]
si, a. thirty.
satb, n. m. m orning; \~ew, in the morning. [Ar. subh]
sa^ät, n. (in the following contexts) sa£dt(t) sii, six o’clock; satätew tar, another hour.
sa^äta, n. f. 1. hour; 2. watch, clock. [Kd. satät; Ar. säicat]
säbdm, n. m. soap. [= Sul., Sin. säwun; Ar.]
säbrlin, n. m. he-goat. [Sin. säwrin, Sul. säbren]
socn^äy, soön-, v. c. b u rn ; (see sotay).
sad, a. hundred. [= Kd.]
surf, n. m. profit, advantage. [= Kd.]
sijdla, n. m. prostration. [= Kd.; Ar.]
släla, n. f. year. [Kd. sät]
sdäm ]at, a. safe; ~ li, n. m., safety. [ = Kd.; Ar.]
saltan1at, n. m. authority. [= Kd., Ar.]
shndle, n. pi. m oustache(s). [Kd. simel; v. A-B, 131]
sinla, n. m. chest, breast. [Kd. si/ing]
sind, n. m. tray.
sinidoq, s^^oq, n. m. chest, box. [Sin. sinuq, Sul. si/an(d)uq; Ar.]
senz^a, a. thirteen.
säq, n. m. tree-trunk. [= Sin.]
säq, a. well, fit. [ = Sin., Sul. säy; Tk.]
sar äm)äy, v. i. come about, happen; (see barday). [Kd. sar hätin]
sir, n. m. secret. [Ar.]
sir, a. num b, paralysed. [= Kd.]
108 Nr. 3
sur, a. red. [= Kd.]
sarla, n. m, head. [Kd. sar]
s ]ar-u, cpd. prep, on, upon; ~ . . . -ana, across; ~ . . . -aum, over above, upon. [Kd.
la sar (. . . -dd)]
sawrlo, n. m. cow dung; ~ g ]ci, n. m., dunghill, m idden. [Sin. sawr, ~gd]
sard, a. cold; -^d, n. m., cold(ness). [= Sin., Sul. sard, ~i]
surijle, n. f. measles. [Sin. surija, Sul. sureza]
sarklase, n. m. pi. m ountain peaks; (see kas).
sar1in, a. upper.
sarnug1um, a. inverted, destroyed.
saru^as, a. intoxicated, tipsy. [Sin. sarxwaS, Sul. -xos]
sarwlat, n. in. riches; ~ m an(n), a., rich, wealthy. [Ar. Oarwat]
sdrdli, n. m. level place, plain. [Sin. sard; Ar. sahrd]
sot1ay, soc-, v. i. burn. [Sin. sutidn, Sul. sutcin, sut(e)-]
s^awi, n. f. apple. [Sin. sef, Sul. sew]
su]dla, n. f. begging; su\dl-kard]ay, v. t., beg. [Kd. sual, ~ kirdin; Ar.]
sudlklar, n. m. beggar; 1i, n. m., begging. [= Kd.]
sular, a. m ounted, horsem an; ~ la, n. m., cavalcade. [= Kd.]
saw 1ay, av. tomorrow. [Sin. suwa, Sul. sibay(ne); Ar.]
*suxm[a, n. m. (B-C, soxma). em broidered waistcoat. [= Kd.]
slaya, n. f. shade, shadow ; (see sa, saya). [Kd. sebar]
sdyla, n. m. (in the following phrase) ja ~ w x u ^d y o , in the shadow (i. e., under the
protection) of God. [= Kd.]
si1ay, sia-, v. i. (pres, misia-), see was ~.
sildw, a. black. [Kd. ras]
sVay, sia-, v. i. (pres. (mi)sia-). aw a~ , rest.
sawz, a. green. [= Kd.]

su, n. m. husband; - karday ba, m arry, take as husband. [= Kd.]

satf]i, n. m. happiness. [= Kd.]
$aflaq, n. m. dawn, twilight, dusk. [Ar.]
saklir, n. m. sugar. [= Sul., Sin. $akar]
*siklat, n. m. (B-C, II). complaint. [= Kd.; Ar.]
seldnle, n. f. apricot. [Sul. Selana, Sin. sildna]
SiVoq, n. in. disturbance. [= Sul., Sin. ? siluq]
silaqn]ay, silaqn-, v. t. churn (m ilk, by shaking and jolting in a haliza). [Kd.
silaqamn]
SeVay, M -, v. t. press, squash, knead, massage. [Kd. seldn]
sim sler, n. m. sword. [= Kd.] . .
^ a n 'a , n. m. shoulder. [Kd. san]
2sanla, n. m. comb. [= Kd.]
sawnhm , n. m. dew. [= Kd.]
Nr. 3 109

Sloni, n. f. track, trail, trace; S]ona-w, cpd. prep., after, on the trail of. [Sin. Son, Sul.
son, la ~i]
Sdnldy, San-, v. t. scatter, sow. [Sin. Sdnin]
Sdnzla, a. sixteen.
SapVaxa, n. f. slap on the face. [= Kd.]
Soqnlay, Soqn-, v. t. aw a~, shake. [Kd. Sakdnin]
Sdr, n. m. town. [= Kd.]
Sor-, see Sitay.
Sar^ab, n. m. wine. [Ar.]
Sorb]dwi, n. f. soup. [Sul. Sorbd, Sin. Sorwd]
s^arta, n. f. condition. [Ar.]
Sdr1ay, Sar-, v. t. awa~, hide. [Kd. Sdrdinawa]
Sas, a. sixty. [Kd. Sas(t)]
SiS, a. six; ~ lam, a., sixth. [Kd. sas]
SiSle, n. f. glass. [Sin. SiSa, Sul. SuSa]
SloSi, n. f. lung. [Kd. si]
Set, a. m ad. [= Kd.]
Sot, n. m . milk. [Kd. Sir; cf. Sul. Suti ‘w aterm elon’]
STt lay, Sor-, v. t. wash. [Kd. SJtin, so-]
Slawa, n. f. night; Slawe, av., at night; (see eSaw). [Kd. Saw]
Siwlan, n. m. m ourning, lam entation. [Kd. Sin]
Sudnla, n. m. shepherd. [Kd. Suan]
SewVay, Sewia-, v. i. be confused. [Sin. Sewidin, Sul. Sewdn]
Silay, v. i. (past only), go; pana ~ , go past (of time). [Kd. cun, pe ~]

td, cj., prep, until.

taczliya, n. f. m ourning. [Ar.]
tdblut, n. m. coffin. [Ar.]
tdif, n. m . torrent, waterfall. [= Kd.]
tTf li, n. f.! m ulberry; Vfaraan^e, n. f., red m ulberry (Pers. Sdhtut). [Kd. tu]
tJf\ang, n. m. gun. [= Kd.]
tagbHr, n. m. advice. [= Kd.; Ar. tadbir]
ta y ldr, n. m. a m ule-load (= ca. 600 lbs.). [= Kd.; Tk.]
tik 1a, n. m . morsel, handful. [= Kd.]
takblana, n. f. an old-fashioned type of sash. [cf. Sin. tak ‘side’]
toklit, n. m . skin, shell. [= Sin., Sul. tokil]
ta kn lay, takn-, v. t. shake (carpet, etc.). [Kd. takdnin]
tal, n. m. fine wire. [= Kd.]
tal, n. m . sprig. [= Kd.]
til, a. ~ o-bilay, v. i., roll. [= Kd., ~ bunawa]
leVd, n. m. staff, cudgel. [= Kd.]
taVism, n. m. magic. [= Sin., Sul. talasm; Ar. < Gk.]
110 Nr. 3
loin, n. m. seed. [= Sin., Sul. to(w)]
tamad^dr, a. desirous. [= Kd.; Ar. tamac]
tam lal, a. lazy. [= Kd.]
tam dsla, n. (in the following phrase) ~ kardlay, v. t., look at, see, watch. [Kd. tamasd
kirdin ]
tum laz. (w ord introducing an unexpected statement, approx.) would you believe it ?!
of all things . . . [= Kd.]
tang, a. tight; ~, n. m., girth, surcingle.
tanakla, n. m. a (4-gallon oil-)tin, (as a m easure of capacity) half a bushel. [= Kd.]
ta n ild, av. only; ba ~, alone. [= Kd.]
dopa, n. f. ball. [Kd. top]
taq, n. in. niche.
taq^ala, n. f. stitch. [Kd. taqal]
taqnlay, taqn-, v. t. 1. sift; 2. lire, let oil' (gun). [Kd. taqdmn]
taqVay, taqia-, v. i. ~ co, come into contact with, touch, graze.
tar, a. other. [Kd. tir]
tar, a. wet. [= Kd.]
dira, n. f. arrow. [Kd. tir]
turla, a. angry. [= Kd.]
tardk, a. dark.
karsi, n. f. fear. [Kd. //rs]
tars^ay, tars-, v. i. be afraid; tars^dye, av., from fear. [Sin. tirsidn, Sul. tirsan]
tirestla, n. m. adze. [Sin. tirasta, Sul. taswe]
tus-u, cpd. prep, facing, meeting; ~ . . . dm ldy, v. i., come across, meet. [Kd. tu s-i. . .
hat in]
to^a, n. m. provisions. [= Sin., Sul. tosu]
tdsldy, tas-, v. t. shave. [Kd. tdsin]
td tla, n. m. father.
tuka, n. m. dog. [Kd. tutik ‘p u p p y ’]
ta w lela, n. f. forehead. [Sul. tawet, Sin. tot]
taw'ani, n. f. stone; taw\ancaxm)ax, n. in., taw\anacaxmdx'e, n. f., flint. [Kd. bard,
k v cik ; Sin. kucik caxmdx, Sul. barda aste]
td w ldy, taw-, v. t. be able. [Sul. tndnin, Sin. tdnin]
tawVay, tdwia-, v. i. aw a~ , melt. [Sin. tdwidn, Sul. tudn, ~awa]
taxt, n. m. throne.
taxka, n. m. board.
taz^a, a. new. [= Kd.]
tez, a. sharp; ~o-kardhiy, v. t., sharpen. [= Sin., Sul. tiz; ~ kird in ]
taznla, n. m. thirst; ~ni-d, 1 am thirsty; taznldye, from thirst. [Sin. timg, Sul. tinu
‘thirsty’, ~in-a]

wd, n. in. wind. [Kd. bd]

wad-, wee-, see wdtay, wetay, resp.
Nr. 3 113
xvlVay, xulia-, v. i. a w a ~ , spin, w ander. [Sin. xulidn, Sul. xuldn, ~awa]
xaVuz, n. m. charcoal. [= Sul., Sin. zuxdl]
xam (yam ), n. m. w orry; ~ b lbr, a., sad. [Ar.]
x ir ldb, a. b a d ; ~ li, n. m., harm . [Sin. xirdw, Sul. xirdp, ~z; Ar.]
x a rlik, a. busy, engaged (in). [= Kd.]
xor^dk, n. m. food. [= Kd.]
xds, a. good. [= Sin., Sul. bds, cak; Ar. xass]
~ la, n. m. goodness. [= Sin., Sul. cdka]
xHVa, n. m. tickling; - d ldy, v. t., tickle. [Sin. xilke, Sul. xituka, ~ dan]
xdOuna, n. f. lady. [Kd. x a tu n ; Tk.]
xdibira, n. f. pay ~w , cpd. prep., for the sake of. [Kd. bo xatir-i; Ar.]
xida, n. m. laughter.
xidana, n. f. tray of food. [Kd. xudn]
x u ldy, xii-, v. i. laugh. [Kd. pe kanin]
xizm hit, n. m. service; ~ k ]dr, n. m., servant. [= K d .; Ar.]
x iz ldy, xiz-, v. i. slip, slide. [Sin. xizidn, Sul. x izd n ]

yo, pn. m. (f. y luwa). one.

