Gender & Behaviour 2018 ISSN: 1596-9231

Copyright © 2018 Ife Centre for Psychological Studies/Services, Ile-Ife, Nigeria

An Evaluation of Media’s role in de-popularizing and Influencing Political Attitudes

towards Jacob Zuma: Collating Events Leading to His Removal

Maseng, J. O., Koosentse, C. T and Ani, K. J.

Department of Politics and International Relations,
North West University, South Africa

Abstract

Media has for decades been and still remains a significant instrument for societal
socialisation. In most recent times, the media in South Africa has come to occupy a critical
space in shaping political opinions as well as attitudes. While various scholarly works have
documented the role of media in the political landscape of societies, not much has been
written recently by scholars regarding the contribution of media in de-popularising of
politicians, in particular the former South African President Jacob Zuma. Therefore, this
paper examines how the growing participation of media in the transmission of principles,
moral standards and values, resulted in citizens being more vocal regarding their
dissatisfaction, which led to constant national calls for the removal of the former president
Jacob Zuma. The qualitative study uses secondary sources to identify the dynamics of media
reinforcement of Jacob Zuma declining popularity. The study found that the media used its
agenda setting role to negatively undermine Zuma’s popularity and influence public opinion
about him and his leadership dynamics. The study therefore recommends the need for
developmental journalism, which will help in advancing transformational leadership under
President Ramaphosa and the future leaders of the country.
Keywords: Media, political attitudes, party politics, Jacob Zuma and South Africa

Introduction
At the time of writing this article, South Africans were at the dawn of the 100th anniversary
of Jacob Zuma’s departure as both the African National Congress (ANC) and state
president. The removal of Zuma, came as a result of multiple events ranging from social,
political and administrative errors in his administration which were reported by the media,
as well as the ANC’s Nasrec Elective Conference until the enforcement of the recall clause
on Jacob Zuma by the ruling party. Prior to Jacob Zuma’s dethrone there was significant
societal outcry and discontent towards him as President of the ANC and country
respectively. Amongst the significant role players fuelling societal discontent towards Zuma
was the media. In other words, the media which is regarded as a critical agent of political
socialisation with the ability and capacity to navigate political opinions and attitudes of
people contributed massively in shaping negative opinions as well as attitudes by many
South Africans towards Jacob Zuma. Though it is a known fact that the Zuma camp lost the
ANC Nasrec conference to the Cyril Ramaphosa camp, Zuma’s political image had already
been tarnished prior to this conference. Largely, though the media might have not been the

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only actor to contribute in tarnishing Zuma’s political image negatively, it goes without
saying that it (the media) has assisted greatly towards, Zuma’s downfall.
According to Cohen (2016) the Jacob Zuma presidential period tainted the country as well
as the ANC’s image. The Zuma presidency was thus considered to be extremely
controversial (Ferreira and Perks, 2017). It is not surprising that, the South African media
was able exert negative political attitudes of some South African citizens as well as some
members of the ANC towards Jacob Zuma. In this regard, this paper interrogates the
contribution of media in de-popularising and delegitimising former ANC and South African
President, Jacob Zuma. We attempt to bridge a link on how negative media portrayals
influenced negative public attitudes, opinions and perceptions towards Zuma. Significantly
this paper provides insights on how Zuma’s social, political and administrative actions
which were negatively reported by the media resulted in his removal as well as lack of
confidence in him by majority of South Africans and those who supported his removal as
ANC president. In order for the reader to understand our conceptualisation of media in the
case of this current work, it must be noted that this paper uses media to refer to any kind of
media platform encapsulated in the paper.

Problem vis-à-vis literature review

Prior to and throughout his presidency, Zuma’s name received extensive media attention
which necessitated scholarly enquiry on various thematic areas. For instance, Davies-
Laubscher (2014) contributed on “The role of the media in framing President Jacob Zuma’s
multiple or concurrent sexual relationships as cultural polygamy”. While on the other hand,
Khuluse (2011) on “The media and social construction of reality: The case study of charges
against Jacob Zuma”. In both popular and scholarly discourse, Zuma’s multiple or
concurrent sexual relationships are well known (Davies-Laubscher, 2014). In addition, the
role of media in the social construction of rape, corruption and money laundering charges
against Zuma are common and scientific knowledge (Khuluse, 2011). Most recently, Pauw
(2017) described the multiple interconnections on those who kept Zuma in power, while at
the same time ensuring he avoided conviction and ultimate prison time. What appears to be
lacking in the existing literature and what this paper attempts to unpack, is scientific
knowledge which illuminates the contribution of media in de-popularizing Jacob Zuma and
further demonstrates how this process of de-popularising Zuma, led to his removal as
President of the ANC and the state respectively.

