Cognitive Semantic Study of Pashto Folkl
Cognitive Semantic Study of Pashto Folkl
2, 61-80
Sardaraz Khan
University of Sialkot, Pakistan
Aasia Nusrat
COMSATS University Islamabad
Folklore epitomizes the unwritten traditions of a community, but definitions of folklore are
as varied as folklore itself. Leach (1949) accumulated twenty one definitions of folklore, which shows
that the boundaries of folklore are so broad that it is difficult to define it precisely or succinctly. One
of the most important definitions is “artistic communication in small groups (Ben-Amos, 1971, 2014).
Keeping in view the concept of context in modern technological age, Bronner (2016) defined folklore
as “traditional knowledge put into, and drawing from, practice”, and broadened the concept of
context in folklore definition. The most frequent key words used in the defining the folklore are the
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr. Sardaraz, Associate Professor,
Department of Languages, University of Sialkot, Pakistan, Email: [email protected]
Contribution of Authors:
1. Dr. Sardaraz intitated the idea, collected and analyzed the data and completed the first
write-up of the paper.
2. Dr. Aasia Nusrat reviewed the article, contributed to the language, methodology and
discussions.
Sardaraz, Nusrat 62
tradition and oral transmission. Pashto folklore embodies Pashtun traditions, beliefs and culture. The
origin of Pashto folklore is still shrouded in mystery, but it has been traced back to Vedic literature in
the form of landay four thousand years ago (Enevoldsen, 1969; Hakimi, n.d.). Being the oldest form of
Pashto folklore, Pashto landay has been examined from diverse perspectives such as socio-cultural
perspective (Khalil, 2011), historical perspective (Enevoldsen, 1969), historical evolutionary
perspective (Daud, 2012), gender perspective (Rahimi, 2017), literary perspective (Rafigh, 1930;
Noorzi, 2014) and figurative perspective (Halimi, n.d.). Landay is a robust source for linguistic
examination. This paper will study landay from a cognitive linguistic perspective.
Landay have two lines; the first line has nine syllables, while the second, thirteen syllables.
Landay has often been used to express emotions, feelings and thoughts, and is an epitome of Pashtun
civilization (Khattak, 2005; Rafigh, 1930). Landay, though mostly composed and sung by women in
different cultural events to express their feelings and emotions in a male dominated society (Rahimi,
2017), but it can be composed by any member of the community, man, woman, young and old, and
may sometimes take dialogue form, as is the case with following dramatic landay (Hakimi, n.d.).
Female
په سپينه خوله مې د پرار وکړ
Puh spinah khluh me de parar ukŗu
Your kissing left a scar on my lips
زه به بخيلې مور ته څه ځواب کومه؟
Zuh bah bakhile mor ta Tsu Tzawaab kawumah
How will I argue with my puritanical mother?
Male
مور ته دې داسې ځواب ووايه
Mor ta de daase Tzawaab uwayaah
You should tell your mother that
زه له منګي سره ګودر ته ولوېدمه
Zuh lah mangi sarah Godar thah wulwedumah
I fell down to Godar (ford) with the Mangi (Jug made of clay)
As landay are anonymous, and anyone from the community can compose or read or use
them, in this sense, they represent the general concepts of the community. The aim of the present
paper is to investigate landay from cognitive semantic perspective to explore the major source
domains used in the landay to express feelings, emotions and thoughts. The cognitive semantic
approach based on conceptual metaphor theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a, 1980b) (hereafter CMT)
may help in revealing the major conceptual metaphors used in the Pashto language. The major
conceptual metaphors will throw light on how the Pashtun community conceptualizes the abstract
concepts, feelings and emotional states in their daily lives. In other words, it will show the major
experiential gestalts which are used by the Pashtun community to structure the abstract phenomena.
CMT does not consider metaphor as merely a linguistic phenomenon, but one that is
conceptual in nature because of the metaphorical nature of the human conceptual system itself.