ydgle, n. f. 1. place; 2. bed. [Kd. je(ga)]
yaganiSHn, n. m. successor. [Kd. je(ga)iusin]
ydgapld, n. m. foot-print.
yaldar, n. m. liver. [Kd. Jarg]
yak, a. one; ~ lam, a., first. [= Kd.]
~jdr, av. utterly, exceedingly. [= Kd.]
ya kd n la, n. m. wild boar. [= Kd.]
yakdir, pn. one another.
ydida, n. m. house. [Kd. mat, xanu; v. Benveniste, BSL, 53, 65 f.]
ydnz^a, a. eleven.
y lare, a. three.
ydrldy, yar-, v. t. (pres, miydir-). be able, equal to, cope with, dare. [Kd. werdn ‘d are’]
y lasa, n. f. hand span. [Sin. bingis, Sul. bist]
y lawa, n. f. barley. [Kd. Jo]
yhiwa, see yo.
y a w n 1ay, yawn-, v. c. cause to arrive; we(S)ana ~, take notice.
ydw'dy, yaw-, v. i. (pres, nuydiw-). arrive; ~ pana, come to the aid of; ana~, under­
stand, realize. [Kd. gain, gaistin, pe te ~]
yax, n. m. ice. [= Sin., Sul. sahot]

zu, a. early. [= Kd.]

zil, a. big. [= Kd.]
z lilfe, n. pi. side locks of hair. [Kd. z itf]
zilm, n. m. tyranny [Ar.]; ~-u-zlor, tyranny, oppression.
Hist. Kilos. Skr. Dan.Vid. Selsk. 4, no. 3. 8
114 Nr. 3

zam ld, n. m. bridegroom, son-, brother-in-law ; biay ba ~, becom e a bridegroom,

consum m ate the marriage. [Kd. zdwa, bun ba ~ ]
zamHn, n. m. earth. [Kd. zawi]
zim sfln, n. m. winter. [Sin. zusan, Sul. zistdn]
zam dw lanna, n. f. m arriage feast, (see zama). [Kd. zamdwan(d)]
zinnia, a. alive. [Sin. zinig, Sul. zin(d)u]
zang, n. m. bell. [= Kd.]
zangloi, n. m. knee. [Sul. azno, Sin. wuzing, zirani; v. A-B, 293, 342]
~ arad^dy, v. t., kneel.
zin], n. m. chin. [Sin. cinaka, Sul. candy a]
zanldy, zdn-, v. t. (pres, mizdn-). know. [Kd. zdnin]
zar, n. m. money. [= Kd. ‘gold’]
zor, n. m. force, power [= Kd.]; (see also zilm); ~ pay drndy, be under stress,
z/r'o, n. m. a white, vegetable powder for washing clothes.
zard, a. yellow.
zar1if, a. handsom e, beautiful; ~ 1i, n. in., beauty. [Ar.]
zdroVa, n. m. child; ~ 'i, n. m., childhood. [Kd. m in(d)at, ~ i; v. A-B, 330]
ziw, n. m. silver. [= Kd.]
zuldn, n. m. tongue, language. [= Sin., Sul. zimdin]
zaxm, n. m. wound. [Kd. zam, birin]
zdy, z-, v. i. (pres. miz-). give birth. [Kd. zdin, zdy-}
zid fa r, a. more, other. [Kd. zidtir]
z ildy, zia-, v. i. (pres, mizia-). ara~, go out.

zileqn'dy, zileqn-, v. c. (pres. mi-), squash (fruit, etc.).

zilewVay, zilewia-, v. i. (pres. mi-), move, budge, fidget.
z lani, n. f. wom an, wife; ~ dwircVay, v. t., m arry, take a wife. [Kd. zin, ~ hdwirdin /
he nan]
zanbh^d, n. m. wife’s brother. [Kd. zinbird]
zan-u-mer(Vi, n. m. the condition of being m an and wife, m atrim ony.
z langa, n. f. rust; zang-girfay, v. t., rust; zangas dwirdena = zange girtan, it has
rusted. [Kd. zang, ~ girt in]
za n ldy, zan-, v. t. (pres, (m i)zan-). 1. shut (door, etc.); 2. churn. [Kd. zan{d)m]
zinVdy, zinia-, v. p. (of zandy). zin ild, a., shut, closed.
za fa zi, n. f. partridge. [Kd. kaw]
ziufdy, ziw-, v. i. (pres, miziw-). live. [Kd. zidn]
Nr. 3 111

wuckVa, a. small. [Sul. b/picuk, -ckola, Sin. bucik]

wadla, n. m. time, occasion. [= Kd.; Ar. wacda]
w ahlar, n. m. spring. [Kd. bahdr]
w aklaza, n. f. staff, stick. [Sul. ddr-takdz; Ar. cukkaz]
wai, av. before, previously.
waVa, a. spread, scattered, broadcast; - awabVay, v. i., be spread. [Kd. bilaw, ~
bunawa]
wake, n. f. sister; wdiazld, n. m ./f., (also wdrazld) sister’s child, nephew, niece. [Sul.
xusk, Sin. xesk, ~azd]
whli, n. f. rose, flower. [Kd. gul]
wluia, n. f. hole.
wilk, n. m. kidney. [Sul. gvrcila, Sin. gurdik; v. A-B, 142]
wakdt, n. m. country. [Kd. w ila t; Ar.]
wiVdx, n. m. m ount, beast of burden. [= Kd. ‘horse’; Tk. ulaq]
w lini, n. f. blood. [Kd. xon]
wanawsla, n. m. violet; ~'z, a., violet(-coloured). [= Sin., Sul. binawsa, ~z]
wdirkdy, wan-, v. t. (pres, m iw an-). study; aw a~ , read. [Sin. xw anin, Sul. xon(d)m ,
~aw a]
w inlay, win-, v. t. see, (see diay). [Sul. bin in]
war, n. m. sun(light); - kawt, the daw n broke, (see kaw tay); - ¡drdm, the sun has
set, (see pirdy). [Sin. xumr, Sul. xor; with the latter idiom com pare Mid. Pers.
xwarpardn ‘sunset’ (v. BSOAS, 27, p. 518, n. 41), the stem here assim ilated to
the verb ‘to fly’.]
war, av. ~(anai) bkay, v. i., get free; fall upon. [Kd. bar bun(awa)]
war, av. dow n(w ards). [Kd. x w d r]
wir, n. m. mem ory. [Kd. bir]
warla, n. m. lam b. [Kd. barx]
w^ar-u (. . . -ana), cpd. prep, before, on account of; w\arana bi'ay = pora biay.
ward, n. in. ploughed land. [= Kd.]
wurd, a. sm all, line. [= Kd.]
wdrdlay, war-, v. t. (pres, (m i)w ar-). eat; (aum )~, drink. [Kd. xwdrdin, ~awa]
wary, n. m. wolf; ~ew i me, a she-wolf. [Kd. gury}
weragld, n. m. evening. [Kd. eanira]
warm, n. m. sleep. [Kd. xaw ; cf. Mid. Pers. xw am r/n < Av. x vafna-)
wdr^dn, n. m. rain. [Kd. bdrdn]
warHn, a. lower. [Sin. xwdrig, Sul. xw a ru \
werdn^a, n. m. ruin. [= Kd.]
wurn^dy, wurn-, v. c. scratch. [Kd. xurdnin]
wurn'dy, wurn-, v. t. destroy, demolish. [? Sin. ruxanin, Sul. ruxdnin < *xur-]
warlesa, n. f. woollen rope (for tying load on mule, etc.). [Kd. gures]
wiraskay, wirdz-, v. t. sew. [Sul. dirun, Sin. durin]
wurakay, wurak-, v. t. sell. [Kd. firo(s)tin]
warakdw, n. m. 1. sunshine; 2. sunny side of a hill. [Kd. xoratdw ]
112 Nr. 3

w larua, n. f. snow. [Kd. bnfr]

w drldy, v. i. (pres. wdro). rain. [Kd. bdrin]
wurVdy, wuria-, v. i. itch. [Sin. xuridn, Sul. xurin]
wdraz^a, see wale.
wis, a. twenty.
w astlay, waz-, v. i. rise, clim b; ara~, dism ount. [Kd. sar kaf/w tin, etc., hut dd bazin
‘dism ount’]
wast^ay, waz-, v. t. 1. request; 2. *hang, (see hur wdstay). [1. Kd. xw d stm , xw d z-]
w isfa y , wiz-, v. t. put, throw ; ara~, throw down. [Kd. xistin, dd ~ ]
was, a. pleasant; ~ silay, v. i., be pleasant; ~ im (mi)sio, I like him ; ~ li, n. m., pleasure.
[Sin. xwas, Sul. xo§, ~ z]
~ kardlay, v. t. make.
w as1a, n. m. sparrow -haw k. [= Kd.]
*we$la, n. m. (B-C, wesa). forest. [Kd. be§a]
wusk, a. dry. [= Kd.]
w e^ina, n. f. coarse sieve. [Kd. bezing)
wasawHs, a. beloved; ~ li, n. m., love. [Kd. xwa$/xosawis(t), ~z; v. KDS, I,
§ 220 b]
w a tlay, waz-, v. t. jil ~, take off clothes.
w d tlay, wdc-, v. t. (pres. mac-), say. [Kd. wutm , Sin. ez-, bez-, Sul. -le-)
wekay, wed-, v. t., sift. [Sul. bezinawa, Sin. bezanin]
w it1ay, us-, v. i. (pres. mus-). sleep. [Sin. x a ftm , Sul. x a w tin ]
w^aywa, n. f. bride. [Kd. buk]
waxt, n. m. time. [Ar.]
w ia r^a y, wiar-, v. i. pass. [Sin. bigirdm, Sul. burdin]
widrdlay, ( wiarlay), wiar-, v. t. pass (tim e). [Sin. bigdirdm, Sul. budrdin]
wiarVdy, widria-, v. p. pass, be passed (of time).
waz-, waz-, wiz-, see wastay, wdstay, wistay, resp.
waz, n. (in the following phrase) ~ cana d w ir^a y , v. t., leave alone, abandon. [== Kd.,
~ le hawirdm / hendn]
w ]azta, n. f. state, condition. [Ar.]
w lazi, n. f. walnut. [Kd. goz]
waz-, see watay.
wezlan, n. m. mastic of the terebinth tree; ~ k lar, n. m. mastic gatherer. [Kd. bluest]

x u d ld, n. m. God; ~ h a fizli, n. m., leave-taking. [Kd. xu{(j)d]

xug, n. m. pig. [= Kd.]
xul, a. circling, revolving. [= Kd.]
xilafiday, xddfn-, v. t. put off’, distract. [Kd. xild fd n in ; Ar.]
xuln)ay, xuln-, v. t. awa~, spin.
xulorka, n. m. spinning top. [Kd. xulxula]
xalatiddy, xalatn-, v. t. deceive. [Kd. x a la ta m n ; Ar. yalat]
 English-Hawram i and Gorani Index
In the following index (kindly compiled for the most part by my wife), beside
the H aw ram i m aterial recorded above, practically all the vocabulary contained in
H adank’s edition of M ann’s Gorani m aterial is included, together with the Shabaki
Bajalani published in BSOAS, 18 (1956). All the m aterial has, as far as possible,
been transcribed according to the same system as above, to avoid confusion (but
the user will still need to acquaint him self with M ann’s transcription and H ad an k ’s
peculiar arrangem ent in order to trace words in the original). A considerable num ber
of words have been reinterpreted in form or m eaning in the index, either on the
evidence given by H adank or on other evidence, m ainly Kurdish, impossible to quote
in detail. Although all forms (other than L and Sh) m ust accordingly be considered
as conjectural, I am confident that they will prove to represent the sources more
accurately than before.
It is worth noting that some of M ann’s shorter vocabularies, especially Au,
B and G, contain quite a high proportion of Kurdish words.