Methodology
This study is a qualitative research that used extensive secondary materials for its
development. Journal and online materials were largely collected and re-interpreted in line
with the general argument of the study. The prominence of the media in the South African
political landscape can be drawn from various surveys, which include but not limited to
those conducted by the South African Reconciliation Barometer (SARB) and Afrobarometer
in 2015 respectively.

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Accodring to Potgieter (2017), in 2015 SARB undertook a survey which sought to find out
amongst others, the level of trust South Africans had towards sources of political
information. This survey revealed that respondents had the most trust in Radio and
Television sources for political information and news (Potgieter, 2017). Nonetheless, this
did not suggest that there was no trust at all on other sources of political information such as
the Internet and Social Media (Potgieter, 2017). However, this means that the majority
South Africans engage more and frequently with sources such as radio and television to
access political news (Potgieter, 2017). Thus the propensity of South Africans to engage in
political actions as a result of the narratives from the media content should not be
overlooked (Potgieter, 2017).

In addition, one of the surveys conducted by Afrobarometer in 2015, the results revealed
that the majority of South African citizens supported various investigations by the media
which reported on government mistakes and corruption. This survey proved that about 70%
of South Africans supported the role played by media in investigating and reporting
corruption in government (Lekalake and Nkomo, 2015). Furthermore, the survey results
provided statistical evidence that 82% of South Africans had trust on the effectiveness of the
media in investigating and reporting corruption in government (Potgieter, 2017). Against
this backdrop, negative news reports on Zuma cannot go under-estimated regarding his de-
popularisation and eventual removal as the ANC and state president since South African
citizens have a considerable influence, trust and support towards the media.

Again, the researchers over the years observed the changing nature of media reportage on
the activities of Jacob Zuma’s leadership. The first-hand observation of the researchers
helped in the development of their central idea of the study as such observations gave the
researchers first –hand insight on the media agenda setting role on Zuma, which some
analysts see from the point of media conspiracy with the political elite.

Theoretical Foundations
This paper draws its position and argument from three theoretical paradigms which are
mainly concerned with political communication. These theoretical paradigms are namely;
media framing and agenda setting as well as priming. We employ these paradigms to argue
and guide our analysis on how the media has provided negative reports against Jacob Zuma
which ultimately served as catalysts to negative political attitudes of some South African
citizens as well as some members of the ANC towards the former president. These theories
are explored below:

Media framing
Media framing is regarded as ‘‘the central organizing idea for news content that supplies a
context and suggests what the issue is through the use of selection, emphasis, exclusion, and
elaboration’’ (Tankard, et al. 1991:100–101). Furthermore, Chong and Druckman (2007)
refers to media framing as the process through which there is a development of

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conceptualization of a particular issue by people. People’s conceptualization of issues are

often based in what the media disposes. This means that, the media occupies a position of an
information disseminating agent and also frames the news which sets platform for
interpretation and judgement of such news and this process ultimately influences political
attitudes of people as recipients of news (Rodrigues-Pérez, 2017). Therefore, in choosing
and displaying news, editors, newsroom staff, and broadcasters play an important part in
shaping political reality (McCombs and Shaw, 1972). In addition, what is covered by the
media is able to frame certain perceptions, opinions and attitudes of and among citizens
(Rodrigues-Pérez, 2017). In line with the latter, Lamertz and Baum (1998) also indicate that
the media acts as social transmitters which shape how the public understands and passes
judgements on issues. Pollock and Rindova (2003) the media is amongst the epicentres
which direct public attention to certain issues which it has chosen to cover and also increase
public exposure of such an issue. It is therefore, the media that directs and guides mass
attention to an issue through their own arrived upon framework (Innerarity, 2004) or the
media selects content and provides a frame of such content (Rodrigues-Pérez, 2017) in order
to influence the public. We employ this theory to show and prove that, the South African
media has been framing, selecting, emphasising, and elaborating on negative reports of
Zuma in order to exert negative political attitudes to some South African citizens as well as
some members of the ANC towards the former president. In their consistent framing of
news around Jacob Zuma, the media has attempted by all means to exclude positive
publicity of the former President.

Agenda-setting vs Priming
Agenda setting refers to the notion of how there is significant interrelation between issues of
emphasis by the media and the attribution of significance of such issues by recipients
(McCombs and Shaw, 1972). While Priming refers to the manner in which people change
standards to evaluate political issues (Iyengar and Kinder, 1987). This means that Priming
can simply be understood the manner in which news content is used as benchmarks to
evaluate how leaders or government performs (Scheufele and Tewksbury, 2007). Priming is
understood to be an extension of Agenda setting due to the notion that “by making some
issues more salient in people’s mind (agenda setting), mass media can also shape the
considerations that people take into account when making judgments about political
candidates or issues (priming)” (Scheufele and Tewksbury, 2007:11). Hence, Lang and
Lang (1981) posits that the mass media can force attention of the public to a certain issue in
order to provide the public with images of political figures. Therefore, media suggests
thoughts, knowledge and feelings of the public (Lang and Lang, 1981). In the context of
this theory, the media has forced attention of the public towards Jacob Zuma’s political and
social controversies which tarnished his political and social image. In addition, the thoughts,
knowledge and feelings of the South African public towards Zuma have and still remain
significantly influenced by the media.

