REGIONAL PARTIES AND THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA

Author(s): SUDHA PAI

Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science , July - Sept. 1990, Vol. 51, No. 3 (July -
Sept. 1990), pp. 393-415
Published by: Indian Political Science Association

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 REGIONAL PARTIES AND THE EMERGING
PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA
SUDHA PAI

One of the most important political developme

Independent India has been the rise of regional political p
While in the last few years increasing work has been d
particular regional parties few attempts have been made to
the factors underlying the rise of regional parties and the
singly Central role they have come to play.1

Regional parties are parties restricted to a particular'

and rooted in both regional aspirations and grievance
support base of the party is limited to a particular state
it identifies itself with the region's culture, language, relig
It also presents the regional perspective vis-a-vis thè Cen
often other states. At present seven major parties have b
to come to power at the state level - the DMK/ÀIADM
AGP, National Conference, Sikkim Congress and MNFi
regional parties exist which have not been able to capture
at the state level for various reasons for example the Jh
Party and the GNLF. Parties such as BKD, Janata Dàí, B
can be described as "Cross-regional parties", as they do riot id
with a region though they may - as the Janata Dal ih Ka
- voice regional demands.2 Applying these criterion, t
with its control spread over three states is often descrîb
"Cross-regional party" yet certain factors must be kept i
In West Bengal - and to a slightly lesser degree in Kerala
CPM has increasingly come to identify itself with the de
and grievances of these two states and a region-based lead
has emerged. The CPM can hence be described as cont
and expressing the regional aspirations and perspectives o

The Indian Journal of Political Science , Vol. 51, No. 3, July - Septembe
P- 13

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394 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

two states. Hence the GPM in West Bengal and Kerala can be
treated as a "regionalized" party with a limited presence in some
other states.

This study is divided into two parts. In part I a tentative

analytical framework has been attempted within which the emer-
gence of regional parties can be examined. In part II keeping
this framework in mind, the impact of Regional parties on two
crucial areas of Indian politics is analyzed. - (a) The Party
System in India (b) Working of the Federal Structure. Hence>
the purpose is to present a wide-ranging survey - based on exist-
ing studies - in order to understand the impact regional parties
have had on Indian politics. Some generalizations in regard
are attempted in the conclusion.

The rise of regional parties in Post-Independence India has

been a complex multi-dimensional phenomenon, and as has been
pointed out should not be seen, "merely as a consequence or a
by-product of regionalism rather as a phenomenon in its own
right".3 It is the inter-play of many varied and yet inter-related
factors that have led to regional parties. There is also no one
pattern of politics seen in all the States where such parties have
appeared. Hence any attempt to develop a theoretical framework
in order to analyse regional parties is very difficult. Keeping
these problems in mind, a tentative analytical framework is sug-
gested here. Regional parties can be seen as the end product of
a complex inter-play between regional consciousness - which
began in the 19th century - and social, political and economic
developments which have taken place since Independence. These
are developments such as formation of linguistic states, decline of
the Congress party, uneven economic development of the states,
increasing levels of mobilisation and entry of new groups into-
politics etc. Regional consciousness and the development of a
regional indentity has continued to grow after Independence*
various factors have contributed to this, it is not due to any logic
inherent in regionalism. It is not postulated here that regionalism
is an "independent" force in India, rather it both contributes to*
and is the result of other changes happening simultaneously*
Regional parties are a result of these developments. These ideaa
are elaborated below.

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 395

Historically the rise and growth of regional forces in India

received their initial impetus from the resurgence of regional
consciousness in the mid- 19th century under British rule. This is
reflected in the literature, social reform activities and a cultural
Renaissance in some regions beginning with Bengal.4 Regionalism
as a social force has always existed in Indian history but has
operated differently at different times: the clash of Pan Indian
and regional forces creating different kinds of patterns.5 During
the mid 1800s loyalties were at first to one's region mainly and it
is only from the late 19th century that we have the concept of an
all-India nationalism. This is because, "a nation could not be
•discovered it had to be created."6 Before the views of a united
nation could emerge there were several decades during which
nationalist ideas were proclaimed in regional contexts, as seen in
the speeches of Tilak, Ghittaranjan Das etc. Regional conscious-
ness was also helped by the revival and growth of vernacular
languages linked to linguistically and culturally defined regions.
The language associations had provided broad mass bases and
regional cohesion. During the national movement two types of
political mobilisation took place, (a) Horizontal - large masses
joined the movement in parts of the country (b) Vertical - this
process saw the integration of certain regions under the growing
linguistic middle classes in these regions.7 The origins and causes
of this vertical mobilization can be traced to the centralization of
power during the colonial period and its consequent delegation to
the regional middle classes. The extension of administration to
remote areas of land and induction of large masses into the
administration and other infrastructure had paved the way for
their emergence and alignment. The growth of Pan-Indian forces
also saw the growth of regionalism in India for both implied parti-
cipation of hitherto static masses in the new political development.
If the horizontal process of mobility led to the national movement,
the vertical process completed to a large extent the attitudinal
integration of the growing linguistic middle classes. Indian
nationalism was not the logical outcome or sum total of the 19th
century political and reform activities in various regions, nor was
it a single unified movement with local manifestations related to
an overall conception of unity. In fact every region experienced
a nationalist i.e. "regional" upsurge but at different points of
time.8 The colonial regime influenced different areas of the sub-
continent in different ways and so the growth of "regionalism"

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396 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

was an "uneven" process, different regions being mobilised at

different times, the growth of diverse subcultures were a response
to the impact of colonialism. As Anil Seal has pointed out, India
experienced many "nationalisms" with different conceptions of
the nation and later some worked in opposition to each other.
During the colonial period, the region was often referred to as a
nation" but was not counterposed to Indian nationalism. The
two rather emerged contemporaneously and barring occassional
confrontations - for example between Bihar, Bengal, Assam and
Orissa - the two were not seen as incompatible.9 After Indepen-
dence the relation between regionalism and nationalism has been
marked by varying degrees of hostility and harmony.

