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Statistics for Anthropology
Second Edition

Anthropology as a discipline is rapidly becoming more quantitative, and anthropology

students are now required to develop sophisticated statistical skills. This book provides
students of anthropology with a clear, step-by-step guide to univariate statistical methods,
demystifying the aspects that are often seen as difficult or impenetrable.
Explaining the central role of statistical methods in anthropology, and using only
anthropological examples, the book provides a solid footing in statistical techniques.
Beginning with basic descriptive statistics, this new edition also covers more advanced
methods such as analyses of frequencies and variance, and simple and multiple regres-
sion analysis with dummy and continuous variables. It addresses commonly encountered
problems such as small samples and non-normality. Each statistical technique is accom-
panied by clearly worked examples, and the chapters end with practice problem sets.
Many of the data sets are available for download at www.cambridge.org/
9780521147088.

Lorena Madrigal is Professor of Anthropology at the University of South Florida, Tampa.

A biological anthropologist, she is particularly interested in the evolution of Afro and
Indo Costa Rican populations residing in the Atlantic coast of Costa Rica. She is currently
President of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists. She lives in Tampa
with her two daughters.
Statistics for Anthropology
Second Edition

LORENA MADRIGAL
University of South Florida, USA
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town,
Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City
Cambridge University Press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521147088


C L. Madrigal 1998, 2012

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 1998

Second edition 2012

Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

Madrigal, Lorena.
Statistics for anthropology / Lorena Madrigal. – Second edition.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-521-14708-8
1. Anthropology – Statistical methods. I. Title.
GN34.3.S7M33 2012
301.072 7 – dc23 2011044367

ISBN 978-0-521-14708-8 Paperback

Additional resources for this publication at

www.cambridge.org/9780521147088

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or

accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to
in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such
websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
This book is dedicated to all parents who never questioned their children’s
decision to pursue a career in anthropology. To partners who offered support
and comfort. And to children who helped us grow to the limit. May all people be
as lucky as I have been.
 Contents

List of partial statistical tables page xi

Preface xiii

1 Introduction to statistics and simple descriptive statistics 1

1.1 Statistics and scientific enquiry 1
1.2 Basic definitions 3
1.2.1 Variables and constants 3
1.2.2 Scales of measurement 4
1.2.3 Accuracy and precision 6
1.2.4 Independent and dependent variables 6
1.2.5 Control and experimental groups 7
1.2.6 Samples and statistics, populations and parameters. Descriptive
and inferential statistics. A few words about sampling 8
1.3 Statistical notation 9
1.4 Chapter 1 key concepts 12
1.5 Chapter 1 exercises 12

2 The first step in data analysis: summarizing and displaying data. Computing
descriptive statistics 13
2.1 Frequency distributions 13
2.1.1 Frequency distributions of discontinuous numeric and
qualitative variables 13
2.1.2 Frequency distributions of continuous numeric variables 15
2.1.3 Stem-and-leaf displays of data 17
2.2 Graphing data 18
2.2.1 Bar graphs and pie charts 19
2.2.2 Histograms 21
2.2.3 Polygons 21
2.2.4 Box plots 21
2.3 Descriptive statistics. Measures of central tendency and dispersion 25
2.3.1 Measures of central tendency 26
2.3.2 Measures of variation 29
2.4 Chapter 2 key concepts 39
viii Contents

2.5 Computer resources 40

2.6 Chapter 2 exercises 40

3 Probability and statistics 42

3.1 Random sampling and probability distributions 43
3.2 The probability distribution of qualitative and discontinuous
numeric variables 44
3.3 The binomial distribution 46
3.4 The Poisson distribution 48
3.5 Bayes’ theorem 53
3.6 The probability distribution of continuous variables 57
3.6.1 z scores and the standard normal distribution (SND) 63
3.6.2 Percentile ranks and percentiles 71
3.6.3 The probability distribution of sample means 73
3.6.4 Is my bell shape normal? 77
3.7 Chapter 3 key concepts 78
3.8 Computer resources 79
3.9 Chapter 3 exercises 80

4 Hypothesis testing and estimation 83

4.1 Different approaches to hypothesis testing and estimation 83
4.1.1 The classical significance testing approach 83
4.1.2 The maximum likelihood approach 84
4.1.3 The Bayesian approach 84
4.2 Estimation 84
4.2.1 Confidence limits and confidence interval 85
4.2.2 Point estimation 89
4.3 Hypothesis testing 90
4.3.1 The principles of hypothesis testing 90
4.3.2 Errors and power in hypothesis testing 93
4.3.3 Hypothesis tests using z scores 98
4.3.4 One- and two-tailed hypothesis tests 100
4.3.5 Assumptions of statistical tests 101
4.3.6 Hypothesis testing with the t distribution 103
4.3.7 Hypothesis tests using t scores 104
4.3.8 Reporting hypothesis tests 105
4.3.9 The classical significance testing approach. A conclusion 106
4.4 Chapter 4 key concepts 106
4.5 Chapter 4 exercises 107

5 The difference between two means 108

5.1 The un-paired t test 108
5.1.1 Assumptions of the un-paired t test 112
 Contents ix

5.2 The comparison of a single observation with the mean of a sample 116
5.3 The paired t test 117
5.3.1 Assumptions of the paired t test 119
5.4 Chapter 5 key concepts 120
5.5 Computer resources 120
5.6 Chapter 5 exercises 121

6 The analysis of variance (ANOVA) 122

6.1 Model I and model II ANOVA 122
6.2 Model I, one-way ANOVA. Introduction and nomenclature 123
6.3 ANOVA assumptions 131
6.4 Post-hoc tests 132
6.4.1 The Scheffé test 133
6.5 Model I, two-way ANOVA 135
6.6 Other ANOVA designs 143
6.7 Chapter 6 key concepts 144
6.8 Computer resources 145
6.9 Chapter 6 exercises 145

7 Non-parametric tests for the comparison of samples 146

7.1 Ranking data 147
7.2 The Mann–Whitney U test for a two-sample un-matched design 148
7.3 The Kruskal–Wallis for a one-way, model I ANOVA design 153
7.4 The Wilcoxon signed-ranks test for a two-sample paired design 159
7.5 Chapter 7 key concepts 164
7.6 Computer resources 164
7.7 Chapter 7 exercises 164

8 The analysis of frequencies 166

8.1 The X2 test for goodness-of-fit 166
8.2 The Kolmogorov–Smirnov one sample test 170
8.3 The X2 test for independence of variables 172
8.4 Yates’ correction for continuity 175
8.5 The likelihood ratio test (the G test) 176
8.6 Fisher’s exact test 178
8.7 The McNemar test for a matched design 183
8.8 Tests of goodness-of-fit and independence of variables. Conclusion 184
8.9 The odds ratio (OR): measuring the degree of the association between
two discrete variables 185
8.10 The relative risk (RR): measuring the degree of the association between
two discrete variables 188
8.11 Chapter 8 key concepts 190
8.12 Computer resources 190
8.13 Chapter 8 exercises 191
x Contents

9 Correlation analysis 193

9.1 The Pearson product-moment correlation 193
9.2 Non-parametric tests of correlation 199
9.2.1 The Spearman correlation coefficient rs 199
9.2.2 Kendall’s coefficient of rank correlation – tau (␶ ) 202
9.3 Chapter 9 key concepts 208
9.4 Chapter 9 exercises 208

10 Simple linear regression 209

10.1 An overview of regression analysis 210
10.2 Regression analysis step-by-step 214
10.2.1 The data are plotted and inspected to detect violations of the
linearity and homoscedasticity assumptions 214
10.2.2 The relation between the X and the Y is described
mathematically with an equation 215
10.2.3 The regression analysis is expressed as an analysis of the
variance of Y 215
10.2.4 The null hypothesis that the parametric value of the slope is not
statistically different from 0 is tested 217
10.2.5 The regression equation is used to predict values of Y 217
10.2.6 Lack of fit is assessed 219
10.2.7 The residuals are analyzed 221
10.3 Transformations in regression analysis 225
10.4 Chapter 10 key concepts 232
10.5 Computer resources 232
10.6 Chapter 10 exercises 232

11 Advanced topics in regression analysis 234

11.1 The multiple regression model 234
11.1.1 The problem of multicollinearity/collinearity 235
11.1.2 The algebraic computation of the multiple regression equation 236
11.1.3 An overview of multiple-regression-model building 240
11.1.4 Dummy independent variables 247
11.2 An overview of logistic regression 251
11.3 Writing up your results 255
11.4 Chapter 11 key concepts 255
11.5 Computer resources 256
11.6 Chapter 11 exercises 256

References 257
Index 260
List of partial statistical tables

Areas under the normal curve. Table 3.5 page 65

Selected critical values of the t distribution. Table 4.1 87
Selected critical values of the t distribution. Table 5.1 111
Selected critical values of the maximum F ratio. Table 5.2 115
Selected critical values of the F distribution. Table 6.1 128
Selected critical values of U, the Mann–Whitney statistic for a two-tailed test.
Table 7.1 149
Selected critical values of the chi-square distribution. Table 7.2 154
Selected critical values of T for the Wilcoxon signed-ranks test. Table 7.3 160
Selected critical values of the chi-square distribution. Table 8.1 168
Selected critical values for dmax for the Kolmogorov–Smirnov goodness-of-fit
test for discrete data. Table 8.2 171
Selected critical values of the Pearson correlation coefficient. Table 9.1 196
Preface