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Media, Political Socialisation and Opinion Leadership in South Africa

Political socialisation is a developmental processes through which people acquire political
orientations and patterns of behaviour (Easton and Dennis, 1969; Mbabvu, 2017). As
regards, some of the early studies on political socialization reveal that the news that people
receive commonly shape politically oriented attitudes as well as political discourse in
society (Chaffee, et al, 1977; Chaffee et al., 1995). Media is a prominent role player in
shaping public opinion as well as setting agenda and directing societal perceptions (Tella,
2016). Political socialization can be operationalised alongside opinion leadership (Maseng,
2017). This suggest that the media is also an opinion leader, regarded as “whose opinions
are highly respected and utilized by the respondents to help in making decision across a
variety of situations” (Cosmas and Sheth, 1980). In the context of operationalising media as
opinion leadership, media like opinion leaders provides social support to reinforce decisions
that have already been enforced (Glock and Nicosia, 1963).

It is thus clear that the media serves as political socialization and opinion leadership vehicle.
When the media disseminates information, it is ordinary citizens who consume such
knowledge. These processes of information dissemination and consumption occur through
two specific ways. On the one hand, citizens who happen to be exposed to very little
“political information” are unlikely to be politically influenced. While on the other hand,
citizens who are exposed to massive “political information”, have the propensity of being
politically socialised by such information (Mbabvu, 2017). This means that the attitudes and
opinions of the reader, listener or viewer can be highly dependent on the continuous,
persuasiveness as well as the number of news reported by the media.

The history of media in South African politics provides a picture of how the media served
an agent of political socialisation and opinion leadership. On the one hand, during the
apartheid period, the mainstream print media faced accusations of sleeping on the same bed
with government through either active or passive participation (Lloyd, 2013). Meaning that,
the position of this mainstream media was to politically socialise the domestic and
international community that the apartheid was just. In addition, broadcasting of news and
other material was monopolised by the state through which the South African Broadcasting
Cooperation (SABC) operated as state propaganda machinery (Ibid) and also serviced as an
agent of political socialisation as well as an opinion leader exerting the existence of
Apartheid regime. On the other hand, independent newspapers that were anti-apartheid
sought to play a role in exposing and contributing to the eventual demise of this system
(Lloyd, 2013). In other words, independent media was amongst other role players which
sought to provide opinion leadership in exposing and vilifying the apartheid regime as
unjust and this led to the demise of the regime.

While during apartheid state had control over mainstream print media and the SABC, the
democratic dispensation brought about drastic transformation with regard to media

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independence. To buttress this further, in his work titled “Media Freedom from Apartheid
to Democracy”, John Matisonn asserts that electronic media (which include radio, television
as well as the internet) has experienced significant transformation which set in motion
freedom of political and cultural expressions. This means that, due to the fact that the South
African Constitution entrenched the promotion of liberal values through succinctly stating
various political rights such as, the rights to freedom of expression and access to
information (RSA, 1996; Lloyd, 2013); the media has thus grown to be a significant vehicle
to politically socialize as well as provide opinion leadership in South Africa’s political
landscape.

In this regard, freedom of expression meant adherence to the principle of and existence of an
environment which tolerated varying views (“Matisonn,”n.d.). This suggests that, the
constitution of South Africa further enhanced the realisation of media to be an agent of
political socialisation and opinion leader through prescribing that expression of views in
wide ranges should be in the midst of a tolerant environment. As regards, such
constitutional inscriptions provided the baseline for the media to provide unlimited political
information in an environment where citizens are not barred from receiving any kind of
report from the media. By implication freedom of expression is not only limited to the
media since ordinary citizens are also allowed by law to express their opinions and
perceptions. Therefore, to a certain if not larger extent, in the current democratic
dispensation of South Africa, people more often rely on the media to shape their political
opinions, perceptions, attitudes and actions. It is with no doubt that, since 1994, a wider
range of opinion from both the electronic and print media serves South Africans
(“Matisonn,”n.d.) with various social, economic and political news reports.

Historical Snapshot of Media Publicity on Political Elites

Though the focus of this paper is on Zuma, it should be noted that he is not the first
politician or political elite to have ever experienced negative publicity from the media. The
print media for instance has often reported various stories relating to misconduct of the elite
in South Africa (Duncan 2009). Thabo Mbeki once faced serious criticism from the media
relating to his stance and attitude to HIV/Aids (Duncan 2009; Stein, 2003). In addition,
Mbeki also found himself showered negatively by the media in dealing with the
Zimbabwean political and economic crises (Duncan 2009).