By Independence, we find regional parties in two regions

which had come to develop a self-identity of their own - Madras
and Punjab. In both these regions the regional movement had
not been fully assimilated into the Congress-led national move'
ment. There was a parallel movement seeking self-identity. In
other regions which had experienced strong regional movements
suchas Maharashtra, Gujarat, Andhra and West Bengal, regiona-
lism was not translated into a regional party, though they had a
well developed regional language and literature through which
this regional consciousness could be expressed. In all these states
- except Kerala and West Bengal regional forces existed but
were not "visible" as they were working through the units of the
Congress party. The leadership of the Congress party in these
states was drawn from the regional castes and classes dominant
at that time for example the Marathas in Maharashtra, Patels in
Gujarat, keddis in Andhra etc. In the Hindi heartland, despite
linguistic homogenity identity consciousness existed only in some
areas not being present at all in states such as M. P. and U. P.ia
In these states subregional movements emerged later, after a
"time-lag" because of which regional political groupings took
longer to take shape. In the case of West Bengal and to a lesser
extent Kerala the left-parties as already said seem to express the
regional aspirations of these states.

Many factors contributed to the emergence of regional parties

after Independence. Firstly, regional parties are a natural con-
sequence of the establishment of a democratic political system in
a federal polity. The inauguration of the constitution, coming
in of adult franchise, land reforms, spread of literacy and political

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 397

awareness etc in a multi- linguistic and ethnic society were bound

in time to lead to regional parties, pre-occupied with local issues.
The establishment of such parties marks the "transition from the
traditional class politics to the democratic mass politics."11 This
development may well have been "anticipated" in a country of
regions.12 The linguistic reorganisation of states in 1956 and sub-
sequently, served to bring territorial boundaries in a closer align-
ment to their socio-cultural coordinates. As a rule a linguistic
state is not only a major administrative unit but also a form of
"statehood."13 The formation of linguistic states, provided an
impetus for the development of "regionally oriented elities"
distinct from the central elite. The rise of regional consciousness
in colonial India had already started this process in some regions
such as Madras, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal.
In the early years of Independence, regional sentiments which
could have been used by this small elite class were not entirely
absent. However during the period of the making of the Consti-
tution these were weak and overshadowed by the national leaders
and the emphasis on national unity and security. Raising of
regional issues and demands was viewed as a threat to national
integration. Hence the small political elites waited for a more
congenial moment to voice their demands. The consequence of
state reorganisation in India seems to have been, "an indigeniza-
tion and democratization of provincial politics which gave a strong
impetus to the development of political cultures, enhancing the
political significance of caste and educated regional elites."14
With the initiation of the Constitutional process, a "process of
régionalisation along primordial lines commenced in India."15
With the establishment of multi-lingual states, the implementa-
tion of English as a link language was replaced and the vernacular
elite gained an advantage. Regional movements led by regional
leaders also helped this process.

Changes in the caste system have also contributed to the

emergence of regional forces. Adult Franchise and Panchayati
Raj brought about changes in the superior-subordinate caste
relationships and subsequently in the power structure in rural and
urban areas. The electoral process brought into existence new
aspirants who posed a challenge to established groups. As a
result, dominant (upper) castes could not retain their power over
lower caste groups. The middle, lower middle and in some cases

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398 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

lower castes are "dominant caste groups" in India today.16 This

process is seen from the 1967 election onwards. While in the
early years of Independence the importance of the new political
institutions was not realised by these groups they have increasingly
done so. In most regions of India, the middle and lower level
castes enjoy numerical strength and this had resulted in their
becoming politically significant. Thus Nayars and Izhavas in
Kerala, Nadars and Vanniyars in Madras, Lingayats and
Vokkalingas in Mysore, Reddis and Kammas in Andhra, Patidars
and Kshatriyas in Gujarat and finally Jatus. Minas and Gujarsin
Rajasthan are today politically dominant regional caste groups.
While in South India, the anti-Brahman movement led to the rise
of a non-Brahmin elite during the colonial period, this process
began in many northern states only after independence.
Varied land reform measures and their failure to end the
dominance of feudal landowners in the rural areas has created
since the 1960s a new Kulak lobby in many states which challeng-
ed the older rural oligarchy. The Green Revolution also by
giving a preferential treatment to the richer regions and peasants
sharpened political conflict and the medium and small peasants
organised themselves in the 1960s against the Congress whose
base now turned to the big cultivators.17 This led to the birth of
many splinter groups from the Congress - especially the Jana
Congress (Orissa and UP) Bangla Congress (WB) Jana Kranti
Dal (Bihar) etc on the eve of the fourth general elections.
Later with the formation of the BKD in the north many of these
small regional kulak based parties either merged with the BKD
{as in UP and Bihar) or disappeared. But their impact on the
regional political field continued to be felt. In the 1970s such
political groups have come up in many states such as the
Karnataka Rait Sangha. The "kulak" lobby has supported
regional parties. The best and clearest example is the Akali Dal.
Its 1967 manifesto supported the cause of the self-cultivated
farms, industrialisation of agriculture, encouragement to small
scale industry etc. Its 1969 manifesto at the time of the mid- term
poll promised to remit revenue on land holdings upto 10 acres and
introduce state trading in foodgrainsso that the peasants get good
prices. This is seen in subsequent elections too.18 The rise of
regional elites coincided in time with the growing dissatisfaction
with Congress rule in many regions and has been an important
factor in the rise of regional parties.