Metaphor is experiential correlations between experiential concept and abstract concepts in human
mind, which generates not only language but also thoughts. For instance, the sentence, he could not
defend his position, CMT holds, is generated by the conceptual metaphor, ARGUMENT IS WAR. CMT
PASHTO FOLKLORE, THE LANDAY 63
has been used to analyze Nine hundred and thirty landay, taken from Noorzi (2014), and found
thirteen different conceptual metaphors during the analysis, in addition to resemblance based
metaphors. This paper recommends further rigorous research into Pashto folklore poetry from a
cognitive semantic perspective to discover the extent of the fundamental conceptual metaphors used
in Pashto folklore poetry.
Literature review
Pashto rich folklore has extensively been collected and discussed in the literature, from Al-
Beruni (973/1050), living at the time of Mehmood of Ghazna (998 to 1030), till the present age.
Various poets and critics, such as Khushal Khan Khattak, Hamid baba and Sikander Khan contributed
to Pashto folklore poetry collections and critiques (Rafigh, 1930). Rafigh (1930) himself carried out an
extensive classification of Pashto folklore by literary quality and subjects. Pashto mataluna (proverbs)
were collected by Tair and Edwards (2006), and examined for gender relations by (Sanauddin, 2015)
and for gender identities by Khan et al. (2015). Pashto Charbaitha has critically been examined by
Yousafzai (n.d.) and Rafigh (1930). The oldest Pashto folklore poetic form is the landay, which has also
attracted many investigations from various perspectives.
Landay is also called tappa in Pashto folklore poetry. Rafigh (1930) carried out pioneering
work on its literary composition and classification, nomenclature and construction. Noorzi (2014) and
Halimi (n.d.) also discussed landay from a literary perspective. Noorzi (2014) discussed at length the
classification of landay on the basis of its core topics, such as war, honour, valour, love, Godar (a
place visited by women for bringing water) and physical attributes of beloved. Noorzi (2014) also
documented nine hundred and thirty landay, analyzed in the present study. Halimi (n.d.) studied the
figurative language used in Pashto landay, in particular, on the use of various kinds of flowers as the
source domain for various target domains. Halimi (n.d.) demonstrates that fragrant imagery is one of
the key attributes of landay, and the study recommends further studies to explore this ocean of
poetic imagery.
Enevoldsen (1969) and Hakimi (n.d) documented the history and evolution of Pashto
landay. Enevoldsen (1969) claims that its roots can be traced back to Vedic literature, and that
through landay, Pashtuns reveal their own social and cultural portraits. Rafigh (Hakimi, n.d) claims
that landay began four thousand five years ago. Landay has also been studied from a socio-cultural
perspective. Khalil (2011) has carried out a detailed socio-cultural analysis of Pashto tappa, and
clams that Pashto tappa or landay represent the core values of Pashtun culture and tradition. Rahimi
(2017), in investigation of landay, holds that landay is a tool used by women to express their tender
feelings in Pashtun culture, but there is a perceptible change in the subjects of landay between the
older and younger generations. The author along with Daud (2012) stresses the need to study and
document landay in order to preserve it.
The available literature on Pashto folklore, particularly on landay reveals the need to
preserve the traditional folklore poetic heritage, and to analyze it from various linguistic perspectives.
The present paper uses CMT to reveal the major conceptual metaphors, used in Pashto folklore
poetry. CMT has recently been applied to Pashto language and poetry in order to investigate various
conceptual metaphors used by Pashto speaking community and Pashto poets. Khan and Ahmad has
investigated the conceptualization of life in Pashto language; Pischurnikova (2017) has deciphered
LOVE IS WAR metaphor in poetry of Abdul Hamid; and Sardaraz and Nusrat (2019) has investigated
Sardaraz, Nusrat 64
Ghani Khan’s poems on title of Life and Death to find out the conceptual schemas used for the
abstract concepts of life and death. But landay, being anonymous, with no restriction of place, person
and time, offers a field for analysis of conceptual metaphors, which will orient us about the general
outlook of the Pashtun community. Hence, the basic research question of this paper is: What
conceptual metaphor themes are used in Pashto landay? Investigation of the conceptual metaphor
themes will help in understanding of Pashtuns’ world view, nature of figurative language in landay
and classification of landay from cognitive linguistic perspective. This paper may also kindle more
interest in Pashto figurative language, particularly metaphor, as recommended by Khan and Ahmad
(2017), Pischurnikova (2017) and Sardaraz and Nusrat (2019).