Abbreviations
Au A uram ânï (M ann) L Luhoni (MacKenzie)
B BiwanijI (M ann) R Rijabi (M ann)
Bj Bajalani (M ann) S Sayyidi (M ann)
G Gahwarai (M ann) Sh Shabaki (MacKenzie, BSOAS)
K K andülaï (M ann) Z Zardai (M ann)
= ‘the same in’ sa ‘approxim ately the same in ’

Abandon L astay jid, K 218 hast in; L abundant L firdwdn = R.

wdz cana dwirday. accept L qubul karday.
able, be L ydrdiy: v. can. acceptance K qawul.
about L ba . . . -awa, ja bdbat-u: v. a p ­ accepted L qubut.
proximately. accordingly K bas (!).
above L sar-u . . . -awa; K bar, bald, account K hasaw : on — of L ja bona-w,
sarawa, cuar <=» Bj. war-u.
absolutely L har. accustomed, become K 178 cdsidyn.
8*
116 Nr. 3

ache L s. v. k o lm j: v. hurt, ankle K qdpuli, G qdp.

across L sar-u . . . -ana. announce K 217 ja r kisdyn.
adhere L likidiy. annoyance K xafat.
adorn L awardzndy. another v. other.
advantage L fdyda, sad. answer L jndib, K judw .
advice L mociari, tagbir. ant G miruza.
adze L tiresta, K taraSta. anus L qinga ™ KG.
affair L mdmala & K; K bdw; Bj *Sul. anxiety L mardq.
affix L likndy. any L hie.
afraid, be L tarsdy. anything K cis yua.
after L dimdiw, K dim d; L sona-w, Bj appear (sun) L war kawtay, K 180
na sun-a; K bad kr. kaftan.
afternoon v. evening, appetite K astdya.
afterw ards L dimd(wa), K dimara. apple L sdiwi, K sdi, G siw.
again L disan; K dubdra, ham caw a; Bj approve L pasann karday.
ham; B dujdra. approxim ately K 235 ba qad, S wa qay.
against L ba . . . -awa; K pidy. apricot L Setdne; K caqdli; G zardalii:
age L cumr. — soup K qaysi-dw.
ago L cewat: lo n g — L awsdi. arbour L kapra.
agriculture G sawzikdli. arm L bat = KG; S zand: upper — L qol.
aid, come to — of L ydwdiy pana. arm pit K (bin)kas.
aim L mista, mist-girtay. , arm y K qusan; Bj laskar.
alas! L hay dad, ro. arrange L rek wistay.
alert L hosidr, K husidr. arrive L ydwdiy ** K 200: cause to —■v.
alight L awanistay. convey.
alive L zinna. arrow L tira % G.
all L gird = K; K ham a, Bj h a m u ; G articles K aspdw.
gist = S. artisan K sandtkdr.
allow L distay, K 218 hast in, Bj 416 drz-. as L jiati, jia y: K w axtay ** Bj: — much
alm ond K wdham, G bayam. as L ennaw.
alone L (ba) tanid = K, S taynd. ash K samdt, xul = G.
also K ham = BjGRZ; Sh (14) ce. asham ed, be Au 389 taqia kirdin; B 429
always L hamisa, liar = K. xalatid = Z.
am bush K kula. ask L parsdy fv K 188, S.
among L dile. at L dami.
ancestors Bj dbdd. attack K 216 hay kard.
and L u, wa. attendant L norakar.
anew Bj sar ca nu. attending upon L didr . . . -awa.
anger L qini; K qdir. attentive v. alert,
angle K gusa. auger K mati.
angry L edidiz, tufa. aunt L Idilo-, mamo-zani, matia ** K; G
anim al K jdnawar. mimi.
Nr. 3 117

authority L saitanat. bed L ydge; K taxt(i).

autum n L pdiz & KBjG. bee K hang; G wawa.
aw ait K 211 tdsim hard. beestings K dixnz.
awareness L hay, hos, K has. beetle L qoldnce, K xuldci.
away from L past ha. before L wal, war-u, K oar, Bj warwari,
G war; K pis.
Back L mdzi, kolinj; K past, Bj pist = beforehand K varana.
G; K kul, Sun = Bj: small o f — K beg L aumldlidy % K 208, Au; L sudl
ta tik ; G si wan i. karday.
back-sight of rifle L mantareza. beggar L sudlkar.
bad L xirdb, K x a ra w ; L bad, S bay; begging L sudla, sudlkari.
K dmal. begin L das karday ba ^ K 213; K 187
badger (!) K cdlaka. band bi.
baggage K bum. behaviour L hursta-w-araniStay, raftdr
balance v. rem ainder, = K.
ball L topa. behind Iv past: from — L dimdwa, K
bank K kandr. dirndra, Bj bi dim; Bj ca piStawa.
bare v. naked, behold! L and, ind.
barefoot L pawirua. believe K 183 nun *bard: would you —
bargain L mdmala. it! L tumaz ^ K 211.
b ark L gafdy. bell L zang = K.
bark of tree K tuk ddiri. bellows K muSadam.
barley L yawa, Bj yaw = GRSh, K yaya, belly v. stomach,
g id iv. beloved L waSawis.
basil K rayhan = G. below K wdr(iawa); v. dow nw ards: L
basin L lagan. cer-u . . . -ana.
bastinado L faldqa karday. bend K xir.
bat Sh samkorik. bend down L arandm idy.
b ath L himdim. bent L Idr.
bathed L himamlamiS. beside L Id, Bj ci Id (?).
be L biay K 185, et al. betrothal L hijbi.
beak L dannuk *=» K. betrothed L dasgirdn(a) = K, G daziiran.
bear L hassa & K; G xirs. better (L = ) K xdistar.
bear v. give birth, between L bayn-u.
beard L riS = KGSh. bewildered K hdzwdiz.
beast of burden L wildx. big L gawra = KBjG; L zil = K; K qay.
beat L kudy & K 218, Au. bile K zala = G; / geya.
beautiful L ndydb, zarif; K qaSang, xds. bin K kanu.
beauty L ndydbi, zarifi, sd-w gardani. bind L awapetay, bindy, bast ay.
because L cun, K dunki: — of K pay; G bird L palawar; K bdlddr = G; K mal
ardy. = B.
become L biay ba; Bj 414 gind (?). birth v. give birth.
118 Nr. 3

bit v. morsel, brand K ddx(a).

bitch L data. brass G birmj.
bite L qapa; K k u ta : L gastay, gap girtay. brave L dzd.
bitter K tat. bread L nan = KBG; K kuliri.
black L siaw = KSh; K sin = (i. break L mdridiy, K 204 miria; R 461
blacksm ith Iv dsmgar. sikid = Z: L mdirdiy Au 387, B j; K
blade L darn. 204 mdrd; G 443 sikani.
blast you! L s. v. gize. breakfast K cast, ndstd.
bleat K 209 qdtind. breast L mama & G; L sina = K.
blessed K muarak. breath L handsa = KG.
blind L kor. bridal dress L cd(r)sua.
blocked, be L giridy. bride L waywa, K wawa, G wawi.
blood L wini = K; Bj hun; G xun. bridegroom L zamd, (K zdma).
blossom G qumca. bridge L pirdi = Iv; G p it* S.
blow v. slap. bridle L laydim.
blue L kawa, K kawawa, kawu, Sh ko. brigand L data.
blunder L naddni. bright L rosin = K.
blush L getdy ja rang. brightness K rosindi.
boar L yakdna; K tdkdn, xu. bring L awirday, K 178 dwi/urd = AuBj
board L taxta = K; K 229 alwdr. BGSh.
body L (c)annam ; K las, qay. bring out K 179 bar dwurd & GZ; B 428
boil L giridy & Iv 187: L girindy Au dar dwurd ** S.
382. " broad K pian.
bond K aqdnama. broadcast L watd.
bone L pesa; K suxdn = G. broken K saq sir, wird <=» G.
bonnet L kildiwa. broom Iv gizi % G.
book L kiteb, K kitdw = G. brothel L fdhisaxdna.
booty Bj yaxtarm a. brother L bird KBjBGSh; Iv kd(ka).
bosom L bdxala. brother-in-law L zanbird; v. bridegroom,
both K har du = Bj. brown L qdwai; K 7m/ (rang).
boundless K bi-sdmdn. brushw ood K ct/Art/Z cina.
bow L k a m d n : v. bowstring. bucket K duta, Judy a.
bower L kapra. budge L zitewiay.
bowl Bj kdsa; K kucaia, kamula, jam . bull L gdwa.
bowstring K zi-kamdn. bullet K gulla = Bj.
box L sin(n)oq, K sinuq, G saniiq. bunch L hosa.
boy L kur ** KSh. bundle K bina.
brain L mazg, G mayz. burn L sotay; K 204 sucid = Au; G 443
brain pan (?) K maldizi [Kd. matasu suz-: L socndy: (p ain ) K 204 tuzia.
‘p alate’] burnt, half- wood K sar cilusk.
branch L *laqa ** K; G sax. b u rr (?) K kamit.
branching K cilcit. bury K 203 spar-.
Nr. 3 119

bush L hazga, milker, K ddr(i)cu. cavalcade L sndra.

bushel L s. v. tanaka. cave L m ara; K askaft.
business v. affair, cemetery K qawrasdn; Bj gurisdn.
busy L xa rik = K. centre L dilerasa G; K naha.
but L balåm. chaff K sim nr; Sh led.
butter L kåre: (clarified) L ruan = K. chance, by K qnzdrd.
butterm ilk, dried L kaski & K. change (m oney) L bdqi.
buttock K snut. change L fdrdy: K 205 giirid.
buy L nsny K 203. channel L qarna: v. watercourse,
by L ba. charcoal L xaluz, G zuxdl.
chase K 197 hisk dd.
Cabob L kabdb, G kawdw. chase out K 210 tdrind.
calamity L bald. chatter L candka day.
calf L goraka: (of leg) L puzn, G piiz; cheapness K arzani.
K parpd. cheat K siwabdz.
call L cifiay K 214; Au 389 cirnd: K cheek L gip, K gup = G.
193 wnn- = Au: K 214 dang kard. cheese G panir.
camel G sutur, Sh hustur. cherry L dlubdhi, gelds.
camouflage sheet K di(w)Jdma. chest L sina = K: v. box.
camp L manzita. chick L jujale; B jiilik.
can L tåwåy & K 189, AuZSh; B 429 chicken v. hen.
tdnis = G. chick pea Sh m ho; v. pea.
cap L kilåwa ^ K. child L zarola, K zdrn; L rola, K ruin;
caravan L kdrawdn & K. K layra/i; Au w irdikla; B mindil = G;
caravanserai K kårwånsarå. Sh duvel.
care L hosidri. childhood L zdrolai.
carefree K tillak. chin L candka, zm j = GSh; K zanax.
careful L hosidr; K mitawaji. chisel K nskana.
careless K xåfil. choose (!) Au 383 blind.
caress K kny kar da. chop L anjaniay, (arn)pditny.
carpet L qålia. chopped L anjanid.
carry L barday: v. take, churn L s. v. hatiza: L zandy, silaqndy.
carry out L bn jd åwirday, barday sar. circle B gird.
cartridge-belt K kisa-kamar. circling L xul.
case L s. v. hell. circum ference K 252 halqa zamin.
castle L qasra. cistern K cdildw: v. pit.
castor oil plant K kirnay. claw K ¿mg & G.
cat L kitci = K; L pisile, B pisi = GZ. clever K ddnd.
catch K 180 gir åwurd. cliff L md.
catch fire L er war (ana)biay, Au 390 climb L (hur) wastay : cause to — L hur
dwir girt. waznduy.
caught, be K 178 gir dma. clitoris L baloka & G.
120 Nr. 3