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 399

The decline of the Congress has also been a contributory

factor. The breakdown of the "dominant party system" beginn-
ing slowly from 1957 onwards, lowered the ability of the Congress
party to absorb and assimilate various small groups and move-
ments. These groups then began to form political organisations
of their own. This process led to the failure of the Congress to
gain a majority in many states in 1967, though this had happened
even earlier in Kerala and elsewhere.19 In fact the Congress
party has rarely received more than 50 per cent of the popular
vote in either assembly or parliamentary elections in any state -
the exceptions being Gujarat, Mysore, Assam and Maharashtra
prior to 1967. In the first three post-Independence elections^
the Congress popular vote share in the country as as a whole
ranged between 45 per cent and 47.78 per cent, whereas in the
1967, 1971 and 1983 elections it ranged between 40.73 and 43.68
per cent. In 1977 it dropped to 34.5 per cent.20 However, in
1967, it was mostly simple opposition to Congress that brought
many non-Congress parties and various SVDs to power. Most of
these were not regional parties and they rather claimed to be a
national alternative to the Congress. Many were formed on the
eve of the fourth general elections and had no specific programme
apart from capturing power. Most CMs and Ministers, in the
northern states were ex-Congressmen and constant defections
took place. However, by 1967 the "vote banks" on which the
Congress party had relied in the countryside broke down, leading
ultimately to new re-alignments in many states. This was impor-
tant because, it was the breakdown of the "Congress System"
that provided for the rise of regional parties in some states. The
splits in the Congress, the failure of Mrs Gandhi to create a
"Centralised" party structure, repeated central intervention,
erosion of the Congress base due to incompetent rule and the rise
of the Janata party further eroded the Congress system.

Hence, by the 1980s we have the creation of a "political

vacuum" in some states leading to the entry of regional political
parties.21 A. P. Karnataka and Assam provide good examples of
this phenomenon. Regional forces which were developing in
these states were able to gain support and displace the Congress.
The 1980s have hence seen the rise of parties which claim to have
an altogether different programme from the Congress party and
do not seek to provide a national alternative to the Congressi

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400 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

Rather they are rooted in regional grievances and aspirations.

The uneven or lopsided pattern of economic development in India
since Independence in which some regions have experienced faster
economic development has also contributed to the rise of regional
parties. This pattern of development has provided a strong base
to regionalism and inter-regional conflicts. Regional autonomy
demands view their regions as coherent political units having a
claim on national resources, in competition for resources, langu-
age, culture, religion, economic advancement etc are used as a
basis of identity. Regionalism in this sense can politically be
understood as "a search for an intermediate control system bet-
ween the centre and the periphery for competitive advantage in
the national arena."22 In India, it is held that certain regions/
communities acquired an advantage over backward, outer lying
regions during the early period of nation-building and moderniza-
tion, and have subsequently used their political and economic
power to maintain and enhance their superior position. Cultural
and ethnic movements then form the basis of separatist move-
ments.23 Many regional movements and political parties thrown
up by them have emerged as a result of this phenomenon. The
TPS, AGP, Shiva Sena are all examples of parties formed on the
basis of ativistic or "sons of the soil" movements.24 The Jhark-
hand Mukti Morcha and various parties in the NE are all example
of parties based on tribal movements. In all these cases while
cultural linguistic or ethnic differences are emphasised, real or
perceived economic problems, such as unemployment underlie all
such parties. Thus we find that regional parties have been in-
spired not merely by primordial sentiments but also the existing
economic conditions of the various regional and ethnic groups.

Hence regional parties are result of a complex interaction

between regional consciousness and political and economic deve-
lopments in India. Keeping these factors in mind we turn now
to the impact of regional parties on Indian politics.

II

Regional Parties and the Party System

The growth of regional political forces has had an impact on

the party system in India in many ways. Firstly, many new
parties have been formed in the post-Independence period but

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 401

none of them can be called All-India parties, though many aspire

this end. They are regional or cross-regional parties. The reason
for the development of the Congress into an All-India party lie
in the peculiar circumstances under which the party developed.
Due to the presence of the Imperial power, the first aim of all
nationalists was to free the country from colonial rule, all other
problems were to be solved later. Hence the Congress developed
into a broad movement encompassing all classes and regions.
This enabled it after Independence to become a "federal party
accommodating within it every social group and every political
idea."25 Today it would be difficult for any party to develop
into an All-India party due to the great diversities between
regions within the Indian state. Differences of language, religion,
culture have crystallised which would make it almost impos-
sible. This has been the experience of parties such as the BJP
and the Socialist and Marxist parties. The results of the 1977
elections in which the Janata polled 41.32 percent of the vote
nationally, nearly seven percent points ahead of the Congress and
in which the two leading parties Janata and Congress together
polled nearly 85 percent of the vote26 led some writers to write
about "an emergent two-party system."27