Method
This paper used Nine hundred and thirty landay documented by Noorzi (2014) as the units of
analysis. The researchers read Pashto data, and then carried out a metaphor identification procedure
(Group, 2007) to identify the metaphorical expressions. This procedure involves reading the text,
selecting lexical units, determining their meanings and defining their metaphoricity with the help of
dictionaries (Zeeya, 2009) and (Momand & Sehray, 1994). For example, in the Pashto phrase, ( درانه
“ )خبرهdranah khaburah-significant matter”, the word (“ )درانهdranah-significant” literally means
heavy, and as matter cannot be literally heavy, rather it can be significant. Thus, this phrase is marked
as metaphor. This procedure helped in identification of three hundred and thirty three (333) linguistic
metaphoric expressions in addition to resemblance based metaphors. The identified metaphors were
then categorized on the basis of their respective source domains following Kövecses (2002). This step
helped sub-classify metaphors as resemblance based or experiential correlation based metaphors.
The resemblance based metaphors compare the attributes of two concepts or objects, such as ( ګالپي
“ )مخgulapi mukh-rosy face”, comparing red cheeks to a red rose. Experiential correlation based
metaphors were thematically categorized on the basis of CMT (Lakoff, 1993; Lakoff & Johnson,
1980b). For example, the utterance (“ )جدائي راغلهjudaaye raaghlah-separation came”, is instantiated
by love is a journey metaphor, where separation in a journey maps separation in love. According to
CMT, metaphor is pervasive in language because of the metaphoricity of the human conceptual
system. Metaphor is not a novel use of language, but reflects the experiential correlation of concepts
in human conceptual system (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a). Experiential concepts are used to process
and comprehend less experiential or abstract concepts. The schemas of experiential and abstract
concepts underpin the generation and comprehension of language. The analysis carried out through
CMT is detailed below.
Results
The analysis revealed eleven conceptual metaphor themes in addition to the resemblance
based metaphors. These conceptual metaphor themes are discussed below.
Love Is Journey
Love is journey is one of the conceptual metaphor themes found in the analysis of landay.
The study found ten (10) instances of this conceptual metaphor, where the source domain of journey
is used to map the love relationship. Four of the linguistic metaphoric expressions are analyzed
below.
PASHTO FOLKLORE, THE LANDAY 65
In these couplets, the words (“ )د بېلتانه په سفرda belthanuh puh safar-on the journey of
separation” in (1), the lexical items (“ )د زړه کوڅېda zŗu koTse-channels of heart and ()بېلومه
“belawumah-separate” in (2), the utterance (“ )الرې دوه شوېlaare dwe shwe-paths diverged” in (3),
and the clause (“ )ته رانه الړېThu raanah laŗe-you went away” in (4) are examples of the source
domain of separation and union in the journey, used for mapping separation and union in love. Thus,
the journey domain has been used to map the target domain of love.