The first edition of this book was published 13 years ago, and much has changed since
that time. To put it directly, the first edition of Statistics for Anthropology became terribly
old-fashioned. When I wrote the first edition it made sense to discuss rounding-off rules,
and to dedicate an entire chapter to the computation of frequency distributions. In the
year 2012 it does not make any sense to devote time to these topics, as most students
will be using a computer package which will easily round the numbers and compute
the frequency distributions for them. I have also decided to dedicate very little time to
the production of graphs because this is something that college students learned in their
pre-college education, and which is easily done with many computer programs. At the
same time, I augmented the book by including several issues that were missing in the first
edition: the Poisson distribution, two-way ANOVA, the odds ratio, Fisher’s exact test,
Kendall’s tau, and an entire chapter on advanced regression topics. In addition, and to
reflect current practice, I have expanded my discussion on probability as to facilitate an
understanding of maximum likelihood and Bayesian approaches to statistical inference,
as well as to classical hypothesis testing. However, most of the book focuses on the latter,
which is still the most frequent approach used in anthropological quantitative analysis.
There are specialized books on maximum likelihood and Bayesian approaches which
should be consulted for more in-depth discussion on maximum likelihood and Bayesian
statistics.
Although this edition is going to be more advanced than the first one, it does not
intend to give students their entire statistical education! Instead, this textbook will cover
important univariate techniques. Students wishing to learn multivariate statistics need
to take a second-level course.
There are two other changes in the book which reflect the passing of time. The first is
that no statistical table is included at the end of the book. These tables are now part of the
public domain, and they are posted in numerous websites, including this book’s website.
In my opinion, computer packages have made these tables virtually obsolete because
computer packages give analysts the information they used to get in the statistical tables.
Therefore, I have only reproduced selected values of statistical tables within the book,
enough to illustrate their use as needed in the book’s practices and exercises. Another
obvious change to this edition is that the data sets used for examples throughout the book
are also available in Excel format at the book’s website. A description of most of the
data sets is included in the website as well. If the data are described within the book, no
description is found in the website. When doing the problems by hand I tried to keep as
xiv Preface

many digits as possible so as to replicate as close as possible the computer output I was
getting with SAS or with PASW. However, this does not mean that the answer you will
see in the book will be exactly the same (to the very last digit) that you will get with any
and all computer packages, many of which use different algorithms. Slight differences
in rounding are certainly to be expected.
Most chapters have the same format: (almost) every statistical technique is explained
with a mathematical formula and illustrated with an example for which the reader will
need a calculator. Afterwards another example will be discussed. Since every instructor
is going to choose his or her own computer package, I will not dedicate much time
explaining how to work with any particular computer program. Sometimes I will briefly
note at the end of the chapter (under computer resources) how to perform the statistical
analysis using PASW and SAS, two popular computer packages.
What has not changed since the publication of the first edition is the need for anthro-
pology students to have a solid foundation in statistical analysis. A cursory reading in
the major journals in the discipline will show that quantitative methods of data analysis
are crucial to anthropological research. When appropriate I will discuss research articles
which use the statistical technique I am discussing. I would like to note that this book
covers statistical techniques to analyze quantitative data. Therefore, I do not cover any
kind of qualitative data analysis.
I wish to thank the instructors who adopted the first edition, and the students who
told me that they enjoyed learning statistics with the first edition. I also want to thank
everyone who gave me suggestions for improving the book, whether personally or in
writing. In this second edition I endeavored to remove all typos and errors which did
exist in the first one. However, as a typical member of the Homo sapiens species I may
have made a few mistakes. Please contact me at [email protected] to let me know of
any.

Happy computing!
1 Introduction to statistics and simple
descriptive statistics

This chapter discusses several topics, from why statistics is important in anthropological
research to statistical notation. The first section (statistics and scientific enquiry) defines
basic scientific terms and explains the role of statistics in anthropological research. The
second section (basic definitions) reviews the vocabulary we need for the rest of the
book. The third section (statistical notation) explains the fundamentals of statistical
notation.

1.1 Statistics and scientific enquiry

If you are an anthropologist, you have probably been asked what anthropology is, and
what it is good for. Many of us are at a loss to explain the obvious: how else could
we look at the world, but with a cross-cultural and evolutionary perspective? What you
may not be quite convinced about is the need for you to include a statistical aspect to
your anthropological data analysis. In this section, I hope to explain why statistics are
an integral part of a scientific approach to anthropological enquiry.
The word statistics is part of popular culture and every-day jargon. For that reason, I
wish to clarify our working definition of the term in this book. Let us agree that statistics
are the figures which summarize and describe a data set (descriptive statistics), and the
methods used to arrive at those figures. In addition, statistical analysis allows us to make
predictions about the wider universe from which a data set was obtained (inferential
statistics). The reason statistics are an integral part of the anthropology curriculum is
that statistical methods allow us to approach our subject of study in a manner which lets
us test hypotheses about the subject. Or as G. Jenkins says: “The preoccupation of some
statisticians with mathematical problems of dubious relevance to real-world problems
has been based on the mistaken notion that statistics is a branch of mathematics – In
contrast to the more sensible notion that it is part of the mainstream of the methodology
of science” (Jenkins 1979). Indeed, some students enter my classroom fearful because
they say they are not good at mathematics. However, the statistics class offered by my
department is not a mathematics class; it is a class on methodology useful for testing
hypotheses in anthropology.
There are other terms (such as hypothesis) which are used with different meanings
in popular and scientific parlance. Within science, different disciplines have different
2 Introduction to statistics and simple descriptive statistics

definitions for them. For that reason I wish to define some key terms at the start of the
book.
I would first like to define the term fact. It is a fact that you are reading this book. Such
fact is easily verified by yourself and others. People who are visually impaired can verify
this by using their sense of touch and by asking other people to confirm this. Therefore,
a fact is something that is verified usually, though not always by human senses. The
existence of sub-atomic particles is verified by computers. Although a human might
need her senses to read or feel the output generated by the computers, it is the latter
which was able to detect the sub-atomic particles. Thus, verification of facts is not
limited by human senses (otherwise, how could we detect sound used by other animal
species which we humans are unable to detect?). Science would have hardly advanced if
we had limited observation to what we humans are able to detect with our senses. Thus,
facts are verifiable truths, where the verification is not limited to human senses.
A hypothesis is an explanation of facts. What makes a hypothesis scientific is that it
can be tested and rejected by empirical evidence. A hypothesis that cannot be tested is
not scientific. Scientific hypotheses explain observed facts in testable ways. For example,
it is a well-known fact that the frequency of different colors changed in peppered moths
in London during the height of the industrial revolution. Prior to the onset of heavy
pollution in London, the majority of the moth population was lightly pigmented because
light-colored moths were well camouflaged on light tree bark from their predators (birds).
However, due to heavy pollution, tree bark became progressively darker. As a result,
dark moths became better camouflaged, and the frequency of light moths decreased
and dark ones increased. The frequency of dark peppered moths increased from less
than 1% in 1848 to 95% in 1898. With the control of pollution in the 1900s, tree
barks became lighter, light moths had the survival advantage, and the frequency of dark
moths decreased. These are the observed and verifiable facts. Various hypotheses can
be proposed to explain these facts. For example, it could be proposed that such changes
in moth coloration are the result of a supernatural Being testing our faith. Or it could
be hypothesized that birds acted as a natural selection agent, and that the change in
moth coloration was an evolutionary change experienced by the moth population. Both
propositions are explanations of the facts, but only the second one can be empirically
tested and therefore be considered scientific. Please note that a hypothesis cannot be
proven to be true. It can, however, be rejected. A hypothesis that has not been rejected
after many studies is more likely to be correct than one that has been supported by only
a single study or none at all.
There is quite a difference in the meaning of theory in popular culture and in science.
In the former, the word theory is sometimes used dismissively, as if it were some-
thing with no factual base. This is certainly not how a theory is understood to be in
science. We define a theory as a set of unified hypotheses, none of which has been
rejected. For example, the theory of plate tectonics encompasses several hypotheses
which explain several facts: the shape of Africa and South America “fit,” the stratigraphy
of both continents also correspond with each other, the shape of Madagascar “fits” with
Africa, etc. The currently accepted (not proven) hypotheses to explain these facts is that
there is continental movement, that Africa and South America were once a single land
 1.2 Basic definitions 3

mass, and that Madagascar split from Africa. Therefore, a theory is able to explain facts
with hypotheses driven by the theory. These hypotheses are tested and accepted (for
the moment). Should any of these hypotheses be rejected later (perhaps because better
observation is possible as a result of new equipment), then the theory encompassing the
rejected hypothesis must be revisited. But the entire theory does not fall apart.
The example above illustrates what is (in my opinion) the most distinctive trait of
science as a form of human knowledge different from other forms of knowledge: science
is by definition a changing field. Hypotheses which have been accepted for decades could
very well be rejected any day, and the theory which drove those hypotheses revisited.
As Futuyma so clearly puts it: “ . . . good scientists never say they have found absolute
‘truth’ (emphasis in text) (Futuyma 1995).
Statistical methods are of fundamental importance for the testing of hypotheses in
science. Researchers need an objective and widely recognized method to decide if a
hypothesis should be accepted or rejected. Statistical tests give us this method. Otherwise,
if each of us were to decide on what criteria to use to accept or reject hypotheses, we
would probably never allow ourselves the opportunity to accept a hypothesis we want to
reject or vice versa. As a tool to test hypotheses and advance theories, statistics are an
integral part of scientific studies.
There is one more reason why statistics are so important for hypothesis-driven anthro-
pological research: if we quantify results, we are able to compare them. The need for
comparing results is due to the fact that scientific results should be replicable. As you
must have learned in high school science classes, different people following the exact
same procedures in a scientific experiment should be able to obtain the same results. The
problem in anthropology, of course, is that it is impossible to replicate a historical event
such as a migration. But if we use statistics to summarize data, we can compare our
results with the results of other researchers. For example, I am interested in determining
if migrant communities have increased body mass index (BMI, computed as BMI = mkg2 )
and hypertension rates in comparison with non-migrant communities. Although I can-
not replicate a migration event, I can compare data on BMI and hypertension in several
migrant communities and determine if the migrant communities do or do not differ
from non-migrant communities. By using statistical methods, we were able to show that
whereas migrant groups experienced an increase in BMI, they did not always experi-
ence an increase in hypertension rates (Madrigal et al. 2011). We should remember that
anthropology is by definition a comparative science. A cross-cultural view of anything
human is intrinsic to the field. With statistics anthropologists are able to compare their
results with the results of others.