However this proved short-lived. In fact Paul Brass goes

further and argues that not only is such a development unlikely in
the near future, but questions whether there has, "ever existed
anything that can be called a national party system at all."28 The
Parliamentary elections represents he points out simply an aggre-
gation of the distinctive results in each of the Indian States, the
only common feature being the existence of the Congress as the
largest or second largest party in every one of them. Firstly, the
number of "national" non-Congress parties has been large but
their existence unstable - the only ones which have persisted
over time being the Congress and the Communist parties. Secondly,
the second-place party has changed in every election since 1952.
Thirdly, many of the so-called national parties do not have a
genuine national spread at all. For example in 1980 only the
Congress and Janata had a fairly even spread most states in
the country. In effect Brass argues most of the "national" parties
are regional parties or parties spread over a few states but not in
all or most states. Hence the party system today he argues is an
"unstable fragmented multi-party system" in which one party
P- 14

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402 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

has emerged dominant largely due to the single member plura-

lity electoral system.29

Studies of party geography show that where wide diversities

exist in a society, every stable party comes to have a "party
geography" defined by social responses to its objectives and acti-
vities.30 For example even within a two party system, the
Republican party in the USA has been predominantly a Northern
and Central States party, the Democratic party being largely
concentrated in the Southern states, in England the liberal party
tends to confine itself to Wales. In India, a study of the party
geography of some non-Congress parties has attempted to show
why these have remained largely limited to particular regions -
for example the Communist Parties. The territorial hold essential
for a party to have a substantial strength or a strong majority is
the product of the process of a positive interaction between the
party and the people over a considerable period of time. In
India, differences in language and culture have been the factors
delimiting the geography of political parties.31 Hence there has
been a process of régionalisation" of politics since Independence
which has affected the party system.

The second major change in the party system due to the rise
of regional forces has been that while the Congress remains a
dominant party at the Centre gaining between 43-45 per cent of
the popular vote share, yet it has slowly been reduced over suc-
cessive elections to a party limited to some regions and the Centre^
though these regions have shifted over time. Its dominance at the
Centre has hidden this fact. Brass has also noted a sharply incre-
ased dispersion of the vote for the Congress in the States in an
analysis of elections from 1952 to 1980. 32

During the Nehru era, the major base of the Congress on

which it relied for its success was the Hindi heartland. It won a
disproportionate share of its votes and seats from that region's six
states. This is seen in the 1950s. In 1957 the Congress won 90*
per cent more seats and 2 per cent more votes in the heartland
than its national average, and its performance on both these
counts was better than in any other region.33 After 1957, except
for a slight recovery in 1971, its capacity to attract seat and vote
support there, than in the country as a whole began to decline, in
1967 dropped below the national average.34 The regional analysis

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 403

by Rudolph and Rudolph of the 1980 elections showed, that the

elections of 1967 and 1977 marked a deterioration of Congress
heartland support that the 1971 and 1980 elections only "parti-
ally restored."35

From 1967 onwards, the support-base of the Congress party

shifted towards the upper south and the West. It won a higher
percent of votes and seats there than in the Hindi heartland.
Next to the Hindi heartland, this area has been a traditional
stronghold of the Congress. This area now became for a period
of time the bastion of strength that the Hindi heartland had been
in the Nehru era. This is seen in the elections of 1977. Indira
Gandhi's decision to shift to Medak showed support fora souther
strategy. The upper south and west were two areas which stood
by Mrs Gandhi in the 1977 Lok Sabha elections saving the party
from destruction, the upper south was however far more reliabl
The party gained only 154 seats. Most of these were from th
west and the upper south.36

The 'regional schism' was very clear in 1977, 221 of the 298
«eats won by the Janata and the CFD were predominantly in th
Hindi-speaking region in the north, the historic Congress base.
Congress gained only 2 seats in the North. The two wester
states - Maharashtra and Gujarat were more evenly split, wit
35 seats for Janata and 32 for Congress. In the N.E. (West
Bengal, Orissa, Assam and the Hill States) 35 went to the Janat
23 to the Congress and 17 to CPM which had supported Janata.
The pattern was markedly different in the South - Congress gain
ed 92 out of 129 seats as against only 6 for Janata. 75 per cent
of all seats won by the Janata and the CFD were from the Hind
speaking states and Delhi, while 60 per cent of Congress seat
were from the 4 states of the South.37

In the 1980s, the Congress party again shifted northwards,

and became a party largely limited to the Hindi heartland. This
is seen both in the 1983, state assembly elections to eleven states,
and in the Lok Sabha elections in December 1984. It is also seen
in Assam in the victory of the AGP in October 1985 in the
Assembly elections. In Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka in th
Assembly elections the two states where the party had fared w
in 1980, the TDP and Janata party in 1983 cut into the suppor
of the Congress. The support extended to the Janata by region

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404 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

groups such as the group led by Bangarappa, the Rajya Raiyta

Sangha, a sugar lobby and the daughter of the late Dev Raj Urs
contributed to its victory. It got together with its allies 130 seats
out of 225 seats in the state Assembly.38 In AP, the newly formed
TDP under NTR captured 202 of the 294 assembly seats. Cong-
ress gained only 60 seats. Hence, the situation was different from
Karnataka where no strong single regional party was formed.39