Besides Mbeki, the media also released various negative reports that were extremely critical
of the late and former Health Minister Dr Manto Tshabalala-Msimang regarding her hostile
attitude and position towards antiretroviral treatment (Duncan 2009). Furthermore,
Tshabalala-Msimang faced media criticism for promoting natural medicines in treating
HIV/AIDS and this later earned her the title “Dr. Beetroot” (Duncan, 2009:8). These stories
created questions about the integrity of some senior ANC leaders, and in some cases elicited
strong negative reactions on their part (Duncan, 2009). Former Congress of South African

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Trade Union (COSATU) leader Zwelinzima Vavi has also had his fair share of “massive
media coverage” due to allegations sexual harassment that were levelled against him by a
cleaner who was at the time employed by the National Union of Metal workers of South
Africa (Numsa) (Sibanyoni, 2018). Julius Malema is also one of the politicians that have
received negative publicity by the media for various controversies. It came to a point where
he was “declared Newsmaker of the year” by the National Press Club in 2012. Posel
(2014:33) succinctly states that due to allegations relating to corruption and incitement of
public violence amongst others, Malema found himself “been embraced and spurned,
adored and despised”.

While these elites have been showered with negative media portrayals, the significant
difference amongst them and Zuma is that, unlike the former president, some of them
managed to bounce back to retain political integrity and support from some South Africans.
For instance, after sexual harassment allegations, Vavi managed to apologise to both his
victim as well as the nation and still continued to be a respected trade union leader. In
addition, though expelled from COSATU, Vavi formed South African Federation of Trade
Unions (SAFTU) with nearly 700 000 members, making SAFTU the second largest
federation in South Africa after COSATU (Webster, 2017). Another case of a leader who
faced media criticism but still retained reasonable political support and integrity was Julius
Malema. Having been “declared Newsmaker of the year” due to various scandals and
speeches he made, Malema found himself expelled from the ANC, however, after his
expulsion he later managed to form a new political party known as the Economic Freedom
Fighters (EFF). The EFF became the third-largest political party in both the National
Assembly (NA) and the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) since it had received
1,169,259 votes and a 6.35% share of the vote in the country’s 2014 general elections
(Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa, 2014). In this regard, though trade
unionists like Vavi and Politicians such as Malema had earlier experienced negative media
portrayals, such did not lead to these public figures to totally loosing public confidence and
support. However, in Zuma’s case, the negative media publicity led to loss of confidence
towards him by the public as well as some senior members of the tri-partite alliance and the
ANC as we will explore in the section that follows.

Jacob Zuma vis-à-vis Negative Media Portrayals

Prior to ascendance as president of the ANC and the country respectively, Jacob Zuma’s
personal and political image had already received massive negativity as a result of various
socially and politically related factors which were simultaneously reported by the media. In
this regard, the media had already vilified Zuma’s name in two folds, on the one hand
vilification came from the political front, and while on the other hand, his certain social
practices were portrayed through negative sentiments by the media. Furthermore, even
throughout his two presidential terms, Zuma received massive media reporting which
tainted his image and later led to displeasure towards him by both ordinary South Africans

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As well as some within the ranks of the ANC and the Tripeptide Alliance. All these issues
which became amongst the catalysts that led to Zuma’s eventual overthrow shall be dealt
with in the following sections.

Negative Social Portrayals

Since the 2005 up until most recently, Zuma has often found himself being ridiculed by the
media on issues relating to rape, HIV/AIDS, polygamy and infidelity. The former
president’s rape trial gained international media attention and also made headlines (Skeen,
2007; Zindela, 2015). The headlines of this rape trial dominated the media and journalism in
South Africa (Skeen, 2007; Zindela, 2015). It was during his rape trial the media strongly
criticised and bushed his name since he had admitted to having unprotected sex with an HIV
positive woman while at the same time arguing that taking a shower defeated the likelihood
of infection (Adiel, 2016). For instance, the City Press, provided society with information
which profoundly pronounced the death of Zuma’s political career (Khuluse, 2011).
While Zuma’s followers openly declared that there was a political conspiracy against him,
his critics already “demonstrated precisely how unsuitable he was for the office of
president” (Skeen, 2007:3). According Felton (2015) Zuma’s public disapproval was also
noted in amongst others, the Afrobarometer surveys conducted in the 2009, 2014 and 2015,
which revealed that he had obtained the lowest approval point as president compared to the
presidents that preceded him. These surveys revealed that in 2015, Zuma only received 36%
point of approval as president of South Africa (Felton, 2015).. In addition, Felton (2015)
notes that during the 2009 elections, there was a decrease in support of Zuma as the new
president and this was also followed by decline of his support in the 2014 elections.