1.2 Basic definitions

1.2.1 Variables and constants

One sure way to favorably impress your instructor is to refer to data in the plural and not
singular. You can say, for example, that your data are a collection of measures on a group
4 Introduction to statistics and simple descriptive statistics

of 100 women from a village. Your data include the following information: woman’s
age, religion, height and weight and number of children produced. The unit of analysis
in this data set is the woman, from each of whom you obtained the above information,
which includes both variables and constants. The fact that all of your subjects are women
and the fact that they all live in the same village means that gender and village are both
constants. Constants are observations recorded on the subjects which do not vary in the
sample. In contrast, variables are observations which do vary from subject to subject.
In this example the number of children produced, the age, the height, and the weight
all vary. They are therefore variables. A singular observation in a subject (age 25, for
example) may be referred to as an observation, an individual variate or as the datum
recorded in the subject.

1.2.2 Scales of measurement

A cursory look at statistics textbooks will indicate that different authors favor different
terms to refer to the same concept regarding the scale of measure of different variables.
Please do not be surprised if the terms I use here are different from those you learned
before.

1.2.2.1 Qualitative variables

Qualitative variables classify subjects according to the kind or quality of their attributes.
These variables are also referred to as attributes, categorical or nominal variables. An
example of such variables is the religion affiliation of the women. If an investigator
works with qualitative variables, he may code the different variates with numbers. For
example, he could assign a number 1 to the first religion, 2 to the second, etc. However,
simply because the data have been coded with numbers, they cannot be analyzed with
just any statistical method. For example, it is possible to report the most frequent religion
in our sample, but it is not possible to compute the mean religion. I have always preferred
to enter qualitative data into spreadsheets by typing the characters (Christian, Muslim,
etc.) instead of using numbers as codes. However, not all computer packages allow you
to enter data in this manner.
Another important point about research with qualitative variables concerns the cod-
ing system, which should consist of mutually exclusive and exhaustive categories. Thus,
each observation should be placed in one and only one category (mutual exclusiveness),
and all observations should be categorized (exhaustiveness). Qualitative variables will
help us group subjects so that we can find out if the groups differ in another variable.
For example, we could ask if the women divided by religion differ significantly in the
number of children they produced, or in their height or weight. Qualitative variables them-
selves will be the focus of our analysis when we ask questions about their frequency in
chapter eight.

1.2.2.2 Ranked or ordered variables

Ranked or ordered variables are those whose observations can be ordered from a lower
rank to a higher rank. However, the distance or interval between the observations is not
 1.2 Basic definitions 5

fixed or set. For example, we can rank individuals who finish a race from first to last, but
we do not imply that the difference between the first and second arrivals is the same as
that between the second and the third. It is possible that the difference between the first
and second place is only 2 seconds, while the difference between the second and third
place is 3 minutes. A more appropriate anthropological example would be a situation in
which we do not have the actual age of the women we interviewed because they do not
use the Western calendar. In this case, we could still rank the women from youngest to
oldest following certain biological measures and interviews to confirm who was born
before whom. We will use ranked variables quite a bit in our non-parametric tests chapter
(chapter seven).

1.2.2.3 Numeric or quantitative variables

Numeric or quantitative variables measure the magnitude or quantity of the subjects’
attributes. Numeric variables are usually divided into discontinuous/discrete and contin-
uous variables.
Discontinuous numerical variables have discrete values, with no intermediate val-
ues between them, while the distance between any two values is the same (as opposed
to ranked variables). In the research project mentioned above, the number of chil-
dren born to a woman is an example of discontinuous variables because it can only
be whole numbers. Also, the difference between one and two children is the same
as the difference between 11 and 12 children: the difference is one child. As we
well know, discontinuous numeric variables are amenable to statistical analysis which
may produce counterintuitive results. If we compute the mean number of children
of two women, one of whom produced one and one of whom produced two chil-
dren, the result will be 1.5 children. Therefore, it is possible to compute the mean
of discrete numerical variables, whereas it is not possible to compute the mean of
qualitative variables such as religious membership, even if the latter are coded with
numbers.
Continuous numeric variables are numeric data which do allow (at least the-
oretically) an infinite number of values between two data points. In the research
project mentioned above, the weight and height of the women are continuous
numeric variables. In practice, investigators working with continuous variables assign
observations to an interval which contains several measurements. For example,
if an anthropologist is measuring her subjects’ height, and a subject measures
156.113 cm and another measures 155.995, the researcher will probably assign both sub-
jects to one category, namely, 156 cm. White (1991) discusses the issue of measurement
precision in osteological research. He specifically focuses on the appropriate procedure to
follow when slightly different measures of the same tooth or bone are obtained. The prob-
lems associated with measurement in osteology show that the measurement of continuous
variables is approximate, and that the true value of a variate may be unknowable (White
1991). You will sometimes see a distinction between interval and ratio continuous
numeric variables. In an interval scale a value of 0 does not mean total absence of the item
measured by the scale. For example, a 0 value for temperature measured in the Fahrenheit
or Celsius scales does not mean absence of temperature. In contrast, a 0 value in a ratio
6 Introduction to statistics and simple descriptive statistics

variable does mean total absence, such as 0 kilos. In terms of statistical manipulation, the
difference between ratio and interval scales is not important, so they are both treated in the
same manner in this book. The analysis of continuous numeric data is the main purpose of
this book.

1.2.3 Accuracy and precision

An accurate measurement is one that is close to the true value of that which is mea-
sured. When doing research, we should strive to obtain accurate data, but this is not as
easy as it sounds for some variables. If we are working with easily observable discrete
numeric variables (let’s say the number of people in a household at the time when we
visit it) then it’s easy to say that there are three, six, or ten people. If the variable we
wish to measure is not so easily observable (let’s say the number of children produced
by the woman) we might not be able to determine its true value accurately. It is possi-
ble that the woman had a baby when she was young and gave it up for adoption, and
nobody in her household knows about it. She is not going to tell you about this baby
when you interview her. In this case the accurate (true) number of children produced by
this woman is the number of children she declares plus one (assuming that the number
of children she declares is accurate). The problems associated with obtaining accurate
measures of continuous numeric variables are different, and I already alluded to them in
section 1.2.2.3. The better the instrument for measuring height in living subjects, or
length of a bone, the more accurate the measurement. If we can determine with a tape
measure that a subject’s height is 156 cm but with a laser beam that she is 156.000789 cm,
the latter measure is more accurate than the former. A precise measure is one that
yields consistent results. Thus, if we obtain the same value while measuring the height
of our subject, then our measure is precise. Although a non-precise measure is obvi-
ously non-accurate, a precise measure may not be accurate. For example, if you inter-
view the woman about how many children she had, she may consciously give you the
same response, knowing that she is concealing from you and her family that one baby
she had when she was very young and gave up for adoption. Since she gives you the
same response, the answer is precise; but it is not accurate.

1.2.4 Independent and dependent variables

The independent variable is the variable that is manipulated by, or is under the control
of the researcher. The independent variable is said to be under the control of the
experimenter because she can set it a different level. The dependent variable is the one
of interest to the researcher, and it is not manipulated. Instead, she wishes to see how
the independent variable affects the dependent variable, but she does not interfere or
manipulate the latter. In a laboratory setting, it is easier to manipulate an independent
variable to see its effects on the dependent one. Many readers have seen films of the
Harry Harlow experiments on the effects of isolation on the behavior of young monkeys,
in which the independent variable was degree of isolation, and the dependent variable
was the behavior of the animals. For example, Harlow raised some monkeys with their
 1.2 Basic definitions 7

mothers, while he raised others in the company of other young monkeys and he raised
others alone. By varying the degree of isolation, Harlow manipulated the independent
variable, and observed its effects on the behavior of the monkeys.
In a non-laboratory setting it is much more difficult to have such tight control over
an independent variable. However, according to the definition above, the independent
variable is under the control of the researcher. Thus, we can separate the women in our
research project by religion (independent variable) and ask if the two groups of women
differ in their mean number of children (dependent variable).
In this book we will denote independent variables by an X and dependent variables by
a Y. This distinction will be important in our regression chapters only. However, since it
is our wish to understand the behavior of the dependent variable, we will usually refer
to a variable with the letter Y. If we are discussing more than one variable we will use
other letters, such as X, Z, etc.

1.2.5 Control and experimental groups

Let us go back to the research project in which you have data on a group of women from
a village, from whom you collected each woman’s age, religion, number of children
produced, height, and weight. Let us say that you are working for an NGO which seeks
to give some kind of employment and therefore better economic prospects to the women.
Let us say that you recruit 50 women into the new program for an entire year and keep 50
out of the program. The following year you measure the 50 women in the program and
the 50 not in the program for all the same variables. It would be more proper to refer to
these two groups as the experimental group (the women in the program) and the control
group (the women not in the program). Therefore, the experimental group receives a
treatment, while the control group remains undisturbed, and serves as a comparison
point. Assuming that participation in this program is beneficial to the women, we could
predict that we would see a difference in the two groups of women. Specifically, we
could predict that women in the program will have a healthier weight after a year when
compared with women not in the program. It is by having a control group that we are
able to show that a change does or does not have an effect on our subjects. Please note
that we could express this example using independent/dependent variables terminology:
in this example the independent variable is participation in the program (yes or no, under
the control of the investigator) and the dependent variable is weight (which we do not
manipulate).
If subjects are to be divided into experimental and control groups, the statistical
decision derived from the experiment rests on the assumption that the assignment to
groups was done randomly. That is, the researcher must be assured that no uncontrolled
factors are influencing the results of the statistical test. For example, if you assign to the
new program only women of one religion, and use as a control group the women of the
other religion, and the mean weight between the groups differs, you do not know if you
are seeing the effects of religion, the program, or both combined, on weight. If subjects
are randomly assigned to treatment or control groups and the treatment does not have
8 Introduction to statistics and simple descriptive statistics

an effect, then the results of the experiment will be determined entirely by chance and
not by the treatment (Fisher 1993).