In the 1984, Lok Sabha elections, Congress won a majority

However, the apparent success of the Congress hides certain facts
which only a regional survey shows. In AP the TDP managed
to get 30 Lok Sabha seats and became the largest opposition party
in Parliament. Hence the Congress wave did not affect A. P. Ia
Karnataka, the Congress gained 2/28 seats to the Lok Sabha.
The impact of Janata party in Lok Sabha elections was not much*
But the margin of votes won by the Congress in the runway
victories in 1977 and 1980 elections were considerably reduced
this time by the 4 seats won by the Janata. The Congress lost
3 seats to Janata.40 In Tamil Nadu it was the AIADMK alliance
with the Congress that led to a large number of seats for the
Congress. The Congress got 25 and AIADMK - 12 seats.41 The
March 1985 elections to state assemblies also shows that the
Congress is no longer based in the upper south. Out of the eleven
states that went to the polls, the Congress won only 4 with a high
majority - Gujarat (81 per cent), H.P. (81 per cent), M.P. (78
per cent) and Orissa (80 per cent). It won four with a lower
majority - Bihar (61 per cent), Maharashtra (56 per cent)*.
Rajasthan (56 per cent) and UP (63 per cent). All these states
are in the north and the west. The Congress lost outright in
three - A.P. (16.6 per cent), Karnataka (29.4 per cent) and
Sikkim (13.1 per cent.)42 In Assam as already said Congress lost
in 1985.

In the recent elections to the Lok Sabha and five state

assemblies the situation has again undergone a change. The most
important feature of this General Election has been that the
Congress has severely suffered at the hands of the opposition
parties in all the Hindi speaking states besides Punjab, Gujarat &
Orissa. The significant feature being that the opposition parties
including the TDP in Andhra Pradesh, DMK in Tamil Nadu and
the Left Democratic Front in Kerala have lost heavily in these

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 REGIONAL . . . THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 405

three states as well as in Karnataka which was under President's

rule.43 The Left front - and particularly the GPM - in West
Bengal has however improved its position in parliament. At the
centre although the Congress remains the single largest party,
yet it was not able to form a Government. This shows that the
Congress has become a party limited to a few regions and the
Centre.

The above analysis also shows that well established regional

parties do not seem to be affected by dramatic change or "wave"
at the Centre. The DMK, in Tamil Nadu, CPM in West
Bengal and Kerala, and the Akali Dal are the best examples. In
1977 for example, regional issues were decisive in two southern
states during the Lok Sabha elections. In Tamil Nadu the con-
test was largely between two regional parties - DMK and the
reformist AIADMK with the latter getting 18 out of 39 seats to
the Lok Sabha. In Kerala, the UF coalition which had success-
fully governed for six years won the state assembly elections held
at the same time and also jointly gained the Lok Sabha seats.
Votes in Kerala have become sharply polarised between the two
fronts and even a marginal shift of votes affects the fortunes of
one or other front. Local issues are important in this swing.
West Bengal too does not seem to follow the national pattern.
In 1977, the left front gained 26 out of 42 seats in West Bengal
and Tripura besides winning the state elections. In 1980 the
Congress improved its position by getting more seats but in terms
of total popular votes, the left Front received 48.43 per cent of
total votes cast and the Congress 48.16 per cent.44 In the recent
elections CPM has remained unaffected by the Janata ' wave",
as seen in the defeat of Ashok Sen the only Janata Dal candidate
in West Bengal.

The rise of regional parties has also created separate voting

patterns in national Parliamentary and state legislative elections.
This trend has been more marked since 1977. The long term
effect of these changes on the party system are very important.

Regional Parties and The Federal Structure

Parties and the nature of the party system are one of the
important political forces which shape the nature of the federal
polity and centre-state relations.46 While it is often observed that

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406 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

national parties tend to lead to centralisation of power, and

regional parties work towards decentralisation, this is too simple
a picture. This is because the federal system while being affected
by the nature of the political parties affects their nature in turn.46
In fact the relationship can be very complex. The experience of
various federal systems has been quite varied.

The nature of federal arrangements in our Constitution was

to a large extent decided by the existence of a strong national
party like the INC and the weak position of regional forces in the
Constituent assembly. However, once the constitution was put
into practice, two centres of power arose - the Centre and the
States, and regional forces also began to gradually assert them-
selves. Due to these two factors the "political environment" in
which the federal system exists has undergone much change.47
The existence of separate central and state governments meant
firstly, a departure from the earlier British. Unitary model and
secondly the possibility in the long run of some decentralisation
of power towards the states, though initially most commentators
and political leaders did not see this possibility.48 Some however,
did point out that a trend towards centralisation of power was
due to a number of circumstances - such as, among others, uni-
party governments at the Centre and state level - and with the
disappearance of these circumstances and the growth of regional
sentiments the trend was sure to be reversed.49

The assertion of regional forces seen in the creation of sepa-

rate linguistic states and other regional and linguistic demands,
meant that different regions could throw up region based political
forces which would voice the aspirations of the region. Both
these factors have reinforced each other leading to important
changes in the nature of the working of the federal structure and
the party system in India. The rise of regional parties has led
to a loosening of the tight constitutional mould in which federa-
lism was cast. However, this has not been a continuous or
smooth process, but seen over a number of distinct phases with
the balance of power tilting back and forth between the Centre
and states.