The consistent decline in approval points of Zuma proved that the media was developing
negative thoughts, knowledge and feelings about him in the South African public. In
accordance with the Priming theoretical paradigm, the news content on Zuma with regards
to the rape trial was used by South Africans as benchmarks to evaluate his leadership
qualities. Furthermore, the kind of media coverage received on the Zuma rape trial to a
larger extent framed negative perceptions, opinions and attitudes of and among citizens
towards him. As noted earlier, publications such as the City Press, framed news which
pronounced the death of Zuma’s political career (Khuluse, 2011). Due to such framing of
news, it is not surprising that Zuma’s political image was questionable as in the public since
the media had already started to lay a platform for negative perceptions, opinions and
attitudes. As Reddy and Potgieter (2009:513) state, the media “became active players in the
trial”.

Though the media strategically forced itself into being active player in the Zuma trial and to
a larger extent being known as Zuma’s public opponents, there were also some
organizations and individuals who emerged as Zuma’s detractors. Even though these
organizations and individuals were not entirely Zuma’s political opponents, their close

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association with women’s rights made them to be Zuma’s political opponents who
attempted to impede his political ambitions (Skeen, 2007). It is these organizations and
individuals who staged attacks against Zuma naming and shaming him as a danger to the
status of women in Society (Skeen, 2007). The opinions of these of these organizations and
individuals often found their way to the press.1 As a result it is extremely doubtful that they
supported Zuma and the ANC in elections that were to come after Zuma’s ascension as
president of the ANC.

Besides the rape trial, Zuma has also experienced negative media portrayals due to his
cultural polygamist practises and multiple sexual relations out of wed log. Thus prior to
Zuma’s election as state president in 2009, the South African news media heavily criticised
him over his polygamous beliefs amongst other factors (Feinstein, 2007). Though the media
often failed to provide reports on “concurrent sexual relationships”, interestingly, there are
media reports which have revealed Zuma’s polygamous practices (Davies-Laubscher, 2014:
3). This kind of media publicity sought to put into question Zuma’s morality amongst South
Africans and women in particular (Davies-Laubscher, 2014: 3). Unfortunately for Zuma, the
mainstream media turned to ignore that cultural context and sexual behaviour are often
separated when taking into consideration epidemiological studies which focus on sexual
behavioural change (Carael and Cleland, 2010).

To this end, it appeared that the media had relapsed from one of its major role of educating
the people and placed emphasis entirely on vilifying a politician. Thus instead of educating
the public about African cultural orientation about polygamy, the media used its various
platforms to vilify Zuma Zuma’s polygamous practices. Nonetheless and significantly, what
could possibly not seat well with South Africans was the fact that Zuma’s polygamous
practices had a significant effect on taxpayers. According to Pauw (2017), the Times
reported that during Zuma’s first five year term, taxpayers had lost an estimated R517
million which amongst other included “spousal support”. In addition, through the state
coffers 10 luxury cars were purchased for his four wives (Pauw, 2017). These 10 luxury cars
had actually cost the state R9 million which then could have possibly been directed towards
and was enough to pay university fees for at least 116 students (Pauw, 2017).

This fact is amongst those that may have actually led to Zuma loosing popularity amongst
South Africans and some within the ANC rank and file. While the fact remains that Zuma’s
polygamous practices and his sex life could be interpreted as private and not public, the fact
that his marriages had direct effects on taxpayers money was amongst the reasons he was
ought to be unpopular with some South Africans. As Mkhwanazi (2010) notes, while some
arguments might spark that his sex life is “private affair” or “culture”, since he was a public

1
Skeen (2007) provides some of the sources relating to journalism and literature that focused on
the opinions of organisations and individuals on the Zuma rape trial and women’s rights in South
Africa.

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figure, his conduct was bound to have “profound public consequences”. Such profound
public consequences amongst others include the fact that, it was under Zuma that the ANC
steadily continued loss support, though some may maintain that is not the case.

However, a brief look at the statistics shows that there has been a drop in political support
for the ANC. For instance, support towards the ANC as well as for Zuma’s leadership
experienced a slight decrease during the 2014 national election since the ruling party
received 62,15% of electoral support in 2014, dropping from 65,9% which it had received in
2009 (Bruce, 2014). In this regard, it is significant to note that though one may attempt to
avert the impact of negative social portrayals by the media in de-popularising Zuma, the fact
is that to some degree his rape trial and polygamous practices did not settle well with some
South Africans and some members of the ANC.

Negative Political and Administrative Portrayals

Prior to Zuma’s ascendance as President of the ANC and later on, of South Africa, the print
media, which included newspapers such City Press, Mail and Guardian, Sunday Times and
Daily news, had already started their negative framing and construction of Jacob. His
involvement in the controversial South African Arms Deal was exposed (Khuluse, 2011).
From various newspapers headlines, it was clear that Zuma’s political career was to be
tainted by the media. The many headlines sought to vilify Zuma without the readers even
dwelling into the content of those publications. For instance these are some of the headlines
from print media included “Quit or be fired” from Sunday Times (Khuluse, 2011).