cloak, felt K faraji. confused K hdzwdz: be — L sewiag K

clock L sacåta. 206.
clod K kulu. consciousness v. awareness,
close to Bj dam-i. consent v. acceptance,
closed L zmiå. consider K 215 fikr kard.
clothes L jile K; K barg, fa xt: old — constantly L hamisa; K hag.
K p a f o. consum m ate m arriage L s. v. zamd.
cloud L hawr = KG, Sh cawr. contact L s. v. taqiag.
clove L mexaki. convenient K fdhat.
coagulate L girsåg ** K 185. convey L gdwnag «w K 199.
coat L kaw å, K /rud; K d//d; G feu?/. cook Au dspaz.
cock L kalaser. cooking oil v. butter,
cotTee L qåw a: — coloured L qåwai. cope with L gardg.
coffin L tåbat. copper G mis.
cold L sard = Au: L sardå = K; Bj copulate L gag.
sar må. copulation L gdni.
collapse K 205 Sia-. corn K cina, xala = AuG.
collar K yaqi. cornel L birdlui.
colonel K sar tip = Bj. corner K guSa.
colour L fanga K. corpse K las.
colt L juånu. correct K durus.
comb L sdna: (cock’s) K 274 popa. correctness K fdsi.
come L åmåg ** K 177, AuBjRSZSh; B cotton K pama: — cloth K haldwa.
428 håma = G. cough L qoza: L qozdg & K 214; K 214
come about L sar åmåg. kufdnm .
come across L fu.i-u . . . åmåg. counsel v. advice,
come back K 178 åmåwa. counterfeit coins K pilpili.
come forth L bar åmåg ** K 178, Au; K country L waldt, K vildt.
178 ziåwa. courage K zdla.
comfort K dam åx i cåx. cousin L mdmo-, lalo-, matia-zd; Au
com m and L (f)am ra: L farmåwåg, K dmuzd.
206 far må-. cover K 188 pusd.
com m ander-in-chief S sarhang. cow L mdngdwa ^ Sh; Bj mugdw.
com panion Sh hamrå BGRZ. crab L qirzdngi.
compassion L s. v. bazai. crane (?) K huqdr.
com plaint L *sikåt. crawling K julajulas.
complete L bardag sar. crippled L goj.
concerned L darbas(-u). crop (b ird ’s) K 237 *jiqilddn.
concerning L Ja båbat-u. crop(s) Sh xagla.
condition L wazta, sarta. cross-legged L s. v. cudrmerda.
conduct v. behaviour, crow K qaldg G.
confectioner K qannåt. crum ple Au 388 zdknd.
Nr. 3 121

crupper K patim. deign v. com m and,

cry (for help) L dad, hdwar, delay K mutat.
cry K 215 burin-: v. weep. dem and L dawn.
crystal K bilur. demolish L wurndy.
cudgel L tela. demon L dew, dirinj.
cum m erbund L bib in. deputy Bj waki.
cunning L cayar; K zirinq: K fana, siwa. desert L col, bidbdn; K xardwa.
cup Bj kdsa. desire L drazu, dwdt, mardq.
curds Sh mast G. desirous L arazumann, tamdddr.
curdle v. coagulate. destroy L faw tindy, wurndy.
curdled m ilk (?) K karra: v. butter. destroyed L kdwil, sarnugum.
curl K zulf: v. lock. detailed L mifasal.
curry-com b L qdsdw. dew L sawnim «=> K 283, G.
cushion K sarind. diam ond L almas.
cut L biriay ** K 184, BGRZSh; K 189 die L marday ** K 223, BjG, B 432 mird:
tds-, v. shave. (anim als) K 224 tupia.
difficult L ndrahat; K saxt.
Daily K rui. dig L kannay K 218.
damage K qays. dig up K 209 aspdr kard, 218 hur kana.
dam p L n im n a k ; K tar. dirty K cilkin.
dance K 188 hur pardyn. discover v. find,
dangle K 180 dtucin-ara: v. hang. disgusted L bezdr, K bizdr.
dare L ydrdy ** Sh; K 189 tdiwa. dish, wooden K taspi, ndnasdn.
dark L ta n k = KG. dism ount L arawastay.
date Bj xurind. dispute K mardfa.
daughter L kindce & KSh*Z; B kvlla ki; distant v. far.
G dita. distract L xitdfndy.
daughter-in-law v. bride. distress L s. v. paka.
dawn L safaq; Bj baydnia. distressed L ndrahat.
day L ro = Sh, K ru, Bj ruz = BGRZ: distribute L baxsdy, K 183 bas-.
— before yesterday K pari, Sh paray: disturbance L siloq; K zala.
— after tom orrow Sh perdy. do L karday K 207 et al., B 431 kird.
deaf K kar. docum ent K ndima.
dearness K gIrani. doff L bar dwirday, jil w a ta y; K 218
death L marg. kana.
deceiver K fanbdz, siwabdz. dog L tuta KBGZ; K til; Sh sipa =
deception K fan(d)a; R gul: v. trickery. B j: he-dog L gamdl = K.
decide L aranidy; K 197 qardr dd. dogwood tree L birdlui.
deed K kdr(a). don L anakarday, poSdy & K 188.
deep K 261 qul (\). done, be L kiridy.
defecate L gu karday & K 216. donkey L har = KAu, Sh har ?: she —
degree L daraja. L mdhara: baby — L holiar.
122 Nr. 3

donkey-load K xarw år = Bj. eat L warday K 193, BjBSh; B 430

door L bara = KG; K darwåza. ward = G.
door-fram e L cuåirco. eaves K hcbdni, pdsdr.
dough K hamir = A u : burnt — K edge L qarax, par.
*kawlaka-suciå. effort K hawl.
dove K kuluri. egg L hela, K hila, G hdya: scram bled —
dow n(w ards) L war, K a-, ua-, sara-wår, K hilaruana, G hdyruan.
Bj w åraw ; K cir(å). eight L hast = Sh.
dragon K azdahd. eighteen L hazda = Sh.
drain-pipe K gunjdw. eighty L hastd = Sh.
dream Sh horm: v. sleep, either K yd.
dress L dd(r)sua = K. elbow L arazno, K qg arizni; G qg kuli;
drink L ( awa)wdrday ** K 193, Sh. Z kundrisk.
drink up L hur lustay. elder L riscarma G.
drip K 190 cur dma. eleven L ydnza, Sh ydzda.
drive K 199 ran-, 197 lusk då. em brace L bdxala; K bans.
drive away K 210 tårmå. emerge L bar siay Au 386, Bj.
drive out Bj 410 bar åwind. empty K hdli.
drizzle L m m wåråy. enclosed, be Bj 415 arakasid.
drum K dahul. endless K bi-vdya.
dry L wvSk, K wisk, Sh hisk. enemy L dizman, B *du§man.
duck K kariåi; G måndråwi. engaged v. busy.
dum b K basazuån: v. unfortunate, enough Au was.
dung, cow L sawro ** K; K tapåli: horse equal, be — to L ydrdy.
— L qarsaqul: sh e e p — pisqali. erect L bal.
dunghill L sawroyå. escape K 201 bar lud.
dusk L safaq. eternity L cazal.
dwell K 224 nist. European K farangi.
dyeing K rangrazi. even L hatd.
evening L weragd, K uirai; G. iwdra.
Each L har. every L har = B j; L gi(rd) = KBGRZ.
each other v. one another, everybody K har kas, har yu.
eagle L halu. everything Bj gist = GRZ; B harci.
ear L gos = Sh; K gus = G: (of corn) v. evident L dskira, K dskar.
sprig. ewe L maya — K; G mis.
early L zu, Sh zi. ewer L dftdwe.
earn L kåsibi kar day & K 215. exceedingly L yakjdr.
earth L zamin = GZ; Bj zimi, xdk; Sh except L yayr-u.
bil: v. ground. exchange K dhst: L ( awa)faray.
earthenw are pot K gusi, kasksdw. exhausted L s. v. paka.
earthquake K bumalarza. exist v. L § 28, K 226, etc.
east K x war alå t, G warhatåt. expect R 463 camard bi.
Nr. 3 123

explain K 212 hali hard. fifteen L pdnza, Sh pazda.

eye L cam = KAuZShR 463; K cas = G. fifty L panjd = K 122; Sh paynja.
eyeball G gilara. fig Sh hanjir.
eyebrow L biro KG; Sh (¡its. fight L gizidy.
eyelash K bizang = G. fill L par karday K 210.
eyelid K pila — G. filly L noma.
eye-socket K kdsay cam ^ G; G kdniki finally L natijana.
cas. find L awa-estay; K 210 p i yd kard,
vizin(awa).
Face L cirucam, dida, ruxsdr, fua <*» KG; fine L ndydb: L ward, K wird G.
G dami cas. fine fellow L bdramak.
facing L ru ba, h i-a w ; tus-u, K tiis. finger L angvsa, kilka «w KGSh.
faction Bj Id. finger, index G kiliki sdyid: m iddle —
faeces L gu. G — dilirdsin: ring — G — birdtiita:
faint K maria: v. tired, little — G — siita.
falcon L bdz; K samqar; G bdldwdn. finger-guard Sh qaynax.
fall L (ara)kawtay, K 180 kaftan Z, fire L er, K dwir = AuSh; G dyir.
Bj 410 kat = BGSh; Au 381 gna, K fire (gun) L taqndy.
180 -ng-. firewood L hezime ^ GSh.
fall upon L war anabiay. first L yakam.
falsehood L dime. fish L mdsdwi, K masai, G mdsi.
fam e L dang. fisherm an K mdsdwgir.
family K kulfat, ydna, dudaman ** G. fist K panja, mist: v. handful,
fam ine K girdni. fit L sdq.
fam ous L ndmaddr. five L pan] — K 122, Sh.
far L dur = K; Bj diiraw; K 252 hawdy. Hag L dldya, bayddxa.
farm K gay a. flame L *bilesa.
fart K tir, tis. flin L tawancaxm dx
fasten K 215 qdyim kard. lloor K bin.
fat K pirn: v. butter, flour L hdrdi, K drdi ™ Sh.
father L tdta & K; K kdlcd; Bj bduv ^ flow K 212 cur a kard.
BG, Sh bdbo. flower L wili.
fear L tarsi; K hayiuat, taw, x u f : L flute L lute.
tarsdy K 189, Sh. fly Sh magaz: L pirdy; K 220 bdd gird.
feather L pal = Iv. foal L judnu.
fellow K yarn: line — L bdramak. foam L kaf.
felt K n a m a y : — cloak K faraji. fodder L dhf, K ahf.
female L me. fold K tirinj.
fence K parcin. follow L kaw tay sona-w, K 180 kaftan a
fever K yaw. sun, 225 nidi a sun.
few K yak cm. following L sona-w.
fidget L zilewidy. food L edsti = Au; L xordk, K xurdk.
124 Nr. 3

foot L pa = K; L qdc; K pal, q v l: (of furrow K hit = G.

m ountain) K pdica k a : v. leg. further L itir; K hani.
foot, on K pidda.
footprint L ydgapd, K ydy(a) pd.
for L pay = KAu; K pari; Bj ara, bo. Gad-fly K xarangza.
force L zor. gain K naf.
ford G widr, K bigdr. gaiters v. puttees.
forehead L tawela, K tda, G tiwil & K game L nadir; K sikdr: (children’s) K
(tan). kdy; qulqutdni.
foreign L yarib. garden L bdx(da) = K; L gutzdr.
fore-sight (of rifle) L niddne. gardener L bdx(c)awdn ^ K.
forest L ddrisan, *wesa. garlic K sir.
forgive L baxsdy. gate K bdw; G bara, bargdna.
fork (of road) L diiard. gather K 186 Jam bi, 212 Jam kard, 190
forked K dua laqdna. cm-.
form K qay. gazelle L dska; K dhu ^ G.
fortune L hat, baxta. gelding K dxta.
forty L cil = K 122, Sh. gesture K asdra.
forw ards K pis. get up L hur estay, hur zdy & K 190:
foster-m other L ddydna. v. stand up.
four L cudir = K 122, BjSh. ghoul Iv xol (? xut).
fourteen L cudrda KSh. girl L kmace KSh.
fox L rudsa % KG. girth L tang.
fragm ent L qut: v. piece, give L day & K 194, AuBjBGR.
free L azdd; K harda (? ): K mu ft: get give birth L zdy & K 202.
— L zuar (ana)biay. given, be L diridy.
free L baralld karday; K 196 var dd ^ glass L SiSe: (tum bler) barzaq.
Bj 413; K 216 uel kard. glowing K ddx.
freeze K 192 tazid; Au 382 sareni; Bj gnat K hura, pasa.
414 rac-. go L ludy K 200, AuBjRSZSh; B 430
fresh K tdza = Bj. raft = G; L siay » Au 386, B.
friend K dus, yarn. go about L geldy K 219.
friendship K d$ti. go after L kaw tay sona-w: v. follow,
frog L qurwdqi & G. go away K 181 durawa kaft.
from L ja . . . -awa, K ja, ca, cana & go forth L bar ludy K 201, Sh: v.
AuBjSZ; B az = G. emerge.
frost Bj zuqumi. go on! L aday.
fruit L m ewa(hdt), K miwa, pisa. go out L arazidy, Iv 178 zidwa.
fuel v. firewood. go past L pana siay.
full L par = K. goad L naqize.
fur K pustin, tuk. goat L biza — AuSh; G bizin: he-goat
furniture L dileydna. L sdbrin, G sdwrin = K: v. ibex.
Nr. 3 125