During the pre- 1967 phase, India's central government was

able to dominate over the states in most fields. This has been
attributed to many factors such as centralised planning,50 the

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 407

weakness of regional political parties,51 the setting up of the plan-

ning commission, the dominant personality of Nehru, leader-
ship,52 enthusiam of people for nation building53 etc. Many
studies show that even during this period, the states were no
"perpetual wards" of the centre.54 Thus even before the 1967
elections, in fact during the last years of the Nehru period, the
states had already begun to assert themselves. However, it must
be noted, the experience of different states has been quite varied
in the pre- 1967 period and depended upon many factors. As
Franda pointed out it depended upon, "the structure of political
parties at the state level, social class composition, economic
development and political culture - are closely related to the
working of India's federal constitution in West Bengal."55 How-
ever, there is no doubt that Central domination was due to the
existence of a single political party at both the central and state
level. This factor both made possible strengthened the other
centralising factors. Indian federalism developed in a "One-party
dominance system." Other parties could operate within the
country's broad democratic framework, but their heterogenity and
weakness prevented them from exercising an important influence
upon the operative machinery of Indian federalism. It was at the
goup level within the ruling party that they could affect Centre-
state relations, their influence veered round the margin. More-
over, the "power structure" within the dominant party also
ensured Central control.56 The Central leadership represented by
Nehru, the CWC, CPB, in the short the "High Command" signi-
ficantly affected Centre-State relations.

The fourth general elections put an end to the era of one-

party dominance at the state level. The Congress suffered signi-
ficant erosion of strength in both national and regional politics.
Non-Congress parties came to power at the state level with a
consequent rise in state power. While these non-Congress parties
were not "regional" parties "yet their success meant a sizeable
opposition vocal in espousing the theory of state rights. A new
political environment of Indian federalism arose. Among the
opposition parties at the State level, a two-fold categorisation is
possible. Firstly there were parties such as the Bangla Congress
of West Bengal, Jana Congress of Orissa, B.K.D of U.P which
arose as a result of splits within the Congress. Since they consisted
largely of ex-Congressmen, although their support base was

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408 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

regional, their advocacy of regional interests was not as vocal and

powerful as the second group. In the second group were parties
such as the DMK and Akali Dal with regional support, ideology
and leadership. They emerged as advocates of greater devolution
of authority to the states. Hence - their impact on Centre-state
relations was greater, and encouraged regional forces in other
states. For example the DMK government in Madras, and
Swantantra led Orissa government emphasised the need for the
curtailment of Central authority and the re-allocation of resources
in favour of the states. However, they did not take centre-state
relations to a breaking point, their objective being to utilise to
the maximum the normal processes and techniques of negotiations
in order to secure as much resources for development as possible.
Tamil Nadu's relations with the Centre could be described as
"antagonistic cooperation"57. In contrast the CPI(M) led UF
West Bengal and Kerala attempted to project Centre-state con-
flicts along class lines using regional grievances in order to further
their revolutionary aims. They followed an extremely aggressiv
posture in their attitude towards the central government, b
carrying federal issues to the streets.68 Thus in the new politic
environment the theory of state rights - was strengthened. T
1967 elections mark the first stage in the development of a ne
pattern of centre state relations arising out of the assertion o
regional forces in India. As early as 1968 Weiner argued regard
ing state autonomy that "it is most unlikely that the Centre wi
be able to take power away from the states. Indeed the trend ha
been just the reverse: the states have tended to become political
more autonomous and to accept Central advice reluctantly".59

The weakening of the Congress party at the Centre it 1967

had other important repercussions on the states. It led to ten-
sions between states, weakening of central planning, rise of hidden
separatist tendencies such as the Telengana movement, regiona
pulls and pressures, and the lack of a national consensus on im
portant issues. All these factors encouraged the rise of regiona
forces. However, due to the lack of cohesion and leadership with
the non-Congress groupings, in several states non-Congress govern-
ments fell. By 1972 with a new radical image provided by Mrs
Gandhi, the Congress party was able to come back to power at
the Centre and state level.

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 REGIONAL . . . THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 409

Under the charismatic leadership of Mrs Gandhi, the "new"

•Congress was transformed once again into a monolithic organisa-
tion and state units of the party came under Central control. On
all policy issues - like legislation on ceilings on agricultural land
and urban property - state governments accepted the directions
of the Centre and the federal balance which had tilted a little
towards the states in the years 1967-71 once more tilted awa
from them. For sometime regional forces remained subdued
Even states such as West Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu tone
down their confrontationist attitudes.60 From 1975 to 1977 there
was a "centralization and personalization of power". But it was
a temporary phenomenon and did not affect the trend towards
decentralization.

From 1977 onwards regional forces have again asserted them-

selves inspite of Congress successes in the 1980 and 1984 elections
at the central level. At the state level the 1983 elections in which
the TDP and the Kranti Dal came to power demonstrate this
clearly and mark a "shift in Indian politics".61 From 1977 onwards
a new relationship has emerged between the centre and opposition
Tuled states such as Assam, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Tamil
Nadu, Karnataka, some in the North East etc. This is seen in the
appointment of the Rajamannar Committee by the Tamil Nadu
government and the West Bengal government's document of first
Deceber 1977 on centre-state relations. The West Bengal govern-
ment document recommended among other things - that the
constitution be amended so that the residuary power lie with the
states and not the centre, though it did not want a weak centre.
The Rajamannar Committee suggested sweeping changes in the
whole gamut of centre-state relations which if implemented would
effectively under-cut all the controls which the centre has upon
the states in the legislative, administrative, financial and judicial
fields, and significantly alter the federal arrangement in India.
The United Front government of Kerala as early as 1967 had
suggested in a memorandum changes in centre-state financial
Telation which would, it was held, end financial dependency upon
the centre.62 In 1983, four Chief Ministers of the Southern States
formed a council of southern Chief Ministers. At the first meeting
the Council demanded changes in the constitution so that it could
give "full play the new definition of the centre state relations"
and a fiscal commission to be set-up so as to suggest a more equi-
P- 15