In addition to newspaper headlines, the SABC also had reasonable airing of the story that
there was a “generally corrupt relationship” between Zuma and Shaik. For instance the
judgment of the Shaik corruption case was broadcasted “over three consecutive days by the
SABC” (SABC, 2006: 36). Furthermore, the fact that Zuma was implicated in corruption
reverberated within South Africa’s political landscape (SABC, 2006: 36). As such, though
Zuma had gained massive support that saw him become President of the ruling party, there
already existed negative portrayals which became the starting point of tainting his image
within the ANC and amongst some South African citizens prior to ascending ANC
presidency. The finding on Zuma-Shaik relationship being corrupt saw the press painting
Zuma as a “villain” which could not be tolerated amidst South Africa’s democratic
principles (Khuluse, 2011). Due to the notion of the “generally corrupt relationship, the
press crucified Zuma as individual without credentials to occupy the presidential office
(Khuluse, 2011).

Though Zuma had survived to temporarily evade corruption as well as legal axing which
could have curtailed his politically career early. The character assassination from the media
still continued. Interestingly, through his various actions, it was Zuma who continued to
expose himself to the media and provided it with the platform to launch continuous attacks

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on his character as both an individual and a politician. Amongst the most significant deeds
exposed by the media which became another point to vilify Zuma was the “Nkandla” issue.
By late November 2012, the City Press provided an “exposé of the state expenditure on
Zuma’s private home in Nkandla” (Prinsloo, 2014:14). The funds for the Nkandla upgrades
were reported to have allegedly been sourced from the public funds (Ibid). The City Press
reported that R200 million was to be spent on the upgrades from taxpayers’ money (City
Press, 29.10.2012). The expenditure on Nkandla got to be reported more often in accordance
with what is proclaimed as “conventional news values” (Prinsloo, 2014:14). According to
Kumwenda (2016), the Nkandlagate scandal inspired as well as created huge public outcry
in South Africa. Duncan (2014) notes that, Zuma’s entanglement relating to the Nkandla
security upgrades scandal through utilising public funds, provided an easy and platform for
criticism. While news was disseminated through print media predominantly, social networks
such as Facebook were also used by South Africans to access and raise their displeasure on
the Nkandlagate scandal (Duncan, 2014). Some South Africans felt that Zuma was a typical
embarrassment to the ANC and its leadership and therefore they did not deserve to be voted
back to power considering that the leadership of the ruling party appeared to be defending
corruption (Kumwenda, 2016).

Since the media is able to influence attitudes of people, in the case of Nkandlagate scandal,
it was clear that the print media was able provide the South African public with detailed
information with regards to the scandal and how Zuma benefited at the costs of public
funds. Furthermore, Facebook became a social media platform that was used to consistently
gauge public attitudes towards Zuma. Bianco and Canon (2013) alludes to the fact that there
were common sentiments amongst South Africans Zuma’s regime was clouded by
maladministration. To further buttress this point, Kumwenda’s (2016) work found that the
majority of South Africans who had access to Facebook seemed to be against Zuma’s
government which was marred by corruption, in particular the Nkandlagate scandal. To this
end, and “according to most South African publics and social media posts in evidence, in
order for the ANC party to regain its once lost dignity, Zuma must be removed from the
party” (Kumwenda, 2016: 89). It therefore came with no surprise that the public as well as
some members and leaders of the ANC initiated moves to remove Jacob Zuma. These shall
be explored as the paper rolls out issues related to de-popularisation and eventual removal of
Zuma. Prior to performing the latter mentioned exercise, it would be unjust to avoid the
impact of the “state capture” as well as its signage with the Zuma-Gupta relations.

As mentioned earlier, through his various actions, it was Zuma who continued to expose
himself to the media and provided it with the platform to launch continuous attacks on his
character as both an individual and a politician. In 2016, the former Public Protector Thuli
Madonsela published a report entitled “State of Capture”. This report was an official
documentation on how President Jacob Zuma and some “senior government officials have
colluded with a shadow network of corrupt brokers” (Bhorat et al, 2017:3). This report

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amongst various factors revealed how the Guptas established themselves in South Africa
and captured cabinet as well as State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). This report was amongst
the heavy negative blows to have ever been experienced in Zuma’s entire political career.
The media still continued to provide various damning reports and negative publicity of
Zuma and his relations with the Guptas. Hence Masemola (2017) notes the media has been
disseminating information and news reports which sought to brand Zuma as a ‘toxic’
president. From the works of Kathie (2010) a ‘toxic leader’ is often associated with
typological dimensions such as ‘lack of integrity’. In addition, an earlier study by Kellerman
(2004) suggested that traits of a ‘toxic leader’ include unacceptable leadership associated
with bad and unethical behaviour.