1.2.6 Samples and statistics, populations and parameters. Descriptive and inferential
statistics. A few words about sampling
A statistical population is the entire group of individuals the researcher wants to
study. Although statistical populations can be finite (all living children age 7 in one
particular day) or infinite (all human beings when they were 7 years old), they tend to
be incompletely observable (how could all children age 7 in the world be studied in one
day?). A parameter is a measure (such as the mean) that characterizes a population, and
is denoted with Greek letters (for example, the population mean and standard deviation
are designated with the Greek letters μ -mu- and σ -sigma- respectively). But since
populations are usually incompletely observable, the value of the population parameter
is usually unknown.
A sample is a subset of the population, and generally provides the data for research.
Some students upon taking their first statistics class feel that there is something wrong
about the fact that we don’t work with populations but rather with samples. Please
do not let this bother you. Most research in realistic situations must take place with
samples. You should however be concerned with obtaining a representative sample (this
is discussed below). A statistic is a measure that characterizes a sample. Thus, if a
sample of children age 7 is obtained, its average height could easily be computed.
Statistics are designated with Latin letters, such as Ȳ (Y-bar) for the sample mean
and s for the sample standard deviation. This difference in notation is very important
because it provides clear information as to how the mean or standard deviation were
obtained. It should also be noted that population size is denoted with an uppercase N,
whereas sample size is denoted with a low case n. In this book we will differentiate the
parametric from the sample notation.
Descriptive statistics describe the sample by summarizing raw data. They include
measures of central tendency (the value around which much of the sample is distributed)
and dispersion (how the sample is distributed around the central tendency value) such
as the sample mean and standard deviation respectively. Descriptive statistics are of
extreme importance whether or not a research project lends itself to more complex
statistical manipulations.
Inferential statistics are statistical techniques which use sample data, but make
inferences about the population from which the sample was drawn. Most of this book
is devoted to inferential statistics. Describing a sample is of essential importance, but
scientists are interested in making statements about the entire population. Inferential
statistics do precisely this.
Sampling. Since this book is about statistical analysis and not about research design,
I will not discuss the different types of sampling procedures available to researchers.
Moreover, the research design and sampling of anthropologists can vary a lot, whether
they are doing paleoanthropology, primatology, door-to-door interviews, or archaeolog-
ical excavations. However, I would like to discuss two issues.
 1.3 Statistical notation 9

(A) Samples must be representative and obtained with a random procedure.

In the research project we have been discussing in this chapter, our data set included
women from both religious groups. This was done because if we had only measured
women of one group, our village sample would have been biased, or it would not
accurately represent the entire village. A representative sample is usually defined as
having been obtained through a procedure which gave every member of the population
an equal chance of being sampled. This may be easier said than done in anthropology. An
anthropologist in a particular community needs to understand the nuances and culture
of the population, to make sure that an equal chance of being sampled was given to
each and every member of the population. In many instances, common sense is the most
important ingredient to a good sampling procedure. If you know that the two religious
groups are segregated by geography, you need to obtain your sample in both areas of the
village so that you have members of both groups (sample is representative).
There are some situations in anthropological research in which random sampling
can hardly be attempted. For example, paleoanthropologists investigating populations
of early hominids would hope to have a random sample of the entire population. But
these researchers can only work with the animals that were fossilized. There is really no
sampling procedure which could help them obtain a more representative sample than the
existing fossil record. In this situation, the data are analyzed with the acknowledgment
that they were obtained through a sampling procedure that cannot be known to be random.
(B) Samples must be of adequate size. The larger the sample, the more similar
it is to the entire population. But what exactly is large? This is not an easy question,
especially because in anthropology it is sometimes impossible to increase a sample size.
Paleoanthropologists keep hoping that more early hominids will be unearthed, but can
only work with what already exists. However, if a research project involves more easily
accessible data sets, you should consider that most statistical tests work well (are robust)
with samples of at least 30 individuals. Indeed, there is a whole suite of non-parametric
statistical tests specifically designed for (among other situations) cases in which the
sample size is small (discussed in chapter seven). As I mentioned above, sometimes the
most important aspect of research design is common sense. When you are designing
your project and you are trying to determine your ideal sample size, you should talk to
experts in the field and consult the literature to determine what previous researchers have
done. In addition, you might be able to perform a power analysis to help you determine
your ideal sample size, although not everyone has the necessary information to do this.
Power analysis is discussed in chapter four.

1.3 Statistical notation

Variables are denoted with capital letters such as X, Y, and Z while individual variates will
be denoted with lower case letters such as x, y, and z. If more than one variable is measured
in one individual, then we will differentiate the variables by using different letters. For
example, we might refer to height as Y, and to weight as X. Distinct observations can be
differentiated through the use of subscripts. For example, y1 is the observation recorded
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
species are only too easy and too effectual—by proffering temptation
to trespass which it is not in jay-nature to resist, and accordingly the
bird runs great chance of total extirpation. Notwithstanding the war
carried on against the jay, its varied cries and active gesticulations
show it to be a sprightly bird, and at a distance that renders its
beauty-spots invisible, it is yet rendered conspicuous by its
cinnamon-coloured body and pure white tail-coverts, which contrast
with the deep black and rich chestnut that otherwise mark its
plumage, and even the young at once assume a dress closely
resembling that of the adult. The nest, generally concealed in a leafy
tree or bush, is carefully built, with a lining formed of fine roots
neatly interwoven. Herein from four to seven eggs, of a greenish-
white closely freckled, so as to seem suffused with light olive, are
laid in March or April, and the young on quitting it accompany their
parents for some weeks.

Though the common jay of Europe inhabits nearly the whole of

this quarter of the globe south of 64° N. lat., its territory in the east
of Russia is also occupied by G. brandti, a kindred form, which
replaces it on the other side of the Ural, and ranges thence across
Siberia to Japan; and again on the lower Danube and thence to
Constantinople the nearly allied G. krynicki (which alone is found in
southern Russia, Caucasia and Asia Minor) shares its haunts with it.1
It also crosses the Mediterranean to Algeria and Morocco; but there,
as in southern Spain, it is probably but a winter immigrant. The
three forms just named have the widest range of any of the genus.
Next to them come G. atricapillus, reaching from Syria to
Baluchistan, G. japonicus, the ordinary jay of southern Japan, and G.
sinensis, the Chinese bird. Other forms have a much more limited
area, as G. cervicalis, the local and resident jay of Algeria, G.
hyrcanus, found on the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, and G.
taevanus, confined to the island of Formosa. The most aberrant of
the true jays is G. lidthi, a very rare species, which seems to come
from some part of Japan (vide Salvadori, Atti Accad. Torino, vii. 474),
though its exact locality is not known.

Leaving the true jays of the genus Garrulus, it is expedient next to

consider those of a group named, in 1831, Perisoreus by Prince C. L.
Bonaparte (Saggio, &c., Anim. Vertebrati, p. 43) and Dysornithia by
Swainson (F. B.-Americana, ii. 495).2

Fig. 2.—American Blue Jay.

This group contains two species—one the Lanius infaustus of

Linnaeus and the Siberian jay of English writers, which ranges
throughout the pine-forests of the north of Europe and Asia, and the
second the Corvus canadensis of the same author, or Canada jay,
occupying a similar station in America. The so-called Siberian jay is
one of the most entertaining birds in the world. Its versatile cries
and actions, as seen and heard by those who penetrate the solitude
of the northern forests it inhabits, can never be forgotten by one
who has had experience of them, any more than the pleasing sight
of its rust-coloured tail, which an occasional gleam of sunshine will
light up into a brilliancy quite unexpected by those who have only
surveyed the bird’s otherwise gloomy appearance in the glass-case
of a museum. It seems scarcely to know fear, obtruding itself on the
notice of any traveller who invades its haunts, and, should he halt,
making itself at once a denizen of his bivouac. In confinement it
speedily becomes friendly, but suitable food for it is not easily found.
Linnaeus seems to have been under a misapprehension when he
applied to it the trivial epithet it bears; for by none of his
countrymen is it deemed an unlucky bird, but rather the reverse. In
fact, no one can listen to the cheery sound of its ordinary calls with
any but a hopeful feeling. The Canada jay, or “whisky-jack” (the
corruption probably of a Cree name), seems to be of a similar
nature, but it presents a still more sombre coloration, its nestling
plumage,3 indeed, being thoroughly corvine in appearance and
suggestive of its being a pristine form.

As though to make amends for the dull plumage of the species

last mentioned, North America offers some of the most brilliantly
coloured of the sub-family, and the common blue jay4 of Canada and
the eastern states of the Union, Cyanurus cristatus (fig. 2), is one of
the most conspicuous birds of the Transatlantic woods. The account
of its habits by Alexander Wilson is known to every student of
ornithology, and Wilson’s followers have had little to do but
supplement his history with unimportant details. In this bird and its
many allied forms, coloration, though almost confined to various
tints of blue, seems to reach its climax, but want of space forbids
more particular notice of them, or of the members of the other
genera Cyanocitta, Cyanocorax, Xanthura, Psilorhinus, and more,
which inhabit various parts of the Western continent. It remains,
however, to mention the genus Cissa, including many beautiful forms
belonging to the Indian region, and among them the C. speciosa and
C. sinensis, so often represented in Oriental drawings, though
doubts may be expressed whether these birds are not more nearly
related to the pies than to the jays.
(A. N.)

1 Further information will possibly show that these districts are not
occupied at the same season of the year by the two forms.

2 Recent writers have preferred the former name, though it was only
used sub-generically by its author, who assigned to it no characters,
which the inventor of the latter was careful to do, regarding it at the
same time as a genus.

3 In this it was described and figured (F. B. Americana, ii. 296, pl. 55)
as a distinct species, G. brachyrhynchus.

4 The birds known as blue jays in India and Africa are rollers (q.v.).
 JEALOUSY (adapted from Fr. jalousie, formed from jaloux,
jealous, Low Lat. zelosus, Gr. ζῆλος, ardour, zeal, from the root seen
in ζέειν, to boil, ferment; cf. “yeast”), originally a condition of
zealous emulation, and hence, in the usual modern sense, of
resentment at being (or believing that one is or may be) supplanted
or preferred in the love or affection of another, or in the enjoyment
of some good regarded as properly one’s own. Jealousy is really a
form of envy, but implies a feeling of personal claim which in envy or
covetousness is wanting. The jealousy of God, as in Exod. xx. 5, “For
I, the Lord thy God, am a jealous God,” has been defined by Pusey
(Minor Prophets, 1860) as the attribute “whereby he does not
endure the love of his creatures to be transferred from him.”
“Jealous,” by etymology, is however, only another form of “zealous,”
and the identity is exemplified by such expressions as “I have been
very jealous for the Lord God of Hosts” (1 Kings xix. 10). A kind of
glass, thick, ribbed and non-transparent, was formerly known as
“jealous-glass,” and this application is seen in the borrowed French
word jalousie, a blind or shutter, made of slats of wood, which slope
in such a way as to admit air and a certain amount of light, while
excluding rain and sun and inspection from without.