God L xudd = K; Bj x u d : — willing! L gut v. intestines,

isalld. gutter K pdura.
gold L altun.
good L xds = KBjGS; K was = AuG. Hail K 287 tawana zili ** G.
good deed K xdsikari. hair L r//ze; K titika, mu = G; Sh pirc.
good looks L juanxdsi. half L nim = KS; K kut = G; L s. v.
goodness L .rasa, dim.
goose K qdz = G. halter K awsdir.
gorge L gilua; K dafa. ham m er K cakus.
grain K ddna, x a la : pounded — Sh hand L das = KBjSSh; K daz.
degma. handful L lamista, tika; L s. v. mist a
grain-sack L hor. ~ K.
gram , green L mdSa. handsom e L judnxds, zarif.
granary L hamar, Bj amdr. hang L wdstay.
grandchild L kurazd <=» K; L kmdcazd. hang down L ara-dlocidy.
grandfather L bdibd = K; K tdta gawri; hang up L lw r wdstay, ddrara karday;
G bawdy bawd: great — L bdbd gawra. K 180 dlucin-ara.
grandm other L mama; K nana gawri. happen L sar dmdy.
grandson G kuray kvra. happiness L Sadi.
grape L hanguri & GSh; K angur(i) hard L raq — K.
Au; K s. v. bid: unripe — K qura. hare L hawreSa & KAu; Bj haroSa & G:
grape-syrup K dusdw. young — K xirndqi.
grasp K gir. harm L xirdibi.
grass L giwdw — Au; K gidw = G. harm less L basazudn: v. unfortunate,
grasshopper K kvla; G malakur, hate L qini.
grave Bj gur. have L § 28; Bj 413 ddr- = Sh.
graze L lawaridy & K 190: L taqidy co. hawk, sparrow- L wdSa, K vdsa.
Great B ear L *haftawana. hay v. fodder.
greedy K cdis. hazel-nut K finuq.
green L sawz = KSh. he L dd, ed; G an, a = B.
grey L kawa. head L sara KBjGSh; K damru.
greybeard L riScarma «=> G. headm an L kexd.
greyhound K tdnji. healthy K cdx.
griddle K sdj. heap L komd; K 211 tdrimta; Sh tdya.
grind L hardy, K 213 liar a kard. hear L aznawiay & Au 388; K 205
groom L may tar: L qdisaw karday. Sinaft = BGRZ; L goS do biay, K 197
ground K bumi, bin: v. earth. gus dd.
guest L memdn <% » Sh. heart L dd = BG; K zd.
gullet K ndqir. hearth L ojdxa; K awiryd; Au kudnig.
gully L darbann, gilua. heat L garmd.
gun L tifang ** BjB: — barrel L lule. heaven L ( (gasman = G: L bahast.
gunpow der L darman Au. heavy K qurs.
126 Nr. 3
heel K qrj pit zing a. houri L horia.
height L s. v. qnd-u. house L yana = KBjSh; K mat; G
hell L jahannam . ka(hg).
help K kum ak; Bj dasi: cry for — L how L cani = K; L cu.
dad, ha war = KBj. how many, m uch K cm.
helpless B bicara. however many, m uch L hardinn.
hem K sijaf. hum an being L ddamizdd; Iv dyim *
hen L karga, K karia; B mdmir = G. BG.
hen-house K kvlina, lana. hunchback L kom.
henna K x a n i = Au. hundred L sad fin K 122, Bj; G say = Sh.
herb K gidw: v. grass, purslane, hunger L dwrd, Sh hawrd.
herd K galla = Bj; K rama = G. hungry L dwrd AuG; K d(w)rid; Sh
here L ega = Au; L ce, K cia; K ild; Bj hawrd.
inda, G ind, Sh 33 cindd. hunting L rdwa; K sikdr = BS.
hereafter L ce dirndl. huntsm an K sikdr wan.
hernia L s. v. qera. hurry K 197 lusk dd; hurry! L dtday.
hiccups K nizgira. hurt L eddy ^ K 213, Au; K 213 zdn
hidden K m hdni. kard A u : L esndy.
hide K 210 qayim kard: L awasdrdy; K husband L merd, su = KG.
210 pidrdin(awa). hut K kumldn.
hide v. skin,
high L barz = K. I L § 16 m in = BjBGSZ; K am in =
hill Bj gir; Sh tapa. AuB.
hip K kuliimik, kumt. ibex L kal = Iv; G bizini kui.
hit L pekdy fin Sh; L ddumnay ^ K 195, ice L yax — G.
AuBj; K 181 sana, Au 387 sand. idle H mat at.
hit, be L pekidy fin Sh. if L agar — K : — not L anna.
hither K icia, iria. ill L nawas, Iv ndwas; K sakat, mdna.
hole L wula = K; G kuna. ill-behaved L badaraft.
hollow K put. illegal Iv nd-sari, nd-haqqi.
honey K hasal = G. ill-luck v. m isfortune.
honour K sarbarzi. illness L nawasi, K nawasi.
hoof K sum. im pulsion K 197 hisk.
hope L umed. in L ja & K etc. (v. from ); K -ana = Bj;
hopeful L umedawdr. Bj ba, B wa = S; B na = Z.
horn K sax. individually K yua yua.
hornet K siir pidizi. inform ation L hawdi.
horse L asp = KBG, Sh hasp; K ydbu. inhabited Iv dwd.
horsem an L sudr = KBj. injustice L bedddi.
hostile Au dtuz. inside L cuar; K di tu : L dile fin K.
hot L garm = K. instead of L jiati, jidiy = K (as *ja ydy);
hour L sacdta, K sat. z Ja y.
Nr. 3 127

intelligence K hus: v. sense, know L zdnay & K 197, AuBjRZSh; B

intestines L rolaxa, K rixalu = G; Z 430 dams; G 442 zdinis: L azndsdy.
lixalu. knowing K balay.
into L (pay) dile ** G. knowledge K ddndii.
intoxicated L sarwas. kohl L k ila ; s. v. cam rastay.
inverted L sarnugum.
iron L asm = KG. L adder L payja.
irrigate L ddrdy. ladle L kawgir; K kasti.
irrigation K *aydri. lady L xbtuna.
issue v. come, go out. lam b L warn & GSh; K vardla: (year­
itch L dlos karday, wuriay. ling) G k a w ir: v. sheep,
lam entation L siwan; K zirazir.
lam p L cirawi ** K.
Jackal K caqal & G.
land L s. v. ward; Sh lat.
jacket L coxe.
lane K kuja.
jar L gozale: v. jug.
language L zudn Sh.
jug K lulangi; G ku za : v. jar.
lasso K kaman,
jum p K 188 par-.
last K 217 tul kisd.
junction L duard.
last night K hizi say ™ G.
last year K par G.
Keep L hur girtay. late K dir.
key L A/ref, K kilid/r; K s. v. kut-kulum . lather L kaf.
kid L bizla & K: (yearling) K giska. laugh L xudy ™ K 192, Au.
kidney L wilk. laughter L xua & K.
kill L kustay * K 216, BjBZSh; K 224 lay K 192 wisnd, y ix dd, 225 mata.
mirn-. lazy L tamat = K.
killed, be L k wsidy & R 461, ZSh; B 431 lead G siru.
kusis = G. leader Bj *gawra.
kindle v. catch, set fire, leaf L gala = K; G pal.
kindling K cukul cina. league L farsaq.
king L pddsd KG; G sd. lean L pah day.
kingship L pddsdi. learn L fer biay, misay; K 221 ydy(a)
kit Bj hawdw. gird.
kitten L pisile; K kita layri. leave L dslay (jid), K 218 hast i n : —
knead L seldy. alone L wdz cana dwirday.
knee L zangol, coka; K cwA; G zirdni. leave-taking L xuddhdfizi; Iv sarkisi
knee-cap K kaskina. (properly ‘visiting’?),
kneel L zangol araddy, lady cokera. lecher K alwdt.
kneeling L saru co/cd. lecherous L hiz.
knife L kdrdi ** Sh. leech K zdilu.
knock L kudy. left L cap.
knocking K taqa. leg L Idq, qdc; G pd = Sh: v. foot.
128 Nr. 3
length L direzdi. loathsome L gul.
lentil K nizu ** GSh. lock G qulf: K 215 kilir kard.
leprous L gul. lock (hair) L zilfe (i: v. curl.
lest L naku. locust K kula; G malakur.
let L bd = K 218, Au: v. allow. long L direz; K dirdz.
let down L ara-astay. long ago L awsd.
let off (gun) L taqndy. longing L maraq.
letter Sh qdqat. look L diay (pay); G 446 nur-.
level place L sdrdi. look at v. watch.
lichen L pife. look for v. seek.
lick L (awa)lesdy. loose L baralld karday.
lid K barnim aw. lose L aranidy.
lie L dirue K; B duru = G: K 196 lost L g im : be — L dilena Siay.
diru dd. louse L haspisi = Au.
lie (dow n) L kaw tay pale, Au 381 gnd lousy L haspiSin.
pdli. love L casq, wasawisi.
life L d m ia ; K g y d n : v. live, lover L cdsiq; K masayu.
lift L hvr girtay toi K 221; K 197 hur lower L war in.
ddr-, Sh uddrt. luck L baxta, hat.
light L rosin = K. lum p L kilo: — of dirt K kamit.
light (weight) K suk. lung L foil; K sisi, G su, Z si.
light v. lamp, lute K tamiri.
lightning K daxmdxa.
like L peso, R pisa; L camna, cimna; G Mad L set, K sit; L hdr; K gil.
cu; K hamta. magic L talism.
like L s. v. was siay, K 178 was a m a : L magpie K qisqdri G.
pasann karday, haz karday K 212. m aidservant L kanize, kdrakara.
likewise K bar pdsa. m ake L diros karday & K 213; L waS
limping K said u sali. karday: v. do.
lining (coat) K dsar. male L ner.
lion K sir. m an L pid = KBjBG; K kdka, mar dim;
lip L lie toi KGSh; K law. G merd; Bj didam; Sh zaldm.
listen K 189 gus takdiun, 197 gus ddyn. m an-eating K dyamiwar.
little L naxtew , kam = S; K riza; Au m anger K dwra.
cewe; K qayri = BR. m anner L jor & K.
live L ziwdy, K 203 zid ** Au. m any L fir a = K et al., Sh fira.
livelihood K guzaran = S; S mawds. m arch K kuc.
liver L yabar; G jigar. m are L m dini & KG; Bj mahdn; Sh
lizard K marm ulik = G; G qumqumak. haw li (? v. L holiar).
lo! L and, ind. m arket L bazar = KBGRZ.
load L bar = KBj; K bdrgiri: L bar m arriage feast L zamdwanna; K sur = G.
karday f* K 209, Bj. m arry L mdra karday, zani dwirday;
Nr. 3 129
K 184 aqd biri, 185 — bast: L su karday m isfortune L batd, nahdt; K badbaxti.
ba * K 214. mistress L dyazani; K kaywdnu.
massage L seldiy. mixed, be K 206 siwidyn.
m aster L ay a ; K way, usd. modesty Au taqia.
mastic L w ezan; Au binest: — gatherer money L zar; K pul = BGRZ: v. counter­
L wezankar. feit.
material, white K ciliudri. m onth L manga KGSh.
m atrim ony L zan-u-merdi. moon L mdnga ** Sh.
m atter L masale. moonlight L mdngasawa ^ G; Au nmy-
mattress G dusak. tdwi.
m aund L nun = K; Au kawc. more L zidtar.
meal L cdsti. moreover L itir.
mealtime L cdstingd. m orning L satb; K sawsu = G; Bj sdri zi.
mean K dmal. morsel L liqma, tika = K.
meanwhile Bj ca bayn. m ortar K ¿ala.
measles L surije. m osque K mizi.
m easure L annaza, s. v. daraja: K biluca: mosquito K hura, pasa.
L annaza girtay, pemdy. m other L add; K nana, ddya & BG; Sh
meat L gost = Sh, K gust = G: m inced ddko.
— K kufta. m other-in-law L hasirua.
medicine L darmdn = K (!). m ount L wildix.
meet L tus-u . . . dmdy. m ounted L sudir = KBj.
melon K xarbnza & G: v. waterm elon, m ountain L kas; Sh ko, K ku = AuG: —
melt L aw atdw idy: K 189 tdwin-awa. peak L hita, sarkase.
m emory L wir; K ydy. m ourning L siwan, tacziya.
mention L bds. mouse L nula = K; G miis.
merely L liar. m oustache L símele S h ; G si mil & K
m idden L sawrogd. (siiit).
middle v. centre, m outh L dam = KBjGSh.
m id-m orning L cdstingd. move L jim d y K 190, Au; L zilew idy;
midnight L nimasaw & KG; G Hudrdukut. Au 383 julnd.
midwife L mdmdna. m ovem ent K ¿aka.
milk L sot, K sift = Sh; G sir: sour — moving L s. v. rudn.
G du. m uch L fira = K et al., Sh fird ; K xeli:
mill L dsdw = Au; Sh hasdw : v. m ill­ as — as L enna-w.
stone. m ucus K xilm .
miller L dsdwdn. m ud L liara = KGSh.
millstone K hdra dsdwi. m uddy, m ud-built L harin.
m inced meat K kufta. m ulberry L tiji = K.
minute L dayeqa. mule L hasara, Sh hastar.
m irror L Jam, K jam ak. mule-load L taydr.
m iserable R hazar. m uleteer L ranjbar.
Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk. 4, no. 3. 9
130 Nr. 3