The Aftermath of Negative Media Reporting on Zuma

Nearly towards the official end of Zuma’s second term, it was clear that the Media had
defined and shaped attitudes of South Africans towards Zuma. Nonetheless, this did not
suggest that the media were Zuma’s political opponent seeking to depose him from both
presidencies of the ANC and state, since the media did not have any administrative or
political power for such action. Significantly to note though was the fact that, a lot of media
reports, opinion pieces as well books published about the former president had provided
various accounts and insights on Zuma’s toxic leadership (Bailie, 2018). As noted earlier,
prior to his ascendance of presidency, Zuma had multiple social and political scandals, and
this trend continued throughout his two terms as president. It should therefore not come as a
surprise that throughout this period that multiple drafts of motions of no confidence in the
president had been tabled before the NA. Clearly, throughout his term, opposition political
parties were of the view that Zuma should go. Furthermore, while Zuma had previously
survived several votes of no confidence due to ANC dominance in the NA, 8th August 2018
was the day which certainly marked the beginning of his demise. Opposition from within
the ruling party emerged towards Zuma while his support base started to dwindle. This was
due to fact that around 30 ANC members of parliament (MPs) voted with the opposition
parties in favour of the motion of no confidence towards Zuma (Burnard, 2017). This meant
that, 177 MPs voted for the motion, while 198 voted against, with 9 abstentions (Ibid). This
became one of the clear signs that even those within the ranks of the ANC Zuma had lost
favour.

Though the result from a 2015 Afrobarometer Survey showed that the ANC still enjoyed
support from the majority of South Africans, some who are considered to be self-identified
ANC supporters were divided on trust towards Zuma (Lekalake, 2015). In addition, the
Afrobarometer Survey of 2015 revealed that support for Zuma had halved throughout the
entire four years prior to conducting this survey (Ibid). From the 2015 Afrobarometer
Survey results, it was clear that South Africans believed that Zuma consistently ignored the
other two arms of government (legislature and judiciary) (Lekalake, 2015). Some of the

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surveys conducted by various institutions in 2017 also proved that Zuma had public support.
TNS survey revealed that out of ten South Africans believed that Zuma should step down as
president (news24, 2017). This meant that 70% of South African citizens felt that Zuma
should step down (Ibid). Another survey by Ipsos and eNCA also revealed 65% of 3500
South Africans surveyed wanted Zuma to resign (Staff Writer, 2017).

Besides these surveys, there was also an emergence on social media networks of a number
of online petitions (news24, 2017) and publications which also made the same call.
Eyewitness News for instance published several articles which provided evidence of
dissatisfaction towards Zuma, these article for instance had various titles which included but
not limited to the following:

• “South Africans strengthen calls for President Zuma to step down”,

• “Lobby groups call on citizens to prepare for more marches until Zuma goes”,
• “Save SA: Zuma must step down sooner rather than later”,
• “OPINION: How Zuma, the smiling spy, controls South Africa”.

In the context of theory of media framing, it is such publications by the media that
“selected” negative orientations of people towards Zuma and also “emphasising” as well as
“elaborating” on negative reports of Zuma in order to exert negative political attitudes to
South African citizens and some members of the ANC towards the former president. In their
consistent framing of news around Jacob Zuma, the media had indeed excluded any kind of
positive publicity of the former President since his ascendance to power.

Due to the fact that various editors and journalists posted revealed their bias media reporting
on the #ZumaMustFall campaign, the bottom line is that, the media had forced attention of
the public towards Jacob Zuma’s political and social controversies which tarnished his
political and social image. In addition, the negative thoughts, knowledge and feelings of the
South African public towards Zuma throughout his entire term were significantly influenced
by the media. For instance, even the council of South African churches had found itself
calling for Zuma’s removal through a motion of no confidence (South African Council of
Churches, 2017).

Though no concrete evidence may be brought forth to place the media in the internal battles
of the ANC and ultimate removal of Zuma, it would be unjust to undermine the possible
role played by the media to influence ANC structures. This is because, while prior to and at
the beginning of his term, Zuma had strong support from his party and the alliance partners
(COSATU and SACP). Leaders and members of the alliance cannot be considered immune
from the media and its influence on them cannot be ignored nor their usage of media as a
communication tool. For instance, according to Umraw (2017) as part of stating the non-
support for Zuma during the 2017 ANC elective conference and using the media as a
platform to communicate the position of the SACP on Zuma, SACP spokesperson Alex