JEAN D’ARRAS, a 15th-century trouvère, about whose

personal history nothing is known, was the collaborator with Antoine
du Val and Fouquart de Cambrai in the authorship of a collection of
stories entitled Évangiles de quenouille. They purport to record the
narratives of a group of ladies at their spinning, who relate the
current theories on a great variety of subjects. The work dates from
the middle of the 15th century and is of considerable value for the
light it throws on medieval manners.

There were many editions of this book in the 15th and 16th
centuries, one of which was printed by Wynkyn de Worde in
English, as The Gospelles of Dystaves. A modern edition
(Collection Jannet) has a preface by Anatole France.

Another trouvère, Jean d’Arras who flourished in the second half of

the 14th century, wrote, at the request of John, duke of Berry, a
long prose romance entitled Chronique de la princesse. It relates
with many digressions the antecedents and life of the fairy Mélusine
(q.v.).

JEAN DE MEUN, or De Meung (c. 1250-c. 1305), whose

original name was Jean Clopinel or Chopinel, was born at Meun-sur-
Loire. Tradition asserts that he studied at the university of Paris. At
any rate he was, like his contemporary, Rutebeuf, a defender of
Guillaume de Saint-Amour and a bitter critic of the mendicant orders.
Most of his life seems to have been spent in Paris, where he
possessed, in the Rue Saint-Jacques, a house with a tower, court and
garden, which was described in 1305 as the house of the late Jean
de Meung, and was then bestowed by a certain Adam d’Andely on
the Dominicans. Jean de Meun says that in his youth he composed
songs that were sung in every public place and school in France. In
the enumeration of his own works he places first his continuation of
the Roman de la rose of Guillaume de Lorris (q.v.). The date of this
second part is generally fixed between 1268 and 1285 by a
reference in the poem to the death of Manfred and Conradin,
executed (1268) by order of Charles of Anjou (d. 1285) who is
described as the present king of Sicily. M. F. Guillon (Jean Clopinel,
1903), however, considering the poem primarily as a political satire,
places it in the last five years of the 13th century. Jean de Meun
doubtless edited the work of his predecessor, Guillaume de Lorris,
before using it as the starting-point of his own vast poem, running to
19,000 lines. The continuation of Jean de Meun is a satire on the
monastic orders, on celibacy, on the nobility, the papal see, the
excessive pretensions of royalty, and especially on women and
marriage. Guillaume had been the servant of love, and the exponent
of the laws of “courtoisie”; Jean de Meun added an “art of love,”
exposing with brutality the vices of women, their arts of deception,
and the means by which men may outwit them. Jean de Meun
embodied the mocking, sceptical spirit of the fabliaux. He did not
share in current superstitions, he had no respect for established
institutions, and he scorned the conventions of feudalism and
romance. His poem shows in the highest degree, in spite of the
looseness of its plan, the faculty of keen observation, of lucid
reasoning and exposition, and it entitles him to be considered the
greatest of French medieval poets. He handled the French language
with an ease and precision unknown to his predecessors, and the
length of his poem was no bar to its popularity in the 13th and 14th
centuries. Part of its vogue was no doubt due to the fact that the
author, who had mastered practically all the scientific and literary
knowledge of his contemporaries in France, had found room in his
poem for a great amount of useful information and for numerous
citations from classical authors. The book was attacked by Guillaume
de Degulleville in his Pèlerinage de la vie humaine (c. 1330), long a
favourite work both in England and France; by John Gerson, and by
Christine de Pisan in her Épître au dieu d’amour; but it also found
energetic defenders.

Jean de Meun translated in 1284 the treatise, De re militari, of

Vegetius into French as Le livre de Vegèce de l’art de chevalerie1
(ed. Ulysse Robert, Soc. des anciens textes fr., 1897). He also
produced a spirited version, the first in French, of the letters of
Abelard and Hèloïse. A 14th-century MS. of this translation in the
Bibliothèque Nationale has annotations by Petrarch. His
translation of the De consolatione philosophiae of Boëtius is
preceded by a letter to Philip IV. in which he enumerates his
earlier works, two of which are lost—De spirituelle amitié from
the De spirituali amicitia of Aelred of Rievaulx (d. 1166), and the
Livre des merveilles d’Hirlande from the Topographia Hibernica,
or De Mirabilibus Hiberniae of Giraldus Cambrensis (Giraud de
Barry). His last poems are doubtless his Testament and Codicille.
The Testament is written in quatrains in monorime, and contains
advice to the different classes of the community.

See also Paulin Paris in Hist. lit. de la France, xxviii. 391-439,

and E. Langlois in Hist. de la langue et de la lit. française, ed. L.
Petit de Julleville, ii. 125-161 (1896); and editions of the Roman
de la rose (q.v.).
 1 Jean de Meun’s translation formed the basis of a rhymed version
(1290) by Jean Priorat of Besançon, Li abreyance de l’ordre de chevalerie.

JEANNETTE, a borough of Westmoreland county,

Pennsylvania, U.S.A., about 27 m. E. by S. of Pittsburg. Pop. (1890),
3296; (1900), 5865 (1340 foreign-born); (1910), 8077. It is served
by the Pennsylvania railroad, and is connected with Pittsburg and
Uniontown by electric railway. It is supplied with natural gas and is
primarily a manufacturing centre, its principal manufactures being
glass, table-ware and rubber goods. Jeannette was founded in 1888,
and was incorporated as a borough in 1889.

JEANNIN, PIERRE (1540-1622), French statesman, was born

at Autun. A pupil of the great jurist Jacques Cujas at Bourges, he
was an advocate at Dijon in 1569 and became councillor and then
president of the parlement of Burgundy. He opposed in vain the
massacre of St Bartholomew in his province. As councillor to the
duke of Mayenne he sought to reconcile him with Henry IV. After the
victory of Fontaine-Française (1595), Henry took Jeannin into his
council and in 1602 named him intendant of finances. He took part
in the principal events of the reign, negotiated the treaty of Lyons
with the duke of Savoy (see Henry IV.), and the defensive alliance
between France and the United Netherlands in 1608. As
superintendent of finances under Louis XIII., he tried to establish
harmony between the king and the queen-mother.

See Berger de Xivrey, Lettres missives de Henri IV. (in the

Collection inédite pour l’histoire de France), t. v. (1850); P(ierre)
S(aumaise), Eloge sur la vie de Pierre Janin (Dijon, 1623);
Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du lundi, t. x. (May 1854).

JEBB, JOHN (1736-1786), English divine, was educated at

Cambridge, where he was elected fellow of Peterhouse in 1761,
having previously been second wrangler. He was a man of
independent judgment and warmly supported the movement of
1771 for abolishing university and clerical subscription to the Thirty-
nine Articles. In his lectures on the Greek Testament he is said to
have expressed Socinian views. In 1775 he resigned his Suffolk
church livings, and two years afterwards graduated M.D. at St
Andrews. He practised medicine in London and was elected F.R.S. in
1779.
 Another John Jebb (1775-1833), bishop of Limerick, is best known
as the author of Sacred Literature (London, 1820).

JEBB, SIR RICHARD CLAVERHOUSE (1841-1905),

English classical scholar, was born at Dundee on the 27th of August
1841. His father was a well-known barrister, and his grandfather a
judge. He was educated at Charterhouse and at Trinity College,
Cambridge. He won the Porson and Craven scholarships, was senior
classic in 1862, and became fellow and tutor of his college in 1863.
From 1869 to 1875 he was public orator of the university; professor
of Greek at Glasgow from 1875 to 1889, and at Cambridge from
1889 till his death on the 9th of December 1905. In 1891 he was
elected member of parliament for Cambridge University; he was
knighted in 1900. Jebb was acknowledged to be one of the most
brilliant classical scholars of his time, a humanist in the best sense,
and his powers of translation from and into the classical languages
were unrivalled. A collected volume, Translations into Greek and
Latin, appeared in 1873 (ed. 1909). He was the recipient of many
honorary degrees from European and American universities, and in
1905 was made a member of the Order of Merit. He married in 1874
the widow of General A. J. Slemmer, of the United States army, who
survived him.
 Jebb was the author of numerous publications, of which the
following are the most important: The Characters of
Theophrastus (1870), text, introduction, English translation and
commentary (re-edited by J. E. Sandys, 1909); The Attic Orators
from Antiphon to Isaeus (2nd ed., 1893), with companion
volume, Selections from the Attic Orators (2nd ed., 1888);
Bentley (1882); Sophocles (3rd ed., 1893) the seven plays, text,
English translation and notes, the promised edition of the
fragments being prevented by his death; Bacchylides (1905),
text, translation, and notes; Homer (3rd ed., 1888), an
introduction to the Iliad and Odyssey; Modern Greece (1901);
The Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry (1893). His
translation of the Rhetoric of Aristotle was published
posthumously under the editorship of J. E. Sandys (1909). A
selection from his Essays and Addresses, and a subsequent
volume, Life and Letters of Sir Richard Claverhouse Jebb (with
critical introduction by A. W. Verrall) were published by his
widow in 1907; see also an appreciative notice by J. E. Sandys,
Hist. of Classical Scholarship, iii. (1908).

JEBEIL (anc. Gebal-Byblus), a town of Syria pleasantly situated

on a slight eminence near the sea, about 20 m. N. of Beirut. It is
surrounded by a wall 1½ m. in circumference, with square towers at
the angles, and a castle at the south-east corner. Numerous broken
granite columns in the gardens and vineyards that surround the
town, with the number of ruined houses within the walls, testify to
its former importance. The stele of Jehawmelek, king of Gebal,
found here, is one of the most important of Phoenician monuments.
The small port is almost choked up with sand and ruins. Pop. 3000,
all Moslems.