Love Is War
Love has also been mapped as war. The analysis reveals fifty eight (58) linguistic
instantiations of this conceptual metaphor. Various concepts from the source domain of war are used
to explain various states of love. These experiential concepts are (“ )د تورو گوزارونهda thuro
guzaarunah-blows of swords”, (“ )زخمونهzakhmunah-wounds”, (“ )دردونهdardunah-pains” ()ويشتمه
“wishthumah-struck”, (“ )شهيد کړمshahid kŗum-martyred”, (“ )داغونهdaaghunah-wounds”, ()وويشتمه
“wuwishtumah-struck”, ()شړک, “shŗuk-blow”, (“ )ظلمونهzulmunah-cruelties” (“ )جرګهJirgah-Jirgah”,
(“ )داغوېdaghawe-cause wounds”, (“ )ويشتلی يمهwishtule yumah-I have been struck”, (“ )په غشو د بڼوpuh
ghasho da baŅŗo-on the arrows of eyelashes”, (“ )ويشتمwishthum-struck”, (“ )ويشتلwishtul-to strike”,
(“ )چړې منډلchaŗe mandul-stabs with knife”, (“ )وژلwazhul-kill”, (“ )ازاروينهazaarawinah-offend”,
(“ )خرابوينهkharabawinah-destroy”, (“ )ژوبلzhobul-wounded”, (“ )و يني دکو ينهwine dakawinah-fill
something with blood”, (“ )ننواتېnunawaathe-ritual soliciting forgiveness after a fight”, (“ )د وينو رنگda
wino rang-the colour of blood”, (“ )زخميzakhmi-wounded”, (“ )سترګي دي ډکي تومانچي ديsturge de dake
thomanche di-your eyes are loaded pistols”, (“ )ګوله ماریgolah maari-shelling”, (“ )ګوزارguzaar-blow”
Sardaraz, Nusrat 66
and (“ )ټوپک ويشلیtopuk wishtuli- fired with gun”, as the analysis revealed, which have been used for
conceptualizing various emotional states of love. Four couplets are analyzed below.
Example (5) reveals that the source domain of war used to describe the condition of the
lover and the beloved. In this war, the upswept eyelashes of the beloved are conceptualized as
arrows piercing the heart. Couplet (6) shows a similar emotional status, but more figuratively. The
lexical item (“ )وويشتمهwuwishtumah-struck” is taken from the domain of war to conceptualize the
effect of the look of the beloved. In the 7th couplet, (“ )د تورو گوزارونهda thuro guzaarunah-blows of
swords”, and in the 8th, (“ )زخمونهzakhmunah-wounds” caused by the beloved metaphorically
suggests LOVE IS WAR.
Love Is Fire
The analysis reveals twenty linguistic instantiations of LOVE IS FIRE metaphor. The key
conceptual metaphor behind it is EMOTIONS ARE FORCES metaphor. The domain of fire
conceptualizes the emotional state of the lover. The experiential concepts of (“ )اورor-fire”, ()لمبې
“lambe-flames”, (“ )بليږيbalegi-burning”, (“ )سوزوينهswazawinah-burns”, (“ )سوزمswazum-I am
burning”, (“ )سيزېsezi-burns”, (“ )سومهswuma-burnt”, (“ )سويsuwi-roasted”, (“ )لوګیloge-smoke”,
(“ )کبابوينهkababawinah-to be turned into roast”, (“ )ستیsathi-burned alive” all use the concept of fire
to convey various emotional states of love. The experiential correlation between fire and love is
illustrated by couplets (9) to (12).
PASHTO FOLKLORE, THE LANDAY 67
The above landay illustrate the conceptual metaphor of LOVE IS DISEASE. The source domain
of disease is used to map the psychosomatic states of love. Couplet (13) shows that the experiential
concept of (“ )مرضmaraz-illness” maps the psychosomatic state of unrequited love which cannot be
cured by ( )طبيبa “thabib-doctor”. In (14), (“ )رنځranTz-illness” also conceptualizes the feeling of
unrequited love, for which there is no cure. The disease domain also appears in (15) through the
lexical items of (“ )ر نځورو ينهranTzurawinah-causing someone’s disease” mapping unrequited love as
the cause of disease. In (16), separation is mapped as poison from a snake, causing the blood to flow
from the mouth of the lover in the expression, (“ )تورې وينېthore wine-dark blood” and similarly, in
(“ )د هجران ښامار خوړلda hijraan haamaar khwaŗul-bitten by the serpent of parting”. The experiential
domain of disease is used to map feelings of unrequited love.