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410 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
table distribution of resources between centre and states. The
Chief Ministers wanted that the bulk of the financial resources
should be transferred to the states on a "statutory'* rather than
a discretionary basis. At the Suraj Kund conclave of nine opposi-
tion parties, NTR asked for "restoration of cooperative federalism
enshrined in the Constitution"63 All these factors led to the
Central government to constitute the Sarkaria Commission to
review centre-state relations.

Regional parties have also affected centre-state relations by

their methods of political mobilisation. Parties such as the
AIADMK, Akali Dal, TDP, National Conference, Assam Gana
Parishad are regional in terms of their electoral support base
and have no prospect of coming to power at the centre. Hence
they use local and regionally-based interests and issues in order
to gain support within their own regions. Charges of discrimi-
ation in the allocation of central funds and greater state autonomy
are the most important issues voiced.

Thus we see that there has been a gradual, uneven, but

nonetheless perceptible modification of the federal balance of
power and a shift of authority from the centre to the periphery.
The centre has had to come to terms with regional sentiments
and in this process there has been a change in the pattern of
federal relations in the country. There has been a loosening of
India's c tight' federalism due to the interaction between federa-
lism and the nature of the party system. There has in fact-been
a development of a "federal political culture" which is not anta-
gonistic to a strong centre.

Conclusion
This paper has tried to show that the rise of regional parties
has contributed to the break-down of the one-party dominant
system at the centre - and the Congress is increasingly beihg
pushed into limited regions. This has also affected the federal
structure.

This need not be seen as a negative growth. It is part

process of democratization in a federal polity. Howeve
negative aspects of this development should be mentione
rise of regionalism is also indicative of uneven economic d
ment. Secondly, in some areas, notably Punjab, regionalis

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 411

•developed close linkages with communalism. While the linkage

between language and regionalism was "regional" and not com-
munal and therefore not harmful, the former is a negative trend.
These aspects have been merely touched upon here and more
research on these aspects is required.

Regional parties have however come stay. In the long run,

India need not have a two or multi-party system with all-India
parties competing for power as seen in the USA or in Britain.
Rather in our federal polity region-based parties can compete for
power at the Centre. The party system specially at the state
level is in a state of flux or a period of transition, with the disin-
tegration of the old Congress system. However, the long term
tendencies or underlying political patterns are towards regionalism
and decentralization.

Note : This is a revised version of a paper read at the All-India

Seminar on "State Politics" held at Kurukshetra Uni-
versity on 4- 6th December 1989.

NOTES

1. Two exceptions
(i) Bombwall, K. R. "Regional Political Parties In
India" in Bhatnagar S. & Kumar P. (ed) Regional
Political Parties in India. ESS ESS Publications,
New Delhi, 1988.
(ii) Banerjee, K. Regional Political Parties In India B. R.
Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 1984: Introduction.
2. K. R. Bombwall, N. 1. (i)
3. Ibid.

4. Sudhir Chandra, "Regional Consciousness in 19th Ce

tury India, A Preliminary Note, Economic and Political Week
Vol XVII, August 7, 1982: 1278.
5. (i) Crane R.I. et. al (ed) Region and Regionalism In Sout
Asian Studies, An Exploratory Study, Dale University,
Durham, 1967.
(ii) Paul Wallace (ed) Region and Nation In India , Ma
millan, New Delhi, 1976.

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412 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

6. Heimsath Charles, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social

Reform , Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1964.
7. Ram Reddy, G. and Sharma, B. A. V., Regionalism In
India ; A Study of Telengana , Concept Pub., New Delhi, 1979.
8. Seal, Anil, The Emergence of Nationalism : Competition and
Collaboration in The Late 19 th Century , Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, 1968.
9. Ibid.

10. Weiner, Myron, (ed) State Politics in India , Princet

University Press, 1968, P. 128.
11. Sadasivan, S. N., Party and Democracy In India , Ta
McGraw Hill Publishing Co., New Delhi, 1977, p. 116.
12. Bombwall, n. 1 (i) p. 1.
13. Kluyev, B. I., India and National Language Problems , N
Delhi, 1981, quoted in Bombwall, n. 1.
14. Forrester, D. B., "Sub-Regionalism in India*', Pacif
Affairs , Spring 1970.
15. G. Ram Reddy, n. 7.
16. Bhatt, Anil, "Dominant Caste & Political Process",
M. N. Srinivas (ed) Dimensions of Social Change in India , Alli
Publishers, New Delhi, 1977.
17. Kaushik Susheela, Elections in India: Its Social Basis >
K. P. Bagchi & Co., New Delhi, 1982, p. 88.
18. Ibid.