The inhabitants of the Phoenician Gebal and Greek Byblus were

renowned as stonecutters and ship-builders. Arrian (ii. 20. 1)
represents Enylus, king of Byblus, as joining Alexander with a fleet,
after that monarch had captured the city. Philo of Byblus makes it
the most ancient city of Phoenicia, founded by Cronus, i.e. the
Moloch who appears from the stele of Jehawmelek to have been
with Baalit the chief deity of the city. According to Plutarch (Mor.
357), the ark with the corpse of Osiris was cast ashore at Byblus,
and there found by Isis. The orgies of Adonis in the temple of Baalit
(Aphrodite Byblia) are described by Lucian, De Dea Syr., cap. vi. The
river Adonis is the Nahr al-Ibrahim, which flows near the town. The
crusaders, after failing before it in 1099, captured “Giblet” in 1103,
but lost it again to Saladin in 1189. Under Mahommedan rule it has
gradually (D. G. H.) decayed.

JEBEL (plur. jibāl), also written Gebel with hard g (plur. gibāl), an
Arabic word meaning a mountain or a mountain chain. It is
frequently used in place-names. The French transliteration of the
word is djebel. Jebeli signifies a mountaineer. The pronunciation with
a hard g sound is that used in the Egyptian dialect of Arabic.

JEDBURGH, a royal and police burgh and county-town of

Roxburghshire, Scotland. Pop. of police burgh (1901), 3136. It is
situated on Jed Water, a tributary of the Teviot, 56¼ m. S.E. of
Edinburgh by the North British railway, via Roxburgh and St Boswells
(49 m. by road), and 10 m. from the border at Catcleuch Shin, a
peak of the Cheviots, 1742 ft. high. Of the name Jedburgh there
have been many variants, the earliest being Gedwearde (800),
Jedwarth (1251), and Geddart (1586), while locally the word is
sometimes pronounced Jethart. The town is situated on the left bank
of the Jed, the main streets running at right angles from each side of
the central market-place. Of the renowned group of Border abbeys—
Jedburgh, Melrose, Dryburgh and Kelso—that of Jedburgh is the
stateliest. In 1118, according to tradition, but more probably as late
as 1138, David, prince of Cumbria, here founded a priory for
Augustinian monks from the abbey of St Quentin at Beauvais in
France, and in 1147, after he had become king, erected it into an
abbey dedicated to the Virgin. Repeatedly damaged in Border
warfare, it was ruined in 1544-45 during the English invasion led by
Sir Ralph Evers (or Eure). The establishment was suppressed in
1559, the revenues being temporarily annexed to the Crown. After
changing owners more than once, the lands were purchased in 1637
by the 3rd earl of Lothian. Latterly five of the bays at the west end
had been utilized as the parish church, but in 1873-1875 the 9th
marquess of Lothian built a church for the service of the parish, and
presented it to the heritors in exchange for the ruined abbey in order
to prevent the latter from being injured by modern additions and
alterations.

The abbey was built of Old Red sandstone, and belongs

mostly to the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th
centuries. The architecture is mixed, and the abbey is a beautiful
example of the Norman and Transition styles. The total length is
235 ft., the nave being 133½ ft. long and 59½ ft. wide. The
west front contains a great Norman porch and a fine wheel
window. The nave, on each side, has nine pointed arches in the
basement storey, nine round arches in the triforium, and thirty-
six pointed arches in the clerestory, through which an arcade is
carried on both sides. The tower, at the intersection of the nave
and transepts, is of unusually massive proportions, being 30 ft.
square and fully 100 ft. high; the network baluster round the top
is modern. With the exception of the north piers and a small
portion of the wall above, which are Norman, the tower dates
from the end of the 15th century. The whole of the south
transept has perished. The north transept, with early Decorated
windows, has been covered in and walled off, and is the burial-
ground of the Kerrs of Fernihirst, ancestors of the marquess of
Lothian. The earliest tombstone is dated 1524; one of the latest
is the recumbent effigy, by G. F. Watts, R.A., of the 8th
marquess of Lothian (1832-1870). All that is left of the choir,
which contains some very early Norman work, is two bays with
three tiers on each side, corresponding to the design of the
 nave. It is supposed that the aisle, with Decorated window and
groined roof, south of the chancel, formed the grammar school
(removed from the abbey in 1751) in which Samuel Rutherford
(1600-1661), principal of St Mary’s College, St Andrews, and
James Thomson, author of The Seasons, were educated. The
door leading from the south aisle into a herbaceous garden,
formerly the cloister, is an exquisite copy of one which had
become greatly decayed. It was designed by Sir Rowand
Anderson, under whose superintendence restoration in the
abbey was carried out.

The castle stood on high ground at the south end of the burgh, or
“town-head.” Erected by David I., it was one of the strongholds
ceded to England in 1174, under the treaty of Falaise, for the
ransom of William the Lion. It was, however, so often captured by
the English that it became a menace rather than a protection, and
the townsfolk demolished it in 1409. It had occasionally been used
as a royal residence, and was the scene, in November 1285, of the
revels held in celebration of the marriage (solemnized in the abbey)
of Alexander III. to Joleta, or Yolande, daughter of the count of
Dreux. The site was occupied in 1823 by the county prison, now
known as the castle, a castellated structure which gradually fell into
disuse and was acquired by the corporation in 1890. A house exists
in Backgate in which Mary Queen of Scots resided in 1566, and one
in Castlegate which Prince Charles Edward occupied in 1745.

The public buildings include the grammar school (built in 1883 to

replace the successor of the school in the abbey), founded by
William Turnbull, bishop of Glasgow (d. 1454), the county buildings,
the free library and the public hall, which succeeded to the corn
exchange destroyed by fire in 1898, a loss that involved the museum
and its contents, including the banners captured by the Jethart
weavers at Bannockburn and Killiecrankie. The old market cross still
exists, and there are two public parks. The chief industry is the
manufacture of woollens (blankets, hosiery), but brewing, tanning
and iron-founding are carried on, and fruit (especially pears) and
garden produce are in repute. Jedburgh was made a royal burgh in
the reign of David I., and received a charter from Robert I. and
another, in 1566, from Mary Queen of Scots. Sacked and burned
time after time during the Border strife, it was inevitable that the
townsmen should become keen fighters. Their cry of “Jethart’s
here!” was heard wherever the fray waxed most fiercely, and the
Jethart axe of their invention—a steel axe on a 4-ft. pole—wrought
havoc in their hands.

“Jethart or Jeddart justice,” according to which a man was hanged

first and tried afterwards, seems to have been a hasty generalization
from a solitary fact—the summary execution in James VI.’s reign of a
gang of rogues at the instance of Sir George Home, but has
nevertheless passed into a proverb.

Old Jeddart, 4 m. S. of the present town, the first site of the

burgh, is now marked by a few grassy mounds, and of the great
Jedburgh forest, only the venerable oaks, the “Capon Tree” and the
“King of the Woods” remain. Dunion Hill (1095 ft.), about 2 m.
south-west of Jedburgh, commands a fine view of the capital of the
county.
 JEEJEEBHOY (Jijibhai), SIR JAMSETJEE (Jamsetji), Bart.
(1783-1859), Indian merchant and philanthropist, was born in
Bombay in 1783, of poor but respectable parents, and was left an
orphan in early life. At the age of sixteen, with a smattering of
mercantile education and a bare pittance, he commenced a series of
business travels destined to lead him to fortune and fame. After a
preliminary visit to Calcutta, he undertook a voyage to China, then
fraught with so much difficulty and risk that it was regarded as a
venture betokening considerable enterprise and courage; and he
subsequently initiated a systematic trade with that country, being
himself the carrier of his merchant wares on his passages to and fro
between Bombay and Canton and Shanghai. His second return
voyage from China was made in one of the East India Company’s
fleet, which, under the command of Sir Nathaniel Dance, defeated
the French squadron under Admiral Linois (Feb. 15, 1804). On his
fourth return voyage from China, the Indiaman in which he sailed
was forced to surrender to the French, by whom he was carried as a
prisoner to the Cape of Good Hope, then a neutral Dutch possession;
and it was only after much delay, and with great difficulty, that he
made his way to Calcutta in a Danish ship. Nothing daunted, he
undertook yet another voyage to China, which was more successful
than any of the previous ones. By this time he had fairly established
his reputation as a merchant possessed of the highest spirit of
enterprise and considerable wealth, and thenceforward he settled
down in Bombay, where he directed his commercial operations on a
widely extended scale. By 1836 his firm was large enough to engross
the energies of his three sons and other relatives; and he had
amassed what at that period of Indian mercantile history was
regarded as fabulous wealth. An essentially self-made man, having
experienced in early life the miseries of poverty and want, in his
days of affluence Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy developed an active instinct
of sympathy with his poorer countrymen, and commenced that
career of private and public philanthropy which is his chief title to
the admiration of mankind. His liberality was unbounded, and the
absorbing occupation of his later life was the alleviation of human
distress. To his own community he gave lavishly, but his benevolence
was mainly cosmopolitan. Hospitals, schools, homes of charity,
pension funds, were founded or endowed by him, while numerous
public works in the shape of wells, reservoirs, bridges, causeways,
and the like, not only in Bombay, but in other parts of India, were
the creation of his bounty. The total of his known benefactions
amounted at the time of his death, which took place in 1859, to over
£230,000. It was not, however, the amount of his charities so much
as the period and circumstances in which they were performed that
made his benevolent career worthy of the fame he won. In the first
half of the 19th century the various communities of India were much
more isolated in their habits and their sympathies than they are now.
Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy’s unsectarian philanthropy awakened a
common understanding and created a bond between them which
has proved not only of domestic value but has had a national and
political significance. His services were recognized first in 1842 by
the bestowal of a knighthood upon him, and in 1858 by that of a
baronetcy. These were the very first distinctions of their kind
conferred by Queen Victoria upon a British subject in India.

His title devolved in 1859 on his eldest son Cursetjee, who, by a

special Act of the Viceroy’s Council in pursuance of a provision in the
letters-patent, took the name of Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy as second
baronet. At his death in 1877 his eldest son, Menekjee, became Sir
Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, the third baronet. Both had the advantage of
a good English education, and continued the career of benevolent
activity and devoted loyalty to British rule which had signalized the
life-work of the founder of the family. They both visited England to
do homage to their sovereign; and their public services were
recognized by their nomination to the order of the Star of India, as
well as by appointment to the Legislative Councils of Calcutta and
Bombay.