In couplets (17) to (20), the emotions of love are conceptualized as forces which cause
psychosomatic and physical changes in human beings. Landay at (17) conceptualizes grief at the loss
of his friend as a force which causes sickness through the lexical items of “che ye proth lah ghamah
yumah”. In (18), the emotion of love is mapped as a force which causes a physical change in colour of
the skin and the drying out of lips - “rang zyeŗ-pale” and “shunde wuche-lips dry out”. In couplet (19),
the feelings of parting from the beloved and the taunts of rivals are forces which lead the lover to
weep. Landay at (20) conceptualizes the ecstasy felt at the sight of beloved as a force which causes
madness, embodied in lexical items of “asari kŗum-spelled” and “lewane da dunyaa kŗumah- turned
me into the maddest man in the world. These examples show EMOTIONS ARE FORCES metaphor.
21 ژوند کې يې غم ليدلی نه و
Zhund ke ye gham lidule nuh wu
He had not seen grief in life
چې شوه مينه ډېر يې وليدل غمونه
Che shwa minah der ye ulidul ghamunah
When he fell in love, a lot of grief fell upon him
22 مينه په تلو راتلو زياتيږي
Mina pu thlo raathlo zyathegi
Love increases after mutual visits
کله راځه کله به زه درځم مينه
Kulah raaTzah kulah bah zuh darTzum mayunah
Sometimes you visit me, sometimes I will come my love
23 د زړه دپاسه مې امبار شه
Da zŗuh da paasah me ambaar shah
Be piled up on my heart
د جانان غمه د عمرونو ځای دې يمه
Da janaan ghamah da umruno Tzaai de yumah
Sardaraz, Nusrat 70
In (21), “gham-grief” is conceptualized as a physical object which can be seen. Landay at (22)
conceptualize “minah-love” as an object, being measurable, which can increase or decrease.
Grief/sorrow at the loss of the beloved is mapped as a physical object which can be piled upon the
heart in couplet at (23). The emotions of (“ )غمgham-grief” and (“ )مينهminah-love” are conceptualized
as solid objects with a weight in (24). These examples show that Pashto speakers view emotions
through the source domain of physical things.
In couplet (25), heart is mapped as a container which cracks, as evident from the sentence
“Zŗuh me nari darzunah wukuŗ- my heart has been seriously cracked”. The utterance “puh zŗuh me
guthe kedah- Check up my heart with your finger” at (26) shows the heart as a container and the
PASHTO FOLKLORE, THE LANDAY 71
emotions as steam, whose pressure can be checked by touching the heart. Landay at (27) also shows
the heart as the container of grief through the lexical item of “khali-empty”. The container schema is
also appears in (28), where the heart is mapped a container with (“ )برجونهburjunah- chimneys or
funnels”, which (“ )نړيږیnaŗegi-roars” because of the steam. Literally, heart is not a container which
can hold emotions or feelings. Therefore, in these couplets heart is metaphorically mapped as
container.
sky”, “braraan-rain”, “spogay-moon” are addressed as human beings, who can hear the pleas, while
in (38), the sun is given the human social attribute of being shy. These examples show that Pashto
speakers use the conceptual metaphor of INANIMATE PHENOMENA AS PERSONS.
Analysis of the data also revealed that various natural objects, social phenomena and events
are conceptualized as persons, as illustrated by the following couplets (39-51).
In these couplets, various socio-cultural concepts, natural objects and events are
conceptualized as persons. Akhthar or Eid in (39) is an event which is mapped through the source
domain of human attribute of blessings or causes. In (40) and (41), the rose is given the personal
characteristics of shyness and authority for hiring the services of other flowers. Abstract socio-
cultural concepts, such as (“ )بېلتونbelthun-separation” are represented as a (" )مېلمهmelmah-gust" in
(42), (“ )کاغذkaaghuz-letter” as a person who can convey the greetings of one person to another in
(43), (“ )ګودرgodar-a social place for women to meet and bring water or ford” as a person with good
luck in (44), and (“ )پېزوانpezwan-nose ring” as a person, kissing a girl in (45). Similarly, abstract
PASHTO FOLKLORE, THE LANDAY 75
concepts are also conceptualized as persons. The concept (“ )فکرfikar-thinking”, is mapped as a
prisoner in shackles in (46), (“ )مرګmurg-death” in (47) and (48), (“ )غمgham-grief” in (49) and ()قسمت
“qismath-fate” and (“ )نصيبnasib-fate” in (50) and (51) respectively are presented as having human
attributes. The analysis revealed that human attributes and characteristics are a rich source domain
for the Pashto speaking community to process and comprehend many socio-cultural concepts and
other abstract ideas.