m ullah K nulla', Bj maid. nose L luta & KG; Sh lit:-—-stud L

m ushroom L halci; K xdrci; G qdircik. lutawana.
m ussuck L haliza = K; K kuna = G. nothing L hie = K; G hue = SZ.
m ust L asiay. notice L s. v. y a w n a y: K 215 farxa kard.
now L isa — KRZ; Sh istd; G isata', K
Nail G ndxiin. cia, jd, jdiri, in a ; B ilanga.
naked L rut = K; Sh. Fit; K pati. num b L sir = K.
nam e L name «a KGSh; L s. v. dang.
nape of neck L pasta-w mili. Oak L balu * Sh; L nara ?: dw arf —
narrow K tang. L hazga.
navel K naha; G ndfa. obedient K papay.
near L nizik = K. observe v. watch,
necessary K wdju. obvious v. evident,
neck L gar dan = K; L mil = KG: v. occasion L jar, wada.
nape. occupation Bj Sul.
needle L cani = K; G darzi. o’clock L s. v. saedt.
neighbour L hdmsd. ogre L dirinj.
nephew L birdzd <=» KBjG; L wdlaza. oil L nawta: cooking— L ruan.
nest L *heldna; K tana, kulena. oke L hoqa.
net K dam. old L kona; K kuna, qaim: L p ir : —
never L hargiz. m an K pirapid: — w om an K pirazan.
nevertheless L ba liar hat; K bdz h a m ; oleaster v. sebesten.
G bd wuju. on L ba . . . -ara, pora, sar-u; Bj ca sar,
new L no, Bj nu; L tdza. war.
news K xaw ar = GS: good — L "mizda. once K jdri.
nice K was. one L yo, K 122 yu\ L yak KBGRZ;
niche L tdq = K. Sh ikke.
niece = nephew, q. v. one another L y a k tir; K yutarini.
night L saw a *=» KBjG: — before last K onion K pidzi <=» Sh.
parisay G. only L tanid, har = S.
night-gown K raxta xawawa. onto L pay dile.
nightingale K juqa. open K hdli, vild(wa): v. spread,
nine L no, Sh nu. open L awakarday <*> K 209, Sh; K 209
nineteen L noza, Sh nuzda. hdli kard.
ninety L nawad = Sh. opinion K nun: v. believe.
no L liic = K: S na xayr. opposite K vardvar.
nobody K hie kas, kasi B: — else K oppression L zilm-u-zor.
hani kas. or K yd = S.
noise L dang = S; K qawqu, taqa taqa * orchard L bdx.
Bj; Bj hdwdir: v. voice, order L farm dwdy ^ K 206.
noiseless L bedang. origin L asl.
noon L nimaro & KG. originally L aslana.
Nr. 3 131

other L tar, ziatar; K hani = BjS. penis L d im ; K gun (? v. testicle); G kir.

otherwise L a n n a ; K hani. penknife K cdqu.
ought L adiay. people L maxloq; K mardim G.
out(side) L bar, K a - , va bar. pepper L dlat = K.
oven K 287 tawr. perform L ba jd dwirday.
over L sar-u . . . -awa; K sar, bald. perhaps L balku ^ K; K magar.
overcoat L paltaw. period L middat.
overhear L god co biay. perish L fawtidy, dilena siay.
over-ripen K 200 ziliqidn. perm ission L izn.
overturn L h ur.i gelnay. person K kas.
owl G bn. pick v. pluck.
ox L ydiva ^ KBjSh. pick up v. lift.
ox-herd Bj gdwdn. pick-pocket K jiv-, kisa-bir; G girfdnbir
~ BRZ.
Pace K hangam . piece L qut; K kuta, sir; Au p a la : in
pack-needle K diliwan, gucaw(a)ni. — s L qutqut, palpal: v. line,
pair L h it a; Sh Jift. pig L xug.
palace L qasra. pigeon L kdwatiri, K kaftiri, G kamutir:
palate v. brain-pan. v. dove,
pale L rangzard; s. v. ranga. pile v. heap,
palm (of h a n d ) Z lap. pile up K 190 dm-.
palsied L goj. pillar Au kolaka, K kulaki.
paper K kdyaz ^ G; Sh qdqat. pincers L gdz = K.
paradise L bahadt. pipe K ndiwa.
paralysed L sir. pit L cdla; K nuri.
parasang L farsaq. pitcher L gozale.
parents K tatd-nana. pity L s. v. bazai ^ K.
part K Id. place L ydige ^ GRZSh; K yd; B jd = S:
partridge L zarazi KAu; G kaw . sand L s. vv. dwaddni, sdrdi.
— v. seesee. plain L dast(a) — KG; L sdrdi.
pass, m ountain L nula = G; K milakal. plane (tree) L ¿mar: (tool) K rana.
pass L wiarday «=< K 219, Au; L w idridy; plaster K harakdri, andw; G dhak.
K 219 guzast = B; Bj radd bi: L pleasant L was = K.
wiarday *=» K 219. pleasure L wadi.
passage K guzar. plentiful v. abundant,
paw K cingariki. plenty K arzdni.
pea(s) K nuw ay; G nuxa. plot (land) Sh lat.
peach L hastdlui; K daftalu. plough L keldy: G waqila, s. v. camara.
peak(s) L sarkase. plough-arm , -shaft K ddr = G; K tirahis;
pear K ham ru = G: — tree K ddr hamrui. Sh hawjdir.
peg L mex, K m ix. ploughshare L gdwasm <=» G.
pen-box K qalamddn (!). ploughed land L ward; K dumi « G.
' 9*
132 Nr. 3

ploughing Sh som, digwasin. put L niay & K 225, AuGR; L wistay;

ploughm an Sh jiftyd r. Bj 417 war nd; B 433 nd.
pluck L ciniay & K 190. put down L aranidy & Sh a m b.
plum L hatu, K haluci. put oil’ L xilbfnay.
plunder K 212 capaw hard. put on L posdy.
pocket L kisa; K girfbin ** BGR; K tds. put out L bar karday.
point K nuk. put, be K 225 niria-ra.
poison K zdr. put together, be K 225 dirid pawa.
poor L basazudn = K; Bj bicdra. puttees K piizawdn.
populous L s. v. nwaddni.
porcelain K kdsi = G; B ¿ini = RZ. Quail v. seesee.
portion L basn ^ KAu. quarry L nacir.
postponem ent K mulat. question L masale.
pot K tianda. quick(ly) K gurj, xayrdna, zu; Sh zi.
pouch K turiva. quiet L bedang\ K *dtmawa, bsuda.
pour L m itay, K 202 m injia; K 202 fiz-. quince G bay.
power L qorat, zor; K las.
prayer L mind, Sh m m d z : — m at L Rabbit L hawresa: v. hare,
jdrm dz. rags K pdas i sir a.
prepare K 211 taydr kard, 203 sdzd. rain L wdrdn ^ Sh; K varan; Au wast,
present K bas. wisani: L wdrdy Au 381; K 182
press L fisaray, selby; K 207 suard. vast.
pretext K viana. raisins K askuci, Au hackuci; G mawiis.
previously L (ca)wal, cewal; Au ciwirtar. ram L bardn.
price L qimat. raven G qalduva sia.
prince L pddsdzdd. reach v. arrive.
proclaim K 217 ja r kiSayn. read L awawdndy <=» Au 384; Bj 412
prod L naqiza day. wand = Sh.
produce K 203 sdzd. ready L h a zir; K taydr (v. prepare).
profit L sud. realize L anaydwdy.
prohibition L qadaxa. reap K 213 diraw kard.
property Iv bin (v. L § 19). reaper L dirawdn.
prostration L sijda. reaping Sh diraw.
province K vild t: v. country. reception room L diwdxdn.
provisions L tosa, K tusa. reckoning K hasaw.
pull L kesay & K 217, B; K 217 kirnd. recognize L aznasby, Au 388 sinbs-.
pull about K 223 xilmindi-wa. recom pense K nuza.
pull up L hur kesbiy. red L sur = K; Sh qirmiz.
pulse v. gram. reddish-brow n L at, ahum.
pum pkin K kiilaki & G. regal L padsbyana.
purslane K (pal)puna. relate v. bring.
push L boqa nidiy po. relative L qawm.
Nr. 3 133

release K 196 var ddiyn. rolled L lul.

rem ain L m anay & K 223; Sh mand. rolling K gd.
rem ainder L bdqi. roof Iv ban = G; Sh sarddmi; K sirmic
remedy K cdra. (properly ‘matting laid on cross-beams
repose v. rest. to support the m ud roof’),
request L dåwd: L wåstay. roof-tree K hammdl.
resin K amuza dåri: v. mastic. room K ydna: v. house,
respite K nudat. root G fisa.
rest L dram, isrdhat: L awasiåy. rope L waresa, K waris; K s. v. palatik;
result L natija. G s. v. yuza.
retribution L ¿aywazd. rose L wdi: — hip K ddki.
return L awagetåy, K 219 hur gildwa rot K 201 biri lud, tdiqid.
BjSh; K 178 dtmdwa. round K dawr, gd.
reveal v. find. rub L mdldy K 222.
revelation L qdw: v. shout, rug K pdas, lai.
revolving L xul. ruin L werdna.
reward L caywazd; K miza. ruined L kdwd.
rib K dina = G. rum bling K gurmagurm.
rice L birm j, calluk. rum p L qmga G.
rich L dawtam ann, sarwatmann. run L fa may ^ K 201, Bj ; B 430 fam is
riches L saramt. ruptured L qefa.
rid oneself K 213 la milawa kardan. rush at K 216 hay kard.
rider v. horsem an. rust L zanga; zang-girtay.
ridge K sar.
rifle bolt L met. Sack L hof, K h u f ^ Bj.
rille butt L qonåxa. sad L ddgiran, xarnbdr.
right K durus = B. saddle-bag K linga.
rind K tak Idsi (? v. skin); G pus. saddle-cloth K jd .
ring L angusawela, kdkawdna ** G. safe L sdarnat.
ripen K 200 ydwdi. safety L sddmati.
rise (sun) L s. v. war k a w ta y; Bj 414 sake, for the — of L ja bona-w, pay
bar Sid: v. get up. xdtira-w .
river L fo x d n a ; K rud; G cam. saliva K dixtif.
road L fd KAuRSZ; Bj fa = G ; Sh fe. salt L maki; Iv n a m aki; G xod.
roast L bireStay K 183. salt land K surakdt.
robber L cata; K diz; Bj Jarda. sand L hm = G (!).
robbery K d izi; Bj yaxtarma. sash L bibin, takbana.
rock L kam ar: v. stone, satisfied Sh ser, K sir; K tasat.
rock (a cradle) L jimndiy. saw K masdr, ha fa.
roll L tdo b ia y ; K 187 gd(ara) bi: K 216 say L wdtay ** K 221 et a l.; B 432 wit:
gd(ara) kard. L s. v. ajo.
roll up L lul ddy. scabbard L keldna.
134 N r. 3

scatter L sandy; K 187 piskand. settlement Bj dwai.