On the death of the third baronet, the title devolved upon his
brother, Cowsajee (1853-1908), who became Sir Jamsetjee
Jeejeebhoy, fourth baronet, and the recognized leader of the Parsee
community all over the world. He was succeeded by his son
Rustomjee (b. 1878), who became Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, fifth
baronet.

Since their emigration from Persia, the Parsee community had

never had a titular chief or head, its communal funds and affairs
being managed by a public body, more or less democratic in its
constitution, termed the Parsee panchayat. The first Sir Jamsetjee,
by the hold that he established on the community, by his charities
and public spirit, gradually came to be regarded in the light of its
chief; and the recognition which he was the first in India to receive
at the hands of the British sovereign finally fixed him and his
successors in the baronetcy in the position and title of the official
Parsee leader.
(M. M. Bh.)

JEFFERIES, RICHARD (1848-1887), English naturalist and

author, was born on the 6th of November 1848, at the farmhouse of
Coate about 2½ m. from Swindon, on the road to Marlborough. He
was sent to school, first at Sydenham and then at Swindon, till the
age of fifteen or so, but his actual education was at the hands of his
father, who gave him his love for Nature and taught him how to
observe. For the faculty of observation, as Jefferies, Gilbert White,
and H. D. Thoreau have remarked, several gifts are necessary,
including the possession of long sight and quick sight, two things
which do not always go together. To them must be joined trained
sight and the knowledge of what to expect. The boy’s father first
showed him what there was to look for in the hedge, in the field, in
the trees, and in the sky. This kind of training would in many cases
be wasted: to one who can understand it, the book of Nature will
by-and-by offer pages which are blurred and illegible to the city-bred
lad, and even to the country lad the power of reading them must be
maintained by constant practice. To live amid streets or in the
working world destroys it. The observer must live alone and always
in the country; he must not worry himself about the ways of the
world; he must be always, from day to day, watching the infinite
changes and variations of Nature. Perhaps, even when the observer
can actually read this book of Nature, his power of articulate speech
may prove inadequate for the expression of what he sees. But
Jefferies, as a boy, was more than an observer of the fields; he was
bookish, and read all the books that he could borrow or buy. And
presently, as is apt to be the fate of a bookish boy who cannot enter
a learned profession, he became a journalist and obtained a post on
the local paper. He developed literary ambitions, but for a long time
to come was as one beating the air. He tried local history and novels;
but his early novels, which were published at his own risk and
expense, were, deservedly, failures. In 1872, however, he published
a remarkable letter in The Times, on “The Wiltshire Labourer,” full of
original ideas and of facts new to most readers. This was in reality
the turning-point in his career. In 1873, after more false starts,
Jefferies returned to his true field of work, the life of the country,
and began to write for Fraser’s Magazine on “Farming and Farmers.”
He had now found himself. The rest of his history is that of continual
advance, from close observation becoming daily more and more
close, to that intimate communion with Nature with which his later
pages are filled. The developments of the later period are
throughout touched with the melancholy that belongs to ill-health.
For, though in his prose poem called “The Pageant of Summer” the
writer seems absolutely revelling in the strength of manhood that
belongs to that pageant, yet, in the Story of My Heart, written about
the same time, we detect the mind that is continually turned to
death. He died at Goring, worn out with many ailments, on the 14th
of August 1887. The best-known books of Richard Jefferies are: The
Gamekeeper at Home (1878); The Story of My Heart (1883); Life of
the Fields (1884), containing the best paper he ever wrote, “The
Pageant of Summer”; Amaryllis at the Fair (1884), in which may be
found the portraits of his own people; and The Open Air. He stands
among the scanty company of men who address a small audience,
for whom he read aloud these pages of Nature spoken of above,
which only he, and the few like unto him, can decipher.

See Sir Walter Besant, Eulogy of Richard Jefferies (1888); H.

S. Salt, Richard Jefferies: a Study (1894); Edward Thomas,
Richard Jefferies, his Life and Work (1909).
(W. Be.)

JEFFERSON, JOSEPH (1820-1905), American actor, was

born in Philadelphia on the 20th of February 1829. He was the third
actor of this name in a family of actors and managers, and the most
famous of all American comedians. At the age of three he appeared
as the boy in Kotzebue’s Pizarro, and throughout his youth he
underwent all the hardships connected with theatrical touring in
those early days. After a miscellaneous experience, partly as actor,
partly as manager, he won his first pronounced success in 1858 as
Asa Trenchard in Tom Taylor’s Our American Cousin at Laura Keene’s
theatre in New York. This play was the turning-point of his career, as
it was of Sothern’s. The naturalness and spontaneity of humour with
which he acted the love scenes revealed a spirit in comedy new to
his contemporaries, long used to a more artificial convention; and
the touch of pathos which the part required revealed no less to the
actor an unexpected power in himself. Other early parts were
Newman Noggs in Nicholas Nickleby, Caleb Plummer in The Cricket
on the Hearth, Dr Pangloss in The Heir at Law, Salem Scudder in
The Octoroon, and Bob Acres in The Rivals, the last being not so
much an interpretation of the character as Sheridan sketched it as a
creation of the actor’s. In 1859 Jefferson made a dramatic version of
the story of Rip Van Winkle on the basis of older plays, and acted it
with success at Washington. The play was given its permanent form
by Dion Boucicault in London, where (1865) it ran 170 nights, with
Jefferson in the leading part. Jefferson continued to act with
undiminished popularity in a limited number of parts in nearly every
town in the United States, his Rip Van Winkle, Bob Acres, and Caleb
Plummer being the most popular. He was one of the first to establish
the travelling combinations which superseded the old system of local
stock companies. With the exception of minor parts, such as the
First Gravedigger in Hamlet, which he played in an “all star
combination” headed by Edwin Booth, Jefferson created no new
character after 1865; and the success of Rip Van Winkle was so
pronounced that he has often been called a one-part actor. If this
was a fault, it was the public’s, who never wearied of his one
masterpiece. Jefferson died on the 23rd of April 1905. No man in his
profession was more honoured for his achievements or his character.
He was the friend of many of the leading men in American politics,
art and literature. He was an ardent fisherman and lover of nature,
and devoted to painting. Jefferson was twice married: to an actress,
Margaret Clements Lockyer (1832-1861), in 1850, and in 1867 to
Sarah Warren, niece of William Warren the actor.

Jefferson’s Autobiography (New York, 1889) is written with

admirable spirit and humour, and its judgments with regard to
the art of the actor and of the playwright entitle it to a place
beside Cibber’s Apology. See William Winter, The Jeffersons
 (1881), and Life of Joseph Jefferson (1894); Mrs. E. P. Jefferson,
Recollections of Joseph Jefferson (1909).

JEFFERSON, THOMAS (1743-1826), third president of the

United States of America, and the most conspicuous apostle of
democracy in America, was born on the 13th of April 1743, at
Shadwell, Albemarle county, Virginia. His father, Peter Jefferson
(1707-1757), of early Virginian yeoman stock, was a civil engineer
and a man of remarkable energy, who became a justice of the
peace, a county surveyor and a burgess, served the Crown in inter-
colonial boundary surveys, and married into one of the most
prominent colonial families, the Randolphs. Albemarle county was
then in the frontier wilderness of the Blue Ridge, and was very
different, socially, from the lowland counties where a few broad-
acred families dominated an open-handed, somewhat luxurious and
assertive aristocracy. Unlike his Randolph connexions, Peter
Jefferson was a whig and a thorough democrat; from him, and
probably, too, from the Albemarle environment, his son came
naturally by democratic inclinations.

Jefferson carried with him from the college of William and Mary at
Williamsburg, in his twentieth year, a good knowledge of Latin,
Greek and French (to which he soon added Spanish, Italian and
Anglo-Saxon), and a familiarity with the higher mathematics and
natural sciences only possessed, at his age, by men who have a rare
natural taste and ability for those studies. He remained an ardent
student throughout life, able to give and take in association with the
many scholars, American and foreign, whom he numbered among
his friends and correspondents. With a liberal Scotsman, Dr William
Small, then of the faculty of William and Mary and later a friend of
Erasmus Darwin, and George Wythe (1726-1806), a very
accomplished scholar and leader of the Virginia bar, Jefferson was an
habitual member, while still in college, of a partie carrée at the table
of Francis Fauquier (c. 1720-1768), the accomplished lieutenant-
governor of Virginia. Jefferson was an expert violinist, a good singer
and dancer, proficient in outdoor sports, and an excellent horseman.
Thorough-bred horses always remained to him a necessary luxury.
When it is added that Fauquier was a passionate gambler, and that
the gentry who gathered every winter at Williamsburg, the seat of
government of the province, were ruinously addicted to the same
weakness, and that Jefferson had a taste for racing, it does credit to
his early strength of character that of his social opportunities he took
only the better. He never used tobacco, never played cards, never
gambled, and was never party to a personal quarrel.

Soon after leaving college he entered Wythe’s law office, and in

1767, after five years of close study, was admitted to the bar. His
thorough preparation enabled him to compete from the first with the
leading lawyers of the colony, and his success shows that the bar
had no rewards that were not fairly within his reach. As an advocate,
however, he did not shine; a weakness of voice made continued
speaking impossible, and he had neither the ability nor the
temperament for oratory. To his legal scholarship and collecting zeal
Virginia owed the preservation of a large part of her early statutes.
He seems to have lacked interest in litigiousness, which was
extraordinarily developed in colonial Virginia; and he saw and wished
to reform the law’s abuses. It is probable that he turned, therefore,
the more willingly to politics; at any rate, soon after entering public
life he abandoned practice (1774).

The death of his father had left him an estate of 1900 acres, the
income from which (about £400) gave him the position of an
independent country gentleman; and while engaged in the law he
had added to his farms after the ambitious Virginia fashion, until,
when he married in his thirtieth year, there were 5000 acres all paid
for; and almost as much more1 came to him in 1773 on the death of
his father-in-law. On the 1st of January 1772, Jefferson married
Martha Wayles Skelton (1749-1782), a childless widow of twenty-
three, very handsome, accomplished, and very fond of music. Their
married life was exceedingly happy, and Jefferson never remarried
after her early death. Of six children born from their union, two
daughters alone survived infancy. Jefferson was emotional and very
affectionate in his home, and his generous and devoted relations
with his children and grandchildren are among the finest features of
his character.