Part-Whole Schema
The analysis also found metonymic linguistic expressions in the data. Part of an image
schema has often been used to conceptualize the whole. The key conceptual metaphor behind these
metonymic linguistic expressions is the GENERIC IS SPECIFIC. The part-whole relationship was found
in thirty eight (38) landay, where the heart is metonymically used to represent the emotional being of
the lover. Four of these landay are analyzed below.
being, and in (54), it refers to both the emotional and psychological being, and in (55), the emotional
being. In (56), (“ )سترګېsturge-eyes” stands for the emotional being, The part-whole relationship in
the above examples is by imbuing the heart and eyes with the personality of the whole being.
These couplets present time as an object moving in space. The time concept of (" )اختر
Aakhthar-Eid, religious festival” in (57) maps, (" )وختwakhth-time" in (58), (“ )دورانdawraan-
duration” in (59) and (" )ساعتsaa'ath-hour" in (60) are mapped as moving objects through the
corresponding verbs (“ )تېر شيther shi-passed” and (“ )راشيraashi-will come” in (57), (“ )تېر ويther wi-
will have passed” in (58), (“ )تېر شيther shi-passed” in (59) and (“ )راشيraashi-will come” in (60).
Hence, these linguistic expressions conceptualize time as an object in motion.
The data also found one linguistic expression of conceptual metaphor of TIME IS BOUNDED
SPACE. Time in human conceptual system is also structured in terms of bounded space. Durational
aspect of time is measured in terms of space/distance, and the location of some event of certain
duration is mapped as an object located in space. The following linguistic expressions structure an
event within time as an object in space.
PASHTO FOLKLORE, THE LANDAY 77
In couplet (61), the spatial preposition (“ )کېke-in” maps past time as space. The event of
being in love at a certain time in the past is mapped as a landmark within space. Thus, the above
linguistic expression reflects the conceptual metaphor of TIME IS BOUNDED SPACE.
Discussions
The analysis revealed that the Pashto speaking community draws on various experiential
gestalts to process and comprehend abstract concepts. These source domains include journey, war,
fire, disease, forces, objects, containers, generic attributes, and motion, which structure the abstract
concepts in Pashto landay. Some of the conceptual metaphors used by the Pashtuns, as the analysis
revealed, are LOVE IS JOURNEY, LOVE IS WAR, LOVE IS FIRE, UNREQUITTED LOVE IS DISEASE,
EMOTIONS ARE FORCES, EMOTIONS ARE OBJECTS, HEART IS CONTAINER, GREAT CHAIN OF BEING
METAPHOR, GENERIC IS SPECIFIC METAPHOR, TIME IS OBJECT IN MOTION and TIME IS SPACE. These
conceptual metaphors have also been found in previous literature (Lakoff, 1993; Lakoff & Johnson,
1980b; Pischurnikova, 2017; Sardaraz & Ali, 2017; Sardaraz & Nusrat, 2019) except LOVE IS FIRE and
UNREQUITTED LOVE IS DISEASE. Moreover, the analysis reveals that 396 metaphors in 930 couplets
which constitutes 42 percent of the collected data. The analysis also found 63 resemblance based
metaphors or poetic metaphors, which constitutes six percent of the total populations. This reflects
that Pashto landay, having a lot of conventional metaphors, are composed generally by common folk,
because poets often use language laden with imagery. However, the results do not claim any
generalization about the use of these conceptual metaphors, and recommends more studies from a
cognitive linguistic perspective to explore further experiential domains in Pashto folklore.