19. In Rajasthan the Congress prior to 1967 had wou

alightly under a majority in two of the three elections; Madhya
Pradesh had experienced two Congress minority governments.
Orissa and A.P. had been ruled by Congress-led coalition govern-
ments. Myron Weiner n. 10, p. 44.
20. Brass, Paul, "Pluralism, Regionalism Decentralizing
Tendencies In Contemporary Indian Politics" in Wilson, A.J. &
Dalton (eds) The States of South Asia , Problems in National Integra -
tion , Vikas Pub. New Delhi, 1982, p. 236.
21. Kohli Atui, 4 'The NTR Phenomenon, Political Change
In A South State", Asian Survey , Vol, XXVIII, No. 10, October
1988, pp. 991-1017.

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 413

22. Das Gupta, J., "Nation, Region and Welfare: Ethnicity,

Regionalism and Development Politics in South Asia", in Annals
AAPSS, September 1977, p, 132.
23. Majeed, A., (ed) Regionalism : Developmental Tensions in
India , Cosmo, New Delhi, 1984.
24. Weiner, Myron, Sons of the Soil : Migration and Ethnic
Coflict In India , OUP, Bombay 1978.
25. S. N. Sadasivan, n. 11, p. 191.
26. Paul Brass, n. 20, p. 240.
27. Weiner, Myron, India At The Polls : The Parliamentary
Elections of 1977, Washington, 1978.
28. Brass, n. 20: p. 247.
29. Ibid., p. 243.
30. Sadasivan, S. N., n. 11: p. 190.
31. Ibid.

32. Brass, P., N. 20: p. 239.

33. Suri Surinder, 1962 Elections : a Political Analysis , S
Publication, New Delhi, 1963.
34. Weiner, Myron, n. 27: p. 69.
35. Rudolph L I. & Rudolph, S. "Transformation of
Congress Party why 1980 was not a Restoration" Econom
Political Weekly sp. article Vol XVI, May 2, 1981, pp. 811-
36. Weiner Myron, n. 27: p. 60.
37. Ibid , pp. 60-63.
38. Grover, V., Elections and Politics in India . Vol. b D
Deep, New Delhi, 1989.
39. Ibid.

40. Ibid.

41. Grover, n. 38, p. 544.

42. Ibid.

43. Sharma Narendra, "Some Observations On The 1989

Elections," Mainstream , Vol. XXVIII no. 7 Dec. 9, 1989, pp. 4-6
44. V. Grover, n. 38 His Analysis Also points this. Weine
n. 27.

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414 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

45. W. H. Riker has pointed out from the American ex-

perience, that, the Centralizing and decentralizing tendencies in a
federal system depend upon the degree to which the party/parties
operating the central government, also control Constituent units.
Riker, W. H., "Federalism: Origin, Operation and Significance",
in A. Wildavaky (ed) American Federalism in Perspective. Little
Brown & Go. 1967, p. 59.
46. Pradeep Kumar, "Political Parties and Federalism In
India: study of their Inter-action in a Plural Society" in
Haqqi, S.A.H., (ed) Democracy , Pluralism and Nation Building, NBO
Pub., Delhi, 1984.
47. Amai Ray, Tension Areas in India's Federal System, World
Press, Calcutta, 1970 p. 21.
48. (i) Santhanam, K., Union-State Relations in India,
Asia, Bombay, 1960
(ii) Subba Rao, K., The Indian Federation, University of
Bombay, 1960.
(iii) Dr. Sampurnanand, Memoirs and Reflections, Asia,
Bombay, 1962.
49. Bombwall, K. R., The Foundations of Indian Federalism
Asia, Bombay, 1967.
50. K. Santhanam n. 48 (i)
51. Bhambhri, G. P., "Political Parties and Centre-State
Relations in India" in L.N. Singhvi et. al. (ed) Union State Relations
In India, Institute of Constitutional & Parliamentary Studies, New
Delhi, 1969.
52. Krishnaswamy, A., The Indian Union and the States : A
Study in Autonomy and Integration , Pergamon Press, London, 1965.
53. Amai Ray, n. 47.
54. (i) Narain, I., and Mathur, P. C., "Union-State Rela-
tion in India, A Case Study in Rajasthan", in
Aiyar, S. P., & Usha Mehta (ed) Essays in Indian
Federalism.

(ii) Narain, I. & Sharma, S. C., "Centre-State Rela-

tions in the context of Rajasthan", in Maheshwari,
B. L., (ed) Centre-State Relations In The 1970i.
Calcutta, 1973.

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 REGIONAL ... THE EMERGING PATTERN OF POLITICS IN INDIA 415

(iii) Franda, M. F., West Bengal and The Feder alising Pro-
cess in India , New York, 1968.

55. Franda, M., n. 54 (iii): p. 222.

56. Amai Ray, n. 47: p. 21.
57. Bombwall N. 1 (i): p. 206.
58. Amai Ray, n. 47: p. 32.
59. M. Weiner, n. 10: p. 58.
60. Haqqi, S.A.H. and Sharma, A.P., "Centre-State Rela-
tions: A Study of Structural and Procedural Determinants", in
Bombwall, K. R., (ed) National Powerand State Autonomy , Meenakshi
Pub. Meerut, 1977, pp. 55-57.
61. Mathew, Goerge, (ed) Shift in Indian Politics , Concept
Pub. New Delhi, 1984.
62. The recommendations of these Committees are re-
printed in, "Centre- St ate Relations (ed) Kurian, K. M. & Varu-
ghese, P. N., Macmillan, New Delhi, 1981.
63. Times of India, New Delhi, 24th September 1987.

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