scattered L w ald; K 187 sinidra: v. open. seven L hawt; K 122 ha f(t), Sh h a ft.
scent K bu. seventeen L hawda, Sh havda.
scissors Sh qdici. seventy L haftd ^ Sh.
scorpion K aqraw, dimarakuti. sew L wirdstay K 198; G 442 dut.
scratch L wurndy. shade L saya: shady side L nisdr.
scream L qizndy & K 215. shadow L sd, saya, sdya.
sea K daryd. shake K 189 Sakm -aw a: L takndy, K
seal L *mor; K daz. 189 takdnin; L aumsoqndy.
seam K cdwix, ddmina. shaking K takdn.
seat v. rum p. sham e Au taqia.
sebesten K smja (properly ‘oleaster’?): shank G sag.
— tree K smja rdizi. share L basa.
second L duam. sharp L tez, K tiz.
secret K n ih d n i: L sir; K rdz. sharpen L tezo karday.
secretly K diziawa. shave L tdsdy.
see L diay ^ K 199, AuBGRSZ; Bj 413 she L dda, eda; v. he.
dit, Sh tit; L windy, Au 386 b in-; v. shears K duarda.
watch. sheath L kelana,
seed L tom = Sh. sheep L maya & BjSh; K pasi BjG:
seek L geidiy pay; K 211 may kard. gelded — L kdiwir: v. lam b,
seesee K tayhu, suski & G. shell L tok it : v. rind,
seize L girtay *=» K 220 girt/d. shepherd L sudna = KBj.
self L § 18 we-s = AuR; K wi-s ^ BjZ; shirt L giji = K.
Sh (3) he-. shoe L kilas, K kaldsa; L paid = KAu;
sell L wuratay & K 206; K 215 fur as L qonra; K papa Jdni (so, p'ch is m is­
kard. print).
send L kidstay *=» K 205, AuG; Bj 415 shoot B 429 ndt = G.
kidnd; L rudna karday; B 431 histini. shop K dikiidn.
sense L hos. shot K sacma.
sensible L mdqul. shoulder L Sana ^ KG; K kul.
separate L jia = K. shoulder blades L s. v. kohnj; K kul.
servant L nokar = K (? naw kar); L shout L qera; K qdw; L qerndy; K 215
norakar, xizm atkdr; K kulkaS. burin-: v. cry.
service L xizm at; K nokari (? nawkari). shovel K bdti & Au; K masidula.
set fire L er war ( ana)ddy ** Au 385. shut L zmid: K 186 j i f t bi: L zanay &
set off L ddwanay. K 184.
set out L arajimdy, rua nidy; K 180 sickle Sh ddra.
kafti a rd. side L dim = K; L Id = KBjSSh; L par;
set to L dwirday. K pdilu.
settle L awanistay: — down L dram sieve L hetaki; L wesina, K vicmu; K
girtay. saran.
Nr. 3 135

sift L wetay K 187 vie-; L taqnay. sneeze L pizmdy, K 215 pisma-; Au 385
sigh L hanasa hur keSdy. pizma dd.
sign K daz, asdra. sniff out K 216 milamusi kard.
silver L ziw; K puli carma. snow L warua, K varua, Au wawra, G
similar K hnju. wafr: — shovel K varvaru, Au warbalu.
sin B gunah, so L pdsa, pesa; enna.
since L cun. so and so L fildn(a).
singer L gordniwdd. so m uch L enna.
single K yua y u a : v. separate. so that K (Id; B ta = GRZ.
sink K 180 kaftan. soap L sdbun: — wort L ziro.
sister L wale KBjZSh; G xodr, B sob L halsi.
xoiska. sock L gorawa.
sister-in-law L birdzani. soft K narm.
sit L aranistay ™ K 224, BjGRZ; S 468 soldier K sarvaz ^ G.
da nist. some L cm ^ Bj; K can = BjBGRSZ; L
six L sis = K 122; Sh sis. batzew; K cui, jaw i, qayri = BGRZ.
sixteen L sdnza; Sh sazda. somebody K yua; G yaki = Z: v. one.
sixty L sas = K 122; Sh 3ast. something K ya cui.
skilled L fer. sometimes K cm karati.
skin L pos, G pus; L tokil; G gaya. son L kur «a KBjBGSh.
skin bag L haliza = K; L mane & KAu; son-in-law L zamd, K zdimd = GZ.
K xia, maskala: v. m ussuck. song L gordnia & G.
skull-cap L kildwa. soon, as — as K haminki, har vaxt.
sky Au dsmdn = Sh. sore K zaxm.
slap L sapldxa, capoka: capok-ddy. sorrel (horse) L dd.
slaughter Sh kdird warnd. soul L *gian: v. life,
sleep L warm = K; Bj hurm, horm = sound v. noise.
Sh; B xaw = R; K s. v. x u f t : L soup L sorbdwi; K cast, halisi, tarxina,
witay K 191, AuBjBG; R 459 hut tisdwa.
= Sh. sow (wild) L dara.
slip L xizdy. sow L sandy; K 207 kdl-: v. plough,
slope K pdea ku, kamar (? v. rock). spade K 209 aspdir, s. v. aspara.
slowly Au ydrdn ydrdn. span L quldnji, yasa.
small L wuckla, K unckala, G buckala; sparrow K milicia, B malucik = G.
L wurd, G wirda <=&Z. sparrow -haw k L warn, K vdsa.
smallpox L halue. speak, speech v. talk,
smell L bua < =
*>K. speed K zui.
smoke L dukal = G; K du: B 431 kisi: spider L paspasakole.
v. pull. spill L mijidy, mitay.
snake L mar = G. spin L rest ay & K 202, Au: L awaxulidy:
snap v. bite. aw axulndy.
snatch L arfdy, K 199 rifdm n. spindle K diika, latra Au.
136 Nr. 3
spine K kirk = (i; K tira mdzi. sting L gastay.
spinner K diikaris. stitch L taqata: K 198 taqat dd-na.
spinning top L x vlo rtn ; K 242 *xilxuli stom ach L lama ** KG.
(not ‘ball’), stone L tawani & KAu; Sh kam ar: v.
spit K bitisk. rock.
spit Bj 417 *orn-. stop L midray ** K 182.
spleen G sipil. store L hamdr, K a mar.
split K chr: : K 198 tilisia-. stork K hdiji laqlaq, G laglag.
spoilt K tixil, xarciw. story L hakdyata; K ddsitdn = Bj; Sh
spoon L camca, K cnnca; K qatiixa. matal.
spread L wala, K vitawa. straight K ras; B d u n s = G.
sprig L tat = K 284 (not tdl), 285 (not strainer (rice) K ta yja : (tea) L cdyparzen.
‘b ran c h ’). strange L yarib.
spring L hdna ** KG; Bj xdni, sardw. straw K simar; G Ad.
spring(tiine) L wahdr = G; K vahdr; Bj stream L dara; K cam = G; K dw: v.
bahdr. watercourse,
squash L zileqnay, selay. street K kuja.
squeeze An 388 piruna. strength L h ez; K hawl.
stable K gaw r; Au dfir (v. manger), stress L s. v. zor.
stack v. heap, stretch K 212 dirdzara kard, 217 hizid-ra.
staff L teta, wakdza. strike v. hit.
stairs K pilakdn. string L ban = K; L naya K.
stalk (w heat) K kulas. strive K 196 hawl da & Bj.
stand L midray K 182. stroll v. w ander,
stand up L aramidrdy, hur estay, hur strong K cdx.
zdy « K 190, AuBjSSh. study L wdndy.
star L hasara & GSh; K asdri. stupidity L naddni.
starving L s. v. dwrd. subject K rdyat.
state L hdl, waz^a. subm it K 201 hid a cir.
stay v. rem ain, stop, successor L ydganisin.
steal L diziay K 198; 213 dizi kard. such L edm na; pdsa = KAu; L pesa.
steam G tin. such-and-such L filana.
steel L potd, G putd; L caxm dx = K. suck L (hur) miktay.
step K p ita : v. stairs, suddenly L *kvtupir ** K ; K jdraki,
step-mother L bdwazani. ndkdimi.
stew Sh horda: v. soup, suffocate Au 384 x in k id : — ed K xafa.
stick L wakdza; K kutak. sugar L qan = K; L sakir.
stick L likidy; K 194 gir w ard: L suit L dasa.
hkndy. sum m er L ham i n ; K tdwsdn = G.
stiff L raq. sun L rojidr, war = KGZ; Bj hur & Sh.
stiffen L girsdy. sunlight L war, waratdw.
still L s. v. dram : K haman. sunset L may rib; K d w d ; Bj virgd.
Nr. 3 137

superior K sargir vargir. AuBjBGSZ, Sh ana; K aw = Bj; L

supper K sain, bin; Bj s. v. cu(na): L /ra, K /r/ = RZ.
surcingle L tang. theft K dizi.
sure K xatirjam . then L mjd, K nnjd; L awsd = K.
surgeon K jarra. there L aga; K ana AuG; K dcdya,
surpass K 186 bald das bi. ardya, aw Id; L ca, K cdya, Au cdga;
surround K 221 dawr gird. Bj cudya.
sustenance K ruzi. thereafter L cd dimd; Bj bad ca ana.
swallow K pilisiri. therefore L pawci.
swallow L hur lustay; K 197 gut ddyn. they L de/e, ede; K 117 awsdn ** Au; R
sweat L drag (karday). . d.sdn = Z; K wdn = SZ; Sh esdn.
sweet Au Sirin. thick L gdnn.
swell L mdisdy; K 188 panamdyn. thickness L gdimi.
swimmer K malawdn. thief K diz\ Bj jarda.
swing L dildne; K huzlakdni: K 181 thigh K ran = G.
Sana. thin Au bdrik.
sword L swiser K. thing L cew, K ca, B ci.
think K 215 fikr kard.
Table L mez. thirst L tazna Sh.
tail L gilidka; K dim(a). thirsty L s. v. tazna = K.
take L asdy ** K 203, AuBj; L barday ** thirteen L senza, Sh sezda, K 122 siz(d)ah.
K 183, BjBGSh; L girtay ** K 220, thirty L si = Sh.
AuBjBG; K 220 nim d/in. this L i = KBGSh; L ina ** KAuBjGSh.
take away, out K 179 bar award R. thorn K diray, G dirik.
take down Au 385 dwird war. thousand L bazar = K 122, BjSh.
take off L bar dwirday, watay. thread L k m m r : v. string.
talk L gise, K gsi; L bds = S: L gisa three L yare ** K 122; Bj sa = Sh.
karday » K 212, Sh (109); L dudy, thresh K 218 ku- * Sh koyd: v. heat.
do nay. threshing-floor Bj xarm dn = Sh.
target L nisdne K. threshing m achine Sh janjar.
task L harmdna. threshold L *dstana.
taste K tdmi: Au 383 cas-. throat L gilua; K ndgir; G kuriy.
tea L cay = B : — glass L pidila: — throne L taxt.
strainer L cdyparzen. through L ba . . . -ara.
teacher K d.xun. throw K hiring: L wistay ** K 181, Z;
tear L halsi. K 181 Sana; B 429 ndt = G; Sh warnd.
tear L diriay & K 198. throw away K 182 hawdy dd.
temples K Jdngi G. throw down L arawistay.
ten L da ** K 122, BjZSh; L s. v. dasa. throw up L hur day.
tent K ddyir. thum b G kiliki gawra.
testicle L gun = G; K hila: v. penis, thunder K girm a : G 443 girmm-.
that L d = KAuBGRSZ, Sh u ; L ana thus L pdsa = K; L pesa, K psa; Bj cundn.
138 Nr. 3

tick K gana, mici. trem ble L larzay; K 222 lar-awa.