This paper adds evidence to CMT view that the conceptual metaphor is a universal
phenomenon across all languages, with slight cultural deviations. This paper found eleven conceptual
metaphors. The findings corroborates those of previous research in major languages, such as in
English (Lakoff, 1993; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a, 1980b; Lakoff & Turner, 1999) Arabic (Sardaraz 2017;
Sardaraz & Ali, 2016, 2017) and Chinese (Yu, 1998) and (Boroditsky, 2001). These metaphors also
Sardaraz, Nusrat 78
indicate the general outlook and world view of the Pashtun community is similar to other
communities. But cultural differences leave impact on the life and language of the community. The
analysis revealed a few different conceptual metaphors such as LOVE IS WAR, LOVE IS FIRE and
UNREQUITTED LOVE IS DISEASE. The LOVE IS WAR metaphor in Pashto poetry was investigated by
Pischurnikova (2017). The analysis revealed that this metaphor has also been used in Pashto landay.
This metaphor might be used in Pashto language and poetry because of the Pashto speaking
community’s long experience of war. LOVE IS FIRE and UNREQUITTED LOVE IS DISEASE might relate to
the traditional cultural taboos of Pashtun society, where women, as Khalil (2011) and Rahimi (2017)
argue, live in a male dominated society. The Pashto speaking community might consider love as a fire
or a disease which cannot be cured in a society, where marriages are arranged by parents. These
metaphors add to the existing literature on conceptual metaphor.
This paper gives a new dimension to the categorization and classification of Pashto landay.
Previously, it was classified on the basis of topics such as godar, accusation, separation, moon, valour,
honour, didan, heart and eyes (Benewa, 1958; Noorzi, 2014). The present paper offers a different
approach on the basis of conceptual metaphor themes which helps in the classification of landay on
the basis of conceptual metaphors which are used for structuring abstract concepts. This paper has
examined a small portion of landay, and could be extended to discover more conceptual metaphor
themes used in landay.
This paper has taken a different approach to the figurative language of Pashto language from
CMT perspective, which argues that metaphor is generated by conceptual correlations structured in
the human conceptual system. Some conceptual correlations have been investigated in the present
paper, which may prove instrumental in redirecting research into the figurative use of language in
Pashto language and poetry. The findings differ from previous studies (e.g. Rafigh, 1930; Noorzi,
2014; Rahimi, 2017; Halimi, n.d.), locating figurative language in thought rather than in language. The
major contribution of this paper is introduction of CMT to Pashto folklore, investigation of major
experiential source domains used in Pashto folklore, finding of conceptual metaphor themes, which
perhaps hitherto not explored, and giving a new touch to the classification of landay. This paper
might prove instrumental in rebirth of interest in investigation of figurative language in Pashto
literature and literary criticism,
Conclusion
The analysis revealed eleven conceptual metaphors in the data. Pashto landay, being
anonymous, and as it can be composed by any Pashtun, can represent the general world view of
Pashto speakers. The major experiential gestalts used in Pashto landay are journey, war, fire, disease,
forces, objects, container, motion and space to conceptualize the abstract concepts of love,
emotions, time and events. The findings of this paper support CMT’s claim that conceptual metaphor
is pervasively used in both everyday language and literature, and it further corroborates the
conceptual metaphor themes found in previous literature. But, this paper also found the conceptual
metaphors of LOVE IS WAR, UNREQUITTED LOVE IS DISEASE and LOVE IS FIRE, which may add to the
existing literature on conceptual metaphor in general. Moreover, this paper offers conceptual
metaphor approach to the classification of Pashto landay, which may enrich the existing literature on
Pashto landay. However, this paper has investigated a small portion of Pashto landay, which may be
extended in future research to discover more conceptual metaphors used in Pashto language and
literature.
PASHTO FOLKLORE, THE LANDAY 79
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