Jefferson began his public service as a justice of the peace and

parish vestryman; he was chosen a member of the Virginia house of
burgesses in 1769 and of every succeeding assembly and convention
of the colony until he entered the Continental Congress in 1775. His
forceful, facile pen gave him great influence from the first; but
though a foremost member of several great deliberative bodies, he
can fairly be said never to have made a speech. He hated the
“morbid rage of debate” because he believed that men were never
convinced by argument, but only by reflection, through reading or
unprovocative conversation; and this belief guided him through life.
Moreover it is very improbable that he could ever have shone as a
public speaker, and to this fact unfriendly critics have attributed, at
least in part, his abstention from debate. The house of burgesses of
1769, and its successors in 1773 and 1774, were dissolved by the
governor (see Virginia) for their action on the subject of colonial
grievances and inter-colonial co-operation. Jefferson was prominent
in all; was a signer of the Virginia agreement of non-importation and
economy (1769); and was elected in 1774 to the first Virginia
convention, called to consider the state of the colony and advance
inter-colonial union. Prevented by illness from attending, Jefferson
sent to the convention elaborate resolutions, which he proposed as
instructions to the Virginia delegates to the Continental Congress
that was to meet at Philadelphia in September. In the direct
language of reproach and advice, with no disingenuous loading of
the Crown’s policy upon its agents, these resolutions attacked the
errors of the king, and maintained that “the relation between Great
Britain and these colonies was exactly the same as that of England
and Scotland after the accession of James and until the Union; and
that our emigration to this country gave England no more rights over
us than the emigration of the Danes and Saxons gave to the present
authorities of their mother country over England.” This was cutting
at the common root of allegiance, emigration and colonization; but
such radicalism was too thorough-going for the immediate end. The
resolutions were published, however, as a pamphlet, entitled A
Summary View of the Rights of America, which was widely
circulated. In England, after receiving such modifications—attributed
to Burke—as adapted it to the purposes of the opposition, this
pamphlet ran through many editions, and procured for its author, as
he said, “the honour of having his name inserted in a long list of
proscriptions enrolled in a bill of attainder commenced in one of the
two houses of parliament, but suppressed in embryo by the hasty
course of events.” It placed Jefferson among the foremost leaders of
revolution, and procured for him the honour of drafting, later, the
Declaration of Independence, whose historical portions were, in
large part, only a revised transcript of the Summary View. In June
1775 he took his seat in the Continental Congress, taking with him
fresh credentials of radicalism in the shape of Virginia’s answer,
which he had drafted, to Lord North’s conciliatory propositions.
Jefferson soon drafted the reply of Congress to the same
propositions. Reappointed to the next Congress, he signalized his
service by the authorship of the Declaration of Independence (q.v.).
Again reappointed, he surrendered his seat, and after refusing a
proffered election to serve as a commissioner with Benjamin Franklin
and Silas Deane in France, he entered again, in October 1776, the
Virginia legislature, where he considered his services most needed.

The local work to which Jefferson attributed such importance was

a revision of Virginia’s laws. Of the measures proposed to this end
he says: “I considered four, passed or reported, as forming a system
by which every trace would be eradicated of ancient or future
aristocracy, and a foundation laid for a government truly
republican”—the repeal of the laws of entail; the abolition of
primogeniture and the unequal division of inheritances (Jefferson
was himself an eldest son); the guarantee of freedom of conscience
and relief of the people from supporting, by taxation, an established
church; and a system of general education. The first object was
embodied in law in 1776, the second in 1785, the third2 in 1786
(supplemented 1799, 1801). The last two were parts of a body of
codified laws prepared (1776-1779) by Edmund Pendleton,3 George
Wythe, and Jefferson, and principally by Jefferson. Not so fortunate
were Jefferson’s ambitious schemes of education. District, grammar
and classical schools, a free state library and a state college, were all
included in his plan. He was the first American statesman to make
education by the state a fundamental article of democratic faith. His
bill for elementary education he regarded as the most important part
of the code, but Virginia had no strong middle class, and the
planters would not assume the burden of educating the poor. At this
time Jefferson championed the natural right of expatriation, and
gradual emancipation of the slaves. His earliest legislative effort, in
the five-day session of 1769, had been marked by an effort to
secure to masters freedom to manumit their slaves without removing
them from the state. It was unsuccessful, and the more radical
measure he now favoured was even more impossible of attainment;
but a bill he introduced to prohibit the importation of slaves was
passed in 1778—the only important change effected in the slave
system of the state during the War of Independence. Finally he
endeavoured, though unsuccessfully, to secure the introduction of
juries into the courts of chancery, and—a generation and more
before the fruition of the labours of Romilly and his co-workers in
England—aided in securing a humanitarian revision of the penal
code,4 which, though lost by one vote in 1785, was sustained by
public sentiment, and was adopted in 1796. Jefferson is of course
not entitled to the sole credit for all these services: Wythe, George
Mason and James Madison, in particular, were his devoted
lieutenants, and—after his departure for France—the principals in
the struggle; moreover, an approving public opinion must receive
large credit. But Jefferson was throughout the chief inspirer and
foremost worker.

In 1779, at almost the gloomiest stage of the war in the southern

states, Jefferson succeeded Patrick Henry as the governor of
Virginia, being the second to hold that office after the organization
of the state government. In his second term (1780-1781) the state
was overrun by British expeditions, and Jefferson, a civilian, was
blamed for the ineffectual resistance. Though he cannot be said to
have been eminently fitted for the task that devolved upon him in
such a crisis, most of the criticism of his administration was
undoubtedly grossly unjust. His conduct being attacked, he declined
renomination for the governorship, but was unanimously returned by
Albemarle as a delegate to the state legislature; and on the day
previously set for legislative inquiry on a resolution offered by an
impulsive critic, he received, by unanimous vote of the house, a
declaration of thanks and confidence. He wished however to retire
permanently from public life, a wish strengthened by the illness and
death of his wife. At this time he composed his Notes on Virginia, a
semi-statistical work full of humanitarian liberalism. Congress twice
offered him an appointment as one of the plenipotentiaries to
negotiate peace with England, but, though he accepted the second
offer, the business was so far advanced before he could sail that his
appointment was recalled. During the following winter (1783) he
was again in Congress, and headed the committee appointed to
consider the treaty of peace. In the succeeding session his service
was marked by a report, from which resulted the present monetary
system of the United States (the fundamental idea of its decimal
basis being due, however, to Gouverneur Morris); and by the honour
of reporting the first definitely formulated plan for the government of
the western territories,5 that embodied in the ordinance of 1784. He
was already particularly associated with the great territory north-
west of the Ohio; for Virginia had tendered to Congress in 1781,
while Jefferson was governor, a cession of her claims to it, and now
in 1784 formally transferred the territory by act of Jefferson and his
fellow delegates in congress: a consummation for which he had
laboured from the beginning. His anti-slavery opinions grew in
strength with years (though he was somewhat inconsistent in his
attitude on the Missouri question in 1820-1821). Not only justice but
patriotism as well pleaded with him the cause of the negroes,6 for he
foresaw the certainty that the race must some day, in some way, be
freed, and the dire political dangers involved in the institution of
slavery; and could any feasible plan of emancipation have been
suggested he would have regarded its cost as a mere bagatelle.

From 1784 to 1789 Jefferson was in France, first under an

appointment to assist Benjamin Franklin and John Adams in
negotiating treaties of commerce with European states, and then as
Franklin’s successor (1785-1789) as minister to France.7 In these
years he travelled widely in western Europe. Though the commercial
principles of the United States were far too liberal for acceptance, as
such, by powers holding colonies in America, Jefferson won some
specific concessions to American trade. He was exceedingly popular
as a minister. The criticism is even to-day current with the
uninformed that Jefferson took his manners,8 morals, “irreligion” and
political philosophy from his French residence; and it cannot be
wholly ignored. It may therefore be said that there is nothing except
unsubstantiated scandal to contradict the conclusion, which various
evidence supports, that Jefferson’s morals were pure. His religious
views and political beliefs will be discussed later. His theories had a
deep and broad basis in English whiggism; and though he may well
have found at least confirmation of his own ideas in French writers—
and notably in Condorcet—he did not read sympathetically the
writers commonly named, Rousseau and Montesquieu; besides, his
democracy was seasoned, and he was rather a teacher than a
student of revolutionary politics when he went to Paris. The Notes
on Virginia were widely read in Paris, and undoubtedly had some
influence in forwarding the dissolution of the doctrines of divine
rights and passive obedience among the cultivated classes of France.
Jefferson was deeply interested in all the events leading up to the
French Revolution, and all his ideas were coloured by his experience
of the five seething years passed in Paris. On the 3rd of June 1789
he proposed to the leaders of the third estate a compromise
between the king and the nation. In July he received the
extraordinary honour of being invited to assist in the deliberations of
the committee appointed by the national assembly to draft a
constitution. This honour his official position compelled him, of
course, to decline; for he sedulously observed official proprieties,
and in no way gave offence to the government to which he was
accredited.

When Jefferson left France it was with the intention of soon

returning; but President Washington tendered him the secretaryship
of state in the new federal government, and Jefferson reluctantly
accepted. His only essential objection to the constitution—the
absence of a bill of rights—was soon met, at least partially, by
amendments. Alexander Hamilton (q.v.) was secretary of the
treasury. These two men, antipodal in temperament and political
belief, clashed in irreconcilable hostility, and in the conflict of public
sentiment, first on the financial measures of Hamilton, and then on
the questions with regard to France and Great Britain, Jefferson’s
sympathies being predominantly with the former, Hamilton’s with the
latter, they formed about themselves the two great parties of
Democrats and Federalists. The schools of thought for which they
stood have since contended for mastery in American politics:
Hamilton’s gradually strengthened by the necessities of stronger
administration, as time gave widening amplitude and increasing
weight to the specific powers—and so to Hamilton’s great doctrine of
the “implied powers”—of the general government of a growing
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