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Mashilo stated that:"you have a person here who talks about unity, but who in practice
conducts himself in such a way that doesn't really give credit to the ANC. On the contrary,
that behaviour repels support from the ANC as the last local government elections indicated.
"This statement proves that even the alliance partners who have dual membership which
vacillate between ANC-COSATU and ANC-SACP were publicly declaring, that they were
not supporting Zuma at the elective conference and also that there was a need to recall him
as president of the state. Prior to the ANC elective congress, the Mail and Guardian had
published an article title “Zuma to face ire of SACP, COSATU at alliance meeting”. In this
article Tandwa and Mahlase (2017) signified the alliance as Zuma’s detractors and also
revealed how Zuma stifled the alliance relations through reshuffling cabinet twice without
consultation. It was out of these decisions by Zuma that the SACP through its spokesperson
Alex Mashilo proclaimed that: "clearly towards his end of term as ANC president, Zuma
decided to adopt an authoritarian and unilateral leadership style where he made decisions
without consulting let alone the alliance but with the ANC itself," COSATU and SACP had
also lashed out at Zuma publicly over the state capture, the struggling economy, keeping
corrupt people in cabinet as well the firing of Blade Mzimande as Minister of Higher
Education (Tandwa and Mahlase, 2017). The alliance partners were at the time also calling
for Zuma to step down or be recalled by the ANC (Ibid). Tandwa and Mahlase (2017) due
to reasons alluded above, “this ended the 10-year “bromance” with Zuma after SACP and
COSATU campaigned for his ascent to the presidency in 2007”. Such publications from
media platforms which included the latter mentioned one became amongst the usage of
media frame, prime as well as set an agenda of toppling Zuma through the media. Zuma’s
downfall became clear when Ramaphosa received more nominations from 1,862 branches,
while Jacob Zuma’s candidate Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma had received a total of 1,309
nominations in Kwazulu-Natal which is Zuma’s province of origin. The role of the
COSATU and SACP deposing Zuma and supporting Ramaphosa could not be
underestimated due to public statement which were framing, priming and setting an agenda
of Zuma’s removal and non-support. Post the ANC’s elective conference, the Zuma faction
had lost to Ramaphosa faction and little after this event the ruling party reached a decision
to recall Zuma as president of South Africa. However, for some time, it appeared that the
former president had no intentions of resigning. Though he later resigned. There were
continued calls from South Africans which pressurised the ANC to act on the matter
urgently. As such it became clear that social media became a platform and vehicle to
influence Zuma’s removal by the ANC. Some of the posts on Facebook included but were
not limited to the following:

• “Jacob Zuma is delusional to think he'll deliver #SONA2018, he doesn't serve the
interests of South Africans, he sold SA to the Guptas and corrupt cronies, he is an
illegitimate president.”

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• “A part of me is happy that Jacob Zuma is showing the #ANCTop6 the middle
finger. The ANC allowed him to piss at the constitution and South Africans for a
decade, he's finally pissing on the very organization that promoted his shenanigans.
Good riddance”
• “Cyril Ramaphosa must be the one to address the nation during #SONA2018 not
Jacob Zuma, we don't want to watch that episode again #ZumaMustGo Enough is
Enough!!! Solution must come from the Luthuli House today. Top6 is also divided
into 2 #ZumaMustGo & #HandsOffZuma Ace Must go!!!”
• “We are being held hostage by unthinking ruralitarians with narrow factional
interests as a country. Who is Jacob Zuma to hold us hostage?@SakinaKamwendo”

These posts were all sourced from The Citizen News Paper report titled “Social media reacts
to ‘tsotsi’ Zuma’s refusal to step down”. As already alluded, the media became to vehicle
for people to speak about their dissatisfaction towards Zuma and a channel forcing the ANC
to remove him. In addition, the title “Social media reacts to ‘tsotsi’ Zuma’s refusal to step
down”, clearly provides an impression of how the press was “setting an agenda”, as well as
“priming” and “framing” news which necessitate Zuma’s removal. In this regard, the
removal of Zuma as President of the ANC and later of the state was a project steered among
others by the media since his controversial days of the rape trial.

Conclusion and future research ideas

Prior to his ascendance of presidency, Zuma had multiple social and political scandals, and
this trend continued throughout his two terms as president. As such Zuma started to
experience negative media portrayals. Throughout his two terms as president of the ruling
party and state, the media had defined and shaped attitudes of South Africans towards
Zuma, which were predominantly negative. Little was known that eventually news
“framing”, “priming” and “agenda setting” about his name would eventually be one of the
sources of deposing him from power. Though, the media did not have any administrative or
political power for such actions of deposing Zuma, the fact is that they had the platform to
produce a lot of negative reports and opinion pieces which inspired his demise. In other
words, the media became the vehicle for people to speak about their dissatisfaction towards
Zuma and also as channel forcing the ANC to remove him. While much has been written
about him, our contribution is an attempt show that the Media is amongst the key sources to
de-popularizing Zuma amongst South Africans, members of the ANC as well as the alliance
partners. As such this led to his ultimate removal from the highest office in the land.
Futuristically, we intend to engage on scientific enquiries that will attempt to set out lessons
for the current President Cyril Ramaphosa to remain legitimate within South Africa based
on the various deeds committed by Zuma and exposed by the media. In addition, while this
paper was generic on media and its influence in South African politics, beyond and above
we hope to explore the current theme through specifically dwelling on the various kinds of
media and their impact on Zuma’s removal or negative publicity individually.

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