tickle L xitla (day). tress L agrije.
tidy L rek. trick K siwa.
tie L bastay ** K 184; L bindiy = Au trickery L taydri.
381; L awapetay. trigger L m dM ; K pa.
tight L tang. troops K quMn.
time L jâ r = K; L wdda; K kasa = BZ; troublesome K tdhiki.
L waxt, zamdn = Bj. trousers L rdnike; K sudli.
tin L tanaka. true L rds.
tinder L pife K. trum pet K saz.
tinkle K z/fa. truth L rasa, K rdsi.
tipsy L sarwas. tube L lule.
tired L mania : be — L mdnidy. tum bler (glass) L barzaq.
to L ba = Bj ; K be, va, B wa = GRZ ; turban K cdlima.
L ja . . . -ana, pay = K; K a = BjGS. turn Au 390 git (** L geldy); B 432
tobacco K tamâku, tiitin. gardis G.
today L dro KAuBj; Sh hdro; G turn about K 219 giln-.
imruz »a S. turn back K 219 hur gild.
toe K kdika. turn over L aw agelnay: v. overturn.
together L pewa; K jift. turn towards K 214 var kard.
tomorrow L sawdy = G; K sudy = GZ; turnip K M iami * G.
Sh sâra. tusk K galwa.
tongue L zudin = KGSh. twelve L dudnza; K 122 duazdah Sh.
tonight L esaw = Au ; K isaw. twenty L wis; Bj bis(t) = Sh.
tool K aspdw, an]ai. twig L cokla; K tula ^ G.
tooth L diddn = Sh; K gap: v. bite. twilight L Mfaq.
top v. spinning top. twist v. spin.
torn K Sir (not sari). twitching L liqafire.
torrent L tdf. two L due, K 122 du(i) ** Bj; Sh duwa.
toss (coin) L hur dstay. tyranny L zilm (u zor).
touch L taqiây co.
towards L pay, rn ba, ru-aiv; K piây. Uncle L lalo K; G x d lu : L mdmo ** KG.
towel L fota. unclean K capal.
town L Mr = KBjSh. unconscious L behos, K bihus; K Mq-sir.
trace, track, trail L Mni, K sun. uncover L huro day.
transaction L mâmala K. under L cer-u, K cir; K a bin.
trap K tali. underpants L pdware.
traveller L rawiar. understand L anaydwdy, misdy; K 201
travelling K kuc. mas-.
tray L sini, xuâna. uneasy L ndrahat.
tree L diraxt; K dcir : — stum p K k u ta ra : unexpected K ndkdmi.
■
— trunk L sag; K alwâr, cu, gay. unfortunate L basazudn.
Nr. 3 139

unload L bar wistay. xw dzi (!); K 192 maw, Bj 412 go, Sh

unpleasant L gul. g id : v. request,
until L td = KBj. w ar Bj Jang.
unused K s. v. daz. warm L garm = K.
unwell L nawaS: v. ill. wash L sitay ^ K 204; Sh sust.
up L hur = K; K a sar, a cuari. washing powder L ziro.
upon L sar-u (. . . -awa). wasp K zardawdla.
upper L sarin. watch L satata: L tamaSa karday «=* K
upwards K cuar. 211.
urine L gimez, K gumiz. water L dwi <*> KAuBjGSSh; K di.
use K naf. watercourse L jua ^ KS; L gola, qama,
useless L qatb. S qumas; K kdriz.
waterfall L tdf.
Valley L dota; K dara. waterm elon G Sami: ■ — seed G tum i sami.
vegetable S saw zi; Sh tafäti. water-mill Au asdw, Sh hasdw.
very L fir a — K; K pir. water-skin v. m ussuck.
village L dagä, K diyd; L s. v. hoz = Sh; way v. road,
Bj äwäi; G dihkaya. w ayfarer L rdwiar.
vine L mewi, K mi; K s. v. mizuli. we L ema = AuBjSh; K ima = BGRSZ.
vineyard Au raz. weak Au yds.
violet L wanawSa = G, K vanawsa. wealth L dawlat, dawtamanni: v. riches.
visible L diâr = K; K paya. weapon L cak.
vixen L rudsa. w ear v. don.
voice K dang = BjGS: v. noise. wear out K 218 putirkid.
voici, voilà L inâ, ânâ. weary L bezdr.
vulva L k wsi = Au; G kus. wedge K pudz: mawis (properly ‘press’?).
weep L girawdy & K 221.
Wager L giraw. weeping K girawdy.
waist L kamar, me. weigh L kestay.
waistband K pizi. welcome L peswdz, pewdy.
waistcoat L pasak, *suxma. well L sdq.
wait for K 211 tâsi kard. well! L sa.
wake L hây awabiay: Sh (200) urznd. well K cdh G; K cal, cawdni: v. pit.
walk L luâ-fânay. west G warnisin.
walking S gardis. wet L tar == K; K dula-dula(-s-an ?).
wall L diwâr = KSh. wet-nurse L ddydna.
walnut L wazi = K; Z huz; G girdakân. w hat L ci = K; B ca — GS; L ces =
wan L rangzard. AuSh; K SiS ^ BjS.
wander L awaxuliây, gelây & K 219, w hatever L harci ** KBGR; L hac.
RZ; K 186 maziriâyn ^ S. wheat L ganma & KBjGSh.
w anderer K M h ra w : v. traveller, wheel K carx.
want L s. v. garak: K 193 wüst, Au 384 when K kay.
140 Nr. 3

whence L dilcowa; B az kiiiui; Z ja ku. wolf L warg = B j; K varia; G gurg.

where L koga; K c//m; Sh (34) cikald; w om an L zani ** K(j .
B kdrni. wonder L s. v. ddxom K.
whetstone K hasdn. wood L co, K ctz = G; K cixur, ddnsdn.
which L kdm = K. woodpecker K dardamikina.
whichever L har, ha£. wool L pazm, K pasm.
while L middat. word L kalime.
white L carma = KSh. work L harmdna & Au; K kdr<*> BjBGRS;
w hither Sh (74) kala. L kdsibi; K 209 amat.
who L ke, K k i = G. world L dmid.
whoever K har kdm. worry L y/xam .
whore L fdhise. would that G kds ki.
why L di; K pay ci§ AuR; B ayca, w ound L zaxm.
asica; G ardy cay; Sh (107) aja. wounded K zaxm ; Sh zandar.
wife L zani = K. w rap L awapecdy, awapetay; K 189
wild L har. pic in-.
wilderness L col. wrestle (!) K 214 zirm azili kardan.
willingly K sar cami. wretched R hazdr.
willow Sh ddirbi. wrinkle K lac = G.
willy nilly L ndicdr. wrist L macak = K; G mic.
wind L wd = GSh; K vdi. write L niwistay, K 224 niwisd & G; Sh
wind K 189 pic id. (166) ydzmiz kard.
window L du(d)ari; K rocma.
wine L sardib ^ G. Yawn K dzdzki.
wing L bdl = K. year L sdla & KBj: last — K par, G
winnowing fork Sh ydba. pdiraka: next — K sdli hani ** G: this
winter L zimsan = KG: — quarters S — K imsdt ** G : two years ago G
garmasir. pirdraka.
wipe L asariay. yellow L zard.
wire L tal. yesterday L hizi = KG; Bj uzera = Sh;
wise L (-diqil; K ddind: — m an K danis- B duaka: day before-— G piraka.
mand. yoke K nila = G; Sh bondriy.
wish K xwaist. you L to, Iv tu = BGRSZ; Bj atu ** Sh:
wish-bone L calama. L sima = KBj; G suma = RZ; Sh
with L cani = BjRZ; Sh (16) cini; L esma; B iwa = S.
ba . . . -awa fv KBj; S u)a, G w d ; K young L judn; K bacaka, layra.
gard.
without L (ba) be, K bi = Au. Zigzag path K xir.
 A ddendum

A short chance meeting with Tahsin in November 1964 provided the opportunity
to check the LuhonI forms of the ten words taken from B-C and m arked in the Voca­
bulary with an asterisk. The result throws an interesting light on the variations to
he found even within a dialect area as small as the H aw ram an,

(1stana. Not used.

bites1a, n. m. Correct.
gVan, n. m. Correct.
haw taw dnla, n. m., as in Sul.
helan^a, read : hilVana, n. f. nest.
ku tu p lir, av. Correct.
mor, read: m lora, n. f. seal.
mizd^a, n. m., only.
su xm la, n. m. A waistcoat of the same m aterial as the coxe, buttoning up to the neck.
Only those worn by women are em broidered.
wes^a, n. m. Correct.

Indleveret til Selskabet den 22. juni 1964.

Færdig fra trykkeriet den 9. februar 1966.
 Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab
Historisk-filologiske Skrifter
Hist. Filol. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk.
B ind 1 (kr. 104,00)
1. S ander-Hansen, C. E.: Das Gottesweib des Amun. 1940 ............................................. 22,00
2. L ange, H. O., und N eugebauer, O.: Papyrus Carlsberg No. 1. Ein hieratisch­
demotischer kosmologischer Text. 1940 ........................................................................... 52,00
3. S ander-Hansen, C. E.: Über die Bildung der Modi im Altägyptischen. 1941......... 15,00
4. D anstrup, J ohn : E sgruserhaandskriftet, en Adam af B rem en-Afskrift af Otto
Sperling den Yngre. Mit deutscher Zusam m enfassung. 1943.................................... 15,00

B ind 2 (k r.80,00)
1. Hansen, C. Rise, og Steensberg, Axel : Jordfordeling og Udskiftning. U nder­
søgelser i tre sjællandske Landsbyer. Med et Bidrag af W erner Christensen.
W ith a Sum m ary in English. 1951................................................................................... 80,00

B ind 3 ( k r .45,00)
1. F ussing, H ans H.: Stiernholm len 1603—1661. Studier i krongodsets forvaltning.
W ith an English Sum m ary. 1951 ..................................................................................... 35,00
2. Iversen, E rik: Papyrus Carlsberg Nr. VII. Fragm ents of a Hieroglyphic Dictio­
nary. 1958.................................................................................................................................. 10,00

Historisk-iilosofiske Skrifter
Hist. Filos. Skr. Dan. Vid. Selsk.
B ind 4 (uafsluttet / in preparation)
1. E richsen, W .: Die Satzungen einer ägyptischen Kultgenossenschaft aus der Ptole-
mäerzeit. Nach einem dem otischen Papyrus in Prag. 1959....................................... 15,00
2. N eugebauer, O.: The Astronomical Tables of Al-Khwärizmi. T ranslation w ith Com­
m entaries of the Latin Version edited by H. S uter supplem ented by Corpus C hri­
sti College MS 283. 1962......................................................................................................... 80,00
3. Mackenzie, D. N.: The Dialect of Aw rom an (H aw räm än-i L uhön). Gram m atical
Sketch, Texts and Vocabulary. 1966................................................................................. 45,00
 The Historisk-filologiske Skrifter has been discontinued after the publication of Vol. 3,
nr, 2. From Vol. 4 the designation is changed into Historisk-filosofiske Skrifter. The num ­
bering of the volumes will continue regardless of the change of nam e. The publications
will besides the subjects treated up till now, include papers on Philosophy, Archeology, and
Art History.
On direct application to the agent of the Academy, E jnar Munksgaard, Publishers,
6 Norregade, Kobenhavn K., a subscription m ay be taken out for the series of Historisk­
filosofiske Skrifter. This subscription autom atically includes the Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser
in 8vo as well, since the Meddelelser and the Skrifter differ only in size, not in subject matter.
Papers w ith large form ulae, tables, plates, etc., will as a rule be published in the Skrifter,
in 4to.
For subscribers or others who wish to receive only those publications which deal with
a single group of subjects, a special arrangem ent m ay be m ade with the agent of the Academy
to obtain the published papers included un d er the head : Archeology and Art History, only.

Printed in Denmark
Bianco Lunos Bogtrykkeri A/S
Id: 737
F orfatter: M acK e nzie, D.N.
Titel: T he D ialect o f A w ro m a n (H a w rå m å n -i Luhon). G ra m m a tica l S ketch, T e xt
d V o c a b u la ry
År: 1966
ISBN:
S erietitel: H isto risk -filo s o fis ke S krifter
S erienr: SH 4:3
S erienrF ork: SH
S progkode: