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RESEARCH IN THE SOCIAL SCIENTIFIC STUDY
OF RELIGION

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 RESEARCH IN THE
DO CTA S GTN TEEIGrs I Gia:
OF RELIGION

Series Editors

RALPH L. PIEDMONT
DAVID O. MOBERG

VOLUME 14
 RESEARCH IN THE SOCIAL
SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
Volume 14

EDITED BY

RALPH L. PIEDMONT anp DAVID O. MOBERG

BRILL
LEIDEN : BOSTON
2003
 This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Die Deutsche Bibliothek — CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion / ed. by David

Moberg and Ralph Piedmont. — Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2002
(Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion ; Vol. 12)
ISBN 90-04-12199-4

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is also available

ISSN 1046-8064
ISBN 90 04 13582 0

© Copyright 2003 by Roninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part ofthis publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmatted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written
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RSSSR is indexed in Sociological Abstracts, Social Services Abstracts, Religion Index Two:
Multu-Author Works, Religions and Theology: Religions and Theology,
Social Sciences: Comprehensive Works

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal

use is granted by honinklyke Brill provided that
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 CONTENTS

ENT ACOGR rachis teen ARIS. cc Sober lees AO Gs oeaE I etoile, cs as vil
[NGGOMACUSCTIICHILGH A2eh.:b AeuE Mc LOGAN ON, Je uur Peau a xl
PLCS COMO CHIT VILAOMAR e Att 4 st Uk Se, ST ad Beis Vas. xiii

Cognitive Preconditions for Religious Development ..............

K. Hetmut Reicu

Age Differences in Relationships Between Spirituality and

Orta MUL LCs AON Ree Ata ties, bei. Sea SEAL oR CE RAL 33
Davin O. Moserc

Love Thy Neighbor: Spirituality and Personality as

Predictors of Prosocial Behavior in Men and Women _...... 61
JosepH W. Crarroccui, RatpH L. PrepMont, and JosEPH
E. G. Witiiams

Women’s Response to Terrorism: The Stability of

Psychological Hope and Theological Hope ........ eee 77
VALERIE LESTER LEYVA, JOANNE M. GREER, JAMES J.
BuckLey, and AnrHony F. Krisak

Living Without the Clerical Persona: Lie Scale Scores

PGNOUe =Male mange ale Cleveyo... ee esos <ssan coareveoesraretapimrenss 103
Lesuiz J. FRANCIs

Intracongregational Church Conflict: A Comparison of

Monoracial and Multiracial’ Cintirches 200 c.c.lovooeccccessecensss<ocoess 113
GEORGE YANCEY and MicHAEL EMERSON

Church Commitment and Some Consequences in Western

arid "Central Weep eR 2. Rs teta cen wens Pune sseo Om eek caren ees 129
Jaak Brtuiet, Kare DopseLaeRe, OLE Ruts, HELENA
Viraca, LiniANE Voyé and JERRY WELKENHUYSEN-GYBELS
vi CONTENTS

Religious Beliefs in Europe: Factors of Accelerated

{DiceNhotape ar reine ss Sree ec ire raccircas ose cea ostiicy ee bcce: 161
Matter Docan

Mission Studies: Both Mine and Minefield for the

SOCAL PSCLETICE SE ee ee en ete ere eT net rene 189
Rosert L. MONTGOMERY

Transnational Factors Affecting the Study of Religion and

SPMItU ality: siete, <cecgat eeero eees scan ogee ee tone caele atta 211
Gary D. Bouma

Militant Religion and the Crisis of Modernity: A New

WAV ACIOI betes secancusssns sonretgasaxa ses taeti we eser yest aetna same eee eee 229
Mervyn F. BENDLE

Structural (“Objective”) Hermeneutics and the Sociology of

FOCHGORM tae ake cn. react ne tts hn era ayes a ee co eee 254
Ines W. Jinpra and MICHAEL JINDRA

A Content Analysis of Research in the Social Scientific Study of

Religion from 1997 to 2001: Where We Have Been and
Where: We- Pope to iGo neice nina a. caconcue okie e eceuee ame Ziq
GapRIEL 8S. Dy-Liacco, Ratpw L. Prepmontr, Marx M.
Leacu, and Ropert W. NELSON

PANU
LNTONS ONUS(oscuae
V0)SU mere teenie cnet mane em eee ee Se Gp 289

Manuscriptt Reviewers: cee 1, ccc ycoe. auatush Seaton ene ne nee 297

Index of Nameés ..... wd Waddciate dace chia. eae Sass er eee ee 209
Subject Index
 PREFACE

This 14th volume of Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion pro-
vides an excellent sample of the wealth of knowledge and under-
standing of religion that is available through scholarly research in
the social sciences. Tucked into it is a rich trove of topics that ranges
from knowledge about the impact of religion on individual persons
to its influence upon global society. It covers subjects as current as
the impact of the 9/11 terrorism upon women who, as residents of
the cities that were its main targets, were the most directly impacted,
but also as old as the secularizing trends in European history and
as perennial as the problems of race relations in American churches.
Topics that on the surface seem as opposite as ecumenism and
evangelism, cognition and emotions, altruism and terrorism, lying
and the clerical persona, agnosticism and faith, children and senior
adults, spirituality and agnosticism, neuroticism and hope, and reli-
gious expansion and church decline in the contemporary world are
found within these pages. The articles include answers to questions
like these.
— How do children and adolescents develop their world views?
— Are elderly women more spiritual than those who are young and
middle-aged, and are they more self-centered and less concerned
with social ethics and the well-being of other people?
— Do men and women really differ on measures of religion/spiritual-
ity and personality?
— Does religion affect the responses of women to the vicarious vic-
timization that results from terrorism?
— Are all varieties of Christian clergy similar with regard to lie scale
scores and neuroticism?
— Does the racial integration of church congregations increase the like-
hhood that they will experience internal conflict?
— Do all research findings support the religious market model of ratio-
nal choice theory?
— Ts the decline of religion in Europe an actual or only a fictional
trend?
— Can the normative studies of Christian missions ever be useful in
the objective research of social scientists?
— How do the increasing globalization and pluralism of contemporary
religion influence the scientific study of religion and spirituality?
— Is Islam a homogeneous or heterogeneous religion?
vill PREFACE

— Is secularization an inherent process in and therefore a consequence

of the Christian faith?
— How has Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion contributed to
the expansion of knowledge, and how can it continue doing so in
the future?

Because most of the research that is reported here was done in

Europe or America, the predominant religion of these studies is
Christianity, including several of its branches, but one article is an
analysis of Islam, and several others mention their implications for
research on Buddhism, Falun Gong, New Age, and other religions.
The methodological approaches used in these studies are diverse.
They include well established techniques of empirical investigations,
especially through the use of questionnaires and interviews in sur-
vey research and applications of psychological scales, but some are
based upon content analysis, structural hermeneutics, theoretical inves-
tigations, or the analytical methodologies of interpretive sociology.
While psychology and sociology are the primary disciplines behind
these investigations, resources from history, missiology, cultural anthro-
pology, religious education, and other specialties contribute to them
as well. Many of the articles mention connections of social and behav-
ioral science research with their theological underpinnings, and all
implicitly reflect philosophical presuppositions that provide the foun-
dation for every empirical investigation and and all humanities schol-
arship. Partnerships between the disciplines are an important stimulus
for fruitful explorations and innovative insights on both personal spir-
ituality and institutional religion. Every report includes numerous ref-
erences that can lead inquisitive readers to still further investigations
of the same and related topics, as well as to methodological resources
and beneficial suggestions of techniques and topics for further research.
We hope these will stimulate others to extend the investigation of
these and related subjects in the social sciences of religion and in
related disciplines.
The subject of religion and spirituality can be approached broadly
as either a universal phenomenon that has similar characteristics
among the diverse people of all cultures, or as a particularistic sub-
ject that focuses upon the uniqueness of every religion and its
differences in various cultural settings and frames of reference. Both
perspectives are reflected in this edition of RSSSR.
The authors of these studies are as diverse as the subjects they
cover. They are truly international, with “home bases” in Australia,
 PREFACE 1X

Belgium, Denmark, France, Norway, Switzerland, the USA, and

Wales. In addition, many of them have studied or worked in nations
beyond their native lands.
In summary, this volume can be likened to a deep mine with
dozens of veins of rich ore, or to a tree with many branches, each
laden with a different variety of fruit, or to a supermarket with
numerous aisles laden with diverse products, yet all about aspects
of religion or spirituality. Each article can be approached as a unit
in its own right, or all of them can be viewed together as a cross-
sectional sample of current social science work on religion and
spirituality.
Beyond question, Volume 14 sustains and strengthens the repu-
tation of RSSSR as an international resource on religion that is not
narrowly limited to only one nation, one discipline, one method-
ological approach, or one religion. It includes both micro- and
macroinvestigations of religious phenomena. These articles can enrich
the work of professionals in numerous religious, human services, aca-
demic, and other occupations, and it can expand the knowledge,
increase the understanding, and satisfy much curiosity of persons in
any of the other scholarly disciplines or lay careers.
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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We are grateful to all the authors of articles in this volume, as well

as to others whose manuscripts are still undergoing revision for inclu-
sion in Volume 15 and those whose submitted papers were not
accepted for inclusion. We hope the suggestions made to the latter
group will help elevate the quality of the discipline, will be adapted
for more appropriate publication outlets, or will contribute to future
submissions to RSSSR.
Reviewers who have donated their time and expertise to evalu-
ate manuscripts over the past few years are listed in the Authors’
Biographies section at the end of the volume. We are very thankful
for their gracious contributions.
Barbara Kinney, Ph.D., has diligently and efficiently served as the
editorial assistant for this volume, helping immeasurably to maintain
the high standards of content, and greatly facilitating the editorial
production process that characterizes RSSSR. ‘Thanks so very much,
Barbara!
We are grateful, too, to our respective academic institutions for
their tangible and intangible support of RSSSR. Loyola College in
Maryland especially, has contributed in many important ways, from
providing funds for an editorial assistant, postage, and related expenses,
to making available needed office space and access to the college’s
wonderful support infrastructure. Without these critical necessities,
the editorial production of RSSSR would be impossible.
Joed Elich and the production staff at Brill Academic Press have
efficiently performed their duties. Please reward them (and us!) by
purchasing RSSSR, subscribing to future editions now if you have
not already done so, recommending it to other people who are inter-
ested in religion, and especially by advising its addition to your aca-
demic, religious, research, or public library.
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 MANUSCRIPT INVITATION

For future volumes, we welcome the submission of manuscripts that

report on research contributing to the behavioral and social science
understanding of religion, whether done by members of those disci-
plines or other professions. Manuscripts should be original contri-
butions (not reprints) based upon any of the quantitative or qualitative
methods of research, or the theoretical, conceptual, or meta-analyt-
ical analysis of research on religion in general, or on any specific
world religion. They should not be under consideration for publi-
cation by any other journal or publication outlet and should com-
ply fully with the professional ethical standards of psychology, sociology,
and other social science professions.
Manuscripts may be submitted at any time during the year, although
those received within the calendar year have the best chance of inclu-
sion in the next volume. Send four copies, double-spaced on stand-
ard size paper, to
Ralph L. Piedmont, RSSSR Co-editor
Dept. of Pastoral Counseling
Loyola College in Maryland
8890 McGaw Road, Suite 380
Columbia, MD 21045, USA
Manuscripts that are judged by the editors as relevant to the cov-
erage of RSSSR are reviewed anonymously for quality and then
either accepted (usually along with constructive suggestions for revi-
sion) or rejected. Those accepted for publication must conform to
the style guidelines of the Publication Manual of the American Psychological
Association, 5th edition. (Authors of accepted manuscripts who lack
access to it may contact Dr. Piedmont for sample materials to help
in the final preparation of their papers.)
Inquiries about the suitability of potential contributions may be
sent to either or both co-editors at the following e-mail addresses:
[email protected] or [email protected].

David O. Moberg, Ph.D.

Ralph L. Piedmont, Ph.D.

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 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR
RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT

Kk. Helmut Reich

ABSTRACT

The concept of religious development is examined by way of analyzing several rel-

evant theories, and indicating cognitive, emotional, motivational, and behavioral as-
pects. An extended developmental model is suggested. The specific role of cognition
for religious development is explored within that frame. The issue is not restricted
to the development of logico-mathematical thinking sensw Piaget, but importantly
concerns involvement of emotions and action, competence in epistemic cognition,
the use of other forms of thought such as analogical thinking as well as relational
and contextual reasoning (RCR), and ontological development. Two case studies of
religious world view development in childhood and adolescence illustrate these points.

“Religious development” is a controversial concept. While there are

convinced protagonists of stage theories (e.g., Fowler, 1981, 1987,
199la, b, 1996; Oser, 1991 a, b; Oser & Gmiinder, 1991; Oser &
Reich, 1996), there are just as outspoken skeptics. Based on her case
studies, Susan Kwilecki (Kwilecki & Kwilecki, 1999) sees religious
development as highly idiosyncratic. Ruth E. Ray & Susan H.
McFadden (2001) argue that the complexity of religious development,
the difference in people’s spirituality, and its varying role over the life
span do not favor a “one-size-fits-all” stage approach. Wulff (1993,
p. 185) points out that “a truly comprehensive theory must also take
into account the complex role of psychodynamic factors in individ-
ual faith; the presence of fundamental affective and non-rational fac-
tors in religion, both individual and collective; and the great diversity
within and among religions.”

Tuts PAPER

Therefore, a first task is to unpack this controversy, and in doing so

to unearth the role and nature of cognition in religious development.
Readers familiar with Piagetian operations and their application to
religious development by Goldman (1964) and Elkind (1964, 1970,

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
2 K. HELMUT REICH

1971) may wish to go directly to Fowler’s (1981, 1987, 199la, b,

1996) theory. A second task consists in suggesting a resulting extended
model of religious development and analyzing its parameters and
variables. Third, the particular role of cognition will be discussed in
detail, using a definition which includes (a) emotions and actions, (b)
the understanding of metaphors, analogies, and symbols, (c) epis-
temic cognition, (d) relational and contextual reasoning (RCR) as
well as (e) ontological development. Finally, two case studies from a
ten-year investigation of religious world view development in child-
hood and adolescence illustrate concretely many of these consider-
ations. Some readers may find it easier to absorb them by beginning
with the two case studies.
This paper builds on, and considerably extends earlier work (Ivanov
& Reich, 1999; Reich, in press a). While a psychoanalytic point of
view (e.g., Rizzuto, 2001) is respected and was made use of previously
(Reich, 1993b/1997), here it is taken on board only sporadically.
The entire work is undertaken from the perspective of a nonapolo-
getic, nonvindictive developmental psychology of religion: religion
and religious development is neither to be extolled nor to be debunked,
but to be analyzed and understood in psychological terms.

STAGE THEORIES: PRO AND CONTRA

Praget’s Theory
Piaget’s ([1970], 1983) theory of logico-mathematical development is
one of the foundations of the current stage theories of religious devel-
opment by Fowler (1981, 1987, 1991a, b, 1996) and by Oser/Gmiinder
(1991; Oser, 1991 a, b; Oser & Reich, 1996). Piaget’s ({1970], 1983)
four stages are (1) the sensori-motor stage (0-2 years), (2) the pre-
operational stage (2-7 years), (3) the stage of concrete operations
(7-11 years), and (4) the stage of formal operations (from 11 years
onward, if at all).
What is involved? ‘The world of the newborns and infants is cen-
tered on their sensations and bodily activity. Through repetition, for
instance of drinking, persistence and permanence of action chains
are induced. ‘The senson-motor activities concerned help young chil-
dren to situate various entities in relation to each other and to them-
selves, and thus to arrive at an enactive understanding of relationships
and object permanence among other things.
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 3

At the preoperational stage, children learn more about their wider

surroundings and interact more knowledgeably with their human
counterparts. Language and other symbol systems enter into their
lives through such interactions and building up of internal mental
structures,
Thinking thus becomes internalized action, operations based on
the existing structures; hence the label of the third stage, concrete oper-
ations. As long as the structures are up to the task at hand, they
assimilate the information gathered. In the opposite case, the struc-
tures accommodate to the new information, and thereby are devel-
oping. At the stage of concrete operations, children can order and
classify entities, reverse operations, conserve numbers, mass, and vol-
ume, and generally carry out infralogical and logical operations as
long as the concrete items to be operated on are in front of them
and can be manipulated.
A main characteristic of the subsequent stage of formal operations
is that such operations can be done in the head without any con-
crete support. Also, hypotheses can be constructed in possibility space,
and tested in reality space.
There is much more to Piagetian operations than this simplified
summary indicates. However, it should suffice to clarify the notion
of a mental structure which develops from stage to stage, with each
stage being qualitatively different from the previous stage, and their
sequence being invariant and irreversible (so-called hard stages, cf.
Reich, 1993a).
These findings and conceptualizations are about half a century
old: to what extent are they still valid today? The answer is no sim-
ple all or nothing (cf. Goswami, 1998, ch. 8). Clearly, with the present
information society being what it is, some children progress faster
than Piaget’s respondents. Also, his notion of “structure d’ensemble,”
a single all-encompassing structure as opposed to domain-specific
structures, is questionable. However, despite these and some other
(partly misguided) criticisms, much of Piaget’s theory remains valid,
and even more so if certain improvements are introduced (e.g.,
Barrouillet & Poirier 1997; Bickhard 1997).
Each year, our new students are surprised that five-year-olds invited
for the first time into the lecture hall to carry out Piagetian exper-
iments, behave (without any preparation) strictly according to that
theory, declaring, for instance, that six coins spaced more widely
than six other coins of the same kind are “more” coins.
4 K. HELMUT REICH

In a different rubric, Piaget’s theory does not contradict neuroscience,

and the latter in a way even supports the notion of mental devel-
opment from birth to adolescence (when the brain has reached its
full size), and equally the life-long building up of mental structures
through interactions with the environment, which are thought to
strengthen the connections between groups of neurons, and to in-
crease the weighting of certain synapses (e.g., Kolb & Whishaw,
1996). As a side remark: neuroscience also affirms the connection
between emotions and cognition assumed here, that is between the
limbic system and the frontal lobe.

Appling Piaget’s Theory to Religious Development

Clearly, applying Piaget’s (1970/1983) theory to religious development
should work the better, the closer the concept of religious develop-
ment is to Piagetian tasks like ordering and classifying, establishing
straightforward relationships, and describing and/or interpreting cer-
tain states of affairs in simple “symbolic,” concrete, or formal terms.
Goldman (1964, pp. 3-4) expressed the view that “religious think-
ing is no different in mode and method from non-religious thinking.
Religious thinking is a shortened form of expressing the activity of
thinking directed toward religion, not a term meaning a separate
rationality.”
Correspondingly, Goldman (1964) found that in conformity with
their Piagetian developmental stage, children and adolescents exhibit
“intuitive” (pre-operational), “concrete” or “abstract” (formal) religious
thinking when studying biblical texts. Elkind’s (1964) study of the
child’s conception of his or her religious identity yielded comparable
results. The point is that in these studies mental development is
expressed in terms of dealing with religrous content.
However, this is quite different from a genuine religious development
sui generis, to be discussed shortly. While acknowledging Elkind’s (1970)
description of the development of religious understanding in children
and adolescents as being part of the overall development from (a)
search for permanence (conservation) to (b) search for representation
(including of God), to (c) search for relation (also with God), and to
(d) search for comprehension (a broad concept), the question per-
sists whether this is really all there is to religious development.
Also, such considerations should not lead to a deficit view of chil-
dren’s competence (as was the case with Goldman, 1964); > if they
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT D

cannot yet reason formally, children’s imagination and creativity (cf.

case studies below) certainly do not constitute a deficit when com-
pared to adults’.

Praget’s Views of Religion

What were actually Piaget’s views of religion and religious develop-
ment?! In 1915, at age 19,* Piaget (1915) argued in his publication
La Mission de V'Idée [The Mission of the Idea—the Idea being a com-
bination of the ideas of Freedom, one’s Homeland, Justice, and
Religion] that “the mission of youth was to become Christlike, and
to work for the realization of the Jdea [= justice, equality, women’s
rights, socialism, the solidarity of science and the people, etc.] on
earth (Vidal, 1987, p. 279).” Piaget also explained that “the most
important cognitive operation was the process whereby each believer
constructed an intellectual frame to surround a living core of per-
sonal faith” (ibid., p. 280). To restore religion, each person had to
practice it in the way just indicated, even if this went against reli-
gious orthodoxy and the Church. In 1918, Piaget in his Recherche
[Search] innovatively based the previous advocacy of implementing
the /dea on the scientific findings about the equilibrated organization
of the component parts of all organisms. Disequilibrium was illness;
the disequilibrium between science and religious faith led to the non-
prevention of WW I (bid., p. 282).
In 1921, at the Rousseau Institute in Geneva, Switzerland, Piaget
(1922, p. 49) turned to the question, “From which point of view can
one say that one religious experience is superior to another?” Piaget’s
own strictly scientific answer was by way of genetic psychology and
historico-critical philosophy (psychological or evolutionary biological
superiority), which together he characterized as “empirical Kantianism.”
However, he continued, psychology can only describe and explain
(in terms of personality characteristics and psychological variables)
the differences of religious experiences and of their interpretation, and

' For an extended version of this section see Vidal, 1987; Reich, in preparation.
Also of interest: the relevant passages in Chapman, 1988; Ducret, 1990; Gruber &
Voneche, 1977; Kesselring, 1988.
* Piaget was born on August 9, 1896 in Neuchatel, Switzerland (and died on
September, 16, 1980 in Geneva). Before the publication cited here, La mussion de
Vidée had been made known to the members (and friends) of the Christian Swiss
Students’ Association in their News Bulletin of December 1915.
6 K. HELMUT REICH

analyze how the interpretations came about, but cannot, and should
not (Flournoy, 1902) judge or rank values per se (Piaget, 1922, p. 53).
In agreement with the philosopher Charles Renouvier, this led
Piaget (1921, p. 410) to positing a rational faith in “a God that in-
creasingly forms one body with the world, that is with reason and
its structure (transl. Vidal, 1987, p. 274).” Accordingly, religious devel-
opment consists in a gradual elimination of egocentrism sensu Piaget,
distancing oneself from the heteronomous transcendental God and
orienting oneself according to the values represented by the imma-
nent God. The more a value can potentially generate other values,
the higher it is. Therefore, love is a supreme value. In 1929, Piaget
(1930, pp. 53-54; transl. Vidal, 1987, p. 287) summed up his related
views partly as follows:
... progress is accomplished [by moving] from the transcendental God
endowed with supernatural causality to the purely spiritual God of
immanent experience, as from the semi-material God of primitive reli-
gions to the metaphysical God. Now—and this is the essential point—
to this progress in the realm of intelligence corresponds a moral and
social progress, that is, ultimately an emancipation of inner life...

Clearly, cognition plays a major role in Piaget’s views of religious

development: development proceeds from egocentrism, concreteness,
heteronomy, unilateral authority and transcendence to objectivity,
abstractness, autonomy, contractual reciprocity, and immanence.
Piaget makes much of “independent” thinking as striving for truth
according to century old “norms;” it is one of two pillars of a religious
experience revealing the immanent God. The other pillar is to be
in harmony with one’s consciousness, the innermost source of values
(Piaget, 1928, p. 39). Altogether, Piaget would presumably not object
to Goldman’s (1964), or Elkind’s (1964, 1970, 1971) work, but would
view it as restricted, not covering all of religious development. And
others would in turn critique Piaget similarly, especially because he
stressed insufficiently the role of social embeddedness for development.

Fowler’s Theory of Faith Development

Fowler’s (1981, 1987, 199la, b, 1996) definition of faith (which is a
broader concept than traditional religious faith) reads as follows:
a disposition involving both emotion and a kind of knowing or cogni-
tion. In the language of constructive-developmental psychologies, faith
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT fi

is a construing of the conditions of existence (Fowler, 1987, p: 56)

Faith includes unconscious dynamics as well as conscious awareness. . . .
Faith is both more personal and more existentially defining than
belief... . we need to distinguish between religion and faith in a more
generic and universal sense. Faith, understood in this more inclusive
sense, may be characterized as an integral, centering process, under-
lying the formation of beliefs, values, and meanings, that (1) gives
coherence and direction to persons’ lives, (2) links them in shared trusts
and loyalties with others, (3) grounds their personal stances and com-
munal loyalties in a sense of relatedness to a larger frame of reference,
and (4) enables them to face and deal with the limit conditions of
human life, relying upon that which has the quality of ultimacy in
their lives (Fowler, 1996, pp. 55-56).

Clearly, faith development involves much more than religious devel-

opment according to Goldman’s (1964), or Elkind’s (1964, 1970,
1971) conceptualizations, even in terms of cognition. The self, the
other, and the Other are essential protagonists in the faith development
process (Rizzuto, 2001, p. 204), as is a relationship that involves
trust and commitment. Faith according to Fowler involves both a
reliance on rational certainty and on certainty about the self’s identity
and its depth of constitution, which in a way recalls Piaget’s (1928,
p. 39—to whom Fowler in this context does not refer though) two
pillars of religiosity, namely (a) thinking as striving for truth and (b)
being in harmony with one’s conscience, the inner source of values.
Correspondingly, seven stages of faith (and selfhood) are posited
by Fowler (1981, pp. 243-257), labeled (0) Undifferentiated primal
faith, (1) Intuitive-projective faith, (2) Mythic-literal faith, (3) Synthetic-
conventional faith, (4) Individuative-reflective faith, (5) Conjunctive
faith, and (6) Universalizing faith. The original seven dimensions of
faith are taken to be (a) form of logic, (b) perspective taking, (c) form
of moral judgement, (d) bounds of social awareness, (e) locus of author-
ity, (f) form of world’s coherence, and (g) symbolic function, to which
(h) stages of self were added later (Fowler, 1987).
The dimension of particular interest here is (a) form of logic. As
expected, the first three Piagetian stages are said to underlie Fowler’s
stages 0 to 2. The same goes for early and confirmed formal operations
and Fowler’s stages 3 and 4. Fowler is fully aware that the formal
binary logic of the Piagetian stages is incompatible with his stages 5
and 6. Therefore, he introduced “formal dialectic” and “unitive”
logic, respectively, for these two stages. Whereas there is no disagree-
ment about the description of stage-5 logic (Fowler, 1987, p. 72),
8 K. HELMUT REICH

the identification is debatable; Reich (2002, p. 130) argues for it

being the logic of “relational and contextual reasoning” (RCR), to
be discussed shortly.

Oser/Gmiinder’s Theory of Religious Judgment

The Religious Judgment [RJ] theory (Oser, 1991 a, b; Oser & Gmiinder,
1991; Oser & Reich, 1996), deals with the changing person-God-
relationship as revealed by reasoning that relates reality as experienced,
especially in times of crisis, to something beyond reality (an Ultimate
Being), and that serves to provide meaning and direction beyond
what one had been taught (Oser, 1991a, b). This relation of an indi-
vidual’s experience to an. Ultimate Being occurs in qualitatively
different ways over the life cycle. The five experimentally observed
stages are labeled (1) Deus ex machina, (2) Do ut des (give so that you
may receive), (3) Deism, (4) Divine plan, and (5) Universal solidarity.
The developing capacity of a religious reconstruction of the event(s)
under discussion is analyzed in terms of eight polar dimensions: tran-
scendence vs. immanence, the holy vs. the profane, eternity vs.
ephemerity, divine providence vs. luck, faith (trust) vs. fear (mistrust),
hope vs. absurdity, functional transparency vs. opacity, freedom vs.
dependence. Religious development is conceived as discrete changes
in the relation between the two poles of a pair, for instance tran-
scendence vs. immanence. “Psychologically, this means that persons
produce stage-specific equilibria between the immanent and the tran-
scendent... (Oser & Gmitnder 1991, p. 27).”
At RJ stage 1, the immanent and the transcendent are seen as
totally separate. At the highest stage, “the transcendent becomes evi-
dent in the immanence of human communication, and vice versa”
(ibid.). Oser and Gmiinder initially did not discuss explicitly the logic
involved in the changes of the relation between the two poles of a
pair, but after the elucidation of relational and contextual reasoning
(RCR) the logic of the actual sequence of its five levels looks like a
good candidate (Oser & Reich, 1996; Reich, 2002, pp. 131-132).
The preliminary conclusions of all that was said so far are as fol-
lows: (1) in all stage theories of religious development referred to,
cognition plays an important, possibly the leading role, (2) thought
forms other than Piagetian operations are involved in religious devel-
opment if it is conceived as more than religious understanding of
simple texts and the like, (3) before going deeper into those points,
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 9

the scope of the more evolved theories looked at so far needs exam-
ination, in particular by considering their critique.

Critique of the Theories of Fowler, and of Oser/Gmiinder

Both theories have been critiqued in various ways (e.g., Dykstra &
Parks, 1987; Fowler, Nipkow, & Schweitzer, 1991; Koenig, 1994;
Wulff, 1993). Part of the critique concerns the description of the
“highest” stage, which incorporates the concepts of a given theology
as the developmental aim, but is poorly supported empirically for
lack of respondents at this stage. Apart from being hypothetical, these
developmental aims are judged ethno-centered (e.g., Wheeler, Am-
padu & Wangari, 2002, 74) or otherwise not universal (e.g., Ray &
McFadden, 2001).
Furthermore, the underlying theories of these models are said to
deal insufficiently with a number of relevant aspects such as rituals,
emotions, social influences, etc. Also, religion usually incorporates
prophetic messages which call for a change or even a reversal of
direction of the life trajectory; this aspect is not fully taken into
account.
To make some of these observations more concrete, Koenig’s
(1994, pp. 93-104) critique of Fowler’s faith stages is taken as an
example, and partly discussed. Koenig characterizes Fowler’s theory
as “articulately presented, intuitive reasonable, scientifically based,
and socially conscious” (p. 93). Nevertheless, Koenig discusses five
shortcomings as he sees them. (1) The focus on structure (as against
content), necessary for universality, is said to be restrictive when the
stage scheme is applied to individual cases, and Koenig illustrates
this with Fowler’s stage attribution to Mary (Fowler, 1981, pp.
214-268) and Jack. My views are: (a) structural stages are only one
characterization of religiosity/religious faith; at least religious knowl-
edge and religious experience have also be taken into account to get
the full picture. (b) Stage theories are not meant to be exact descrip-
tions of each and every individual developmental path, but are ab-
stracted from such paths of a given group of persons, and represent
“milestones” many individuals pass sooner or later. (c) Attributing a
stage from an interview may occasionally be a tricky task; in the
case of Fowler (and of Kohlberg), the scoring manual was revised
after more experience had been accumulated and a deeper under-
standing reached. (2) “There is an implication that higher faith stages
10 K. HELMUT REICH

are of greater value and contain more truth than lower stages”
(Koenig, 1994, p. 93). Partially, this seems to be a misconception
expressed also by other critics. Fowler (1987, p. 57) writes: “In no
way will we be suggesting that a person characterized by one of the
less developed stages is any less a person than one described by a
more developed stage. Our concern, rather, will be to try to grasp
the potentials and limits for the human vocation of covenant partner-
ship with God and neighbor which are characteristic of each of the
stages.” Fowler (1987, p. 80) amplifies this statement and adds: “Stages
are not stages in soteriology. There is no sense in which a person
must have constructed a given stage of development in faith or self-
hood in order to be ‘saved.’... it is not necessarily the goal of pas-
toral care or counseling that employs developmental perspectives to
try to propel or impel persons from one stage to the other.” (3)
Fowler’s heavy reliance on cognitive and intellectual development is
said to leave “the simple, devout and obedient (but less introspec-
tive) fellow at more primitive levels.... The potential to acquire
mature faith should be equally accessible to all and be more depen-
dent on one’s will and personal decisions than on biologically-deter-
mined intellectual capacities. (Koenig, 1994, p. 97).” In his own
theory, Koenig (1994, pp. 125-126) characterizes mature religious
faith as involving “a complete and whole-hearted trust in God, regard-
less of circumstances, believing that he is in control, knows best, and
will remain by one’s side” (Hebrews 11:1). My views are as follows:
(a) If these are the criteria of mature religious faith, they can pre-
sumably be met at almost any of Fowler’s stages. (b) As previously
said with respect to point (2), earlier levels are not “more primitive”
(in the sense of crude or rudimentary); they are different, and involve
a different relationship with God and neighbor. Given equal measures
of one’s will and personal decisions, does not the stage of cognitive
development reached nevertheless influence one’s interpretation of
passages in Scripture such as the creation hymn in Genesis or Jesus’
parables in the New Testament? Or the understanding of religious
doctrines? Koenig (1994, p. 93) is furthermore concerned about (4)
“the need to recapitulate and reintegrate the past in order to advance
in faith development” and (5) “Fowler’s claim that post-conventional
faith stages are associated with higher levels of intrinsic religiosity.”
Suffice it to say that both criticisms are debatable but it would take
too much space to discuss them properly, and unbalance this article.
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 1]

In summary: while understanding the origin of Koenig’s criticisms,

and not claiming that they are entirely wrong, my view is that to
some extent they are made more from a theological perspective and
perhaps from that of a psychotherapist than from a perspective of
secular developmental psychology.
Other critiques concern perceived specific shortcomings from a
developmental psychological perspective, and have led to remedial
proposals (e.g., Bucher & Reich, 1989; Clore & Fitzgerald, 2002;
Schenker & Reich, in press; Streib, Corveleyn, & Paloutzian, 2001;
Wagener, 2002).
In the meantime, some of the critiqued aspects have been studied
more in depth, in particular the role of religious emotions (e.g., Beile,
1999; Fowler, 1996; O’Connor, 1996; Rollett & Kager, 1999). Also,
stage theories of religious development have proven useful for reli-
gious education and pastoral counseling especially if they are under-
stood as previously discussed, and hence are taught in many divinity
schools (e.g., Koenig, 1994, p. 88).
Nevertheless, their scope does not seem universal enough for bas-
ing the subsequent considerations on only the stage theories under
discussion (or on similar theories, e.g., Reich, 1992, 1993a). For one,
more attention needs to be paid to sociocultural factors such as the
homogeneity or heterogeneity of religious orientations of the sur-
rounding community (including the school a child attends), human
examples of religious participation and of behavioral ethics and moral-
ity the child observes, the professional/occupational levels of parents
and of other model persons who act as a child’s “significant others”
as well as the type and depth of their spiritual commitment, the sol-
idarity or brokenness of the family unit, the kind of theological ori-
entations (fundamental vs. liberal, etc.) that are given credence or
are rejected in one’s home and church/synagogue/temple, the style
of religious rituals (from Anglican to Pentecostal, or equivalent) and
the implicit and explicit meanings they reflect, the relative strength
of institutional traditions and of progressive or retrogressive change
in them, and so on.. The temporary conclusion is that the theories
indicated should be part of the analysis of the role of cognition, yet
the analysis must go beyond them. But what would a more encom-
passing model of religious development look like?
Vy K. HELMUT REICH

MeErEtTING DEMANDS ON AN EXTENDED MODEL OF

Reiicious DEVELOPMENT

Demands the Model Should Meet

From the foregoing considerations we already have the following ele-

ments of a more comprehensive conceptualization of religious devel-
opment that an extended model should be capable to describe and
explain: (i) understanding and interpreting holy writings, (11) idem
concerning one’s religious identity, (iii) forming a God image; (iv)
establishing a relationship with God, (v) furthering moral and social
progress, (vi) developing mentally toward objectivity, abstractness,
autonomy, and contractual reciprocity, (vil) acquiring religious be-
liefs, values, and meanings, (viii) grounding one’s life in a sense of
relatedness to a larger frame of reference, (ix) facing and dealing
with the limit conditions of human life, (x) adapting one’s relation-
ship with God in tune with one’s insights and experiences, (x1) com-
ing to a personal religiosity that is grounded in a particular religious
orientation but can tolerate other orientations and benefit therefrom.
From Elkind’s (1971) summary of studies in psychology of religion
during the first six decades of the 20th century, we collect the fol-
lowing additional elements: (xu) dealing with fear of death and hell,
(xu) facing one’s sin, (xiv) learning how to behave in church, (xv)
learning how to pray, (xvi) facing guilt and insecurity, (xvi) locating
God in the universe, (xviii) understanding what to attribute to God,
and what not.
While this list is already quite long we add two elements from
our own research: (xix) “understanding” (as opposed to simply believ-
ing) “paradoxical” religious doctrines, (xx) coming to terms with diver-
gent religious and scientific world views (Fetz, Reich, & Valentin,
200" Reich? 2002 1!6-129),
As a last check of nearing “completeness,” we go to the comparison
b)

of some multidimensional schemes for studying religion made by

Hood, Spilka, Hunsberger, and Gorsuch (1996, p. 13—-cf. Paloutzian,
1996, pp. 1422). ‘The dimensions involved can be labeled as (1)
ritualistic/cultic practice, (2) doctrinal/credal beliefs, (3) (emotional)
religious experiences, (4) religious knowledge, (5) ethical and com-
munal consequences of being religious.
Elements (i) to (xx) no doubt do not exhaustively represent the
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 13

total scope of dimensions (1) to (5) but give a good indication.’ The
upshot is that (a) most of the elements (i) to (xx) have aspects that
belong to different dimensions (1) to (5), and (b) the elements (i) to
(xx) cover all dimensions (1) to (5), even if some classifications may
be debatable. This does not mean, of course, that all conceptuali-
zations of religion weigh the five dimensions equally; Schleiermacher
([1799], 1996), for instance, weighs (3) more heavily than (2) or (4).

Characteristics of a More Encompassing Model of Religious Development

A basic assumption is that the model can describe and explain the
religious elements (i) to (xx) already indicated and related develop-
ments. Some of the model characteristics have been set forth and
discussed elsewhere (Reich, 1993b/1997; in press b). Main points
are as follows:
(1) as discussed notably by Drodge (2000) on the basis of the work
by Maturana and Varela (1980, 1988), cognition, emotion, and behav-
ior are intertwined and embodied (cf. Johnson, 1987; Nufiez &
Freeman, 1999). Therefore, the body and biological basics have also
to be brought in, not just the native endowment, the brain and its
workings. Drodge (2000, p. 196) uses the example of Job to drive
home this point: “Pain is embodied cognition of a particularly poig-
nant typology. In the case of the biblical Job, it is as if his knowl-
edge of pain fuels his recalcitrant faith. He has nothing more to lose;
therefore, his faith would seem to be the last tangible connection
with life he can cling to.”
(2) Despite this entanglement of the body, cognition, emotion,
conation/motivation, behavior, etc., these various aspects can be and
are being studied separately. The body is beyond the scope of this
paper. Cognition will be dealt with separately.
(3) Emotions develop from being expressed via actions, to expressing
them in symbolic play, giving a voice to them via language, difler-
entiating between similar emotions, describing them by metaphors
and comparisons, controlling them by complex negotiations, and

> Details are as follows: (x1), ee (xv), (xviii) belong to (1); (i), (ui), (vii), (1x), (x),
(xii), (xiii), (xvi), (xvi), aie (xi2 Xx) to (2); (in) (iv),ean) (ix), (x), (x1), (xn), (xii),
(xvi), (xviii), (xix), (xx)to (3); @) @ a (vi), (vii), (xi), (xvii), (xviii), (xx) to (4); and
(iii), (iv), (v), (vi), (viii), (1Aya) to
to
14 K. HELMUT REICH

integrating their objective and subjective awareness (Reich, 1993b/1997,

based largely on Labouvie-Vief, DeVoe & Bulka, 1989; Labouvie-
Vief, Hakim-Larson, DeVoe, & Schoeberlein, 1989); they can also
be developed into emotional intelligence (Goleman, 1995).
(4) Volition (“the will to believe”)/motivation is a vast field in it-
self, way beyond what can be dealt with here, except to underline
its importance and diversity (e.g., Walters & Bradley, 1971; Gorsuch,
Mylvaganam, Gorsuch & Johnson, 1997; Hood et al., 1996, pp. 12-23,
27; Wulff, 1997). Clearly, any development needs a psychic engine
such as curiosity, competitiveness, or whatever.
(5) Also outside the present scope: dealing with the embeddedness
of the individual in culture, history, and his or her social environ-
ment (e.g., Argyle, 2000) already evoked, and the effects of person-
ality characteristics (e.g., Hood et al., 1996, pp. 23-26 & 32-37).
(6) Nor are the unconscious processes (e.g. Hall, 2003, Hill &
Hood, 1999; Rizzuto, 2001) discussed here although they are quite
important in religious life, but not easily accommodated by a gen-
eral model of religious development.

Detailing Cognition as Part of a More Comprehensive Model

of Religious Development
Actually constructing an extended model of religious development is
a vast enterprise (if it can be done at all—cf. Hood et al., 1996, pp.
37-38). Characteristics of a particular attempt (Reich, 1993/1997;
in press b) were listed above. Here, only the cognitive aspects are
taken up. To go beyond a mere suggestion, detailed considerations
are put forward, taking the cue from our longitudinal developmental
study of religious world views of children and adolescents (Fetz
et alee 200).
Over a span of 10 years, respondents were interviewed three times,
basically using the same 28 questions about the origin, the evolution,
and the characteristics of the universe, and God’s role in it. Using
grounded theory, four developmental stages could be discerned. They
distinguish themselves (1) by God’s decreasing and changing role in
the originating and evolving of the universe, and concomitantly (2)
by the increased cognitive competence involved in (re)constructing
the various world views (see below). A distinguishing feature of this
stage scheme is that it was conceived “bottom up” not “top down.”
Correspondingly, main features of the discussion about a putative
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 16)

highest stage of world view development were as follows (ibid., pp.

314-350). (a) A first observation is that each stage is adequate at
the developmental level reached; it is not justified to classify the ear-
lier stages as “inferior.” Nevertheless, stages differ qualitatively. (b)
The debate about the “highest” stage is difficult, because empirical
and normative considerations, issues of fact and of value enter.‘ (c)
If “universality” is to be preserved, the highest stage cannot be deter-
mined by some “outside” normative authority nor should it be posited
according to a currently fashionable trend. (d) A given development
is rarely totally isolated but actually related to other developments
(e.g., religious development to cognitive, emotional, moral, and world
view development—Fetz & Reich, 1989); this enables one to make
comparisons and establish correspondences (e.g., Oser & Reich, 1990;
Oser, Fetz, Reich, and Valentin, in press), and “explains”, for instance,
why cognitive development is a prerequisite for religious develop-
ment. (e) The difficulties of points (b) and (c) are not a reason to
abandon the search for a highest stage but a challenge to proceed
differently compared to a “classical” top-down approach. (f) The
developmental directional trend found empirically does not permit
one to deduce a fixed final poit of the development under dissua-
sion, but at least to extrapolate development to a plane where the
observed partial developments would seem to have run their course.
(g) One clear candidate for such a partial development is cognitive
development, in particular that of epistemic cognition. (h) Another
clear candidate is ontological development, to be dealt with shortly.
The basic idea is that most of the developments concerned are some-
how linked with each other so that in the longer run they stimulate
each other.

CoenitivE Aspects OF RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT

Scope

Cognition (perceiving, appraising, understanding, reasoning, judging,

remembering, imagining, etc.) being a vast field, the present con-
siderations are mainly focused on thinking and its more developed
form, that is reasoning. We already concerned ourselves with Piagetian

* Note the parallelisms with Piaget’s (1922, p. 53) corresponding considerations

evoked earlier.
16 K. HELMUT REICH

thought processes, and their role in religious development. Further

pertinent issues are (1) dealing with metaphors, analogies, and sym-
bols; (2) epistemic cognition; (3) relational and contextual reasoning
(RGR); (4) ontological development. They are dealt with in that
order.

Metaphors, Analogies, and Symbols

A metaphor is understood as a connection between common attrib-
utes of differing entities, events, or scientific models (and possibly
between some common functional aspects), for instance, “He is a
fox,” or “She is a whirlwind.” Metaphors are used typically in two
situations: (a) as in the two examples given, that is as an effective
shorthand for the conscious and unconscious perception of the “known”
explanandum, often advantageously replacing a lengthy, much less
“oripping” description; (b) as a means to refer to something unknown,
difficult to describe and to conceptualize, this by way of relating it
to something well-known. Slightly extended examples of type (b) are
biblical parables such as the comparison of the kingdom of heaven
to a mustard seed (Matthew 13:31-32; Mark 4:30-32; Luke 13:18-19),
and comparing the structure of the atom to a minute solar system.
Reasoning by analogy consists primarily in the mapping of functions
(and involves perhaps some shared properties), for instance, “The
stem of a flower functions like a straw for sucking up a liquid.”
Symbols are more general, extended metaphors, often involving
emotions. Examples are water as a symbol for life and health but
also death, fire as a symbol for passion, punishment and destruction
but also probation and purification.
As regards development, the common point is that children up
to, say, at least age seven have difficulties understanding these com-
munication tools, let alone using them competently. They will either
take the metaphor, analogy or symbol literally, or give it an idio-
syncratic meaning.
Bucher (1991, pp. 102-103) provides the following first-level exam-
ples from interviewing a seven-year-old about the laborers in the
vineyard (Matthew 20:1~16): [“Do you think the story of the labor-
ers in the vineyard really happened?”] “Sure.” [And where did it
happen?”| “Abroad, somewhere, when Jesus was alive.” [Wore eight
the same happen here also?”| “No, it won't.” [“And why?”] “Because
Jesus wasn’t here; he couldn’t have seen it.” Another example goes
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT LZ

as follows: [“Might the master in the story be an image of God him-

self?”] “No, because God is in heaven, and the master is in the
vineyard”. Also: “God has a long white coat, but the master, he has
pants (idem, p. 103).”
At the second level of understanding, the parable was seen as fiction
to teach general moral principles such as “we all have to work.”
Only at the third level, in (pre-)adolescence, was its function fully
appreciated as fictional-analogical.
As to the interpretation, that is the content of the message, Bucher
(1991, pp. 103-105) noticed that it changed depending on which
stage (1 to 4) of Religious Judgment the respondent had reached.
Correspondingly, the message was that (1) we should not be jealous,
(2) the master did not represent God at all [because he did not meet
the expectation of “do ut des”], (3) it is never too late to change
one’s life, and (4) God’s kindness is quite different from the world’s
“justice.” This brings us to the issue of epistemic cognition.

Epistemic Cognition
Kitchener’s (1983, p. 225) epistemic cognition is defined as “the
process an individual invokes to monitor the epistemic nature of
problems, and the truth value of alternative solutions.” King &
Kitchener (1994, p. 12) add, “It includes a person’s knowledge about
the limits of knowing, the certainty of knowing, and the criteria for
knowing (cf. Moshman, 1998, pp. 964—965).”
While being aware of, and valuing King and Kitchener’s work, |
concentrate here on our own (Fetz et al., 2001; Reich, 2002, pp.
29-32), not only because it involved religion, but primarily because
it concerned children as well as adolescents and adults.
Our data indicated a pre-stage and two stages of epistemic cog-
nition, with the second stage consisting of two substages, altogether
stages 0 to 3. At stage 0 (up to 9 years or so in the present case),
the child is not really aware of epistemic issues and hence does not
reflect critically on them. In fact, children up to about that age basi-
cally believe that (apart from matters of taste) all persons come to
the same conclusions if they have the same information available.
This state of affairs is independent from understanding the difference
between making a factual statement, pulling somebody’s leg, lying,
making a mistake, etc., which four-year-olds can do.
Stage | is that of olyect reflection, “Is that really so?” For instance,
18 K. HELMUT REICH

a girl at the end of childhood explained to us that with so many

people in this world, God cannot watch over each and every per-
son. Therefore God sends to each of us a guardian angel who can
and will do that in God’s stead. The main point is that individuals
at this stage remain prisoners of their own representations, they essen-
tially discuss the “that” of God, that which concerns God as such
including God’s very existence, and do not analyze critically the
“what” concerning God, namely God’s nature, various attributes,
etc. In actual practice, they collapse their unquestioned personal view
with the explanandum itself. An issue, if not the main issue, then be-
comes whether the explanandum, specifically God, exists “really.” At
one point of developing object reflection, fairies, Father Christmas,
Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny etc. are recognized one by one as
figures out of a child’s world, not from the “real” world of adults.
There is a non-negligible possibility that God is jettisoned along with
these figures.
At stage 2, the reflection turns onto one’s means of knowing specific
“facts.” For instance, an adolescent will become aware that analog-
ical reasoning is not necessarily yielding “true” knowledge about God.
If he or she needs to eat and drink, that does not prove that God
eats and drinks. Or, if their house was built with building materials
and according to a blueprint, that does not prove that God created
the universe from some existing material such as stones, water and
air (as interviewed children argued). Thus, means reflection permits
us to disentangle the personal God representation from the question
of who and what God really is. The result is a kind of negative the-
ology: God is not that old man with a white beard, God is not the
artisan who built the universe from some raw material according to
a blueprint (or simply from nothing by magic), and so on. This opens
the door to a God who is force, energy, light, love, and so on.
Reaching stage 3 involves an understanding of more general epis-
temic issues such as basic options: am I a realist, and if so which
version (“naive,” critical, hypothetical . . .), a constructivist (a radical
constructivist, a social constructivist . . .), a relativist, a post-modernist,
or what else? And why? Accordingly, among other things, the limits
of what humans can know will be thematized. The answers may be
different, yet are basically of the following type: “As adults, our mind
has difficulty visualizing that something could come from nothing.”
Apart from learning new facts and above all facts of a different
nature, it is the development of epistemic cognition that makes for
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 19

a change of one’s world view and religious outlook: “I have thought

about how it all fits together [and changed my beliefs accordingly];”
“Later on you are more critical about yourself and your beliefs [and
so you change]” (Reich, Oser, & Valentin, 1994, p. 164).

Relational and Contextual Reasoning

Relational and contextual reasoning allows one in particular to “make
sense” of certain Christian doctrines such as the two natures of Christ
or the Holy Trinity (Reich, 1990; 1994), to co-ordinate religious and
scientific world views, and to develop religiously (Reich, 2002, pp.
126-132). ‘The latter might be true also in less obvious ways than
already hinted at when discussing the theories of Fowler (1981, 1987,
199la, b, 1996) and Oser/Gmiinder (1991; Oser & Reich, 1996).
Rizzuto (2001, p. 204) opines that the “psychic enzyme” conditioning
and permitting the transformational move from one stage to the next
requires
specific internal representations based on concrete interactions with
others in a personal and also religious-social context. The relational
and representational components of experience are necessary but not
sufficient for the emergence of the next faith stage. There is also the
need to achieve resolution of the constant conflicts that emerge in the
growing-up years as well as mastering the unavoidable traumas of life.

As the subtitle of Reich’s (2002) monograph indicates, RCR helps

to resolve cognitive conflict.
To describe RCR fully, presenting the empirical evidence, com-
paring it with and contrasting it to other forms of thought, and illus-
trating its potential for resolving all sorts of issues, a full-length book
was required (Reich, 2002). Very briefly, RCR is a distinct form of
thought, categorically at the same level as Piagetian operations, cog-
nitive complex thinking, dialectical thought, thinking in analogies,
etc., with which it shares certain operational components (such as
isolating a given item among many others).
Specifically, RCR permits us to analyze the role and validity of
explanations competing for the elucidation of a given explanandum,
e.g., theological explanations and physical or biological explanations
of the origin and evolution of the universe and all it contains. Not
only causal links (if... then) but also mutual limitations, “kinship,”
information transfer, etc. are recognized as relations.
20 K. HELMUT REICH

Fig. 1. “Figure-ground” shift of the number of cubes (after rotation of

the figure by 180°) as an illustration for noncompatibility.

A major difference between other forms of thought and RCR has

to do with its underlying trivalent logic as compatible, incompatible,
and noncompatible. This is illustrated in Fig. 1. To see simultane-
ously three faces of a given cube is compatible, the wish to see simul-
taneously (without mirrors) more than three faces is wncompatible with
reality. The meaning of noncompatible can be illustrated by answering
the question “How many full three-dimensional cubes are there?”
Most people will answer “six”, and, when the figure is turned on its
head, “seven:
The figure having stayed the same, applying formal binary
(Aristotelian) logic would conclude that one of the answers must be
wrong, and proceed to determine which one. In contrast, RCR logic
will confirm that “six” is correct in one context, and “seven” in
another context. Note, however, that this is just an illustration (using
an optical “illusion”). An example closer to “reality” would be, for
instance, to deal with particle-like and wave-like characteristics of an
electron. It is this aspect of RCR logic which permits one to resolve
certain cognitive conflicts, specifically those resulting from applying
binary logic inappropriately.
On the assumption that for the best results in problem solving,
the thought form used should match the problem structure, a cor-
responding forte of RCR is to work out in detail how the role of
bona fide theories competing for explaining a given entity or pheno-
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 21

menon can be understood and possibly transformed into an overar-

ching, context-sensitive theory. It is counterproductive to try using
RCR for solving cross-word puzzles and comparable tasks that have
single correct answers.
An 8-step RCR heuristic has been constructed to apply RCR sys-
tematically in line with what was stated so far. Numerous cases show
its benefits (Reich, 2002, pp. 101-184). Thus, RCR is in no way a
license for a relativistic or postmodern “anything goes”.
RCR does not arrive fully operative at a person’s birth but, given
the right circumstances, develops from level I to level V (Table 1)
into young adulthood and beyond. It starts functioning in earnest at
level II, reached from about |1 years onward (if at all). The RCR
logic (just indicated and partly illustrated in Fig. 1) develops also
from level HI onward. To give two examples of how high level RCR
deals with Christian doctrines: “Jesus has to be human, otherwise
he could not suffer. And he has to be God, otherwise atonement
would not work” (Reich, 2002, p. 123). “The Holy Trinity some-
how combines the human longing for community with the longing
for individuality” (ibid., p. 125).

Table 1. Developmental logic of relational and contextual reasoning (RCR).

The issue is to co-ordinate the competing descriptions, explanations, mod-
els, theories A, B, (C....), for instance God’s transcendence (A) and God’s
immanence (B). At each level the co-ordination is qualitatively different.

Level of | Core characteristic Comment

RCR of level

I A or B (or Q) only one competitor gets into view

II A, but also B (C) a second competitor is perceived
Ill A and B (and C) all are needed for a full understanding
IV Logic of and relationships and context in view
Vv Synopsis/theory all comes together, including extras

The RJ stages and RCR levels rank correlate highly and significantly:
Kendall’s tau = .70; p < .01; N = 30 (Reich, 2002, p. 131). Developing
relational and contextual reasoning and evolving religious judgment
go hand in hand.
22 K. HELMUT REICH

Ontological Development

“Do fairies, quarks, or unicorns exist or not?”; “Is that kind person
who gives me presents really my uncle or not?”; “Are clouds alive
or dead?” For various reasons (e.g., Reich, 2002, pp. 28-29), young
children may take many years to become fully clear about the answers
to such questions. Ontological development concerns the (perceived)
existence or nonexistence of various entities and their predicates, more
precisely the material categories needed to discuss those predicates.
In the present case the problem is exacerbated because in reli-
gion the transcendent comes in, with which also adults have prob-
lems (e.g., Wulff 1997, pp. 634-641), and also because it could
involve mysticism (Rosch, 2002).
Clearly, the level of mastering various thought forms (with their
inherent logic), and the stage of epistemic cognition reached will co-
determine the level of ontological development. That in turn co-
determines religious development, together with all the other factors
mentioned previously, specifically religious experiences, interaction
with the physical and human surroundings, special life events and
their impact, and the depth or importance accorded to one’s religiosity.

Case STUDIES

We use two cases (chosen out of nine) of our empirical worldview

studies to illustrate most of what was said so far.” The need for two
arises because the study lasted for ten years, yet major religious devel-
opment occurs during the first two decades (and beyond). A main
issue of these studies is not all religious life per se but interviewees’
conceptions of God’s role in the creation and the evolution of the
universe and all it contains. That role being central to religion, our

° The study started with 60 participants aged from 5 to 19 years, each age group
including two boys and two girls, each time a Roman Catholic and a Protestant.
It turned out that neither gender nor denomination made a difference in regard to
the development researched. ‘The 20 most creative and thoughtful participants were
retained for the second round of interviews about 4 years later, and 9 of them were
still available for the third round 5~6 years later again. Results are not represen-
tative, and no claims about “typical” distributions of stages by age rare made. What
is claimed, however, is the genuine existence of the developments outlined—The
case studies of Nina and Emil were selected because they illustrate well some of
the issues we are discussing.
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 25

study is sufficiently close to be relevant for our theme.® In each case,

development was assessed in three interviews spread over ten years
or so. ‘Thus, each case study comprises three snapshots of the respec-
tive developmental state reached. The study of Nina’s world view
development took place between the ages 5 and 15 years, that of
Emil between 11 and 21 years.

Nina

The three interviews are documented in Fetz et al. (2001, pp.

183-196). Here is what Nina answered at age 5 years and 5 months
(5: 5) to some of the standardized questions: [“Has all that you see
in nature always existed, or did it come into being at some point
in time?”] “It came.” [“How do you know?”] “Because I was born
into the world, and the same with my mummy. God has made it
that way.” [“Tell me about God!”] “God is a kind man. If some-
thing happens, he helps us. He provides our food.” [“What else does
God do?”] “He has built the houses, except a few which people
have built themselves.” [“Which were built by God?”] “The high-
rise buildings, because people couldn’t make high-enough ladders. . . .
And God has made cars before people knew how to do it. God
gives and makes things we can’t do.” [“What else can you tell me?”]
“First God has made the houses with tables and chairs, then the
water, then the plants, and then people. This, because people couldn’t
wait for getting houses to live in, and something to drink and eat.”
Nina has a long list of what else God has made, including peoples’
eyes, and noses, and mouths. What are characteristic features, observed
equally with other children (cf. Piaget, [1926], 1929)? Above all,
Nina’s capacity to construct her own world view in tune with her
egocentrism and according to her anthropocentric artificialistic God
image: She projects her personal occurrences onto everything else,
and construes God’s creation as the work of an artisan aimed at
humanity’s existence and well-being. Unsurprisingly, there is not a
trace of questioning her own world view: in her mind everything
simply is exactly as she says.
At the second interview, Nina (9: 2) partly maintains her views,
and partly has changed them. “The Earth, light, rain, and a warm

° The rank correlation between the world view stages and the stages of religious
judgment was tau = .73; p < .01; N = 48. (Oser, Fetz, Reich, & Valentin, in
press).
24 K. HELMUT REICH

climate needed to be there first so that plants could grow, and ani-
mals had something to eat. Then came humans. Now God sees to
it that all works well, he provides the strength to live, knowledge,
and materials to make things. But all things we need and use are
made by humans.” Nina’s object-related reasoning begins to show:
the early human beings now built their own shelters, and all arti-
facts are made by humans. Also, God works through nature (although
in curious ways), no longer with his own hands, for instance to build
mountains: “God lets stones, grow.”
At the third interview (15: 9), Nina’s world view clearly shows
more changes; she no longer espouses a traditional Christian view,
and artificialism has almost gone away. “The world has come into
being of its own. Maybe God then has helped behind the scene so
that it became what we have today. However, you can’t really under-
stand all that. Therefore, people look for an explanation they find
plausible. ... I don’t believe that God has made humans in God’s
image, God is quite different, we can’t picture God.... I only know
what God is not.” Nina does not yet know how to deal effectively
with conflicts between a religious and a scientific world view (RCR
level II): “In the beginning there was religion, and therefore we have
the Genesis narrative, but then all evolved on its own, as explained
by science.” She describes her changed God image as follows: “As
a child, I pictured God as an old man on a cloud, with a beard... .
probably, I have heard that from others, and never reflected on it.
[Now I know better].” Thus Nina has reached the beginnings of
means reflection but not yet a point where she could get out of
some of the conundrums she is left with, progress to higher RCR
levels, and attain a more developed world view.

Emil

Emil was interviewed at ages 11: 9, 15: 7, and 22: 1 (Fetz et al.,
2001, pp. 274286). This means that there is some age overlap with
Nina (permitting comparison and contrast), and some extension into
young adulthood.
(“Has all that you see in nature always existed, or did it come
into being at some point in time?”] “Sometime in the past there
occurred an explosion, a world-wide explosion. Then animals formed
in the water, the dinosaurs, and then came a time when they died
out. Then humans came and plants. In the Middle Ages life was
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 25

different; there were no cars yet, and no supermarkets.” [“What is

the world made from?”] “Stones and air, the sky, fire, mountains
and water have always existed, because early humans and animals
needed that for drinking, for living.” [“Has life come on its own?”
“That needed some force, probably from God or something like
that.” [“How about the Weltall, the universe as sheer space, and
God?”] “Infinite space cannot be made; God has not made it. Both
that space and God have always existed. But God has made what
is in that space, that is finite.... When I was still in kindergarten,
I did not know all that, I pictured God as a huge person who made
the world with his hands. ... Now I know that God is a force act-
ing from behind.... For instance, He helped David to win against
Goliath.” Clearly, while aware of his previous artificialistic image of
God, Emil by now has left it behind, because he has heard people
talk about God as force and found that reasonable: God does not
work with his hands. And God cannot have made the infinite space,
and therefore that space and God have always existed. This is obvi-
ously a fine example of object-related reasoning. Emil argues at RCR
level I, and demonstrates a beginning of means reflection when he
distances himself from the way he thought in kindergarten.
Given that Emil had already left behind artificialism at the first
interview, he had not changed much at the second interview (at age
15: 7). In the meantime, he had understood that the Wediall is not
infinite, and therefore he accepts now that it too has come into exis-
tence with God’s force involved. Emil remembers the first interview
and explains. “I had to find answers to questions I had never thought
about. It is quite difficult to find something which is logical and
corresponds to one’s convictions. In the meantime I have learned
more at school, but also, I have replaced a child’s logic by a more
grown-up logic. At age 15 you think differently.”——Clearly, Emil is
into means reflection, and is aware of his own development.
At the third interview, Emil’s (22: 1) means-reflection is even more
evident. Emil regrets that humans do not benefit more from the
divine energy to progress and construct a more harmonious world.
He experiments with this idea in possibility space, and constructs for
himself a meaning of his life, this connected to God. God now is
energy (instead of force). He prays to God to give him the strength
to find his way. Overall, Emil is a good example for a “normal”
development without much upheaval, breaks and drama. Apart from
other factors like a favorable embeddedness in a sound and stimulating,
26 K. HELMUT REICH

“mirroring” family, reaching (partly intuitively) the stage of means

reflection and higher levels of RCR has contributed to that outcome.

Commentary

As we already saw when discussing Piaget’s views of religion, to get

a satisfactory grip on the relation between science and religion is
not easy for young people (cf. Reich, 2002, pp. 126-129), and even
for adults, yet important. Cognitive development as described eases
that task, and is possibly even necessary to enable its achievement
(ibid., pp. 111-120). Once these and other cognitive dissonances are
resolved, life activities and relationships may benefit from extra energy.

SUMMARIZING REMARKS

Given the vastness of the theme, and the limited space, it was not
possible to do much more than to walk around, have a look at the
wide surrounding fields from some lookout, and indicate directions
for further studies, in particular concerning a more encompassing
dynamic model (Reich, in press b).
As will be obvious from the argumentation and the examples given,
this paper was written with primarily the Jewish and the Christian
religions in mind. Presumably, it would have to be reworked and
extended if other religions, specifically Asian religions aiming at an
expanded, interdependent, unbiased mind (Rosch, 2002, p. 48) were
to be included.
What has nevertheless become clear, is the usefulness of the type
of research discussed, specifically for religious education (Reich, 1996,
2000; 2002, p. 132; 2003, in press c) and maybe education in phi-
losophy (Fetz et al., 2001, pp. 351-362).
Human beings differ from photographic cameras in that they do
not perceive and record their surroundings more or less identically
but rather according to their individual psychological make-up (includ-
ing their interest) and competence, much of which depends on the
developmental stage reached. Whereas religion (along with art) has
strong affective components, and is socioculturally embedded, cog-
nition plays a major role in its understanding, acceptance, and ap-
plication to guiding one’s life. On account of religion’s complexity,
involvement with the transcendent, and use of metaphors and sym-
bols, religious development, besides needing Piagetian operations,
 COGNITIVE PRECONDITIONS FOR RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 27

calls for analogical, dialectical, and relational and contextual rea-

soning. All of these are based on logics other than formal binary
logic. Ontological development is required to find one’s way among
the fairies, Father Christmas, Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny, and
God. Such is at least the conclusion from a secular psychological
perspective; a theological view will presumably bring in God’s grace
and faithfulness, and the inspiration by the Holy Spirit (cf., Loder,
1998).
Children are born as active, curious, and searching beings, ready
and competent to explore the world, and to construct their own (reli-
gious) world view. While socialization and transmission of culture
are important and in fact necessary for humanity’s survival, the
“autonomous” striving of children and adolescents should also be
given room and supported. They need opportunities to express, artic-
ulate, and explore their religiosity, to doubt, confirm, construct and
reconstruct it. With the right type of mirroring and fostering (e.g.,
Reich, 2000), specifically of the various facets of cognitive develop-
ment as set out here, the outcome of children’s growing up 1s likely
more satisfactory for the individuals concerned including their reli-
gious development and for society than without it.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Whereas all shortcomings of this paper are my own, I gratefully

acknowledge that it could not have been written without the fruit-
ful interactions with many colleagues, in particular Anton A. Bucher,
Reto Luzius Fetz, James W. Fowler, Dirk Hutsebaut, Karen S.
Kitchener, Gisela Labouvie-Vief, Rolf Oerter, Fritz Oser, Willis F.
Overton, Anke Schréder, Friedrich Schweitzer, Jan D. Sinnott, Bernard
Spilka, Peter Valentin, David M. Wulff, and last, but most certainly
not least, with the children, adolescents, and adults interviewed. Maria
Spychiger and an anonymous reviewer commented helpfully on an
earlier version.

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 AGE DIFFERENCES IN RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN
SPIRITUALITY AND SOCIAL ETHICS

Research Evidence from Lutheran Women*

David O. Moberg

ABSTRACT

This study helps to answer significant questions: Are older people really more spir-
itual than others? Does age negate social consciousness? Is personal spirituality inim-
ical to social ethics as a heritage of last century’s fundamentalist-modernist controversies?
Survey data from 1,188 women in the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod provides
evidence related to those questions. Using numerous uni- and multi-dimensional
indicators of spirituality and of social ethics, it found that seniors (aged 65 plus)
were spiritually the most mature of four age cohorts. They also had strong social
consciousness and high levels of ethical behavior. The findings support conclusions
of research elsewhere that aging is positively related to both spirituality and social
ethics, which in turn are correlated with each other. The aging process itself appears
to be a more important explanation of generational differences in spirituality than
cohort and period effects.

The belief that “old people” are politically conservative and per-
sonally religious, therefore concerned more with spirituality and less
committed to social ethics than younger adults, is a typical set of
popular opinions in America, although the empirical evidence on
those popular stereotypes is mixed. Seniors anticipate a shorter future
and have relatively more to lose from risks associated with social
and institutional change, so they have a social, economic, and emo-
tional vested interest in the status quo and are not inclined to “rock
the boat” by advocating social change. Most acknowledge that they
are near the end of their earthly life, and many are “preparing for
their finals.” It therefore is logical to expect them to be more self-
oriented and spiritual than younger adults and also less concerned

* This research was supported by the International Lutheran Women’s Missionary

League of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod. Data processing was done under
the author’s direction by Elizabeth M. Becker and the late Peter M. Becker at the
CenSRCH Center of Concordia University, River Forest, Illinois. The author is
grateful to three anonymous reviewers who made valuable suggestions for improv-
ing this paper.

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
34 DAVID O. MOBERG

for social ethics that focus upon the needs of people and society at
large.
Much research has shown that most aspects of religiousness and
spirituality increase with age (see summary in Moberg, 1997, pp.
193-197) and that both are multidimensional (e.g., Hill & Hood,
1999). They overlap so much that researchers increasingly believe
they ought to be considered together instead of as completely dis-
crete concepts even though each has distinctive components (Zinnbauer
& Pargament, 2002; Pargament, 1999; Zinnbauer, Pargament, &
Scott, 1999; Emmons & Crumpler, 1999). The current tendency in
both scholarly and popular circles is to consider institutionalized
beliefs, organizational activities, and formal rituals as “religion” and
the experiential, individual, and subjective aspects of faith as “spir-
ituality” (Moberg, 2001a).
What may be the most thorough national survey on religion and
age to date (Princeton Religion Research Center, 1982) demonstrated
that the older generation is more conservative than youth, with mid-
dle-aged people generally falling between the two. Factual evidence
for the social conservatism of older adults, which usually is linked
with diminished social consciousnesss, is not as firm. Cross-sectional
research has indicated that seniors generally are more conservative
politically than younger persons, but much of that contrast can be
traced to cohort differences, the tendency of people to remain in the
conservative political party of their early socialization, and the lib-
eralizing effects of more education among younger people, all of
which may account for the contrasts more than aging per se (Crandall,
1991, pp. 378-381). Age variations in political patterns also relate
to the specific issues examined and the time period when they were
studied (Atchley, 1991, pp. 349-352).
The suspicion that older people have lower levels of social concern
than those who are young and middle-aged is reinforced by impres-
sions that a strong Christian faith commitment is characterized by
individualism and privatism, hence little interest in the well-being of
society and weak social ethics. The background for such impressions
includes the split of early twentieth century Protestantism into two
major transdenominational camps with contrasting views of theology
and its social implications. ‘The “modernists” were adherents of the
Social Gospel movement that aimed to bring the kingdom of God
to earth in the new (twentieth) “Christian Century.” Accepting social
determinism theories, they believed that poverty and other social
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 55

evils would be conquered, individuals in trouble redeemed, and soei-

ety perfected by transforming institutional structures and processes,
so their movement emphasized the need for social reform.
The “fundamentalists,” au contraire, stressed a personal gospel that
invited each individual to believe in Jesus Christ as Savior. They
believed that the only enduring means for reforming modern soci-
ety and solving social problems is the conversion of individuals. They
assumed that conversion to a saving faith in Jesus Christ would result
in changed values that, in turn, would make their conduct ethical.
Thus changing individuals would change society, so they focused
upon “winning souls to Christ” and preparing them for the future
kingdom of God in heaven, while modernists believed changing social
systems was the means for changing individuals.
Tensions between these approaches continued throughout the twen-
tieth century in spite of contravening events. On the one hand, the
“Christian Century” for which a prominent magazine was named
soon erupted into countless “unchristian” events, including World
Wars I and II and the Great Depression. On the other, prominent
conservative theologians like Carl F. H. Henry (1947) and social ethi-
cists in evangelical theological seminaries (e.g., Grounds, 1969; Mott,
1982) demonstrated that biblical theology requires both evangelism
and social action. ‘They were joined by social scientists, historians,
and others who pointed to the need to balance the central concerns
of both groups (e.g., Dayton, 1976; Moberg, 1965, 1977, 1985; Sider,
1974, 1999; Smith, 1980).
In spite of such efforts, tensions and conflicts between the direct
approach to social ethics and the indirect spiritual or conversionist
approach, however labeled, have been among the sources of schisms
and divisions in many denominations (see e.g. Ammerman, 1990).
Their essential ideological features can be viewed as ideal types at
opposite ends of a theological conservative-liberal continuum. Most
denominations and congregations are not completely in either camp
today, but the legacy of tensions from competing views that pit social
ethics and personal spirituality against each other permeates many
of them.
Data from a 1994 survey in the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod
sheds light upon these age- and ideology-related issues. The LCMS
is a theologically conservative body that then had 2,609,905 members
and was the nation’s ninth-largest Protestant denomination (Famighetti,
1994, pp. 729-730). By holding the denomination constant, the re-
36 DAVID O. MOBERG

search is analogous to a controlled study of relationships among vari-

ables within a single religiocultural context to test the hypotheses
that aging women are more spiritual than their younger counter-
parts, that they have lower levels of social ethics than others, and
that spirituality is negatively related to social ethics. In more tech-
nical language, the hypotheses tested are that age and spirituality
are positively related and that spirituality and therefore aging is neg-
atively related to social ethics.

MeETHOD

In 1994 Search Institute, supported by Lutheran Brotherhood, con-

ducted a national survey of members and regular participants in
LCMS congregations. Its report (Benson, Roehlkepartain and Andress,
1995) summarizes major findings and suggests issues for reflection
and dialogue but “does not attempt to be a comprehensive analysis
of the findings from the 387-item survey” (p. 1). (Of 359 questions
asked of all respondents in the 19-page questionnaire, 54 had two
parts, totaling 413 items, and 28 others were asked of only youths
aged 13 to 19.) In cooperation with denominational leaders through
three stages of sampling to assure national representativeness, com-
pleted questionnaires were obtained from 1,816 adults (56% of those
contacted) and 486 youths (33°% response). “As in all studies of this
type, the final data set overrepresents active members and under-
represents inactive members” (p. 59). Comparisons of respondents
with invited ‘non-respondents suggest no systematic bias (O’Hara,
1998), but it is likely that the 163 cooperating pastors at the second
stage of sampling omitted members who were illiterate, develop-
mentally disabled, blind, handicapped by other disabilities, or patients
in hospitals and congregate care facilities.
Indirect evidence of the reliability of the findings is the honesty
with which respondents gave personal information about behavior
and opinions inconsistent with well-established normative teachings
of LCMS churches. Much uncomplimentary information about their
beliefs and activities was provided, so there is no evidence that they
answered only what they thought the researchers wanted to know.
The sample appears to be as representative as possible of the active
members and non-member participants in LCMS churches in 1994.
This author was commissioned to conduct an in-depth secondary
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS Si.

analysis of data from the 1,188 adult women in the survey. This
article provides an in-depth analysis of selected findings from the
larger study that were summarized for a general audience (Moberg,
1998).
Sample Characteristics
For most analyses the women were grouped into four age categories:
261 (22.0%) were young (18 to 34), 365 (30.7%) were young middle-
aged (35 to 49), 287 (24.2%) were older middle-aged (50 to 64), and
273 (23.1%) were seniors aged 65 or over (37 at least 80).
The highest level of education varied by age, with 13.0% of the
seniors but none below age 50 at the grade school level. Of those
aged 18 to 34, 38.9% had a college or graduate degree, compared
to 11.3% of the seniors. About one in four (27.0%) had attended a
Lutheran school for at least part of her education. A majority of
each age group was married, but 33.5% of the young were never
married, and 37.1% of the seniors were widowed. Seven of every
ten (69.9°%) had been in an LCMS congregation all or nearly all of
their lives. Only 1.9% were Black, 0.9% Asian, 0.4° Hispanic, 0.4°%
American Indian, and 0.4% biracial, so almost all (96.3%) respon-
dents were Caucasians.

MEASURES

Items pertinent to spirituality and social ethics were selected from

the survey and frequently used independently, each in effect com-
prising a sub-hypothesis on spirituality or social ethics in relation to
age. Nearly all questions and scales were created, validated, and pre-
viously used in other Search Institute studies. (Specific questions are
reported below with the findings.) Several additional indexes were
constructed to measure other multivalent variables. Each combines
items logically related to each other, mainly on the basis of face
validity. Significant positive correlations between the respective measures
of spirituality and of social ethics support their concurrent validity.

Spirituality Measures

Among the indicators of spirituality were numerous questions that

pertain to personal faith and religiosity (reading and study of the
38 DAVID O. MOBERG

Bible, prayer or meditation, benefit from participating in congrega-

tional worship, secking opportunities to grow spiritually, etc.).
A devotionalism index combines three items on frequency of prayer
or meditation other than before meals or at church, Bible reading
when alone, and participation with others in studying or discussing
the Bible. It yields a score of 3.00 equivalent to “about once a
month,” 4.00 “two or three times a month,” and 5.00 “about once
a week.”
Faith Types are the basis for several research measures developed
by Search Institute and used in several other research projects. These
validated and reliable measures of spirituality are based upon four
types of faith identified by combining two dimensions (Benson,
Roehlkepartain and Andress, 1995, pp. 4-5, 42). The vertecal dimension
pertains to one’s relationship with God. Its twelve questions repre-
sent “a life-transforming relationship with a loving God. People
express this dimension of faith through worshipping God, praying,
and seeking opportunities for spiritual growth” (p. 4). Another twelve
measure the horizontal dimension, which “indicates a consistent devo-
tion to serving others in the world. People express this dimension of
faith by sharing their faith with others, helping people in need, and
getting involved in social issues” (p. 4; see also Benson, Donahue,
& Erickson, 1993, pp. 18-21, and Piedmont & Nelson, 2001).
Four “experiences of faith” were constructed from those two dimen-
sions. Persons with undeveloped faith are low on both horizontal and
vertical dimensions, and those with an integrated faith are high on
both. ‘Those high on the horizontal dimension and low on the vertical
have a horizontal faith, and those high on the vertical but low on the
horizontal have a vertical faith. This typology assumes that an integrated
faith is the most mature, blending “a life-transforming relationship
with God and a consistent devotion to serving others in the world.
It is this kind of faith that congregations seek to nurture in children,
youth, and adults” (Benson, Roehlkepartain and Andress, 1995, p. 4).
The 38-item Search Institute Maturity of Faith Index (Benson & Eklin,
1990, pp. 10-13, 71-72) was included, as was its modified LCMS
Mature Fath Scale with eight subscales based upon 42 survey items.
Five of these are aspects of spirituality:

Doctrinal faith: Six items on belief in basic teachings of the Christian

Bible.
Experiential Faith: Nine items on personal commitment to Jesus Christ,
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 39

faith that God is active in one’s life, and the influence of faith
upon one’s behavior.
Faith Growth: Fourteen items on changes in faith, devotional life,
loving others, and the belief that God is active in one’s life and
the world.
Honzontal Faith: Twelve items on the application of Christian faith
to the needs of other people, one’s community, and the world.
Vertical Faith: Twelve God-oriented items on Christian beliefs and the
spiritual impact of faith upon the sense of meaning and purpose
in one’s life.

Social Ethics Measures

The survey included items on Christian social responsibility that help

to indicate how narrowly or broadly respondents apply biblical ideals
of loving one’s neighbor as one loves oneself, showing compassion
for those who suffer, extending care for poor and disadvantaged peo-
ple, protecting the environment, and giving minorities recognition
and leadership opportunities in the church. (Because the indexes
were subject-focused for use in the sponsoring group, a few items
were used in more than one index. There was no intent that all
should be completely discrete and independent of all the others.)
The following four indexes represent composite responses on or
related to social ethics:

Helping Others: Six items on hours spent outside one’s paid job dur-
ing the last thirty days to help others, improve one’s town or city,
help spiritually troubled persons, or promote social justice.
Serving: Seventeen items on caring feelings toward people in trouble,
efforts to promote social justice, and giving time or money to meet
the needs of others.
Social Relations: Eight items on acceptance of people with beliefs or
identities different from one’s own, feeling God’s presence in rela-
tionships with other people, and participating in activities with
other people.
Social Concern Index: An overall measure of social ethics adding the
above helping, social relations, and serving indexes added to provide
a summary score representing concern for others as evidenced in
both feelings of love and acts of compassion toward people in
need.
40 DAVID O. MOBERG

RESULTS

All percentages reported are based upon the total responses to each
question, usually between 1,160 and 1,185 of the 1,188 respondents.
(In every instance several statistical tests of the significance were
applied; all yielded equivalent results.)

Sprrituality

Age Differences. A pronounced difference is apparent in responses to

the item, “How important is religious faith in your life?,” for which
five answer categories were provided (Table 1). The seniors were by
far the most likely to say that it is the most important, and the
young women the least. Answers to other items related to faith in
God also revealed deeper faith among the seniors. Three-fourths of
them said they always saw evidence of God’s activity in the world,
compared to less than half of the youngest group, who were the
most likely to see such evidence only sometimes or less. Most at
every age agreed that “My life is committed to Jesus Christ,” but
many more of the seniors always or almost always thought that was
true. They also were more likely than the young to “have a real
sense that God is guiding me,” with the middle-age groups in between.
All these age differences are statistically significant.
In other questions, nearly all (96.6°%) respondents said they “know
that Jesus Christ is the Son of God who died on a cross and rose
again”; only 2.8°% “almost always” or “often” believed that is true,
so age differences were not significant. Most (94.1°%0) definitely believed
that “Jesus died on the cross and was buried, and on the third day
He arose from the dead,” with the others “leaning toward” that
belief and only 2.5% who definitely did not believe it.
Eight of every ten (79.9°%) definitely believed that “The Holy Spirit
is at work in my life,” and another 15.4% leaned toward believing
it. Age differences were significant (p < .05), with that belief most
strongly held in the oldest group.
Devotional Life. A significantly higher proportion of the seniors than
of the others engaged in each devotional practice of studying and
reading the Bible, prayer or meditation, benefiting from participa-
tion in congregational worship, and seeking opportunities to grow
spiritually, while young women had the lowest percentages. By age
from youngest to oldest, the significantly different mean scores on
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 4]

Table 1. Selected Spirituality Indicators (percentages by age)

Spirituality Indicator 1534 30-49 50-64 65 + Total

Importance of Religious Faith in Life:

Most important influence 25.9 39.0, .38.2- 50:6 374
Very important eNO as9S bes) BEE Uo Fee
Important 28.2 20a 2 15Age 20,2.
Some influence 6.9 3.1 2.0 hes 3.5
Not important 0.8 0 0 0 0.2
When Sees Evidence of God’s Action in the World:
Always 205.7 29267 6122) T4658
Almost always ONS AIRC O2U4 TG 208,
Often 16.9 13.5 Det —eXB Dome:
Sometimes 2:0 6.9 AD TNS Ae Oe?
Once in a while es) ya ey ld oat
Rarely or never 1.9 0 0.6 ig Pare)
Life Is Committed to Jesus Christ:
Always ee | 303,380 53.9 404
Almost always AO Ok OW 2a)
Often 19:2 1D EO MLOLOr S169
Sometimes Tled ty Oa Uae OIG
Once in a while 6.5 Bm Fo” VG nee
Rarely or never 6.9 3.8 5.6 UA.
How Often Senses God’s Guidance:
Always B20 200 807 63:8: 3727
Almost always IBA SU tum 2eudh yeiee
Often 23.0) 201 NOB TAG le
Sometimes [4.9 Mies Oro. 1 '6.oc s 0:8
Once in a while 3.8 6.6 2 hea 209
Rarely or never 3.4 0.8 2.0 ie 1.8
Age-cohort differences in each section: p < .001

the devotionalism index were 3.84, 4.49, 4.50, and 5.18, respectively
(p < .001).
Faith Types and Faith Maturity. All four faith types are represented
within each age group, but nearly half (46.1%) had an integrated
faith (Table 2). There is a significant progressive pattern; the high-
est proportion was among the seniors with two-thirds integrated and
the lowest among the young with just over one-fourth. The young
women were highest on undeveloped faith with almost two-fifths
fitting in that type compared to only one-eighth of the seniors. ‘The
four age groups had nearly the same proportions (slightly more than
42 DAVID O. MOBERG

one-sixth) in the vertical faith type, while just past a tenth (but one-
sixth of the young and a fifteenth of seniors) were in the horizontal
faith type.

Table 2. Faith Types by Age (Percentages)

Faith Type loo ee Me) 50-64 5 Total

Undeveloped 38.3 Z1Ge 22.0 12.0 25.0

Horizontal 16.9 11.2 11.2 6.9 15
Vertical 17:2 18.1 Vi 16.1 We?
Integrated 206 45.0 49.0 65.0 46.1

Age-cohort differences: p < .001

Seniors had the highest and young women the lowest mean scores
on all but one subscale of the Search Institute Maturity of Faith
Index (young middle-aged women were slightly higher on evange-
lism). On the similar LCMS Mature Faith Scale there were statisti-
cally significant differences (p > .001) from the young to the senior
group (4.57, 4.74, 4.89, and. 5.04),

Social Consciousness

There was exceptionally strong agreement among all ages that their
own congregation ought to encourage its members to follow Jesus
and his teachings. ‘Two-thirds (66.5°%) thought that such encourage-
ment should be given very strong emphasis, and another fourth
(28.4°%) strong emphasis. Most agreed that it was doing an excel-
lent (39.3°%) or good (42.0%) job in that domain, and nearly all the
others (14.6%) thought its performance was “OK,” so age differences
were not statistically significant.
They strongly agreed that their faith always (55.6%), almost always
(29.9%), or often (10.2%) helps them to know right from wrong
(Table 3). ‘The strength of that conviction increased significantly with
age. In addition, most at all ages felt that their congregation was
currently doing an excellent (12.6%), good (37.0%), or OK (34.4%)
job of giving members answers to moral questions.
Responsibility for Suffering and Poverty. Most said they often or some-
times “feel a deep sense of responsibility for reducing pain and
suffering in the world.” Such feelings were lowest among the young
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 43

Table 3. Social Ethics Attitudes and Values (percentages by age)

ee a ee
Attitudes and Values I3=34. 39-49 90-64 65 + Total

My Faith Helps Me to Know Right from Wrong:**

Always AD.2 yerit00:Fie NOTES HO70.51255:6
Almost always Ot kbd lll ytd) eer 2210p 9).9
Often 16.1 ee? A PI Pagal 02
Sometimes hel kee) zal Ss eran Fu
Rarely/once in a while/never ES leash 04 co 2
Feels Deep Responsibility for Reducing Pain and Suffering in the World:**
Always or almost always 17.6 DOA Ce OSLie Sark 42043
Often 13.0 VAD: ort? | He 23 Deb 18:8
Sometimes 55i SRS en4: ae em Ne
Once in a while One Oo ee Uae algal
Rarely or never 2OBe Oe eo del ek
Cares a Great Deal about Reducing Poverty:**
Always or almost always true ZO ES28 OSEOR MATS, HOLA:
Often or sometimes true 48.1 4h altte BIDE ASD.
Once in a while or rarely true VANS DMal LE ARPESeA oa a ONE §
Never true 23 Zo 1.0 15 £9
Applies Faith to Political and Social Issues:*
Always 123 aie Tole to ae oes
Almost always 18.8 ZRH P2SIGE P22Ole 17
Often 1515 Lod pl Sosa. eral
Sometimes 19)? L720y) et528-5 f19,9 yl
Once in a while or rarely 25a De 20 Sl 3.) aeeo
Never 8.8 of) ba, 16.9%, 6:8
Churches Should Not Get Involved in Political Issues:**
Always 10.0 OUT? OoMGS fag 22 8 Doone L5G
Almost always or often AS) ZNOMM3O At -2982275.6
Sometimes or once in a while 36.0960 hs 28:60 | sfaicsls?
Rarely HOD) ct Tee lcl ey et) pat eS
Never 13.0 16.3 Biel 3 OG: ee
Age-cohort differences: * not significant at the .05 level ** p < .001

women, with increases at each successive age category (Table 3).

About one-sixth (17.6%) of those aged 18 to 34 always or almost
always had that feeling, compared to one-third (35.1%) of those past
65. At the other extreme of never or rarely having such feelings
were 28.4% of the young and 7.1% of the seniors.
A majority of the women of all ages said they were “concerned
that our country is not doing enough to help the poor.” Only one
in fifteen (7.0%) said that they never or rarely felt that way, while
44 DAVID O. MOBERG

three-tenths each said it was true always or almost always (29.3%)

or often (29.7%). Another fourth (26.3%) said it was sometimes true
and one-thirteenth (7.6%) true of themselves once in a while. Age
differences were not significant (p < .07). Most also said that they
“care a great deal about reducing poverty in the United States and
throughout the world,” with the two older age groups showing higher
levels of concern than the two younger ones (p > .001, Table 3).
Political and Social Issues. Over half (54.1%) claimed that they always,
almost always, or often try to apply their faith to political and social
issues, and only a fourth (27.8%) said they rarely or never do, but
age differences are not significant (Table 3). In spite of their per-
sonal efforts, most did not want churches to get involved in politi-
cal issues. If we judge correctly from double-negative responses, the
two youngest groups were significantly the most open to congrega-
tional political involvement, for a third of them (32.2% and 37.4%)
said that it is never or rarely true that they do not want churches
to get politically involved. Young women also were less likely than
others to think that churches should not be involved politically.
On a related item, three-tenths (29.5°%) thought their congrega-
tion should put a strong or very strong emphasis upon “involving
many members in working for social justice (e.g., racial equality,
affordable housing for the poor),” but one-fourth (23.8%) thought it
should give only small emphasis or none to it, while nearly half
(46.8%) opted for only some. Age differences were insignificant;
seniors did not lag behind the others.
Minonties. A majority believed that their congregation ought to
welcome people of different ethnic, racial, or social backgrounds.
About four of every five (79.8%) felt this should have a strong or
very strong emphasis, and another sixth (17.1%) thought it should
have some. By performance, however, fewer than a fourth (22.7%)
thought it was actually doing an excellent job of bringing in such
people, one-third (35.4%) a good job, one-fourth (23.8%) OK, and
nearly one in five (18.1%) only a poor or fair job. Seniors rated its
performance significantly higher.
Another question asked if “you want your congregation to do more
to include the experience, wisdom, and insight of minorities in its
theology and understanding of the Bible.” Close to half (46.8%) said
yes, but over one-eighth (13.1%) said no, and two-fifths (40.1%) were
not sure. ‘The seniors were less affirmative (39.2%) and more uncertain
(49.8°%) than others (p < .007). A problem with questions about “more”
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 45

is that both persons who do not want such attention at all and those
who think it already has sufficient attention are likely to say “No.”
The Environment. Three items reflect environmental concerns. Three-
fourths (75.6%) claimed that they always, almost always, or often
“do things to help protect the environment.” Half (49.5%) believed
strongly or very strongly that their congregation should help mem-
bers to be faithful caretakers of the environment, with only one-
ninth (11.7%) believing it should give little or no emphasis to that
aspect of stewardship. One-fourth (23.7%) judged their congregation
to be doing a good or excellent job and one-third (33.5%) a fair or
poor job of this, while over two-fifths (42.8%) said its accomplish-
ment was satisfactory (“OK”). The two younger groups were the
most likely to rate the congregation’s achievement low (p < .001).

Social Ethics Actiwities

Most respondents said they went out of their way at least some of
the time to show love to people they meet. Significant age differ-
ences are clearly evident, with 23.9°% of the young saying they do
so always or almost always, followed successively by 26.1% of the
next-youngest, 41.3% of the older middle-aged, and 38.6% of the
seniors (p < .001). Over half at every age do so often or sometimes,
but at the lowest levels of never, rarely, or just once in a while, the
figures are 21.5% for the young, followed by 21.3%, 14.7%, and
11.3% respectively.
Despite their favorable attitudes, most acknowledged that they did
not involve themselves very much in “efforts to promote social jus-
tice.” Only one in fifteen (6.7%) said they always or almost always
do and another tenth (9.7°%) often. One-fifth of each generation said
they do sometimes (21.6%) or once in a while (22.4%), but one in
four (25.2%) only rarely and one in seven (14.5%) never. The small
age differences approach significance (p < .054).
A possible shortcoming in social justice actions is confirmed by
responses on time spent through church, other organizations, or on
their own during the past thirty days “promoting social justice (for
example, racial equality, women’s rights, economic reform) or world
peace.” Almost nine of every ten (87.8%) said none, while one-twelfth
(8.6%, but 12.4% of the youngest) said one or two hours; only 3.7%
had spent three or more hours for such causes. Age differences were
not significant.
46 DAVID O. MOBERG

World Peace. Still fewer said that it is always or almost always true
that they are “active in efforts to promote world peace.” Only one
in ten (10.5%), but significantly more (16.5°%) of the seniors checked
the always, almost always, or often responses, while nearly six in ten
(57.0%, 44.8% seniors) said that is rarely or never true. ‘This seems
contrary to responses on the question, “I think Christians must be
about the business of creating international understanding and har-
mony,” for three-fifths (61.9%) said that is true always, almost always,
or often, while less than one in twelve (8.0°%) rarely or never believed
it. Favorable thoughts are not actions!
Minorities. When asked how true “it really is for you and not how
true you would like it to be” that “I speak out for equality for women
and minorities,” one-fifth (21.1%) said that 1s always or almost always
true of themselves, one-third (32.0%) often or sometimes true, one-
fifth (19.0%) once in a while, and over one-fourth (27.9%) rarely or
never. Age differences were minimal and insignificant. Because this
is a double-barreled question, we cannot be sure whether speak-
ing out was equally for women and minorities or for only one of
the pair.
Helping People. A majority said that they “spend a lot of time help-
ing people in my town or city” once in a while or more often. One-
tenth (10.8%) said they do so always or almost always, one-seventh
(13.7%) often, one-fifth (19.3°%) sometimes, and one-fourth (23.8°%)
once in a while, but one-third (32.3°%) rarely or never. Age differences
were insignificant.
A similar question, however, asked how often it is true that they
“give significant portions of time and money to help other people.”
Approximately one-fifth answered in each of the four highest frequencies
from always to sometimes true and only one-eighth (12.7%) rarely
or never true. There were significant age differences (p < .001); over
a fourth (28.2%) of the seniors said that such giving is always or
almost always true of themselves, compared to one-eighth (13.0°%)
of the youngest group. One-fifth (19.9%) of the young women were
at the other extreme of rarely or never, compared to only one-thir-
teenth (7.7%) of the seniors. The age differences between this and
the question on donated time may result from the seniors’ having
more money than physical energy.
The mean per-person score on the helping others index was 1.68,
between 1.0 for none and 2.0 for the category of one to two hours
in the last thirty days. The two oldest groups had scores of 1.64
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 47

each, the youngest women 1.68, and the young middle-aged women
1.76, but age differences were insignificant and variations in giving
levels within each age group small.
Donating tme. An interesting difference emerges in response to two
questions about how much time they had donated to serve other
people or causes during the past thirty days through church, other
organizations, or on their own. Significantly more seniors (43.5%)
than others had spent some time helping people outside their own
family who were poor, hungry, sick, or unable to care for them-
selves, while significantly more of the two youngest groups (34.4%
and 44.2%, but only 27.9°% seniors) had donated time to help chil-
dren, youth, or families in their town or city (Table 4). Perhaps this
contrast 1s partly due to lack of an exclusionary phrase in the lat-
ter question; helping children and youth could include helping their
own children, although a similar qualification could also apply to
helping grandchildren and families with parents, aunts, or uncles.
Community Service. ‘The various kinds of helping overlap with ser-
vice to one’s community. Over half (52.2%) claimed to be active at

Table 4. Time Donated to Others in Previous Thirty Days (percentages by age)

Purpose and Hours Donated TSE 34 45040-10004 #0 mre Kotal

Helping non-family poor, hungry, sick, or others

unable to care for themselves:**
Ten or more 1.6 DES) Dee 6.9 3.9
Six to nine 0.4 Dey, 4.2 Dail Sal
Three to five 4.7 4.9 8.4 es Ths:
One or two LA) OAR eS 19.1 19.9
None 75.9 69.3 60.8 Beno) eons:
Helping children, youth, or families in their town or city:**
Ten or more 9.3 Weil 5.6 4.2 6.8
Six to nine DES 5.8 1.8 1.9 Boe
Three to five 6.2 10.4 4.2 6.1 7.0
One or two 16.6 20.3 16.8 LD37 6
None 65.6 55.9 71.6 L200" ODD
Making Their Own Town or City a Better Place to Live:**
Ten or more 5.4 Ory, 3.8 3.9 5.6
Six to nine oD 3.0 3.5 Sul On
Three to five 8) IES 5.6 3.9 7.4
One or two 19.3 20.0 1333, WAG Ih5.8'
None 66.0 56.4 Wane Bs I 68.5
wea a a le ee oe ee ee ee ee eee
Age-cohort differences: apa O0))
48 DAVID O. MOBERG

least sometimes in making their community a better place to live,

but young women (39.5%) lagged behind the others. The figures for
rarely or never doing so ranged from 33.0% of the youngest through
25.1% and 19.9% of the middle groups to 20.2% of the seniors,
with corresponding always or almost always figures of 10.0%, 13.5%,
18.2%, and 16.4%, respectively. However, the young middle-age
group was the most likely and the seniors the least to report donating
time to such purposes during the preceding thirty days (Table 4).

Spirituality and Social Concern

The spirituality indexes are significantly intercorrelated, as also are
the social ethics measures (Table 5). The spirituality measures also
are significantly correlated with those on social ethics, with the one
exception of helping others and doctrinal faith. Most additional
indexes (not reported here) that measured such personal topics as
anxiety, feminism, and self concepts also were significantly related
to both spirituality and social concern in expected directions, and so
were those on religious topics (Bible knowledge, devotionalism, denom-
inational loyalty, evangelism, the law-gospel relationship, Christian
orthodoxy, the importance of Christian doctrines and ritualistic prac-
tices, and one’s understanding of religious and theological concepts).
Both vertical and horizontal faith are significantly correlated with
all the other measures of spirituality and of social concern. (Statistically

Table 5. Correlations of Social Concern and Spirituality Indexes

Helping Doctrinal Exper Horiz’l Vertical

Index Others Serving — Faith Faith Faith Faith

Social Concern:
Helping Others — 1.000 Ue sQoons 7b! Bed ane
Social Relations 02 EON) .265 .645 ae .764
Serving 504 1.000 104 437 + 086
Spirituality:
Horizontal Faith 411 ar .074* 432 1.000 564
Vertical Faith 246 986 319 =f 64 = 1.000
Doctrinal Faith 053ns .104 1.000 463 .074* = 319
Experiential Faith .151 437 463 1.000 432 25
Faith Growth 294 oF 148 420 358 Raoiy)
——_——
The significance level of every entry is p < .01, except * = p < .05; ns = not
significant at the .05 level; + = significant correlations contaminated by duplication
of one or more items included in both indexes.
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 49

contaminated correlations from inclusion of one or more survey items

in both indexes are omitted in Table 5.) Vertical faith is significantly
correlated with devotionalism, evangelism, the importance of doc-
trines, understanding Christian doctrines, self concepts, denomina-
tional loyalty, a Bible quiz, law and gospel, and every component
of experiential faith (not only those with which it shares four items).
Horizontal faith also is correlated significantly with composite mea-
sures of evangelism, women’s roles, devotionalism, the importance
of doctrines, Bible knowledge, and understanding Christian doctrines.
The mean score on the composite social concern index was 9.93 on
a scale with the highest possible score of 18. There were significant
age differences; mean scores from the young to senior women were
9.56, 9.93, 10.01, and 10.18, respectively (Anova p > .001). This,
like most of the other findings, confirms the positive relationship of
age with social ethics.

Discussion

The findings strongly confirm the hypothesis that senior women have
higher levels of spirituality than others, whether it is measured by
beliefs, faith commitment, or faith maturity. They contradict the pop-
ular opinion that younger women and those with low levels of per-
sonal spirituality have higher levels of social consciousness, for the
seniors either are higher or not significantly different from younger
women on all measures of social ethics except donating time to help
children, youth, or families in their community and time to make it
a better place to live. This may result from the seniors’ having had
the most time to grow toward Christian spiritual maturity that com-
bines “faith and works” (James 2:14—26).

Comparisons with Other Research

The findings on spirituality and age are consistent with other research
and support the likelihood that they are typical of American Protestants.
Search Institute’s research in six other denominations, after which
this LCMS survey was patterned, found that 30% of the women in
five mainline denominations had an undeveloped faith, 19° horizontal,
13% vertical, and 38% integrated faith, compared to 25%, 12%,
17%, and 46%, respectively, in the LCMS. Age distributions for the
vertical and horizontal types were similar, the oldest groups in both
50 DAVID O. MOBERG

studies having the highest scores on integrated faith (Benson & Eklin,
1990, pp. 14-15). Southern Baptist women’s scores were 23°/o unde-
veloped, 3% horizontal, 24% vertical, and 50% integrated, respec-
tively, figures significantly different from four mainline denominations
(p. 17) and higher than LCMS women on the vertical and inte-
erated scales. In every spirituality measure the LCMS women scored
in the upper-middle range of faith maturity and commitment of the
other denominations.
The mean score on the Search Institute Maturity of Faith Index
for all LCMS women was 4.81, similar to 4.63 for both genders of
five mainline groups and 4.93 for Southern Baptists, with adults aged
20-29 lowest and those past 70 highest (Benson & Eklin, 1990, pp.
10-12, 41). Some score differences may result from the inclusion of
both genders in the other studies, for women usually rank higher
than men on measures of religion and spirituality (see DeVaus &
McAllister, 1987; Stark, 2002).
The record of LCMS women on social issues is better than that
of five of six other denominations. The 76% who claimed they often
or always do things to help protect the environment compares to
69° of the mainline members and 55°% of Southern Baptists (Benson
et al., 1990, p. 44). While 33% of the youngest and 20% of the
LCMS seniors had rarely or never been active in making their com-
munity a better place to live, 52°% of the five mainline denomina-
tion members and 71% of Southern Baptists had never spent time
for that (p. 26).
On helping the poor, hungry, sick, or those unable to help them-
selves, 52°% of the mainline members and 45% of Southern Baptists
had never done so (Benson et al., 1990, p. 26). The LCMS women
with 66°% none may seem far behind the others, but their “last 30
days” question is not the same as the others’ “never” without a time
frame. ‘The 66°% who had not donated time to helping children,
youth, or families in their home town during the previous 30 days
may seem high, but 47% in five mainline denominations and 51%
of Southern Baptists (Benson et al., 1990, p. 26) had “never” given
such time.
Other data that support the positive relationship between spiritu-
ality and social concern come from a national AARP (1997, pp.
67-83) survey. It found that 44% of all respondents had spent at
least some time volunteering for a charitable, civic, or helping organ-
ization during the past twelve months. The more they attended
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS Sil

church and the more they prayed or meditated, the greater their
likelihood of volunteering, thus supporting the hypothesis that spir-
ituality is positively related to social concern.
Schludermann’s (2000, p. 9) work also provides evidence that reli-
gious persons are overrepresented among volunteers and donors to
nonreligious charitable causes like the United Way. His analyses show
that the direction of causation is from religious commitment to becom-
ing more caring, not from caring to becoming religious (p. 6). He
concludes that the erstwhile bifurcation separating personal religious
commitment and spiritual growth in conservative churches from social
concern for the needy in society in liberal churches is a false dichotomy
because the prosocial values needed to motivate church members to
help the needy depend on the growth and maintenance of strong
religious commitment (p. 17; see also Emmons, 1999).

The Age-Period-Cohort Issue

Our analyses have focused upon four age cohorts of women, reveal-
ing significant differences in numerous indicators of spirituality and
in most that relate to social ethics. There are several possible expla-
nations of those findings.
Some differences may result of the respondents’ having experi-
enced different “historical eras,” especially during socialization when
they were children, adolescents, and young adults (see Roof, 1999,
pp. 48-56). If so, their background circumstances, both in society at
large and in modifications of Christian education and worship that
have occurred over time within their churches, could help to account
for generational differences.
Despite higher levels of spirituality among the seniors, we cannot
be certain that the observed age differences represent growth in faith
maturity by the specific persons in the survey because the data are
from cross-sectional comparisons of different generations at the same
time rather than a longitudinal study of the same persons at different
stages of their development. The seniors in this survey may simply
be survivors in the double sense of outliving people who have lower
levels of spirituality and of being more likely to attend church.
Logically, people with low levels of religiousness and spirituality are
less apt to be active in any church, but evidence is increasing that
they also are less likely to survive into old age. Regarding longevity,
a meta-analysis of epidemiological studies with 29 independent sam-
52 DAVID O. MOBERG

ples and over 125,000 subjects found very strong evidence that reli-
gious involvement is substantially and significantly associated with
reduced mortality (McCullough et al., 2000; see also Koenig,
McCullough, & Larson, 2001, pp. 318-330). One prospective study
of 20,000 American adults concluded that religious involvement pro-
longs life by as much as seven years (Hummer et al., 1999).
It therefore is likely that each older cohort consists of persons who
survived a “winnowing” process that disproportionately retains persons
with the most mature faith. People with strong spiritual commitment
also tend to have lifestyles, psychological characteristics, and social
supports that reduce mortality and strengthen ethical concern. ‘This
differential survival hypothesis (Moberg, 1997, pp. 198-199) helps to
explain the generally higher rates of religious observance and spir-
itual maturity among older people than among those who are younger.
In nationwide surveys the pattern of higher religiosity among seniors
has persisted since at least the 1930s (Moberg, 1997). Sociologists
once predicted that the lower levels of religiosity of each younger
age cohort would carry through to their old age, but that form of
secularization has not occurred.
Additional evidence related to cohort characteristics gives a mixed
picture. One question asked, “Have you been part of a Lutheran
Church-Missour1 Synod congregation all or nearly all of your life?”
Significantly more of the seniors (78.0%) said Yes, compared to
75.5% of the young, 61.5% of the young middle-aged, and 68.1%
of the older middle-age groups. On seven items about religious and
spiritual influences during childhood, however, the seniors ranked
lower than the youngest group with the one exception that seniors
were somewhat more likely at ages 13 to 18 (but equally at ages 5
to 12) to have had family devotions or prayer at home. (The middle-
age groups were lower.) The youngest cohort, not the seniors, were
the most likely to have attended Lutheran parochial schools for some
or all of their education. From those characteristics we would expect
the youngest cohort to be at least as highly religious/spiritual as the
others, not (as usually found) the least.
There was general agreement at all ages that “As I grow older,
my understanding of God changes,” half (51.1%) agreeing that this
is always or almost always true and nearly a third (31.9%) that it
was often or sometimes true. At first glance it may seem surprising
that the highest proportion who said this was rarely or never true
were the seniors (23.3% compared to 8.1%, 6.6%, and 13.4%, respec-
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 5B

tively, for the others, p < .001), but this may be because seniors,
who were high (50.7%) on the always and almost always responses,
already were firmly established in their faith. Judging from their pat-
tern of other responses, it is likely that their understanding and appre-
ciation of God were deepening, not changing toward or away from
Christian faith. Other questions on changes during the past two or
three years support the conclusion that they still are developing spir-
itually. Eisenhandler’s (2003) qualitative research also demonstrates
that spiritual development often occurs with aging.
It therefore is my opinion that the cohort and historical period
explanations of age differences in spirituality and religion are weaker
than that of a spiritual maturation process while aging. The seniors
have experienced more years of spiritual nurture (church participa-
tion, religious education, personal devotions, etc.) than the others.
Among committed Christians, an intrinsic developmental growth of
faith and spirituality may accompany aging.

Limitations and Problems of Data Interpretation

This research was on subjects of only one gender and within but
one relatively homogeneous denomination, so it could analyze contrasts
only among those women. ‘That limitation, however, is a strength
for research purposes of comparing seniors with other women because
they have so much in common that observed differences can be
attributed primarily to age cohort characteristics and experiences.
The results strongly confirm the findings of other research that aging
persons average higher levels of spirituality and religion than those
who are younger and add to growing circumstantial evidence that
spiritual maturation occurs among Christians during their aging
process.
The same limitation applies to relationships of aging and spirituality
with social ethics, for this research does not compare theologically
liberal successors of the “modernists” with conservative evangelicals
who are among the offspring of early “fundamentalists.” It does,
however, reveal relationships between a relatively “liberal” social
ethics emphasis and a “conservative” personal spirituality one within
a single religious and cultural context, rejecting the hypothesis that
the two are negatively related.
Various technical details cloud the interpretation of some findings.
For example, the wording of several items may have led to different
54 DAVID O. MOBERG

perceptions among respondents because alternative meanings can be

attached to words or phrases in survey questions. Perhaps a major
reason for high levels of donating time and money is the phrase
“other people,” possibly interpreted by some but not others as includ-
ing their own children, grandchildren, spouses, other family members,
and relatives as well as people in the community at large. Precisely
what each woman interpreted as her contributions to helping others,
promoting social justice, or making her own town or city a better
place to live is very subjective, even when hours are reported in a
manner easy to analyze statistically. It is possible that intangible min-
istries like prayer may have been in the minds of some, but not
other, respondents when they reported how much time they had
donated to “making [their] own town a better place to live (for
example, by promoting the arts, doing volunteer work in a school,
being on a city committee or task force).” Neither can we know the
specific ways in which they claimed to protect the environment.
Six of the social concern questions asked for hours spent “during
the last 30 days,” a period that may be too short to provide a fair
evaluation. In addition, the instructions heading them include the
phrase “through church, other organizations, or on your own,” word-
ing that some may have thought to exclude congregational ministries
that others may have presumed to be their main community service.
The sampling of topics represented in the survey placed limits
upon the scope of social ethics issues that could be covered and, to
much lesser extent, the indicators of spirituality. Results might have
differed had other social concerns been examined, for many people
simultaneously hold “liberal” positions on some and “conservative”
positions on others.
All questions and indexes are analytical constructs rather artificially
imposed upon and extracted from the lives of people. Every area of
life, and most especially those closely connected with one’s faith and
worldview, are integrally linked to all the other parts. Therefore any
question, index, or scale only incompletely and selectively reflects
merely a portion of the complex totality; each is an “indicator” rather
than a complete “measure.” That is one of the reasons behind the
now burgeoning enterprise of constructing scales to measure spir-
ituality. Each consists of a different sample of items from thousands
of potential indicators.
The positive relationships between social ethics indexes support
the assumption that they validly reflect aspects of care and service
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS ay)

to others, an assumption that could be analyzed. Logically, vertical

faith, evangelism, and devotionalism should be consistently and pos-
itively associated with social ethics among Christians, for all are
grounded in biblical teachings. Thus spiritual concerns ideally ought
to be expressed by applied Christian love, the most spiritual persons
showing the greatest compassion for the well-being of others, as
indeed was true of LCMS women.
But whether they rank high or low in relationship to Christian
ideals depends upon biblical, theological, and philosophical inter-
pretations about citizenship responsibilities in a democratic society,
including the manner and extent to which all Christians hold respon-
sibility for sociopolitical action, in contrast to assigning it only to
persons with designated roles in their church or community. Depending
upon such values, it is easy either to praise the LCMS women for
their spirituality and social ethics or to identify their deficiencies and
inconsistencies, as in their relatively low level of action to help people
in need who are outside of their immediate friendship circle, church,
or neighborhood. As among most people, their expressed attitudes
were more idealistic than their actions.

Ambwalences and Discrepancies

The relationships between people’s beliefs or attitudes and their
actions seldom are completely consistent (Deutscher, 1973). For exam-
ple, in the six-denomination study 41° of mainline members and
52% of Southern Baptists said they would be interested or very inter-
ested in studying, learning more about, or being involved in “Christian
perspectives on social and political issues,” yet only 20% and 23%
respectively wanted to study or learn more about “peacemaking and
social justice activities” (Benson et al., 1990, p. 46).
As we have seen, the favorable attitudes of LGMS women toward
social justice similarly were not fully matched by their actions. One-
sixth (16.4%) claimed to actively involve themselves often or more
in efforts to promote social justice, but nine-tenths (87.8°%) had spent
no time promoting either it or world peace during the preceding
month. Two-fifths (43.1%) said they often or always felt responsible
for reducing pain and suffering in the world, and most (57.8%) said
that they always, almost always, or often show love to people they
meet. Nevertheless, two-thirds (65.8%) had not helped any non-family
persons who were poor, hungry, sick, or unable to care for themselves
56 DAVID O. MOBERG

over the last thirty days, and two-thirds (68.5%) had not given any
time to make their town or city a better place to live.
Of course, as is true of all survey research and as mentioned
above, some ostensible inconsistencies may result from the generality
or alternative meanings of questionnaire items.

Research Needs

The different meanings various groups attach to definitions, indicators,

and identifying cues of religiousness and spirituality complicate com-
parative research in this field of investigation (see Zinnbauer &
Pargament, 2002). The same is true of the numerous ethical values
from the Christian tradition, especially when studied alongside teachings
from other world religions that play a significant role in shaping
public policy choices and influencing fulfillment of the needs of peo-
ple at all ages in the private as well as public domain (David, 1998).
Obviously, there is a need to relate these and other research find-
ings to the various theoretical interpretations of spirituality and of
aging (see Moberg, 2001b). They fit neatly into stage theories of
adult development that can be tested best through longitudinal studies
that span decades of time. They are more consistent with continuity
and activity theories than with social disengagement, although test-
ing is difficult because disengaged persons have little chance of being
included in institutionally based samples like the one of this study.
Countless specific topics—possibly every one mentioned and implied
in our findings—deserve further investigation. Comparisons of spir-
ituality, aging, and social ethics among theologically conservative and
hberal Christians, males and females, and Christians and members
of other religions are needed. Diverse interpretations of specific ques-
tions by various respondents as a result of alternative understand-
ings of their meanings could be explored in qualitative research.
The spiritual maturation process that reaches its pinnacle among
aging people is especially important in research on spirituality. To
explore relevant aging/cohort/period issues, we could probe, e.¢.,
whether confirmation classes and Christian education were different
and more effective long ago than recently. Did families attend church
events more often? Was their relative influence upon values and faith
greater before television became a fixture in most homes? Were “fam-
ily devotions” more widely practiced and different in their nature
and effects in the distant than recent past? Comparisons of such
 AGE, SPIRITUALITY, & SOCIAL ETHICS 57

experiences and observations within a religious group could be very

enlightening.
Before definitively concluding that seniors are equally or more
socially conscious and active on typical issues than younger adults,
comparable studies of additional groups are needed. Other Christian
denominations have different theological traditions and practices
related to gender roles, so study of the nuances of theological inter-
pretation, customs, and beliefs about how best to impact persons and
society is needed, and divergent findings on some variables are likely.
Even greater contrasts may be discovered by comparisons with such
other faiths as Catholicism, Reform and Orthodox Judaism, Islam,
Buddhism, Hinduism, etc. within the United States. Those differences
are likely to multiply under comparisons in additional American,
African, Asian, and European nations.

CONCLUSIONS

The stark contrasts of the early twentieth century “Great Reversal”

(Moberg, 1977) by which many church bodies replaced evangelistic
ministries with social action while others renounced social action in
favor of evangelism is rare today, although many Christians and con-
egregations still have lopsided views on that subject. As historian Sider
(1090,6p.021./), stated,
The bitter battle between conservative Christians who emphasize evan-
gelism and liberal Christians who stress social action that weakened
the church for much of this century has largely ended. Increasingly,
most agree that Christians should combine the Good News with good
works and imitate Jesus’ special concern for the poor.

Congregational ministries to help meet the needs of people suffering

poverty or other problems are nourished by an evangelistic outreach,
for social justice and evangelism are far more closely related to each
other in both theory (Scripture-based theology) and praxis (person-
ally and collectively serving others) than most Christians recognize.
A serious weakness in many Christian circles is the failure to appre-
ciate the pragmatic linkages of biblical values, Christian faith, and
spirituality with applied social action that realistically interrelate the
wholistic needs of people with current realities of the world, institutional
power struggles, economic relationships, political processes, ecclesiastical
structures, and congregational realities.
58 DAVID O. MOBERG

The coexistence of strong social concern with high levels of personal

piety and faith maturity among LCMS women adds to the mount-
ing research evidence that the two thrusts of Christianity are prag-
matically compatible. Other recent studies have demonstrated that
religious involvement is positively related to charitable giving (Regnerus,
Smith, & Sikkink, 1998). Smith’s (1998, p. 41) national survey found
that the highest level of donating money to help poor and needy
people was among evangelicals, followed by mainline Christians, fun-
damentalists, liberals, and finally Catholics in that order.
Ammerman’s (2001, p. 15) research and analysis of the services
of congregations to their communities indicates that “even the most
private and ‘otherworldly’ [spiritual] activities can have effects beyond
the congregation’s four walls.” Those effects include the generation
of social and civic capital for their communities, informal care they
provide distressed members who might otherwise require external
agency assistance, outreach through their own programs and extra-
denominational partnerships, space provided for other organizations,
the “personpower” of volunteers, and monetary support (pp. 16—19;
see also Chaves, 2001). Indirect forms of social concern like those
are evident in portions of the LCMS survey not included in this
report.
In effect, this study supports the hypotheses that aging women are
more spiritual than their younger counterparts and that spirituality
is positively related to social ethics. It contradicts the popular belief
that older persons and those with high levels of spirituality have low
levels of social ethics.

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 LOVE THY NEIGHBOR: SPIRITUALITY AND
PERSONALITY AS PREDICTORS OF PROSOCIAL
BEHAVIOR IN MEN AND WOMEN*

Joseph W. Crarrocchi, Ph.D.

Ralph L. Piedmont, Ph.D.
Joseph E. G. Williams, Ph.D.

ABSTRACT

This study investigated whether the content of people’s images of God or the salience
of their God-awareness predicted prosocial behavior over and above personality
traits. Participants were 725 female and 264 male undergraduates who completed
five-factor model personality self-ratings (either the NEO-FFI or Bipolar Adjective
Scale), and the Prosocial Behavior Inventory. Spiritual measures included ratings of
God on the Adjective Checklist, and the Faith Maturity Scale. Personality explained
a significant amount of variance in prosocial behavior for men and women. Faith
maturity added significant explanatory power over and above personality for men
and women (17% and 5°% respectively), whereas images of God more weakly pre-
dicted prosocial behaviors over personality. These findings support the utility of an
incremental validity model for identifying spiritual variables that predict important
psychosocial outcomes, and suggest that spiritual variables and personality mediate
prosocial behavior differentially for men and women.

Prosocial behavior provides a rich field of study for both its practi-
cal and conceptual implications. As a topic in positive psychology,
understanding the mechanisms underlying altruistic and prosocial
behavior may lead to new methods for improving the social envi-
ronment. At the conceptual level prosocial behavior has the poten-
tial to shed light on various models of human behavior. Psychologists,
for example, have argued that altruistic behavior is fundamentally
egoistic, i.e., motivated by self-interest (see Mansbridge, 1990; and
Wallach & Wallach, 1983, for reviews). Some economic theories posit

* The authors express their appreciation to Shannon Wise and Paul Yeager for
help with manuscript preparation. Portions of this article were presented as a poster
session at the annual meeting of the Association for the Advancement of Behavior
Therapy, New Orleans, Louisiana (November, 2000). Correspondence regarding this
article should be sent to Joseph W. Ciarrocchi, Pastoral Counseling Department,
Loyola College in Maryland, 8890 McGaw Rd., Suite 380, Columbia, MD, 21045.
Electronic mail may be sent to [email protected]

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
62 CIARROCCHI, PIEDMONT AND WILLIAMS

that self-interest is the driving force behind economic development

(Schwartz, 1986). Counterarguments to egoistic motivation for proso-
cial behavior include recent developments within biology (Buck, 1999)
and psychology (Kagan, 1998). Taylor (2002), for example, in mov-
ing away from the ‘selfish-gene’ approach (Dawkins, 1976), proposed
that genetic, physiological, and psychosocial data indicate people have
an instinct that generates a ‘tend-and-befriend’ response to stress that
is as adaptive as the more familiar fight-or-flight sequence. She sug-
gested, further, that this supportive behavioral pattern works effectively
in the social circumstances women traditionally encountered over the
centuries.
Additional challenges to the egoistic position on altruism arise from
studies demonstrating that people overestimate the influence of mate-
rial self-interest on attitudes and behavior (Miller, 1999; Miller &
Ratner, 1998). Simply put, material self-interest does not motivate
people’s behavior to the degree they believe it does either in them-
selves or others. Nevertheless, people are motivated fo explain their
behavior in material self-interest terms even when facts contradict
the explanations.
It is remarkable that these social scientific explanations of human
altruism and prosocial behavior rarely incorporate religious or spir-
itual motivation. This is noteworthy for at least two reasons. First,
history affirms that all the world’s major religions make prosocial
behavior a central component of their doctrines (Armstrong, 1993).
Second, from an empirical standpoint, “Regular churchgoers are con-
sistently more willing to give money and volunteer to assist others
than the population in general has been found to be” (Hood, Spilka,
Huntsberger, & Gorsuch, 1996, p. 126). In light of these facts one
might argue that religion and spirituality weaken innate tendencies
toward material and social self-interest, and that it plays an impor-
tant role in human survival by reinforcing the tending instinct. Such
questions have not been addressed due to the absence of research
on religious and spiritual aspects of prosocial behavior.
Nevertheless, increased interest in religious/spiritual behavior has
led to exploring its relationship with psychosocial variables such as
health (Plante & Sherman, 2001) and psychological coping (Pargament,
1997). ‘This interest, however, will have little impact if not accom-
panied by methodological rigor. Critiques of religion and physical
health research have noted that the findings are open to alternative
 SPIRITUALITY AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 63

explanations due to serious design flaws and misinterpretations (Sloan,

Bagiella, & Powell, 2001).
The task for investigators interested in spiritual variables, there-
fore, is twofold. First, the research must indicate a connection between
spirituality and the psychosocial variable of interest. Second, alter-
native nonreligious/nonspiritual explanations need to be ruled out.
The current study attempts to accomplish this through the use of
an incremental validity model. Such a model permits a better under-
standing of religious variables by controlling for plausible nonreligious
explanations of the predicted effects. Assuming a relationship does
exist between spirituality and prosocial behavior, what would bolster
confidence in the findings? Clearly personality is one variable expected
to predict prosocial behavior, with current research suggesting it is
a stable predisposition (Eisenberg et al., 2002). An incremental valid-
ity model will test whether spirituality predicts prosocial behavior
after controlling for the variance associated with personality.
When considering the broad domain of religion and spirituality,
two constructs have potential relevance. The first construct is spiritual
awareness, defined as the degree to which a connection to transcen-
dence is salient to the individual. This refers to the relative impor-
tance an awareness of God plays in a person’s life. A second construct
is the content of people’s images of God. Do they perceive God as
friendly, angry, involved, capricious, etc.? In several studies of spir-
ituality and prosocial behavior (Chen, 1996; Csarny, 1997; Kosek,
1995; Piedmont, 2001), various measures of spiritual experience pre-
dicted prosocial behavior. Using different measures of spiritual expe-
rience these studies found that self-reported spiritual awareness
predicted prosocial behavior after controlling personality via a five-
factor questionnaire. None of these studies, however, examined the
relationship between images of God and prosocial behavior.
The present study, therefore, looked at these two components of
a spiritual perspective in relationship to prosocial behavior: (a) the
salience of God-awareness for people, and (b) the content of their
images of God. We hypothesized that self-reported levels of feeling
close to God and the patterns of people’s descriptions of God pre-
dicted their reported involvement in prosocial activities such as doing
volunteer work, contributing to charitable causes, and helping others
in need.
We predicted, further, that these domains of spiritual experience
64 CIARROGCHI, PIEDMONT AND WILLIAMS

will predict prosocial behavior over and above the influence of per-
sonality variables. Previous research (Ciarrocchi, Piedmont, & Williams,
2002) found that when controlling for personality, images of God
predicted spiritual experience for women but not men. ‘The present
study, therefore, will analyze the hypothesized predictions for gen-
der effects.

MetTHOoD

Participants
Participants were 725 female and 264 male undergraduates enrolled
in introductory psychology courses in a midwestern state university
(USA). Participants received course credit for volunteering for this
study. This sample was created by aggregating data from independent
samples of students enrolled in these courses over a three-year period.
The students’ mean age was 18.6 years; median 18 years, and had
a standard deviation of 2.2 years. Religious affiliation of the group
was 46% Roman Catholic, 34° Protestant, 10.5°% Orthodox, 0.4°%
Jewish, 5.5% refused to respond, and 3.9°% reported “other”.

Measures

Adjective Checklist: (ACL). The ACL Scale (Gough & Heilbrun, 1983)
consists of 300 adjectives, from which the person selects the most
descriptive of himself or herself. ‘The scale provides information on
33 scales from diverse theoretical orientations, including Murray’s
(1938) Needs, Berne’s (1961) Transactional Analysis, Welsh’s (1975)
Intellectance and Originence Scales, and several scales developed by
Gough and Heilbrun (1983) to measure salient interpersonal quali-
ties. John (1990) created adjective marker scales for each of the five-
factor model dimensions, which demonstrated convergence with other
measures of the five-factor model and the ACL (Piedmont, McCrae,
& Costa, 1991). Piedmont (1989; Piedmont, McCrae, & Costa, 1991)
obtained normative values for these scales using samples of both col-
lege age and adult populations.
NEO-FFI. Developed by Costa and McCrae (1992a, 1992b), this
is a shorter 60-item version of the NEO Personality Inventory-Revised
(Costa & McCrae, 1992a) which operationalizes the major dimensions
of personality hypothesized in the five-factor model: neuroticism (N) b)
 SPIRITUALITY AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 65

representing emotional vulnerability; extraversion (E), an indicator of

positive energy and gregariousness; openness (O), a tendency to seek
new knowledge and experience for its own sake; agreeableness (A),
contrasts a compassionate, prosocial orientation toward others with
a more selfish, antagonistic view; and conscientiousness (C), repre-
senting our motivation for goal-directed tasks.
Items are answered on a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from
(1) strongly disagree to (5) strongly agree, and scales are balanced to con-
trol for acquiescence. Internal consistencies for the five domains
ranged from .86 to .95. Long-term stability has been well docu-
mented. ‘The NEO-PIR has been extensively validated (McCrae &
Costa, 1987; Piedmont, McCrae, & Costa, 1991) and has shown pre-
dictive utility with a large number of life outcomes, such as somatic
complaints, coping with stress, well-being, and response to psycho-
therapy (Costa & McCrae, 1992).
Bipolar Adjectwe Scale. McCrae and Costa (1985, 1987) also devel-
oped this 80-item scale to capture the five major dimensions of per-
sonality described above. Responses are measured on a seven-point
Likert-type scale and scores for each dimension are obtained by sum-
ming responses for each dimension of the five factors. Originally val-
idated on adults, this scale also is reliable and valid for use with
college students (Piedmont, 1995a, 1995b). ‘To permit aggregating
data across all sample years, statistical analysis proceded following
converting raw scores to T scores.
Faith Maturity Scale (FMS). This twelve-item abbreviated question-
naire from Benson, Donahue, and Erickson’s (1993) longer version
measures the degree to which people described their commitment to
a faith orientation. The test authors report a correlation between
scores on the short version and the total scale of .94. The orginal
instrument consists of two subscales. The horizontal subscale meas-
ures the degree to which a faith commitment orients people’s lives
toward helping others, and the vertical subscale describes a person’s
perceived intimacy with God. In a sample of 1,700 college students,
alpha reliabilities for the vertical, horizontal, and total score were
92, .75, and .91 respectively. In addition the scale demonstrated
incremental validity over personality in predicting purpose in life,
selfactualization, and various religious variables (Piedmont & Nelson,
2001).
For the current study we analyzed only the 8-item vertical scale
for two reasons. First, the items are a specific measure of faith
66 CIARROCCHI, PIEDMONT AND WILLIAMS

awareness, a major variable of interest for this study. Examples of

vertical scale items include: “I have a real sense that God is guid-
ing me,” and “I seck out opportunities to help me grow spiritually.”
Second, some horizontal scale items are redundant with items on
the prosocial behavior scale, e.g., “I give significant portions of time
and money to help other people.”
Prosocial Behavior Inventory. This 39-item scale was developed by
DeConciliis (1993/1994) using an act-frequency paradigm. Behaviors
selected for the scale were nominated by college students as be-
ing very descriptive of students they believed to be prosocial. Stud-
ents were asked to answer each question on a five-point Likert-type
scale denoting the frequency with which they performed each activ-
ity over the previous six months. Principal components analysis of
the PBI extracted three factors: volunteerism, compassion, and fiscal
responsibility. Sample items include: “I volunteered to donate blood”
(volunteerism), “I stopped what I was doing to help others in an
emergency” (compassion), and “I have bought food or drink for a
person who didn’t have the money without the expectation of being
repaid” (fiscal responsibility). Alpha reliability in two separate stud-
ies (n’s = 95 and 231) was .92 for the total scale in each study.

Procedure

Participants rated themselves on either the Bipolar Adjective Scale

(year one) or the NEO-FFI (years two and three). Separately they
rated God on the ACL and themselves on the Faith Maturity Scale
and the Prosocial Behavior Inventory.

REsULTS

Data for all three years were aggregated and ‘Table | provides descrip-
tive statistics for men and women from each variable. For the self-
ratings and ratings of God on the five factors of personality, T-scores
of 55 or greater or 45 or less are considered distinct identifying char-
acteristics. On the self-ratings the scores for men and women indi-
cate that the groups fell within the average range in relationship to
the normative sample. Women scored significantly higher than men
on neuroticism and agreeableness, but the effect sizes were in the
small range according to conventional interpretation of differences
(Green, Salkind, & Akey, 2000).
 SPIRITUALITY AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 67

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics and t-tests for Gender Differences

Re a Re lal
Males (V = 264) Females (V = 725)
Measures Mean SD Mean SD t d

Self Rating on Five Factors

Neuroticism 50.16 8.27) 51.83 (O53) 25/35a eal 9
Extraversion 50.64 9.03) Silo (9.94) .69
Openness 49.50 8.95) 48.51 (9:84) “=1.50
Agreeableness 49.38 9.98) SWE — IIOLSND) SESS. SII
Conscientiousness 46.61 8.37) 47.30 (O27 1) ROS

God Ratings on Five Factors

Neuroticism 43.10 7.24) 41.01 (6.44) rat hong
Extraversion AO Al fe?) SAS, (7. 34) eho amen 9)
Openness AQ 47 (8.00) 49.78 (5.86) poll
Agreeableness 54.69 (OSA) eS 25 (6:81) = 70249
Conscientiousness SAS 9.89) 54.83 (Het) RR 27)

Faith Maturity Scores

Vertical 20.10 (0:99) ee 6 (0:80) MIM Grol
=" 23
Prosocial Behavior 65.30 (24.60) 131 SN23532) ieee] ORES 3

Hh < 01; **p < 001.

Distinctive features on ratings of God (i.e., T-scores less than 45 or

greater than 55) were low neuroticism and high agreeableness. Both
groups, therefore, rated God as emotionally stable and interperson-
ally sensitive. Women viewed God as more emotionally stable, out-
going, interpersonally oriented, and conscientious than men did. Four
of the differences were in the small range and one scale difference
(agreeableness) was in the medium range.
Women also scored higher than men on faith maturity and proso-
cial behavior. This latter finding replicates the original study using
the Prosocial Behavior Inventory (DeConcilliis, 1993/1994) with the
effect sizes once again falling in the small range.
Table 2 confirms the first hypothesis indicating a positive relationship
between awareness of God (faith maturity vertical) and prosocial
behavior. The relationship for men was considerably stronger than
that for women (7? = .20 and .06 respectively; z = 3.14, p < .01).
The relationship between prosocial behavior and IOG, however,
failed to reach significance for either men or women. The second
hypothesis, therefore, was not supported. ‘Table 2 also demonstrates
different patterns in the relationship between prosocial behavior and
personality for men and women. For men only, extraversion correlated
68 CIARROCCHI, PIEDMONT AND WILLIAMS

Table 2. Prosocial Behavior Correlations with Personality, Faith Matunty,

and Images of God
SS SS SS SS SE EE
Measures Total Men Women
(N"="975) (N2955) (N70)
Self Ratings on Five Factors
Neuroticism 00 U5 =e
Extraversion ehges Be dai dae
Openness or .07 eS
Agreeableness Se .09 SS
Conscientiousness 02 02 =(4
Faith Maturity
FM Vertical oP aes Bes 1 ei
God Ratings on Five Factors
Neuroticism OL 2+ aeUE
Extraversion 06+ 09 .04
Openness 05 od .03
Agreeableness O72 .03 .03
Conscientiousness +04 tl <#(04

#h < .05; ** < .001; +p < .06

significantly with prosocial behavior, whereas four of the five factors

of personality correlated significantly for women.
Hypotheses three and four are direct statements of the incremental
validity model for the effect of religious/spiritual variables. To exam-
ine the role of personality, spirituality, and image of God in proso-
cial behavior, a series of hierarchical regressions was performed using
prosocial behavior as the criterion. Earlier research (Piedmont, 2001)
indicated that spirituality added incremental validity in predicting
prosocial behavior over personality. Accordingly, to determine whether
image of God improves the predictability of spirituality, self-rated
personality was entered on step 1, faith maturity on step 2, and
finally on step 3 all image-of-God ratings were added to the equa-
tions. Partial /-tests were calculated at each step to determine whether
a particular set of variables significantly increased the explained pro-
portion of variance. To control for cohort effects from the different
years of data collection and different five-factor model instruments,
each year was entered as a covariant. For each analysis the cohort
effect was nonsignificant and therefore analyses presented do not
include this variable. ‘Table 3 presents these results.
As expected, ‘Table 3 indicates that personality explains a significant
 SPIRITUALITY AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 69

Table 3. Hierarchical Regression Predicting Prosocial Behavior with

Personality and Spiritual Variables
oe mm aE a a aa
Criterion Variable R AR? Partial F

Prosocial Behavior
Total Group
Personality al az aS Mesos
FMV 19 07 GOs i=
1OG .20 O01 oe aes
Men?
Personality .10 .10 Io
FMV 27 gh, My ais
10G soe 05 She Awan
Women?
Personality glk elles) 22 Oss
FMV 18 04 562i
IOG es) O01 ie

Note: Personality is first step in each analysis.

aN = 225
*N = 970
*H < .05; *H < .01; ***p < .001

amount of variance for prosocial behavior for both men and women.
Personality explained 10% of the variance in prosocial behavior for
men and 13% for women. When looking at the independent con-
tribution of faith maturity with prosocial behavior, faith maturity
added significant explanatory power for both men and women. The
differences in the amount of explanatory power for men and women
are notable. For men, faith maturity explained 17% additional vari-
ance over personality, and for women, 5%.
Table 3 also addresses hypothesis 4 predicting added explanatory
power for image of God over personality. The same regression method
confirmed effects for men and women although the effect for men
was five times stronger (5% additional variance versus 1°).
The beta weights presented in Table 4 indicate the factors sig-
nificantly predictive for personality as a whole in relationship to pro-
social behavior. For men, extraversion is the only relevant factor,
but for women extraversion, openness, and agreeableness are significant.
For image of God, the beta weights reveal no signifgicant predictors
for the individual scales, indicating that image of God as a whole
rather than specfic domains of people’s God-descriptions predicted
prosocial behavior. Beta weights for faith maturity have similar
70 CIARROCCHI, PIEDMONT AND WILLIAMS

Table 4. Beta Weights for Variables Predicting Prosocial Behaxor

a
Prosocial Behavior
Variable
Men Women

Self Ratings
Neuroticism = A910) 04
Extraversion oa Omi
Openness a Oe 16
Agreeableness O01 A aes
Conscientiousness 03 =
Faith Maturity
Vertical ABR 23 Fes
God Rating on Five Factors
Neuroticism A: 02
Extraversion 04 —.04
Openness 07 =H
Agreeableness O1 =.05
Conscientiousness 6 205)

#H < 05; *p < .01; ***p < .001

patterns to the zero-order correlations, indicating that faith maturity

has a stronger relationship with prosocial behavior for men than
women.
When the order of entering the religious variables is reversed, 1.e.,
when image of God is entered before faith maturity, the added vari-
ance over personality for the entire group remains the same as in
the previous ordering. For women, image of God added nothing
significant, whereas faith maturity. did (R’? .18, R’ change .05, p <
001). For men, both image of God (R?.15, R? change .05; p < .05)
and faith maturity (R32, R° change .17, p < .001) predict proso-
cial behavior over and above personality. Once again none of the
beta weights for the individual image of God scales reached significance.

Discussion

The current findings are consistent with research suggesting a proso-

cial disposition (Eisenberg et al., 2002), and research demonstrating
a significant relationship between personality and this measure of
prosocial behavior (Chen, 1996; DeConciliis, 1993/1994; Kosek,
1995). ‘Three out of five personality factors correlated significantly
 SPIRITUALITY AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR Th

with prosocial behavior for the total group, but gender differences
indicated that only one factor (extraversion) was significant for men.
This underscores the necessity of controlling for these dispositions
and gender in prosocial research.
Consistent with the study’s primary focus, spirituality variables cor-
related significantly with prosocial behavior and added predictive
validity over and above personality. Feeling close to God and rat-
ing God as an important influence in one’s life were stronger pre-
dictors than people’s general descriptions of God. For the entire
sample, faith maturity added 58% predictive power for prosocial
behavior over personality. The gender differences were again note-
worthy in that faith maturity added 170% additional predictive power
over personality for men, but only 30° in the case of women. By
contrast, the incremental power for images of God was 50% for men
and 7°% for women.
These findings replicate research demonstrating the incremental
validity of spirituality in predicting prosocial behavior with a measure
of spiritual transcendence in the United States (Piedmont, 2001) and
faith maturity in a Taiwanese sample (Chen, 1996). Images of God,
as a whole, when entered into a regression model, weakly predicted
prosocial behavior, but none of the specific attributes of God did so.
Clearly some features of religious and spiritual experience mediate
prosocial behavior more powerfully than others do.
Including spirituality in attempts to understand prosocial behav-
ior can broaden the conceptual discussions existing in the literature
regarding this and related concepts such as altruism, empathy, and
sympathy. The search for explaning these variables encompasses biol-
ogy, temperament, and social cognition to name a few (Batson,
Ahmad, Lishner, & Tsang, 2002; Hoffman, 2000). An irony in cur-
rent psychological research on moral development or the moral emo-
tions is that one rarely finds extended discussion of religion or
spirituality as important motivators. If they are mentioned as hav-
ing influence, writers tend to note their connection to moral horrors
such as terrorism or torture (Schulman, 2002), but not their positive
impact. In addition such accounts question even the altruistic nature
of prosocial religious inclinations by imputing their intent to a desire
to avoid God’s punishment—an essentially egoistic motive (Schulman,
2002). In the present study, the intentionality of the person’s spiri-
tuality can be inferred indirectly from the measures. ‘The composi-
tion of the Faith Maturity Scale includes items exclusively related to
72 CIARROCCHI, PIEDMONT AND WILLIAMS

feeling close to God (affiliative), but none that view God as a punishing
agent. Furthermore, perceptions of God’s neuroticism had no relation-
ship to prosocial behavior, thereby failing to support a link between
an angry, emotionally upset God-image and prosocial behavior.
The current study, therefore, indicates that considerable variance
in understanding individual differences in prosocial behavior resides
in personality and spirituality, and spirituality makes an independent
contribution. Both need to be considered in any comprehensive
account of prosocial behavior, and both are frequently absent in such
studies.
The present study may also shed light on gender differences in
religious experience and behavior. Most explanations have empha-
sized socialization, but some authors have proposed biological expla-
nations to account for the consistency of this difference (Miller &
Hoffman, 1995; Stark, 2002). A series of studies suggest, however,
that psychosocial variables and personality have a complex relation-
ship with spiritual outcomes in men and women. One investigation
found that personality and image of God predicted spiritual experi-
ence in women, but only personality did so for men (Ciarrocchi,
Piedmont, & Williams, 2002). A separate study found that image of
God had differential predictors in men and women (Piedmont,
Ciarrocchi, & Williams, 2002). For men their own personality rat-
ings and family environments were the major predictors of image of
God, but for women their parents’ personalities and a different set
of family environment features predicted image of God.
In the present study personality and faith maturity predicted proso-
cial behavior for men and women, but personality was the major
predictor for women and faith maturity the major predictor for men.
This means that men’s perceived closeness to God has a stronger
relationship with prosocial behavior than their personality, but for
women the reverse is true. From a speculative standpoint, men and
women may have slightly different pathways to prosocial behavior,
Just as they do for images of God and spirituality. In the case of
prosocial behavior, women’s personality may be more influential—
in a sense they may be more ‘naturally’ prosocial—a finding confirmed
in the related field of empathy (Davis, 1994). For men, on the other
hand, spirituality may play a critical role as a motivational force in
prosocial behavior that personality alone does not guide. To com-
plicate matters further, any interpretation of the significant gender
 SPIRITUALITY AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR V3

differences must take account of the small efffects for all the differences
except one (God’s agreeableness). These small effects mean there is
considerable overlap between men and women’s scores on spiritual
contructs. Perhaps the small effects result from the use of more
extended measures of spirituality/religiousness in this study than the
conventional single-item question used in much national survey
research (Stark, 2002).
In addition to these interpretative caveats the present study has
several limitations. First, the correlational design prevents causal infer-
ences. Levels of God-awareness or God-images may cause prosocial
behavior or vice-versa. Other variables not examined in this study
may influence both variables, e.g., family environments, parental per-
sonality, denominational differences, etc. (Chen, 1996; Piedmont,
Wilhams, & Ciarrocchi, 2002). Second, although the sample was
quite large, this cross-sectional cohort of college students does not
permit addressing developmental processes in the variables under
investigation. Third, the measures used were self-reports and future
studies should include cross-validations with behavioral and/or peer
ratings. Recent developmental work, however, indicates that (a) proso-
cial behavior is a stable disposition over time, and (b) prosocial self-
reports, similar to the one used in this study, are correlated with
peer ratings (Eisenberg et al., 2002). Such findings bolster confidence
in viewing self-reported prosocial activities as consistent and valid
behavioral descriptions.
In addition to sampling groups that are more diverse regarding
religious beliefs, ethnic background, and age, future research needs
to study methods for raising consciousness regarding people’s spiri-
tual motivations in concrete helping situations. Research has demon-
strated that religious/spiritual status itself does not influence prosocial
behavior (Batson, 1991), but the current findings suggest it may be
more fruitful to engage people’s spiritual cognitions when faced with
others’ concrete needs and suffering. Such approaches also reflect
contemporary philosophical approaches to compassion and its rela-
tionship with helping behavior (Nussbaum, 2001), and harmonize
with traditional religious approaches that link caring for others as
one expression of having a close relationship with God.
74 CIARROCCHI, PIEDMONT AND WILLIAMS

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 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM:
THE STABILITY OF PSYCHOLOGICAL HOPE
AND THEOLOGICAL HOPE

Valene Lester Leyva

Joanne Mare Greer
James F. Buckley
Anthony F. Rrisak

ABSTRACT

This study seeks to determine the stability of psychological and theological hope in
a sample of women during the months following the September 11, 2001 terrorist
attacks on the United States. Both types of hope were measured every two weeks
for the eight weeks following November 11, 2001. A repeated measures design found
that neither type of hope was stable during this time period. There was no significant
effect from vicarious traumatization in the face of overwhelming media coverage.
Additional findings regarding the ameliorating effect of theological hope on phobic
anxiety and theological hope as a positive coping strategy are examined.

INTRODUCTION

The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York City,

Washington, DC and the aborted attack resulting in a plane crash
in Somerset County, PA resulted in fear, disbelief and horror in the
U.S. population. In addition, the ongoing reports of military action
in Afghanistan, repeated “high alert” advisories given by the Justice
Department, the posting of National Guard troops at strategic local
locations, anthrax contamination of many federal buildings and sev-
eral anthrax deaths created an atmosphere of anxiety and vulnera-
bility. Studies of media coverage of prior terrorist attacks (e.g. the
Lockerbie disaster of 1985, the first World Trade Center bombing
of 1993 and the Oklahoma City bombing of 1995) indicate that
repeated exposure to the visual images of these violent events pro-
duce symptoms of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in subjects
who are not directly linked to the event or who experienced no
personal loss as a result of the event (Alali & Eke, 1991; Dowling,

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
78 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

1993; Martin, 1985; Oots & Wiegele, 1985; Safran, 1993; Slone,
2000; Sprang, 1999; Sprang, 2000; Tuli, 1997). Studies of psycho-
logical hope have shown it to be an ameliorating factor in the treat-
ment of depression and PTSD (Farran, Hearth & Popovich, 1995;
Irving, Telfer, & Blake, 1997; Snyder, 1998; Snyder, 2000; Sympson,
2000). However, there are no available studies which measure the
stability of psychological hope during events that contribute to the
development of PTSD. In addition, there are few studies which mea-
sure the relationship of theological hope to depression and PTSD
(Nunn, 1996) and no studies which measure its stability. This study
seeks to remedy these gaps in the literature by determining the sta-
bility of both psychological and theological hope during a time of
unprecedented national trauma and uncertainty.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Because there are no current studies of the stability of theological

and psychological hope during times of national strife and unrest, a
review of the pertinent theories of hope is presented. The concep-
tual basis for this study is grounded in the following models.

General Theories of Psychological Hope

Hope as a psychological concept (hereafter, “psychological hope”) is
derived from the many studies which attempt to define its characteristics
and quantify its effects. Menninger (1959) cites the life-giving effect
of hope as a survival function and classifies it as a valid aspect of
human development. Stotland (1969) defines hope as the positive
expectation of reaching a goal. He emphasizes the importance of
goal identification in this process. Beck, Weissman, Lester and Trexler
(1974) examined hope from the perspective of hopelessness. The Beck
Hopelessness Scale is based on Stotland’s theory that hopelessness is
objectified by negative expectations about the future.
Bandura (1989) contributes self-efficacy theory. The two sets of
situation-specific goals he cites, outcome and efficacy, become the
basis for later developments in psychological hope theory. Averill,
Catlin, and Chon (1990) developed a Social-Constructivist theory of
hope wherein hope is defined as an emotion which possesses a set
of cognitive rules. ‘These rules include having an important goal that
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 79

is socially acceptable and is under some control of the one who

hopes for it and is midrange in its probability of achievement. Nunn
(1996), in an extensive review of the literature on hope, defines hope
as the presence of positive expectancies. Echoing Beck et al., (1974)
he defines hopelessness as the absence of positive expectancies and
despair as the presence of negative expectancies.
C. R. Snyder, in introducing his Hope Scale (Snyder, et al., 1991),
addresses the differences between motivation to move toward one’s
goals (agency, willpower) and the means to achieve them ( pathways, way
power). He compares his scale model to optimism (a generalized pos-
itive outcome expectancy) and to self-efficacy, stating that self-efficacy
is limited in that it is situation specific, while hope is cross-situational.
He critiques the competing construct of optimism as possessing vague
externalizing explanations for poor outcomes (Snyder, 1994).
Snyder and others have written extensively about his Hope Scale.
Babyak, Snyder and Yoshinobu (1993) conducted a confirmatory fac-
tor analysis of the Hope Scale using undergraduate students in four
consecutive fall semesters. The results of this study confirm that the
Hope Scale captures the two stated aspects of hope as asserted in
the original validation study. Cramer and Dyrkacz (1998) compared
the Hope Scale with a composite of seven MMPI-2 clinical scales
representing adjustment problems. They found that the Agency
subscale possessed the greatest predictive validity for most of the
MMPI-2 clinical subscales. Additional studies include the use of the
Hope Scale in academic and sports achievement (Curry, Snyder,
Cook, Ruby, & Rehm, 1997), the effects of hope on patients with
cancer (Irving, Snyder, & Crowson, 1998) and with child burn sur-
vivors (Barnum, Snyder, Rapoff, Mani & Thompson, 1998). Steed
(2000) asserts that the Snyder Hope Scale is the most reliable instru-
ment available for the measurement of hope.
The above studies delineate the attributes of hope as found in the
psychological literature. One of the most compelling attributes of
these studies is the focus on goal identification and achievement as
the factor that accounts for the most variability in whether or not
one is successful in actualizing hope. The concept of optimism (which
one may commonly think of in relation to hope) has been discounted
as too vague and lacking in specificity.
80 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

Theories of Hope Bridging Psychology and Theology

Bridging the gap between psychology and theology, Yahne and Miller
(1999) explore psychological theories of hope and build upon them
within a theological context. In presenting a five-point interpretation
of hope, they incorporate Snyder’s concepts of willpower and way-
power with three additional elements. The first addition is the recog-
nition that there is a transcendent power external to the individual.
They liken this concept to the higher power of the 12-step movement.
The second addition is the idea of hope as horizon. It is described
as the ability to see beyond the present circumstances. This idea is
akin to the metaphor explicated by MacQuarrie (1977) and Rahner
(1961) in which moving beyond the horizon opens one to new ideas
and possibilities. The third addition is that of hope as action.
Maintaining a sense of hope and acting upon it in the face of adver-
sity is another aspect of hope in its transcendent form. In their for-
mulation, hope is sustainable and real even without the visible means
of accomplishment.
Others are attempting to bridge the ground between psychologi-
cal hope and theology. Pargament and Mahoney (2002) have recently
written about the convergence of psychological hope and spiritual-
ity. In their exploration of spirituality and positive psychology, they
placed hope (along with optimism and faith) in the category of con-
structive cognitions about the future. Averill (2002) also augmented
his ideas regarding Social-Constructivism in a psycho-spiritual light.
Van Ness and Larson (2002) have explored the use of hope and reli-
gion in ameliorating the rates of depression and suicide for those at
the end of life. Phillips, Lakin and Pargament (2002) have success-
fully used hope as an element in the treatment of seriously mentally
ill adults who wished to address spiritual/religious issues.

Theology and Hope

In addition to the psychological foundation for hope, there is a the-
ological basis for hope. Both the Hebrew Bible and the Christian
Scriptures define hope as it appears in the story of God’s plan for
all creation. ‘Theologians have interpreted this basis of hope for suc-
ceeding generations. ‘Teachings and various catechisms affirm these
interpretations and place them in a format accessible to most believers.
As found in the Hebrew Bible, the love that God possesses for
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 81

creation is demonstrated repeatedly in the history of God’s people.

From the Exodus of the Hebrews out of Egypt, to the breath of
new life experienced by the Israelites in Babylonian captivity, hope
in God leads to refuge for the righteous, whereas hope in idols leads
to defeat and disaster (Mays, 1988).
The Christian Scriptures tell the story of the life, death, and resur-
rection of Christ and the immediate aftermath and interpretation of
these events. The apostle Paul becomes the main interpreter and
expositor of God’s hope. The triadic formula of “faith, hope and
love” as used both by Jesus and Paul becomes one of the central
themes through which the Gospel message is spread. The new life
offered by God in Christ begins with faith, journeys by way of hope
and is fulfilled in the consummation of creation with the Triune God
(Mays, 1988). Hope, therefore, becomes the linkage between baptism
into new life and resurrection from the dead at the eschaton and is
the essence of one’s response to God’s promises.
From this scriptural foundation, the Church continues to discern
and interpret the work of God’s hope in the world. ‘Thomas Aquinas
states that God is the subject and eternal life is the object of hope.
Aquinas also asserts that hope is not earned on the basis of merit.
Rather, the capacity to hope results from an outpouring of God’s
love. He affirms the foundation of hope as residing in faith and lead-
ing to love as its ultimate end (Clark, 1974).
Karl Rahner and Jurgen Moltmann are 20th-century advocates of
the theology of hope. Both focus on the hope of entering into eter-
nal life with God, while at the same time utilizing hope as a tool
of the Christian pilgrim here on earth. In Rahner’s treatise, On the
Theology of Hope (1961), he points out that hope is not merely a his-
torical process of passing through human time into eternal life, but
it is the very attitude toward eternal life itself. This attitude of hope
orients the believer toward eternal life and is the measure of how
God grasps and pulls each person into the unknowable and uncon-
trollable consummation with the Triune God. The act of hope is
the acceptance of this attitude and orientation. In his introduction
to the Theology of Hope, Moltmann (1967) places hope in the historical
context of scripture. Basing the historical journey of the people of
God in an eschatological framework, he points toward the cross of
Christ as the icon through which one views the promises made by
God throughout history. The movement of hope, for Moltmann,
82 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

is also a journey of pilgrimage. It is a bidding to delve deeper into

life’s circumstances in which God will prepare the hearts and lives
of all believers to respond to this call.
The Catechism of the Catholic Church (GCC, 1999) presents cur-
rent Catholic teaching on hope, wherein the genesis and purpose of
hope are further clarified. The CCC indicates that hope has its ori-
gin and model in the hope and blessings of Abraham, has its begin-
ning revelation in the articulation of the Kingdom of God in the
gospels (especially the Beatitudes) and leads each individual to desire
the Kingdom of God. The Catechism of the Episcopal Church of the
United States of America (ECUSA, 1979) is an illustration of the
Protestant tradition regarding hope. It indicates that hope requires
relationships with God, self and others, a community in which to
celebrate, grieve and love and a sense of history that reaches before
the beginning of time and beyond its ending. These catechetical
teachings maintain the primacy of hope and provide a framework
for strengthening hope in the life of the individual and the Christian
community.
Some of the common attributes of theological hope include viewing
it as a virtue bestowed by God which infuses the heart of the believer
and reorients him or her toward the new heaven and new earth.
Hope sustains present life while providing a glimpse of the blessings
to come. Hope is a way in which God pours out steadfast love for
all and demonstrates fidelity to creation. Hope becomes the attitude
toward the eternal. The act of hoping becomes the journey and pil-
grimage. Hope allows individuals and communities to move through
distress and the threat of annihilation to the celebration of new life.

Additional Factors

There are additional factors that affect the stability of hope and are
found in both the psychological and theological domains.

Depression
Hope, from a psychological perspective, requires the ability to iden-
tify goals and obtain the means to work toward them. A diagnosis
of depression implies that one will have difficulty generating the
focus, self-worth and energy required for successful hoping. The
empirical study of hopelessness and depression suggest some relationship
between these factors.
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 83

Hope versus faith

In the study of theological hope, it is pertinent to mention the virtue
of faith. Faith has many elements in common with hope, including
a focus on God and a reliance on God for the provision of grace.
Faith as a construct holds together quite well from a theological
point of view. However, it is difficult to distinguish faith and hope
from within a psychological point of view.
While there is ample theological material which delineates the
difference between faith and hope there are currently no empirical
studies which successfully distinguish between the two. After exhaustive
searches on multiple databases only four studies were found which
make the attempt (Stanfield, 1991; Bays, 1995; Johnson, 1998; Wesner,
1999). None is successful in differentiating hope from faith. Thus,
while it is useful to make an intellectual distinction between faith and
hope as theological constructs, this distinction does not appear to be
operative in these studies. Since this present study seeks to determine
the role of hope, it is important to point out that faith may be a
correlative factor whose contribution cannot be separately assessed.

METHODOLOGY

The sample for this study (N = 69) included pastoral counselors,

pastoral counseling students, lay and ordained members of Protestant
and Catholic congregations who are active in congregational life and
other interested members of the general population who heard about
this study via the investigator. The selection criteria restricted par-
ticipants to females who had no direct experience of military com-
bat zones and who had not been diagnosed with or treated for
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder. The only incentive to participation
was the awareness that each woman in this study was contributing
to the general fund of knowledge regarding psychological and the-
ological hope.
The data collected were a reverse-scored measure of hope, the
Beck Hopelessness Scale (BHS) and the Leyva Theological Hope
Scale (LTHS). The LTHS was developed for this study according
to general methods of scale development described by DeVellis (1991).
Because of the study’s geographical proximity to the events of
September 11 (from 50 miles to 180 miles), data to control for media
exposure were also gathered. The concept of peripheral or vicarious
84 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

victimization via media exposure (Dixon, 1991; Dixon, Rehling &

Shiwach, 1993) posed a threat to the internal validity of the study.
These conditions are described as the experience of real or subjec-
tive loss secondary to repeated exposure to media coverage of nat-
ural or manmade disasters, war and acts of terrorism. The Brief
Symptom Inventory (BSI), developed by Derogatis (1993), was admin-
istered at the beginning and the end of the study, to control for
depression and other psychological factors. Each participant com-
pleted a questionnaire including information regarding demographics,
exposure to the media and a brief narrative response to a question
concerning previous experiences of hope. Because religious affiliation
was not measured, it should not be assumed that each participant
had a Christian religious orientation.
Data were collected repetitively over an eight-week period. The
BHS and the LTHS were administered every two weeks for a total
of five measurements. The BSI was administered at the first and last
measurements.
The BHS and the LTHS were subjected to a repeated measures
profile analysis. The data for demographics, media exposure and
events affecting hope were compared with these main trends.

Statistical Analysis of the LTHS

The internal consistency reliability of the LTHS was .8566. All but
three of the items showed a correlation with total score of at least
.25 (p <.001). Twelve of the items showed a correlation above .45
(p <.001). An inter-item correlation for the LTHS resulted in finding
94 significant correlations, with 64 at p <.01 and 30 at p <.05.
Because this is the initial analysis of the LTHS there is no data
available on test-retest reliability.

Comparison of the LTHS (Theological Hope) and the BHS

(Psychological Hope)

For these analyses, n = 50 due to elimination of outliers and attri-

tion of respondents. Of the ten participants eliminated, six did not
complete the full series of measurements and four participants’ ques-
tionnaires included scores beyond three standard deviations.
A visual representation of the trends can be viewed in Figures |
and 2. ‘The LTHS and BHS track a similar trend through applica-
tion #1, #2 and #3. With applications #4 and #5 they clearly
diverge from one another.
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 85

9.02

9.00

8.98

8.96

One

So92

8.90

8.88

8.86
8.84
INVARIVADI Wiyxsy Aen 12/09/01 12/23/01 01/06/02
transformatior
(after
Mean
LTHS
root
square
scores
Test application dates

Figure 1. LTHS Mean Scores by Date of Test

BUS
Mean
(after
transformation)
root
scores
square VALILAOIL JUL oxsyAen 12/09/01 12/23/01 01/06/02

Test application dates

Figure 2. BHS Mean Scores by Date of Test

86 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

Repeated Measures Analysis of the LTHS, BHS and BSI

The data for the LTHS and the BHS were taken at two-week inter-
vals beginning November 11, 2001 and continuing for eight weeks.
The total scores for the LTHS and BHS were subjected to a square-
root transformation in order to obtain more normal distributions.
The transformed data were then subjected to a repeated measures
profile analysis. Also called a within subjects design, this analysis exam-
ines respondents under a sequential series of treatment conditions
and/or over the elapse of time. This type of analysis is considered
to enhance the power of a design because respondents serve as their
own controls for extraneous variables (Cohen & Cohen, 1983; Grimm,
1993). The LTHS and BHS data were then subjected to tests for
flatness (whether the slope of the mean scores for each test changed
over time) and parallelism (whether the two sets of test score means
moved in concert).
The flatness of the LTHS and the BHS addresses the differences
in each set of scale means. Essentially, if means are not significantly
different over time, then that particular measure is stable over time,
or flat. If one of the means differs significantly over tme, then the
trend is not flat. The BHS trend model was significant at p < .001,
indicating that there are differences between the means over time.
The LTHS trend model was significant at p < .001, indicating that
there are differences between the means over time for this measure
as well.
Viewing Figures 1 and 2, it is clear that the data fail the test for
parallelism. Parallelism analyzes the differences between adjacent see-
ments of each instrument’s plot line (Tabachnick & Fidell, p. 398).
In cases where two instruments act in concert, the plot lines will
remain parallel. If not, the lines will diverge. In the case of the
LTHS and the BHS, the plot lines diverge at applications #4 and
#5. For this reason, we conclude that these instruments are mea-
suring two different concepts and that psychological hope differs from
theological hope.
The Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI) was added to the study to
determine if any pathological symptoms affected the trends in: the
two forms of hope. Initial analysis of the BSI data determined that
the means for the nine dimensions and the three indices were ele-
vated somewhat from the norms of the original study by Derogotis.
The group means for the initial and final administration of the BSI
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 87

indicate that one dimension (Anxiety) and one index (Positive Symptom
Total) exhibit change. For both, the means are elevated during the
first test (November 11).
The Positive Symptom Total (PST) measures the number of symp-
toms each participant reports (Derogotis, 1993, p. 31). By itself the
PST information is not very descriptive. When used in conjunction
with the other indices it can assist in determining the respondent’s
overall level of distress. Because neither of the two remaining indices
had differing means between the two administrations, there is not
enough information to support making an interpretive statement
about the indices.
The BSI measure for Anxiety includes general signs of anxiety,
such as nervousness and tension. According to Derogatis, this dimension
also includes the measurement of “. . . feelings of terror” (1993, p. 8).
Referring to the time-line (see additional documents), there were
quite a few disturbing events within the few weeks prior to and dur-
ing this test date. Any one of these events could likely increase anx-
iety in a normal population and possibly feelings of terror in a few.

LTHS, BHS, BSI, and Demographic Analysis

Demographic data and BSI data were compared to the LTHS and
the BHS. The scores for the BSI and demographic and media expo-
sure responses were compared to the first application of the LTHS
and the BHS. The final application of the LTHS and BHS were
compared with the final application of the BSI and the demographic
scores.
Geographic location, age, marital status, education, ethnicity, reli-
giousness and media exposure have no significant correlations with
any of the five applications of the LTHS, the BHS or the two applhi-
cations of the BSI. This belies the previous research regarding the
effects of vicarious traumatization. Possible ameliorating affects for
this phenomenon will be suggested in the next section.
The variable Events Affecting Hope (Events) has a significant and
positive relationship with the first application of the LTHS (LTHSx1).
The BSI Phobic Anxiety scale has a significant and negative rela-
tionship with the LTHSx1. The BHSx! had a significant and pos-
itive relationship with Events Affecting Hope.
Based on these relationships, several regression and ANOVA models
were examined.
88 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

Table 1. Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Events Affecting Hope and BSI
Subscale Phobic Anxiety Predicting Theological Hope (LTHSx1) on October 11,
2001 (N = 50)

Variable B SEB B Rev Age ie

Step | ByASbs 158

Events affecting hope — .507 2219 Bi)ae
Step 2
Phobic Anxiety —1.680E-02 _.008 Shoe
oa) <A

Table 2. One Way Analysis of Variance for Events Affecting Hope on Psychological
Hope (BHS) on October 11, 2001 (N = 50)

Variable and source df SS MS F

Events affecting hope

Between groups l 056 056 4.438*
Within groups 46 O04 013

“joy SAO)

Table 3. Hierarchical Regression: Analysis for BSI Subscales Phobic Anxiety and
Paranoia Predicting Theological Hope (LTHSx5) on January 6, 2002 (N = 50)

Variable B SEB B R Ad.

Step | 193 .159

Phobic anxiety oeDOE=02a OOS SANS
Step 2
Paranoia —2.214E-02 009 =e

oS (05)

Events has a positive relationship with the LTHSx1 and Phobic

Anxiety has a negative relationship with the LTHSx1. This suggests
that respondents with higher theological hope were able to report
events that affected their experience of hope and experienced less
Phobic Anxiety. It appears that theological hope may have an ame-
horative affect on phobic anxiety.
A second regression analysis was conducted using the LTHSx5 as
the dependent variable and several measures from the BSIx2. The
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 89

strongest model included Phobic Anxiety and BSI Paranoia (Paranoia).

Both had a significant and negative relationship with the LTHSx5.
The BHSx! also had a significant and positive relationship with
Events. The BHSx5 had no significant relationships with any other
variables.

Discussion

This study was designed to probe the stability of theological and

psychological hope during times of terrorist activity. The subjects
were women residing in proximity to the terrorist attacks of September
11, 2001. An additional goal was to determine if media exposure to
the events of September 11, 2001 resulted in vicarious victimization.
A repeated measures profile analysis determined that neither theo-
logical hope or psychological hope remained stable during the period
of time beginning November 11, 2001 and ending January 6, 2002.
Correlation and regression analysis found no significant relationships
between media exposure and the symptoms of vicarious victimization.
Referring to Figures 1 and 2 it appears that the two instruments
assessing levels of theological hope (LTHS) and psychological hope
(BHS) track a similar trend through the third application (December
9, 2001) and diverge from each other at the fourth application
(December 23, 2001). It is reasonable to infer from this finding that
psychological hope and theological hope are traits rather than states,
and that they are not identical traits.
Several possible explanations for the divergence at the December
23 application were explored. Within a Christian context, it is rea-
sonable to posit that experience of hope would increase during the
celebration of the hope-filled retelling of Christ’s birth. This power-
ful narrative, and the concomitant secular observation of Christmas
as a national holiday to be celebrated with family and friends, results
in a positive experience for most people.
Conversely, psychological hope is known to drop during the week
of Christmas. Psychotherapists usually attribute this effect to remem-
brance of childhood disappointments, absence of loved ones, and
nostalgia for past happy times. Several other possibilities for this
effect are explored below.
Could shifts in the state of the economy be a factor in changing
psychological hope scores? The Consumer Price Index for the
90 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

Baltimore-Washington DC census tract (in which 75% of this study

sample resided) indicates that this measure did not change from
November 2001 through January 2002. However, unemployment
rates for this geographic area increased by 1.1% between December
2001 and January 2002. This and other economic measures for this
census tract did not differ significantly from the rest of the nation
as a whole (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2003).
Additional economic data did not reveal any relevant trend. The
New York Stock Exchange was no more or less stable during the
four weeks when the LTHS and the BHS tracked differently (Factiva,
2003). While the Enron investigation was unfolding during this time,
media reports of economic indicators were no more or less disturb-
ing or encouraging than those of the previous six weeks (Factiva,
2003). Because of these unremarkable trends, the change in psy-
chological hope during the last four weeks of the study cannot rea-
sonably be attributed to economic factors.
Could a social theory account for the changes in psychological
hope? The decrease in psychological hope during Christmas week
could perhaps be attributed to the withdrawal from work life and
goal-directed activity. The subsequent increase in psychological hope
could perhaps be attributed to the generation of resolutions for the
new year; a process that forces one to focus on positive-oriented
goals for the future. The current data neither support nor reject
these hypotheses.
Significant concern regarding the level of respondents’ media expo-
sure prompted the measurement of this variable at the beginning of
this study. However, analysis of media exposure on study partici-
pants does not indicate that the “vicarious victim” effect was pre-
sent in this study. This result was not expected, given the amount
of literature recently devoted to this topic.
Preliminary studies of September 11 are beginning to be published
in professional journals. ‘Two large studies identify media exposure
as a significant variable. Schlenger, et al. (2002) conducted a web-
based survey regarding reactions to September 11 using a nation-
ally representative cross-sectional sample. This large survey (N =
2273) was conducted between October 12, 2001 and November 12,
2001. Gender, age, direct exposure to the attacks, and the amount of
time viewing television coverage of the attacks on September 11 and
the following week were all significantly related to increased levels
of PTSD symptoms. In addition, the content of television coverage
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 9]

and the number of different traumatic events viewed in this cover-

age (e.g. viewing the planes hit the towers, viewing the towers col-
lapse, viewing people falling from the buildings) were significantly
related to an increase in PTSD symptoms. These results were con-
trolled for those who were directly or indirectly exposed to the attacks
themselves.
Schlenger et al. (2002) caution against interpreting these data to
infer that exposure to television coverage of the attacks is causally
related to developing symptoms of PTSD. They indicate that television
viewing may be seen as a coping mechanism. Conversely, they also
speculate that those who sought out increased exposure to television
coverage may be predisposed to the development of PTSD symptoms.
Silver, Holman, McIntosh, Poulin & Gil-Rivas (2002) conducted
a separate web-based survey between September 20, 2001 and October
14, 2001 (N = 2729). In a two-month follow-up they found that
17°%% of the national sample outside of New York City still reported
symptoms of September 11 related PTSD. At six months the rate
dropped to 5.8%. The increased PTSD symptoms were associated
with gender, marital separation, prior treatment of depression or
anxiety and other predisposing factors. Nearly 60° of this sample
reported viewing the September 11 attacks on live television.
One should note that the sizes of samples in these two studies
almost assured significant results while in the current study, with its
small sample, media-exposure would reach significance only with
large effect sizes. It is hypothesized that hope, particularly in its the-
ological expression, mitigated the effects of media-induced trauma
within this current sample. Hope has previously been described as
the presence of positive expectancies (Nunn, 1996), as a constructive
cognition about the future (Pargament & Mahoney, 2002) and as a
tool of the Christian pilgrimage on earth (Moltmann, 1967; Rahner,
1961). In other studies, hope is observed to be a factor of resilience
in mothers of children with chronic medical illnesses (Horton &
Wallander, 2001), a positive factor in healing social rifts in African
communities (Nwoye, 2002), a central and future-oriented factor of
families successfully coping with a family member with mental illness
(Bland & Darlington, 2002) and a core factor of constructive cognitions
about the future (Heppner & Lee, 2002). These studies of hope
suggest that it functions as a positive, future-oriented coping strategy
in times of significant distress, particularly for those with religious
inclinations. It is possible that these psychological and theological
92 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

aspects of hope were operative in this sample and provided a means

of coping with these traumatic events.
Another interesting result was the relationship between the meas-
ure of theological hope and the BSI Phobic Anxiety scale. This scale
measures an unremitting and specific fear response that is irrational
in nature and leads to significant avoidant behavior (Derogatis, 1993,
p. 9). This is a more pathogenic type of anxiety and is related to
the anxiety-based symptoms of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder. Given
that this study took place during a time of significant stress, and
within a sample pool taken from those in close geographical prox-
imity to the September 11 attack sites, the finding of a significant
negative relationship between Phobic Anxiety and the first and last
application of the LTHS is remarkable. These results suggest the
possibility that those with higher levels of theological hope may be
buffered from Phobic Anxiety.

CONCLUSION

This study made a first attempt to measure the effects of September

11 on both theological and psychological hope. Neither psychologi-
cal nor theological hope remains stable in the face of terrorism for
those included in this sample. ‘The celebration of Christmas and the
start of a new year during the course of this study (and their pos-
sible effects on this sample) are credible intervening factors explain-
ing the lack of stability for these measures.
The unexpected results in the area of “vicarious victimization” has
led to a hypothesis regarding the difference in how the events of
September !1 were processed by this sample. Examples taken from
other studies which find hope to be a positive and future-oriented
mitigating factor suggest that this effect may have been operative in
this sample.
The limitations of the study include the use of a relatively small
(n = 50) homogeneous sample of college educated, Caucasian women
living in close proximity to large urban areas. It would be interest-
ing to study samples of women by religious denomination and
afhhation, those with extrinsic and intrinsic religious orientations and
other religious and spiritual factors.
Another limitation concerns the necessary preliminary task of oper-
ationalizing the construct of theological hope and developing a new
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 93

instrument to measure it. While the new instrument appears to per-

form well and be internally consistent, it requires further validation.
The passage of time, extraneous events, the celebration of a major
holiday and the crossing into a new year may have affected the sta-
bility of both the LTHS and the BHS. This is the risk that accom-
panies collecting data over time.
Finally, limitations regarding the use of a psychological hope scale
versus a psychological hopelessness scale should also be addressed in
future studies. A replication of this study using the Snyder Hope
Scale (1991) may yield more definitive results.

REFERENCES

Alali, A. O. & Eke, K. K. (Eds.). (1991). Media coverage of terrorism: Methods of diffusion.
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98 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

Additional documents

Time-line of events, September 11, 2001 through January 6, 2002

ot Terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, DC; fourth
plane crashes in Somerset Co., PA; all U.S. airports closed; over
6,000 feared dead
OAL
DAES
Se U.S. vows global assault; warnings of further attacks; Osama
bin Laden named chief suspect; U.S. airports reopen with assis-
tance of military security guards
SAS 50,000 reserve troops called to active duty
9/16 Pres. Bush declares “We are at war.”
Ay: US. gives Taliban in Afghanistan the ultimatum to “give up” bin
Laden; stock market reopens in New York, Dow down 684.81
9/18 Pres. Bush declared that bin Laden is wanted “Dead or alive”
SAS Pres. Bush declares that we are engaging in a “new kind of
war”
9/20 Reports of many innocent Arab-Americans attacked and killed
in US.
9721 Office of Homeland Security established
9722 U.S. called to give proof to other world powers of bin Laden’s
guilt
e235
9/24
9F25
9/26 Increased patriotism in U.S. seen in dramatic increase of flag
sales
4) Government issues new regulations for securing cockpit doors
9/28 National Guard deployed at U.S. airports; U.S. entering reces-
sion
9729
9/30
10/1 U.S. Attorney General warns of increased risk of attacks
10/2
10/3
10/4
10/5 First anthrax case; Florida man dies
10/6
1c U.S. launches attack on Afghanistan
10/8 Second anthrax case discovered in Florida
10/9
10/10
- 10/11 FBI issues increased threat alert
One month anniversary of terrorist attacks
10/12
410/05 New York City employee of NBC diagnosed with anthrax
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 99

10/14 Ten more anthrax cases diagnosed in Florida

10/15
10/16
10/17 30 Senate staffers diagnosed with anthrax in Washington DC;
Sen. Tom Daschelle’s office closed indefinitely; Senate office
building evacuated.
Anthrax found in the office of NY Gov. George Pataki
10/18 Trenton, NJ postal worker diagnosed with anthrax
10/19
10/20
10/21 Postal worker at Brentwood Postal Facility in suburban Wash-
ington DC dies of anthrax; Brentwood is the main sorting facil-
ity for all federal government offices; facility evacuated and
closed indefinitely
10/22 Second Brentwood postal worker dies of anthrax
10/23
10/24
10/25
10/26
10/27
10/28 Official memorial service at “Ground Zero” in New York City
for family members of those killed in terrorist attack on 9/11
10/29 U.S. Attorney General announces highest state of alert, stating
that there is credible and specific information of very serious
attack threats in the U.S. Supreme Court offices test positive
for anthrax; court meets outside building for the first time in
66 years
10/30
10/31 Female hospital employee dies of anthrax in New York City
Lib
Hye
11/3
I eg
Itf9
11/6
TELSed
11/8 Increased concern regarding threat of smallpox attack
11/9
I He) Fall of Mazar-i-Sharif in Afghanistan; first major victory of com-
bined Allied and Northern Alliance forces
Li7 di Test x1; beginning of study
Two month anniversary of terrorist attacks
liyv2 American Airlines flights crashes in New York City neighbor-
hood, killing all 255 passengers plus several people on the ground
PALS Fall of Kabul in Afghanistan
11/14
11/15
100 LEYVA, GREER, BUCKLEY AND KRISAK

11/16
aw
11/18
LIAL U.S. building case against Iraq
11/20
4 94-year-old Connecticut woman dies of anthrax
11/22
11/23
LL f24.
L725 Text x2
11/26 bin Laden training camps revealed in Afghanistan
LUA27
11/28 Thanksgiving Day
14729
11/30
ae)
ae Uprising at prison in Mazar-i-Sharif; first U.S. casualty (CIA
operative killed in uprising)
12/3 John Walker Lindh, U.S. citizen, found in prison at Mazar-i-
Sharif—has fought with Taliban
1274 U.S. security alert for possible “dirty” nuclear bomb
12/5 Lindh may possibly charged with treason
12/6
12/7
12/8 Lindh interview broadcast on CNN; most corporations cutting
matching dollars for 401k accounts
1279 Test x3
12/10
12/11
W2E12 Zacarias Moussaoui, in prison since the summer, charged as
the 20th hiyacker
a ie Fall of Taliban in Afghanistan; Hamid Karzai enters Kabul;
release of bin Laden tape, in which he talks of the plans to
attack New York
hoe i4
12/15
12/16
L277 More Americans to stay home for the holidays
12/18
W279
12720
12/21 List of possible charges against Lindh released
12/22 Hamid Karzai begins as interim leader of Afghanistan
2723 Test x4; “shoe bomber,” Richard Reid, seized in-flight on
American Airlines during attempt to explode bomb
12/24 Holiday spirit endures
8) Christmas Day
 WOMEN’S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM 101

12/26
12/27
12/28 U.S. announces that Taliban and Al-Qaeda detainees will be
held in U.S. Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba
12729
12/30
W275 Europe switches to the Euro; more to stay home for New Year’s
Eve
1/1 New Year’s Day
1/2
1/3
L/4
1 First U.S. soldier killed by enemy fire
1/6 Test x5; end of study; Democrats and Republicans argue about
taxes
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 LIVING WITHOUT THE CLERICAL PERSONA:
LIE SCALE SCORES AMONG MALE
EVANGELICAL CLERGY

Leslie F. Francis

ABSTRACT

A sample of 991 male Evangelical clergy completed the short-form Revised Eysenck
Personality Questionnaire. While previous studies have shown a significant negative
correlation between neuroticism scores and lie scale scores among male Anglican
clergy and among Roman Catholic priests, no such relationship was found among
male Evangelical clergy. Male Evangelical clergy seem to live without the clerical
persona.

The clerical profession is a way of life which may exert pressure,

consciously or unconsciously, on its personnel to conform to and to
project an image of themselves consistent with that of the ‘ideal’
priest or pastor. It is this projection of an idealized self different
from the actual individual behind the mask and inside the clerical
vestments which has become known as the “clerical persona.” In a
recent innovative study, Francis, Louden, Robbins, and Rutledge
(2000) discuss the clerical persona within the framework of Eysenck’s
dimensional model of personality (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1985). The
argument of that study rests on two key theories.
The first theory underpinning Francis, Louden, Robbins, and
Rutledge’s (2000) study concerns the functioning of the lie scale
within Eysenck’s dimensional model of personality. According to
O’Donovan (1969) lie scales were originally introduced to address
the problem of “faking good” on personality scales. It has become
increasingly recognized, however, that lie scales are open to multi-
ple interpretations. As well as measuring the tendency to “fake good”
there is evidence that lie scales should be interpreted as measuring
a personality dimension in their own right (McCrae & Costa, 1983;
Furnham ,1986). According to some commentators, this dimension
is best characterized as social acquiescence or conformity (Finlayson,
1972; Powell, 1977; Massey, 1980; O’Hagan, 1981; Birenbaum &
Montag, 1989; Granleese & Barrett, 1990). According to other com-
mentators, this dimension is best characterized as lack of self insight

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Rehgion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
104 LESLIE J. FRANCIS

(Dicken, 1959; Crookes & Buckley, 1976; Kirton, 1977; Francis,

Pearson, & Kay, 1983; Brown & Kodadek, 1987). The fact that
scores recorded on lie scales are now open to multiple interpreta-
tions cautions against the simplistic and straightforward use of these
scores.
It is no longer acceptable, for example, simply to look at the mag-
nitude of lie scale scores to indicate the level of dissimulation within
any given sample, or to compare the levels of dissimulation between
different samples. Differences between samples in terms of lie scale
scores might indicate differences in terms of the personality construct
assessed by the scale rather than differences in levels of dissimulation.
One way of distinguishing between occasions when lie scales are
properly indicative of faking good and when they are indicative of
some other interpretation concerns the relationship between lie scale
scores and neuroticism scores. There is considerable empirical evi-
dence to indicate that individuals with a high motivation to fake
good inflate their lie scale scores and suppress their neuroticism
scores, leading to a negative correlation between lie scale and neu-
roticism scores. For example, in a recent study Jackson and Francis
(1999) administered the Revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaire
(Eysenck, Eysenck, & Barrett, 1985) to three comparable samples of
50 undergraduates each. One group completed the questionnaire
under normal conditions, while two groups completed the question-
naire under instructions to present themselves in a favorable light.
The data demonstrated that under the standard test instructions,
where no pressures were assumed to lead to faking good, no significant
correlation was found between neuroticism scores and the lie scale.
On the other hand, under both experimental conditions, where
instructions were given to fake good, significant negative correlations
emerged between neuroticism scores and the lie scale scores.
The negative correlation between neuroticism scores and lie scale
scores, under pressure to dissimulate, has been found to hold true
among children (Eysenck, Syed, & Eysenck, 1965; Waters, 1968;
Eysenck, Nias, & Eysenck, 1971), as well as among adults (Braun &
Gomez, 1966; Gomez & Braun 1967; Rump & Court, 1971; Michaelis
& Eysenck, 1971; Farley & Goh, 1976; Levin & Montag, 1987;
Cowles, Darling, & Skanes, 1992). The clear suggestion, then, is that
when the motivation to fake good is high there should be a nega-
tive correlation between lie scores and neuroticism scores, but that
 LIVING WITHOUT THE CLERICAL PERSONA 105

when motivation to fake good is low there should be no correlation

between the two variables.
The second theory underpinning Francis, Louden, Robbins, and
Rutledge’s (2000) study is that, if clergy “fake good” on a personal-
ity measure, they do so in order to conform their own personality
profile to their image of an acceptable clerical persona. The way,
therefore, to test empirically the extent to which there is a pressure
to conform to a clerical persona within any specific group of clergy
is to examine the magnitude of the correlation between the lie scale
and the neuroticism scale in that population.
Francis, Louden, Robbins, and Rutledge (2000) tested their hypoth-
esis among three samples of clergy in England and Wales who had
completed the short-form Revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaire
(Eysenck, Eysenck, & Barrett, 1985): 1,482 Roman Catholic priests,
1,071 Anglican clergymen, and 1,239 Anglican clergywomen. Their
data demonstrated that male clergy, both Roman Catholic and
Anglican, were more inclined than female clergy to wish to project
a Clerical persona of integrity and stability. Francis, Louden, Robbins,
and Rutledge draw two conclusions from these findings.
First, the data indicate that female clergy are less inclined to “fake
good” on a personality test than male clergy. This suggests that
female clergy may feel under less pressure than male clergy to live
up to a clerical persona and that female clergy may feel more relaxed
than male clergy in accepting their innate personality characteristics
as appropriate within the clerical profession.
Second, the data provide a key clue regarding the nature of the
clerical persona preferred by male clergy, both Anglican and Roman
Catholic. This clue suggests that the clerical persona is associated
with suppressed neuroticism scores. Male Anglican and Roman
Catholic clergy like to present themselves as stable individuals. ‘This
implies that male Anglican and Roman Catholic clergy are less likely
to admit to personality characteristics which include such features as
finding their mood often goes up and down; feeling just miserable
for no good reason; being irritable; having their feelings easily hurt;
often feeling “fed up”; describing themselves as worriers; calling them-
selves tense or highly strung; worrying too long after an embarrass-
ing experience, or being often troubled about feelings of guilt.
While the data provided by Francis, Louden, Robbins, and Rutledge
(2000) appears to allow a comparison to be made between male and
106 LESLIE J. FRANCIS

female clergy, it is not clear from this study whether Anglican and
Roman Catholic male clergy can be regarded as typical of all male
clergy. The aim of the present study is to explore that issue by repli-
cating their study among a third group of male clergy. The group
chosen are male Evangelical clergy as a group which provides a clear
contrast to Roman Catholic priests and to the generality of Anglican
clergymen. Both Anglican and Roman Catholic clergy have attached
themselves to denominations which can hold a high theology of priest-
hood as men set apart. A clear sign of this theology is seen in the
clerical collar and the clerical mode of dress. Distinctive dress may
be inclined to promote a clerical persona. Evangelical clergy, how-
ever, hold a lower theology of priesthood and generally eschew cler-
ical dress. Many Evangelical clergy even prefer not to wear vestments
for conducting services (‘Tidball, 1994). An Evangelical view of min-
istry may, therefore, be less inclined to promote a clerical persona.
Within England and Wales, Evangelicalism is associated more with
a style of ministry than with specific denominations. For example,
largely for historical reasons, the Church of England has embraced
three main and highly distinctive strands, generally characterized as
the Anglo-Catholic wing (Penhale, 1986), the Middle wing (Walker,
1988), and the Evangelical wing (Saward, 1987). Ministers within a
number of mainline Protestant denominations also vary in the extent
to which they regard themselves as associated with the Evangelical
movement (Haley, 2001). The organization which draws together
and provides a sense of identity for Evangelical clergy in England
and Wales is the Evangelical Alliance (Randall & Hilborn, 2001).
The present study is based on this specific constituency.

MetTHOD

Participants
A detailed questionnaire was mailed to 2,570 clergy affiliated to the
Evangelical Alliance in the United Kingdom, an interdenominational
society committed to promoting evangelical beliefs and values. All
told, 1,093 thoroughly completed questionnaires were returned, mak-
ing a response rate of 43%. The present analysis is conducted on
the 991 male respondents who answered every item in the person-
ality inventory. Regarding age, 18% were under forty, 37% were in
their forties, 32% were in their fifties, and 13% were sixty or over.
 LIVING WITHOUT THE CLERICAL PERSONA 107

Regarding denominational affiliation, 28% were Baptist, 19°% Anglican,

18°% New Churches, 10% Pentecostal Churches, 8% Free Independent
Evangelical Churches, 4°% Methodist, and 2% Presbyterian. The
remaining 11% were from a wider range of less well represented
denominations. Regarding marital status, 96% were married, 2%
were single, and 2% had been divorced.

Measures

Personality was assessed by the short-form Revised Eysenck Personality

Questionnaire (Eysenck, Eysenck, & Barrett, 1985). This instrument
contains three 12-item measures of extraversion, neuroticism, and
psychoticism, together with a 12-item lie scale. Each item is assessed
on a dichotomous scale: yes and no.

Data analysis
The data were analyzed by the SPSS statistical package using the
frequencies, reliability, Pearson correlations and regression routines
(SPSS Inc, 1988).

RESULTS

Table 1 presents the alpha reliability coefficient (Cronbach, 1951)

together with the means and standard deviations for extraversion,
neuroticism, psychoticism and lie scales for the male Evangelical
clergy separately. The statistics demonstrate that the extraversion,
neuroticism and lie scale scores achieve satisfactory levels of relia-
bility among all three samples. The lower alpha coefficients achieved
by the psychoticism scale are consistent with the known difficulties
associated with assessing this dimension of personality (Francis,
Philipchalk, & Brown, 1991).
Table 2 presents the correlations between extraversion, neuroti-
cism, psychoticism and the lie scale. In view of the sample sizes the
probability level has been set at one percent. These data demon-
strate that there is no significant correlation between neuroticism and
lie scale scores among male Evangelical clergy.
108 LESLIE J. FRANCIS

Table 1. Short-form Revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaue: scale properties

scale alpha mean sd

extraversion 0.85 0) 315

neuroticism 0.82 4.8 ey
psychoticism 0.46 Ze 1.6
lie scale Oa 4.1 2.6

Table 2. Correlation matrix

Extraversion Neuroticism Psychoticism

Lie scale —0.0930 —0.0077 +0.1358

01 NS 001
Psychoticism =(), 859 +0.1002
NS 002
Neuroticism =O. 24
001

Discussion

Following the argument advanced by Francis, Louden, Robbins, and

Rutledge (2000), this study has examined the correlation between lie
scale scores and neuroticism scores to assess the tendency among
male Evangelical clergy to project a clerical persona. The absence
of a significant negative correlation between these two variables sug-
gests that there is no pressure among male Evangelical clergy to pro-
ject a clerical persona.
When this finding is read alongside the earlier findings of Francis,
Louden, Robbins, and Rutledge (2000) the following picture emerges.
While there is a tendency to project a clerical persona among male
Anglican clergy and among Roman Catholic priests, there is no such
tendency among female Anglican clergy and among male Evangelical
clergy. The distinction appears, therefore, to be less a matter con-
cerning gender, and more a matter concerning theology of ministry.
On the one hand, Roman Catholic priests and Anglican clergymen
exercise ministry within a well established historic framework in which
the distinctive role of the priest or minister is affirmed in status and
distinctive clerical dress (see, for example, Ranson, Bryman, & Hinings,
 LIVING WITHOUT THE CLERICAL PERSONA 109

1977; Louden & Francis, 2003). These features of ministry seem to

favor the development of a clerical persona. On the other hand,
Anglican clergywomen operate in a somewhat less formalized envi-
ronment. Female Anglican clergy are relative newcomers to the cler-
ical profession and many seem to have broken away from the historic
constraints of the profession (see, for example, Francis & Robbins,
1999). Male Evangelical clergy generally reject the trappings of cler-
ical dress and reject the theology of being set apart from the laity
(Tidball, 1994). Female Anglican clergy and male Evangelical clergy
seem to be those ministers who live without the clerical persona.
Living without the clerical persona may at one and the same time
be both good news and bad news for male Evangelical clergy. The
good news is that maintaining a persona can be debilitating and
energy consuming. The mask of the persona can take over and the
human being inside can begin to grow weary and lose touch with
reality. In discarding the persona, male Evangelical clergy lessen the
risk of this danger. The bad news is that maintaining a persona can
offer the individual some real protection from the potentially all-con-
suming demands of pastoral ministry. In discarding the persona, male
Evangelical clergy increase the risk of emotional exhaustion which
may follow in the train of responding freely to the emotional demands
of ministry (Evans, 1999).
The present conclusions are based on findings from random sam-
ples of four different groups of clergy, Anglican clergymen, Anglican
clergywomen, Roman Catholic priests, and male Evangelical minis-
ters. The generalizability of these findings needs to be tested by
appropriate replication studies. The conclusions also suggest two lines
for further empirical enquiry. First, since the Anglican Church includes
clergy affiliated both with the Anglo-Catholic wing and with the
Evangelical wing, it would be important to test the hypothesis that
the clerical persona is more associated with the Anglo-Catholic priest
than with the Evangelical Anglican clergymen. Second, the hypoth-
esis that the clerical persona may provide some safeguards against
the risk of emotional exhaustion as a consequence of responding to
the emotional demands of ministry needs to be tested through explor-
ing individual differences among clergy recorded on appropriate
indices of ministry burnout (Francis, Kaldor, Shevlin, & Lewis, 2003).
110 LESLIE J. FRANCIS

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 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CHURCH CONFLICT:
A COMPARISON OF MONORACIAL AND
MULTIRACIAL CHURCHES*

George Yancey
Michael Emerson

ABSTRACT

Racial tension is a major source of conflict in the United States. This conflict can
partially explain why religious organizations are overwhelmingly monoracial. This
paper provides the first empirical examination of the potential of multiracial churches,
relative to monoracial churches, to experience intracongregational conflict. Because
of the racial tension in the United States, basic conflict theory implies that mul-
tiracial churches are more likely to experience intracongregational conflict than
monoracial churches. Multinomial analysis is performed with data from the Lilly
Survey of Attitudes and Friendships to assess the propensity of conflict in multira-
cial and monoracial churches. With one exception, there is no significant link between
racial diversity and conflict in religious congregations. Since there is little evidence
that having racial diversity leads to more intracongregational conflict, individuals in
multiracial churches should not fear that racial diversity is likely to lead to racial
discord.

Racial tension is a major source of conflict in the United States.

While much of this conflict is played out in the macrolevel political
and social institutions of our society, it would be a mistake to minimize
the degree of microlevel interracial hostilities that continues to exist
in the United States. The existence of such hostilities partially explains
why the informal social networks of most Americans consist mostly
of their own racial group (Emerson, Kimbro, & Yancey, 2002;
Emerson & Smith, 2000; Hallinan & Williams, 1989; Jackman &
Crane, 1986). The racial homogeneity of these networks persists de-
spite the increasing number of racially diverse educational and occu-
pational institutions emerging in the United States.

* We want to thank Karen Chai for her support and help in carrying out this
research and Jay Pankratz for challenging the lead author to pursue this topic. We
are also grateful for the comments and suggestions of the two anonymous reviewers
and the editor. Please direct all correspondence to George Yancey; P.O. Box 311157;
Department of Sociology; University of North Texas; Denton, TX 76203. email:
[email protected] phone: 940-565-2179.

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
114 GEORGE YANCEY AND MICHAEL EMERSON

Religious organizations are overwhelmingly monoracial (Chaves,

1999). The lack of racial diversity in these institutions is likely in-
fluenced by microlevel racial tensions in the United States. Because
religious organizations are voluntary institutions, Americans who wish
to avoid possible interracial conflict can do so by attending churches
that consist of their own racial group. The lack of racial diversity
in religious institutions may be linked to a desire to avoid interra-
cial conflict.
Conflict theory predicts that individuals in social groups will fight
to protect the interest of those groups. Given the level of racial
conflict in the United States, it may be predicted that organizations
with members of different racial groups are likely to engage in racial-
ized conflict. Thus, racial tension is an additional source of possible
conflict within a religious organization. This implies that multiracial
religious organizations are more likely to experience conflict than
monoracial religious organizations. Yet, there are no empirical studies
that explore whether multiracial religious institutions are more likely
than monoracial religious institutions to engage in intracongregational
conflict. If racially integrated organizations are not more likely to
engage in conflict than other religious organizations, then concerns
about multiracial social atmospheres creating social conflict (e.g. Leas
& Kittlaus, 1973) are overblown. This paper provides the first empir-
ical examination of the potential of multiracial churches to experi-
ence intracongregational conflict in comparison to monoracial churches.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Previous Research on Intracongregational Conflict

Certain types of churches are especially prone to experiencing conflict.
Previous researchers have suggested that congregational (Takayama,
1975), large (Liebman, Sutton, & Wuthnow, 1988) and theologically
liberal (Hammond, 1988; Roof, 1983) churches are more likely to
experience conflict than other churches. But while there has been a
great deal of research focusing on the origin of conflict within different
types of formal organizations (Cox, 2001; Kriebel & Lane, 1969;
Rahim, 2001; Robbins, 1991), there has been relatively little research
dealing with the origin of conflict within religious institutions. Thus,
previous empirical work has not clearly indicated whether certain
types of churches are more likely to experience conflict.
 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CONFLICT AND MULTIRACIAL CHURCHES PLS

To assess which churches are more vulnerable to intracongregational

conflict there is a need for research that examines the probability of
conflict within several congregations. Starke and Dyck (1996) argue
that while there has been a good deal of research concerning general
religious conflict, it is still unclear which antecedents of intracon-
gregational conflict are the most important. They makes this argu-
ment because fewer than 15% of the studies on intracongregational
conflict have focused upon the actual content of the conflict (Kniss,
1988) and about 80% of that research were case studies that are
difficult to generalize out to other congregations (Starke & Dyck,
1996). Discerning whether racial diversity or some other contextual
factor is correlated with congregational conflict is dependent upon
using a research design that examines intracongregational conflict
within several churches.
Starke and Dyck (1996) observe that the few studies of intracon-
egregational conflict that utilize several congregations suggest that the
personal characteristics of the pastor, issues of authority, and governance
issues have been identified as major sources of congregational conflict.
However Becker et al. (1993) contend that intracongregational conflict
tends to be localized and connected to specialized events that a par-
ticular congregation may be facing. This implies that it is unclear
whether congregations that undergo conflict systematically differ from
other congregations. This current empirical effort seeks to address
the question of whether certain types of churches, in this case mul-
tiracial churches, are more prone to conflict.

Racial Conflict in Multiracial Voluntary Organizations

Conflict theorists have argued that individuals utilize their membership
in different social groups to gain societal resources (Darendorf, 1959;
Sidanius, Pratto, & Bobo, 1996). The degree of status homogeneity
of an organization is associated with the unity of the members in
that organization as they attempt to gain social resources. For example,
if all of the members of a church are white, then those members
can be unified in their pursuit of social and public policies that aid
European-Americans. Yet, in a racially diverse congregation agree-
ment on racialized issues may not be forthcoming, and multiracial
churches might have a greater potential for racialized conflict than
monoracial churches.
Because the United States is a racialized society (Bonilla-Silva,
116 GEORGE YANCEY AND MICHAEL EMERSON

2001), the potential for racial conflict to develop within a multiracial

church is abundant. For example, differing worship or leadership
styles from contrasting racial cultures can precipitate intracongrega-
tional conflict. Conflict can also develop concerning the racial makeup
of the church leadership, racialized differences in scripture inter-
pretation, and/or contrasting racialized priorities within the church
programs.
The degree of racial segregation in formal institutions (i.e. schools,
workplace) in the United States has dramatically decreased over the
past few decades. Even a causal observer of race and ethnic rela-
tions is likely to acknowledge that the degree of educational and
occupational segregation that existed in the early part of the twen-
tieth century, particularly in the Jim Crow south, is dramatically
higher than the segregation that exists today.' The overall decrease
in residential segregation may be attributed to the legal and politi-
cal pressure directed at integrating formal institutions.
Yet there is little evidence of an increase of racial diversity within
informal, voluntary institutions. This low degree of racial diversity
may be linked to the voluntary nature of these institutions. Thus
Chaves (1999) observes that the percentage of American congrega-
tions that are multiracial is a little under 8%. Since Americans are
not forced to join religious organizations, they may only join those
organizations when they reinforce their own racial culture and per-
spective. This hypothetical tendency can explain the relative lack of
multiracial churches in the United States.
A potentially high propensity for conflict in a multiracial congregation
has important implications concerning the formation of multiracial
voluntary social institutions—whether they are religious or not. If
multiracial congregations are highly prone to experience conflict, then
the microlevel racial tension in the United States makes it theore-
tically difficult for Americans to form racially integrated voluntary
organizations. ‘This implies that the possibility to use interracial con-
tact in voluntary social organizations to ameliorate racial tensions is
limited and suggests that culturally pluralistic, rather than racially
integrated, organizations are more harmonious and effective.

' But it should be noted that while research has indicated that residential seg-
regation of African-Americans has decreased between 1970 and 1990 (Adelman,
2002), recent work suggests a surge in racial segregation over the last few years
(Clotfelter, 2001; Goldberg, 1998; Mayer, 2002).
 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CONFLICT AND MULTIRACIAL CHURCHES 117

MeruHops

Data

In this current research endeavor we define multiracial churches as

those where no one racial group makes up more than 80% of the
congregation’s population. Pettigrew and Martin (1987) argue that when
minority groups reach 20% of an organizational population that the
groups have reached a “critical mass.” They contend that when racial
minorities are in numbers smaller than 20%, they can be clustered
into small low-status groups within the organization.
Data for this study comes from the Lilly Survey of Congregations
(LSC). The co-authors of this paper were also two of the three co-
researchers of that study (Emerson, Yancey, & Chai, 1999-2001).
In the LSC, a nationwide mail survey was conducted from April
2000 to July 2000. In this study, only Christian churches were included.
Initially churches were located by asking the respondents of the ran-
dom portion of the LSC phone survey for the addresses of the
churches to which they belong. Yet, this effort did not locate enough
multiracial churches and so the researchers in the LSC also utilized
a local knowledge technique to find other multiracial churches. With
this technique, several metropolitan areas were randomly chosen,
and churches in those areas were called until several multiracial con-
eregations could be located. We included these “local knowledge”
churches in this current research project. This allowed the sample
to include several more multiracial churches. One hundred and fifteen
multiracial churches are included in the final sample. Ninety-two, or
80%, of the multiracial churches in this sample were located with
the local knowledge technique. Overall, 488 of the 904 original
churches replied to the mail survey—producing a response rate of
54%.
The senior pastors of those congregations were then contacted and
asked to fill out the LSC survey. The senior pastor filled out the
survey 65.8% of the time. However, if they could not finish the sur-
vey, the pastors were asked to give the survey to an informant who
knew the church well enough to complete the survey.
The sample was weighted to the National Congregational Study
(NCS), which is considered the best known survey of congregational
data available (Chaves, 1999). To accomplish this weighting, we first
compared the probability portion of the LSC to the NCS. Specifically
t
118 GEORGE YANCEY AND MICHAEL EMERSON

we created nine categories for the number of regularly participating

adults in the congregations? and compared the number of churches
in each category for each set of data. Then the data from the LSC
was multiplied by weighted numbers until the probability portion of
the LSC matched the NCS as it concerned the number of members
in those churches. Next, the weighted probability sample of the LSC
was compared to the non-probability “local knowledge” section of
the LSC data. Weights were calculated for variables that measured
the number of individuals in a congregation, the racial mix of the
congregation, and the education of the pastor. After applying these
weights to the non-probability portion of the sample, we then com-
pared a number of variables relevant to this study’ with the weighted
data of the NCS. Since we were primarily concerned about the
effects of racial integration, we only compared the multiracial churches
in each data set to each other. The only variable where multiracial
churches in the LSC significantly differed from multiracial churches
in the NCS is that churches in the LSC had more adult members.
We found this difference due to an outlier multiracial LSC church
that had 7,000 adult members. When we removed this church from
the analysis, the number of adult members in the LSC was not
significantly larger than those in the NCS.

Variables and Procedures

To measure the degree of conflict that churches experienced, we used

a series of questions that assessed whether, during the last five years,
the church experienced disagreement in eight different areas. Each
area is constructed as a dependent variable. The pastor or infor-
mant was allowed to answer that there was no disagreement in that
area, that there was disagreement and it was not very serious, that
there was disagreement and it was moderately serious, or that there
was disagreement and it was very serious. These answers were respec-
tively given scores ranging from | (no disagreement) to 4 (very seri-
ous disagreement). The eight areas assessed are theology (Theology),

* The nine categories are below 51, 51-100, 101-150, 151-200, 201-300, 301-500,
501-750, 751-1,000 and above 1000.
* These variables include number of adult members; percent of church that is
new, white, black, Hispanic and Asian; and the theological orientation of congregations.
 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CONFLICT AND MULTIRACIAL CHURCHES 119

money/finances/budget (Money), worship style (Worship Style), a specific

program or mission priority (Program/ Priority), how to or who should
make decisions (Decisions), clergy leadership (Clergy Leadership), clergy
behavior or lifestyle (Clergy Behavior), and member behavior or lifestyle
(Member Behavior). It is also instructive to assess one of the possible
outcomes of intracongregational conflict—the splitting of a church.
A dichotomous variable (Split) was created to measure whether the
church has undergone a split in the last 10 years. Churches that
indicated that there had been such a split were scored as a one (1)
and other churches were scored as a zero (0). In table 1, there is a
comparison of the means of these nine dependent variables between
multiracial and monoracial churches.
For the eight conflict variables, higher scores indicate that either
multiracial or monoracial churches are more likely to have very seri-
ous disagreement (a score of 4) than no disagreement (a score of 1)
in that category. With the Spit variable, higher numbers indicate a
higher proportion of either multiracial or monoracial churches hay-
ing undergone a split in the past 10 years. Comparisons of these
nine variables indicate that there is little statistical difference between
monoracial and multiracial churches. ‘The only area where multiracial
churches significantly differ from monoracial churches is that mul-
tiracial churches are more likely to experience conflict over a specific
program or mission priorities. Yet on seven other conflict variables
and the Split variable, multiracial churches did not significantly differ
from monoracial churches. This preliminary examination gives little
support to the prediction that multiracial churches are more likely
to experience conflict than monoracial churches.
To measure possible contextual and institutional effects, a variety
of independent variables were included in the models. Church Size is
a variable that measures the number of adults who regularly par-
ticipate in the congregation. A dummy variable entitled Conservative
Protestant measures whether the church is a fundamentalist or evan-
gelical Protestant institution. Catholic is a dummy variable that indi-
cates whether the congregation is Catholic. City Size is an independent
variable with a seven-point scale that measures the size of the city
(ranging from 1—rural community to 7—city over 2 million people)
the church is located in. Age of Congregation is a variable that indi-
cates how many years the church has existed. Less ecumenical
churches might experience less conflict, since these churches avoid
120 GEORGE YANCEY AND MICHAEL EMERSON

Table 1. Mean Scores of the Propensity of Monoracial and Multiracial

Churches to Experience Conflict
a

Monoracial Multiracial
Churches Churches

THEOLOGY ey 19
(109) (341)
MONEY 1.41 1.4]
(108) (341)
WORSHIP STYLE 1.55 1.6
(108) (343)
PROGRAM/PRIORITY 1232 1.45
(108) (334)
DECISIONS 1.43 1.43
(336) (109)
CLERGY LEADERSHIP 1.46 153
(341) (109)
CLERGY BEHAVIOR ll ee
(337) (109)
MEMBER BEHAVIOR Si 1.4
(338) (108)
Sei .156 184
(365) (114)

Source LSC
Note. a — Means different at .05 level

the conflict created by competing religious traditions. To assess for

this possibility, a seven-point scale that measures whether a congre-
gation perceives it to be more important to win people to one true
faith or to support an ecumenical approach to faith was used to cre-
ate Onefaith/ Ecumenical. Lower scores indicate a higher desire to win
people to that congregation’s faith. To measure the effect of racial
diversity, the dummy variable of Multeracial is created. Churches with
no more than 80° of their members belonging to any single racial
group are labeled as multiracial and coded as one (1).
It is possible that multiracial churches are more conflict prone
than monoracial churches, but this tendency is not detected in the
comparison of means because of systematic demographic and/or
institutional differences between multiracial and monoracial churches.
To account for this possibility, it is necessary to perform regression
analysis. Split is a dummy variable and logistic regression analysis is
essential to assess it. For the other eight variables, multinominal
 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CONFLICT AND MULTIRACIAL CHURCHES lie?

regression analysis rather than OLS or logistical regression models

is required because of the ordinal data and four categories utilized
in those dependent measures. This type of analysis has the capacity
to analyze outcomes with more than two discrete categories by
describing the odds of response in one category against another as
each response category is paired with a baseline or reference cate-
gory. In the model used for this analysis, the four categories for the
dependent variable are whether (a) there is no disagreement, (b) not
very serious disagreement, (c) moderately serious disagreement or (d)
very serious disagreement on a given conflict issue. For this partic-
ular study, we used whether the church has experienced very seri-
ous disagreements as the reference group.

Results

The results of the multinomial regression models can be seen in table

2. Since there are four categories for each model, the multinomial
analysis compares three of the categories to the reference category
(Very Serious). The three categories are represented as columns in
table 2. Each row denotes the model assessing the dependent vari-
able designated in that row. For simplicity sake, we only reported
the unstandardized betas and odds ratios of Multiracial.1 The odds
ratio for each independent variable shows the odds of response for
each category compared with the reference category. For example,
since the odds ratio is 1.97 for the Moderate Serious Conflict category
in the Theology model, and because of the negative sign of the beta,
this equation estimates that multiracial churches are almost twice as
likely to not experience moderate conflict relative to very serious
conflict in comparison to monoracial churches. The Nagelkerke pseudo
R?, which indicates the estimated amount of variance in the ten-
dency of churches to experience conflict explained by each model,
and the number of churches in each equation are indicated, respec-
tively, in the fourth and fifth columns. The last two columns in the
table contain the results of the likelihood ratio test for Multiracial in
each model. Measurements of the chi-square and probability score
for only Multiracial is shown, respectively, in the sixth and seventh
columns in the table.

* Full models with the effects of all of the independent variables are available
from the lead author.
P22 GEORGE YANCEY AND MICHAEL EMERSON

Table 2. Betas and Odds Ratios Scores of “Multiracial” on the Propensity of Churches to
Experience Conflict
et ee ee eee
No Not Mod. Nagelkerke N XooeProb:
Conflict Very Serious R?
Serious Conflict
Conflict

THEOLOGY 921 1.479 ~.678 136 437) (6.313 097

(.398) (.228) (1.97)
MONEY —412 = QP a DO: AM 430 2.887 .409
(RS) (2.53) (229)
WORSHIP why, —.282 USS .064 432 47 926
ST YIEE (1.13) (1.32) (1.03)
PROGRAM/ =I16 Sale LG —.304 .098 424 4.386 .223
PRIORITY (3.2) (.639) (1.36)
DECISIONS —.249 —439 =.96 114 426 2.764 .43
(1.28) (1.55) (2.61)
CLERGY = Syl —.067 =e .108 431 1205) 213
LEADERSHIP (1.44) (1.07) (1.77)
CLERGY 324 1.048 * 058 409 2.427 .731
BEHAVIOR (.723) (eo) .
MEMBER =eOSs —1.43 = ROle al? 428 4.958 .175
BEHAVIOR (4.87) (4.16) (6.75)

Source LSC
Note. * — Not calculated because ne multiracial churches had moderately serious conflict.
Betas are Entries; Odds Ratio are in Parenthesis; a = p < .05

Measures of chi-squares in the eight multinominal models indicate

that Multiracial is not a significant predictor of conflict in any of the
models. While Multiracial is significant in the Theology model at the
.1 level (p = .097), there is no compelling reason to ignore the stan-
dard .05 level for assessing significance. Positive unstandardized beta
values indicate that multiracial churches are positively correlated to
conflict in that particular category. For example, in the first row
(Theology) the unstandardized positive beta (.921) under the No Conflict
column indicates a possible positive relationship between a church
being multiracial and having no conflict, relative to very serious
conflict, about theology. The negative sign under Moderate Serious
Conflict (~.678) indicates a possible negative relationship between a
church being multiracial and having moderately serious conflict, rel-
ative to very serious conflict about theology. However, none of those
results are statistically significant and there is little confidence that
these relationships will be found in the general population.
A calculation of the comparison of moderately serious conflict and
 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CONFLICT AND MULTIRACIAL CHURCHES 123

Table 3. Betas and Odds Ratios Scores of Selected Variables on the Propensity of
Churches to Have Split in the Past 10 Years

Beta Odds Ratio

AGE OF CONGREGATION .001 .999

CITY SIZE .035 .966
CATHOLIC 1.6932 184
CHURCH SIZE —.000 1.00
ONEFAITH/ECUMENICAL #02 1.02
CONSERVATIVE PROTESTANT —451 157
MULTIRACIAL 297 743
Nagelkerrke R? .072
N 458
Source LSC
Note. a =p < .01

very serious conflict as it concerned Clergy Behavior was not possible

because none of the multiracial churches indicated moderately seri-
ous conflict in that dimension. However complete comparisons were
possible in all of the other dimensions, and we are able to compare
the tendency of multiracial churches to experience no conflict and
not very serious conflict, relative to very serious conflict, in the Clergy
Behavior dimension.
The results of the multinominal analysis can be seen in table 2.
Of the eight models reported in table 2, Multiracial is only significant
in the model with Member Behavior as the dependent variable. In this
model multiracial churches are significantly less likely to experience
no conflict relative to very serious conflict (p = .039) and significantly
less likely to experience moderately seriously conflict, relative to very
serious conflict (p = .04) as it concerns the behavior or lifestyle of
church members. In this model, and only in this model, there is
significant evidence that multiracial churches experience more conflict
than monoracial churches.
In table 3, a logistical regression model was constructed to assess
the propensity of multiracial congregations to experience church splits
relative to monoracial churches. Having a multiracial congregation
was not significant in predicting a church split. There is no evidence
of an unknown dimension, not measured in table 2, of conflict that
is operating within multiracial churches to create more splits within
integrated congregations. The only significant variable in this model
124 GEORGE YANCEY AND MICHAEL EMERSON

Table 4. Betas Scores of “Size of Largest Racial Group” on the Propensity of Multiracial
Churches to Experience Conflict
ee eee
No Not Mod. No Prob.
Conflict Very Serious Serious (Split
Conflict Conflict Variable)

THEOLOGY —1.849 eae eae oeel 022

MONEY 067 085 057 47
WORSHIP STYLE =,064 —.048 U2 sao)
PROGRAM/PRIORITY 02 05 039 eel
DECISIONS 14 AD 09 .005
CLERGY LEADERSHIP .023 024 017 504
CLERGY BEHAVIOR O14 046 “ .033
MEMBER BEHAVIOR 053 075 AOS spa
SPLIT 003 884

Source LSC
Note. * — Not calculated because no multiracial churches had moderately serious
conflict.
Entries of first four columns are betas. Entries of fifth column are probability scores
generated by Likelihood Ratio Tests

is Catholic, with Catholic congregations being less likely to undergo a

church split than Protestant churches. Given the power of the cen-
tralized hierarchy in Catholicism, it is not surprising that Catholic
churches are less likely to undergo church splits.
Of the nine potential models examined from the LSC data, there
is significant evidence that having a multiracial congregation leads
to intracongregational conflict in only the Member Behavior model.
However, because Multeracial is a dichotomous variable, our findings
may underestimate the potential of racial diversity to create con-
gregational conflict. It is possible among multiracial churches that
congregations with more racial diversity experience higher degrees
of conflict. We ran models without Multiracial and replaced it with
a variable (Szze of Largest Group) that measured the size of the largest
racial group in the church. This variable can act as a proxy for the
amount of racial diversity in that church as multiracial churches with
a relatively large racial group will have fewer members of the church
who do not share the racial outlook of the largest group, which the-
oretically produces less potential for interracial conflict. Only mul-
tiracial churches were included in this analysis. For simplicity’s sake
we only reported the significant scores of the likelihood ratio tests
and beta scores for Size of Largest Group with the No Conflict, Not Very
 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CONFLICT AND MULTIRACIAL GHURCHES 125

Serious Conflict, and Moderate Conflict categories in Table 4. For the

model with Split as the dependent variable, we reported the results
of the beta scores of the No category. Of the nine models, we found
three with significant beta effects; Theology, Decisions, and Clergy Behavior.
The size of the largest racial group is negatively related to conflicts
based upon theology, but positively related to conflict based upon
how to make decisions for the church and clergy behavior. If the
size of the largest racial group is inversely related to the racial diver-
sity of the congregations, then among multiracial churches more
racial diversity is correlated with congregational conflict in only one
of our nine potential models. Thus, we ultimately argue that hav-
ing a more racially diverse congregation is not likely to increase the
propensity of a congregation to undergo conflict.

DIscussION AND CONCLUSION

This empirical effort has attempted to find an empirical link between

having a multiracial congregation and intracongregational conflict.
With the exception of the Member Behavior model, there is no significant
evidence of such a link. Given our inability to consistently find a
relationship between the racial diversity of a congregation and its
propensity for conflict, the hypothesis that multiracial churches are
more likely to experience conflict than monoracial churches is not
supported.
The one significant finding in this study is that a multiracial con-
eregation is more likely to experience conflict in the behavior and
lifestyle of the church members than a monoracial congregation. It
is unclear why this dimension of conflict is more relevant in mul-
tiracial churches than other dimensions of conflict. It is plausible that
members of different racial groups bring into multiracial congrega-
tions distinct standards of behavior. These various standards can
carry potential seeds of conflict as individuals from different racial
cultures attempt to impose contrasting behavior standards upon each
other. Future qualitative research is needed to explore this potential
explanation of the Member Behavior effect or to find another possible
reason for this finding.
It has been suggested that one should expect more conflict in a
socially heterogeneous congregation (Leas & Kittlaus, 1973). But since
there is little evidence that having racial diversity leads to more intra-
126 GEORGE YANCGEY AND MICHAEL EMERSON

congregational conflict, individuals who desire to join multiracial

churches should not fear a higher likelihood of interracial hostility.
Previous research has suggested that multiracial churches may be
conducive to producing more progressive racial attitudes among
European-Americans (Yancey, 1999, 2001). It is too simplistic to look
to integrated congregations as the solution to racial hostility in the
United States. However, given the findings of this study and Yancey’s
previous finding of the possible alteration of majority group members’
racial attitudes, it is not unreasonable to argue that multiracial con-
eregations are likely to improve racial relations in the United States.
If multiracial churches improve racial relations, then other multira-
cial organizations (i.e. racially integrated workteams, sports and/or
families) might have similar effects on racial tension in the United
States. Future research would do well to consider such possibilities.
Future research on the propensity of conflict within multiracial
churches should utilize qualitative interviews, focus groups and/or
case studies to examine how congregations with several racial cul-
tures are able to deal with the cultural differences that arise from
the interaction between those cultures. Furthermore, the data from
this current empirical effort is based on the self-reports of church
leaders and is likely biased by social desirability effects. Qualitative
analysis can also be used to detect conflict within multiracial churches
not easily found in a quantitative survey. Fruitful research can also
include investigations to see if these findings hold up when examin-
ing different conditions within multiracial congregations. Just as we
investigated whether the size of the largest racial group in multira-
cial churches is related to different dimensions of conflict, there are
other characteristics of multiracial churches that can be explored
including, but not limited to, whether which racial group is in the
numerical majority is related to the propensity for conflict; possible
regional or city size effects on intracongregational conflict; whether
the length of time a church is multiracial is related to the level of
conflict in a multiracial congregation; possible denominational effects
on multiracial congregational conflict etc. Finally, it has been demon-
strated that four distinct types of multiracial churches exist (Yancey
& Emerson, Forthcoming). Another important extension to this current
research endeavor is efforts to use Yancey and Emerson’s typology
and to explore whether contrasting types of multiracial churches are
associated with different propensities to experience intragenerational
conflict.
 INTRACONGREGATIONAL CONFLICT AND MULTIRACIAL CHURCHES 127

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 CHURCH COMMITMENT AND SOME CONSEQUENCES
IN WESTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE

Jaak Billet
Karel Dobbelaere
Ole Ris
Helena Vilaga
Liliane Voyé
Jerry Welkenhuysen-Gybels

ABSTRACT

Data from European countries allowed us to seek an explanation for different degrees
of church commitment. The debate on church commitment has first and foremost con-
trasted secularization theory with the “new paradigm” of rational choice theory.
This investigation focused on indicators related to secularization and rational choice
theories, besides additional sociological variables—among others, the religious social-
ization in the formative years, and the impact of the Enlightenment. Following this
investigation, the research focused on two related issues. The first is compartmental-
ization, the mental disjunction of religion from other aspects of life—for example
family, economy and education, to wit, individuals’ subjective view of seculariza-
tion. The theoretical question here was whether higher levels of church commit-
ment are reflected in a low degree of compartmentalization. The second issue asked
how people reacted to being confronted by an expanding diversity of religions, in
other words, religious pluralism. ‘The questions here were whether people with a high
degree of church commitment had a positive or a negative attitude toward religious
pluralism, both at a cultural and a private level.

Sociologists of religion have for several years discussed possible expla-

nations for the level of church commitment. Data from the European
Religious and Moral Pluralism (RAMP) study (Dobbelaere & Rus,
2002) provided an opportunity to investigate this subject, since it
includes material from 11 countries: Belgium, Denmark, Finland,
Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland,
Portugal and Sweden. The debate on church commitment has first

* Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jaak Bilhet,

Department of Sociology, Catholic University of Leuven, Van Evenstraat 2b, B-
3000 Louvain, Belgium. E-mail address jaak.billiet(@soc.kuleuven.ac.be

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Rehgion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
130 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

and foremost contrasted secularization theory with the “new para-

digm” of rational choice theory. This investigation focused on indi-
cators related to secularization and rational choice theories, besides
additional sociological variables.
Following the investigation of levels of church commitment, the
research focused on two related issues. The first is compartmentaliza-
tion, the mental disjunction of religion from other aspects of life—
for example family, economy and education, to wit, individuals’
subjective views of secularization. The theoretical question here is
whether church commitment is reflected in a low degree of com-
partmentalization. The second issue questions how people react to
the fact that they are confronted by an expanding diversity of reli-
gions, in other words, religious pluralism. The questions here are whether
people with a high degree of church commitment have a positive
or a negative attitude toward religious pluralism, both at a cultural
and a private level. In these analyses, we control for those contex-
tual and individual factors that were found to have an effect on
church commitment.

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Rational choice theory stresses lack of competition between religious

organizations, especially churches, to explain lower levels of church
commitment, since it allows a latent religiosity on the individual level
to slumber (Finke, 1997; Stark, 1997). Secularization theory refers
to the impact of contextual factors—functional differentiation on the
macro level, and autonomization, functional rationality, pluralism
and societalization on the meso level—to explain the decline of
church commitment (e.g. Wilson, 1976a; Dobbelaere, 1999, 2002).
Other theories point to the impact of ideas that were born in the
Age of Enlightenment and the criticism of religion in the 19th cen-
tury to explain the ongoing decline of church religiosity since then
(Dupront, 1996). Some of these theories have common concepts, €.g.
pluralism; others predict differences in church commitment in accor-
dance with the degree of structural and cultural differences in their
context. ‘These theoretical explanations need not be mutually exclu-
sive, nor contradictory. In our theoretical discussion we point out
some possible links between them. However, our main point will be
the discussion of aspects of these and other theories that allow us to
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 3

deduce some hypotheses, which we shall use to analyze church com-

mitment in Western and Central Europe.

Rational Chowe Theory

Rational choice theory makes three important points that are relevant
for our purpose: it postulates a latent religiosity on the demand side
(Stark, 1997, p. 8), that should become manifest by active competi-
tion between religious firms on the supply side (Stark, 1997 p. 17).
However, this is only possible in a pluralistic religious situation where
religious firms compete for customers and to the extent that the sup-
ply-side is not limited by state regulations which suppress or subsi-
dize some religions (Iannaccone, 1997, pp. 40-41; Finke, 1997, pp.
50—51)—in other words, to the degree that these states are secularized
on the societal level. In the European countries we are studying,
there are eight countries with an almost monopolistic religious situ-
ation—Catholicism in Belgium, Italy, Poland and Portugal; Lutheranism
in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden—and three religiously
mixed countries—Great Britain, Hungary, and the Netherlands.
According to rational choice theory, church practice should be low-
est in the monopolistic religious situation and highest in the religious
mixed countries. In the monopolistic Protestant countries, Denmark,
Finland, Norway, and Sweden, the percentage of those going a min-
imum of monthly to church at the weekend is lower (respectively
8.7; 13.5; 9.6 and 8.8%) than in the religious mixed countries Hungary,
the Netherlands, and Great Britain (respectively 19.8; 20.2 and 17.7%).
These data support rational choice theory. To the contrary, in the
monopolistic Catholic countries Belgium, Italy, Poland, and Portugal,
the equivalent figures are higher (respectively 23.8; 49.7; 74.2 and
38.3%) than in the religious mixed countries, which rather supports
secularization theory.

Seculanzation Theory
Secularization refers to a consequence of functional differentiation:
modern societies are primarily differentiated along functional lines
and have developed different sub-systems that perform their own
particular function (Dobbelaere, 1999 and 2002). These sub-systems
claim autonomy and reject religiously prescribed rules. Since the other
sub-systems became gradually more autonomous and their organi-
zations no longer needed the support of religious mores, religion has
BY BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

also lost an important plausibility structure: indeed the entire society

no longer serves to legitimize religion. This allowed for a major
change in the religious sub-system: the growing pluralization of reli-
gious organizations, which resulted in a religious market where
different religions competed for the souls of the people (Berger and
Luckmann, 1966). Such pluralism augments the relativity of the
respective religious messages, or in Berger’s (1967: 150-151) terms
“it relativises their religious contents,” their religious message is “de-
objectivated,” and more generally, “the pluralistic situation . . . ipso
facto plunges religion into a crisis of credibility.” Such a crisis results
in a decrease in religious commitment. In this article, we make a
more detailed analysis of the impact of religious pluralism on church
commitment as a better test for these two theories.

The Enlightenment, Marxism and Laiwcization

Secularization is not solely a latent consequence of functional differen-
tiation, it is also the result of voluntary action to insulate sectors of
society—among others culture, education, and the family—from reli-
gious influences. The emergence and development of Enlightenment
ideas, with their forceful opposition to religious and sacred myths
and to religious authority, was instrumental in this process. Its guid-
ing idea was that mankind should develop rational knowledge of the
world and discard supernatural dependencies (Dupront, 1996, pp.
19 and 32). ‘The development of science, technology, and education
were considered powerful instruments to liberate man from myths.
This new philosophy became the basis of secularist movements, which
are actively present in European socialist, liberal, and communist
political parties. They have fought the religious mores that had been
institutionalized in laws of various countries and ideologies. A par-
adigmatic case is France.
The French Revolution was a reaction against “les trots états,” and,
consequently, a reaction against the authority exercised by the Catholic
Church over sectors of society. Its manifest function was to laicize
society: disestablish religion, secularize politics, and erect a laicized
republic. Durkheim was instrumental in proposing sociology rather
than religion as the basis for a republican morality. The process of
laicization, 1.e. a manifestly enforced process of secularization by the
republicans against the reactionaries with whom the Church was
allied, is indeed, typical of France. This conflict produced a pro-
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 33

found split in the country, over religion per se, on the national level
as well as on the local and family level: republicans versus intégristes,
schoolmaster against curé, father against mother (Martin, 1978, pp.
36-41). ‘The schoolmaster was the ‘priest’ of the laicized republican
faith and Balandier (1997, pp. 124-127) depicts the impact of the
ecclesiastical model on the laicized school: its laicized catechism, its
republican hymns, and its proper rituals, where the speeches replaced
the sermons. Laicized values were sacralized, and laicized virtues
were honored (see also Baubérot, 1997, pp. 115-284).
Champion (1993, pp. 593-602) has analyzed the logic of laiciza-
tion in Catholic France, Spain, Belgium, and Italy. She describes
how certain socio-political movements, which are traditionally anti-
clerical—liberals, socialists, and communists—have autonomized the
political system. They introduced official registration, thus, replacing
parochial registration; laicized the constitution, the state-schools, and
laws concerning sexual and familial morality. By so doing they lai-
cized the political, the educational, the medical, and familial sub-
systems. Conflicts between laicizing forces and the Catholic Church
are also characteristic of the 20th century in Portugal (Catroga, 1988;
Costa, 1995; Fernandes, 1999).
When countries that lived under communist regimes were laicized,
Marx and Lenin were cited. Marx defined religion as an outward
sign and a protest against real misery. However, he considered reli-
gion as opium for the people, an illusory happiness that had to be
abolished because it was a means of oppression of the proletariat by
the bourgeoisie (Marx, 1961, p. 378; 1959, p. 472; and Calvez, 1969:
55). Lenin also believed that “the deepest roots of religion lay in the
social oppression of the masses” (Timofeyev, 1974: 4) and started to
build a society in the USSR that would not need religion. ‘Vo hasten
the demise of religion, all social support for religion was withdrawn
and a vigorous scientific-educational and anti-religious propaganda
was disseminated. The main provisions of the 1918 decree on reli-
gions reflect this policy. It established the “freedom of conscience
for individuals with a heavy emphasis on the rights of atheists.” At
the same time the church was separated from the state and from
the schools (Lane, 1978: 27). For about half a century this policy
was also applied in mid- and eastern Europe.
An important question emerges here: was it always an anti-religious
attitude that stimulated the process of laicization, or were some politi-
cians only trying to diminish the power of the Church, and did they
134 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

become non-religious during their campaign, as was the case in

Belgium (Wils, 1977)? Clashes over the place of religion in society
occurred in different European countries: the institutionalization of
a civil marriage; the successive laws on divorce, making the proce-
dure easier; the institutionalization of euthanasia; and conflicts over,
for example, the cemeteries, education, and culture. Consequently,
we may hypothesize that groups opposing the disestablishment may
be invigorated in their religious feelings by these conflicts, wanting
to preserve the remaining religious mores in the institutions and the
laws of their society. Consequently, the opposition to the process of
laicization may be typical of persons highly involved in their churches.
Such conflicts were rather typical of Catholic and religiously mixed
countries in which the Catholic Church was a partner. The Nordic
Protestant countries, to the contrary, “include individualistic elements
not amenable to organic confrontations, and moreover they do not
elevate the church as a sacred society above the state. Indeed, the
Scandinavian churches adapt to the state and insofar as the state
becomes social democratic they adapt yet again” (Martin, 1978, pp.
33-34), based on the Lutheran rule of the two regimes. The state
churches have thus become integrated in the public welfare state ser-
vice apparatus. However, “[t]he overall result is that the onset of
social democracy is [also] associated with noticeable elements of anti-
clericalism and of Marxism” (Martin, 1978, p. 33). This has led to
ongoing discussions about the ties of the churches to the state in all
Nordic countries, but so far, only Sweden has separated the church
from the state.
To measure more directly the effect of the philosophy of the
Enlightenment and the impact of Marxism, which promoted a scientific
approach, we will use science as a meaning system, which for some
people may function as an alternative to a religious meaning sys-
tem. However, it is quite possible that for some people, science may
give meaning to some aspects of life, while they continue to sub-
scribe to a religious meaning system for other aspects. Indeed,
Wuthnow’s study (1976) on meaning systems has clearly shown that
half of the population he studied in the San Francisco Bay Area,
combined different meaning systems. Consequently, we do not pre-
dict a one-to-one negative relationship between science as a mean-
ing system and church commitment.
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 135

From a rural to an industrial society

Religion is not only beliefs, cognitions, attitudes, and practices, it is
also a cultural element. This is eminently underscored in Poulat’s
sociology of religion. The religious culture is the result of a dialectic
process: religion has an impact on the society in which it takes root,
but that society itself also models religion (Poulat, 1982, pp. 58-77).
Although Poulat’s analysis refers to France, Christianity modeled
“Christian” Europe, and was also shaped by the rural civilization in
which it was institutionalized. The change from a rural to an indus-
trial society may have caused problems for the religious culture.
Hervieu-Léger (1995, pp. 157-158) speaks about the “erosion” of
the “parochial civilization.”
Industrialization stimulated an attitude of makability: people got
the feeling that they themselves or specialists could increasingly con-
trol their natural, material, and social environment. Valid and reli-
able instruments, techniques, and products reduced the need for
supernatural help, in contrast to the rural society, where one felt
dependant upon transcendental forces that one could “manipulate”
to control one’s natural environment. Furthermore, individuals and
not the family became the production units who were mobile and gen-
erally moved to or near industrial centers. In time, more and more
people became mobile—they lived in one place, worked in another,
and had their friends in still other places, etc. Furthermore, elec-
tronic communication and information systems link them worldwide.
Of these people one may say that they live in a “space of flows”
(Castells, 2000 pp. 408-409), which signifies that they no longer have
all their attachments in one permanent place, which reduces the pos-
sibility of control and a sense of sharing a collective consciousness
institutionalized in a specific territory. Some people still live in a
“space of places” (Castells, 2000, p. 409) where they find work,
friends, etc., and where the physical proximity sustains a culture that
confers on them their identity and life orientation. The majority of
the people, however, now live more or less in a “space of flows”
(Castells, 1998). From these arguments we deduce the following
hypotheses. Mobile people, being less rooted in a local community
and coming more and more into contact with different cultures, may
reduce their commitment to a church. However, if the previously
existing differences between rural and urban people still exist, they
will now be very small since urban culture is spreading to the most
136 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

remote parts of society through mass media that are city-based, and
the majority of the population studies and works in cities, and uses
the facilities and services they offer.

Functional Differentiation, Functional Rationality, and Secularization

The feeling that humans and the environment, nature and culture
can be manmade is linked to declining religious authority over the
other sub-systems, i.e. their autonomization, which allowed the devel-
opment of functional rationality. The economy lost its religious ethos
(Weber, 1920, pp. 163-206). Goals and means were evaluated on a
cost-efficiency basis. This typical economic attitude implying obser-
vation, evaluation, calculation, and planning—which is based on a
belief that the world is calculable, predictable, and controllable
(Wilson, 1976b and 1985)—1s not limited to the economic system.
The political system was also rationalized.
Since these economic and political structures needed more and
more people who had been trained in science and rational tech-
niques, the educational curriculum changed. A scientific approach
to the world and the teaching of technical knowledge increasingly
replaced a religious-literary formation. ‘he development of scientifically
based techniques also had its impact on the life-world: domestic tasks
became increasingly mechanized and computerized. Since the devel-
opment of functional rationality in all domains of human activity is
in opposition to the value rationality which is typical of religion, we
may hypothesize that the more a country is economically developed,
the less people will be committed to churches. We will use the Gross
National Product (GNP) of the countries under study as a proxy for
their economic development.
We may further expect that younger generations, having been
socialized in a school culture that is marked less by religion and
more by science and technical subjects, will be less religious than
older generations. Since the natural and material world and the
human body were increasingly considered to be calculable and mod-
eled by humans, the result of controlled planning engendered not
only new roles, but also new, basically rational and critical attitudes
and a new cognition. Theses are replaced by hypotheses, the Bible
by encyclopedias, and revelation by knowledge.
According to Acquaviva (1979), this new cognition has been object-
ified in a new language that changed the image of reality, thus elim-
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE a7)

inating “pre-logical,” including religious, concepts. The mass media,

using this new language, have radicalized this development and made
it a social phenomenon. People having internalized this new language
which produced a certain vision of the world, may to a certain
degree, have lost the vision of a sacred reality. This suggests that all
generations may have been marked by the new cognition, although
older generations probably less than the younger ones since they
have to give up familiar beliefs and habits they have internalized in
their formative years. As far as education is concerned, we may also
hypothesize that higher levels of education may have a negative
influence on church commitment since these individuals have been
more exposed to scientific thinking than those who have attained
only a lower level of education.
Furthermore, since men have been and are still, professionally
more active in industry and services than women, we expect that
they will be less religiously oriented than women. To that argument
should be added that women, more than men, are concerned with
the integration and the latency problems of the family. Most of those
who write requests for prayer that one can read in churches and
chapels are women. These requests refer to illnesses in the family;
inter-marital relations; problems with the children; anxiety for the
young to pass examinations; and the like. Their concerns for the
family may draw them closer to religion than men.
The effect of the family on mothers and wives brings us to sug-
gest an additional effect of the family. We have already said that
religion is also culture; consequently it may be a family culture too.
Some families are not integrated in a church, others are to a varying
degree and socialize their children in a more or less religious atmos-
phere and spirit. Consequently, we might expect that the level of
religious socialization in the family during the formative years would
have a lasting effect on their attitudes and behavior. ‘To measure
the level of religious socialization in the family, we have used church
attendance at the age of 12 as a proxy. This leads us to formulate
our next hypothesis: we expect that the frequency of church prac-
tice at the age of 12 may have an impact on church commitment
at a later age.
138 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

Compartmentalization

In the second part of the research, we studied first the attitude toward
the secularization of society, i.e. compartmentalization. We expect, on
the basis of the above arguments, that there will be a negative rela-
tionship between a strong church commitment and a positive attitude
toward compartmentalization. The same could be argued about the
degree of church commitment in the formative years. And since the
Catholic Church is, in general, opposed to the secularization of
the social system, we may expect that Catholics will have a stronger
negative attitude toward compartmentalization than Protestants.
Furthermore, on the basis of arguments already given, we expect
that younger generations, persons with higher levels of education,
mobile and urban people will be more positive toward compart-
mentalization, because of their more positive attitude toward moder-
nity. In a societal context of a higher economic level of development
which expresses a higher degree of functional rationalization, we
expect that a more positive attitude toward secularization will pre-
vail. Finally, we expect a positive relationship between science as a
meaning system and a positive attitude toward compartmentaliza-
tion, to the extent that our operationalization of the Enlightenment
position is correctly operationalized in our construct “science as a
meaning system.”

Attitude Toward Religious Pluralism

Finally, we will study the effect of church commitment on indiwidual
attitudes toward religious pluralism. Religious pluralism is a multi-dimen-
sional concept. On the individual level, it refers to bricolage, a “reli-
gion a la carte:” people do not take the menu of their church, they
compose their own beliefs, rituals and mores, selecting from their
own inherited religion, but also from other religions. Our general
question about religious pluralism then becomes: what is the attitude
of the population under study toward religious bricolage? On the
social and cultural level, religious pluralism refers to religious diver-
sity: the heterogeneity of the religions present in a society. The
research question then becomes: What is the attitude of the peoples
of Western and Central Europe toward the growing diversity of the
religions that are active in their society?
On the basis of theoretical considerations developed above, we
expect that younger generations, persons with higher levels of edu-
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 139

cation, mobile and urban people will be most open to these two
dimensions of religious pluralism. We also expect that people with
a high level of church commitment will be less open to religious
bricolage than those with a lower commitment, since they are more
strongly integrated in their own church. And people, who have had
a solid religious education—going to church at least once a week in
their formative years, may also be less open to religious bricolage.
Catholics may have a stronger negative attitude toward pluralism,
since their Church has so emphatically maintained that Catholicism
is the only true way to redemption. We expect also that the higher
the religious heterogeneity the more people will react positively to
the dimensions of religious pluralism under study.

Data AND MEASUREMENTS

The data of RAMP were collected in 1997-99 by means of face-to-

face interviews in representative samples in eleven European coun-
tries.! Since we were working in a cross-cultural context, we had to
assume that all the variables used in the analysis were equivalent.
How plausible is this assumption? With regard to single indicator
variables, one can only trust the question-designers who have dis-
cussed the indicators and the single question wordings in the prepara-
tory meetings (Dobbelaere & Riis 2002, 163-164).? In the case of
multiple indicators that are combined into constructs, we can rely
on the concept of construct equivalence (Poortinga, 1989). Following
Rensvold and Cheung (1989), construct equivalence is operational-
ized here as “factorial invariance.” This means that the factor load-
ings of the corresponding indicators of each latent variable (construct)
are invariant (or equal) over all countries.’ When a factorial invari-
ant measurement model does not fit with the observed data, some
of the equality constraints are relaxed. This means that for one or

' Belgium (N = 1,630), Denmark (N = 606), Finland (N = 785), Great Britain

(N = 1,466), Hungary (N = 1,000), Italy (N = 2149), the Netherlands (N = 1,004),
Norway (N = 503), Poland (N = 1,134), Portugal (N = 982) and Sweden (N =
1,032). For a description of the data collection see Dobbelaere & Riis (2002).
2 Country specific variations are explained in the code-book prepared by Central
Archive for Empirical Research ZA No. 3170 (Cologne).
3 The tests on factorial invariance were done by multiple group comparisons of
measurement models with structural equation modeling (Bollen, 1989) using LIS-
REL 8© (Joreskog & Sérbom, 1993).
140 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

more countries, differences in the relations of some indicators to the

latent variable are accepted. These differences in loadings are reported.
Minor differences are not a problem, but when substantial differences
in the indicators occur in a particular country, care must be taken
in interpreting the analysis for that country since, in that case, the
concept can have a somewhat different meaning.
The construct to be explained in the first part of our analysis is
Church commitment. This construct is made in two steps and contains
six observed variables of which some were already constructs based
on sets of observed indicators (see Table 1). These six variables cover
three dimensions of religion:* the tual dimension, the belief dimension,
and the consequential dimension. The ritual dimension is measured by three
variables: public practice which is constructed on the basis of whether
or not one belongs to a church or religious community, and on the
frequency of participation in public religious services; the frequency
of private religious practices (praying); the importance accorded to
religious rites of passage on the occasion of birth, marriage, and
death. The belief dimension, “Christian orthodoxy,” is composed of
statements of belief in God? and the Christian conception of Jesus
Christ.° The consequential dimension is built on two variables: the saliency
of one’s religion measured by the degree of the experienced influence
of religion on decisions in daily life;’ and the degree of which one’s
religion is perceived as having moral consequences.®*
The measurement model is nearly completely factorial invariant
with only one deviation in the factor loadings for one indicator in
one country (Italy), namely, the importance of rites of passage (see
Table 1). However, there are differences in residual variances (mainly

* Inspection of the findings revealed that the experential dimension should not be
included under church commitment since the indicator of this dimension (‘experi-
ence with something that transcends everyday reality’) had only a weak relation-
ship with the other three dimensions of church commitment.
> Based on the person’s concept of God.
* A cumulative scale built on the beliefs in Jesus as God and Man, as a prophet,
as a religious leader, and the denial of the existence of Jesus.
’ Operationalized by two questions “My religious beliefs have a great deal of
influence on my daily life” and “My religious beliefs have a great deal of influence
on how I make important decisions,” both with a seven-point scale, going from
“definitely not” to “definitely yes.”
* Refers to the answers on the question “If you need to decide what is right or
wrong, good or bad, how strongly are you influenced by your religion,” going from
“not at all” to “strongly influenced” on a seven-point scale.
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 14]

Table 1. Measurement model for church commitment (standardized regression

coefficients and t-values)

Church commitment
Observed indicators All countries Deviation in Italy
Standardized (t-value) Standardized (t-value)

1. Participation in public services IS (fixed)

2. Private religious practice .80 86.637)
3. Importance of rites of passage 58 (58.918) 81 (37.602)
4. Christian orthodoxy .66 69.635)
5. Saliency of religion 81 85.407)
6. Moral consequences os (76.638)

x° = 686.423; df = 179; RMSEA = .051; p-value of close fit = 1.0; NFI = .980

in Italy) and even a number of correlated errors. The model is good

according to our criteria of model fit. The data quality of this instru-
ment is also good: all six indicator variables have satisfactory high
loadings on the latent variable. The model also meets the criteria in
terms of Cronbach’s « (.89).
For the second part of our analysis, we have tried to construct a
latent variable ‘pluralism’, however this attempt failed. The five observed
indicators in the questionnaire did not measure one common con-
cept. Therefore, we decided to use two single questions. The first
item states that an “increasing variety of religious groups in our soci-
ety 1s a source of cultural enrichment.” We call it the “attitude
toward religious pluralism in the country.” The second variable,
“openness to other religions,” refers to the statement that “even if
people belong to a particular religion, they should still feel free to
draw on teachings from other religious traditions.” Both variables
are measured on seven-point scales (strongly disagree—strongly agree).
The second concept we need for the second research part 1s ‘com-
partmentalization.’ This latent variable is based on an index and three
observed indicators (see Table 2). The index is composed of three
items that measure together the degree of public recognition of religion
by the state (or secular society): agreement (Yes/No) with prohibition
of religious symbols in (public) schools, acceptance of partial or full
financial support of religious schools that met the normal educational
standards, and agreement with financial support of none, some, or
all religions.? The three other indicators deal with agreement with

° Different but equivalent questions are asked in the Scandinavian countries.

142 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

Table 2. Measurement model for compartmentalization (standardized regression

coefficients and t-values)

Compartmentalization
Observed indicators All countries
Standardized (t-value) Finland Sweden Netherlands

1. State recognition of
religion 37 (fixed) We
2. Swear with religious
reference 253 (25.403)
3. Consulting religious
authorities .64 (25.250)
4. Religious political
influence et (22.816) 52 (30.04) .58 (31.55)

x? = 270.94; df = 87; RMSEA = .043; p-value of close fit = 1.0; NFI = .937

the practice in courts of swearing an oath with reference to God,

state consulting of religious leaders when making laws on moral ques-
tions, and the desirability of religious influence in politics. The mea-
surement model resulting from these indicators is largely factorial
invariant for all countries, but there are some substantial deviations
in three countries (see Table 2). One should keep these differences
in mind when interpreting possible country specific effects on ‘com-
partmentalization.’ ‘The measurement quality is rather low since the
correlations of the indicators with the latent variable (factor load-
ings) are not so high. This is reflected in a rather low general
Cronbach’s @ (.56). Higher scores on the latent variable are associ-
ated with a positive attitude towards compartmentalization.
The respondent’s actual denomination consists of a question about
the respondent’s self-designation of belonging to a church or reli-
gious group, using the categories Catholics, Protestants, other Christians,
other religious groups, and un-churched. Previous religious involvement
refers to religious socialization in the family of origin according to
questions about belonging to a church in the past, and participation
in public religious services at age 12.
Our theoretical discussion referred to ideas typical of the Enlighten-
ment and its belief in science. This attetude toward science is measured
by a single seven-point question expressing the degree of agreement
with the assertion that “science, by itself, can give life a meaning.”!”

“ In Denmark: “Science can give sufficient answer to the meaning of life.”

 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 143

Apart from these attitudinal variables at the individual level, a

number of relevant background variables are included in the analy-
ses. ‘These are gender, level of education (higher, secondary, and lower
education), generation (the generation born in 1940-1955, the gener-
ation of 1956-1970, the youngest generation born after 1970, and
the generation born before 1940). The degree to which respondents
have lived in lasting stable and traditional settings is covered by the
degree of geographical mobility and by the degree of urbanization
of the residence. Geographic mobility consists of three categories: those
who have lived in different countries or societies (very mobile); those
who have lived in a number of places within the same country or who
have moved at different times in the same region (moderately mobile);
and those who have always lived in the same neighborhood (not
mobile). The devel of urbanization is rather a context variable, how-
ever, it cannot be used here in this way since there is no identification
of the villages or cities in the dataset. Therefore, that variable is
used at the individual level.
Country is a context variable which is included in the random part
(intercept) of the regression equation as a grouping variable.'' The
interactions of the groups (countries) with explanatory variables in
the fixed part of the regression equation indicate differences in effects
of these explanatory variables between the groups (countries). ‘Two
characteristics of the grouping variable are analyzed in the fixed part,
Gross National Product per head in 1998, and Religious Heterogeneity of
the country.’

FINDINGS

Church Commitment

As indicated by its measurement model (Table 1), the level of church

commitment is expressed on a numerical scale, and was constructed
in order to find the factors which may explain the variance in church

!! We will test a multi-level regression model by means of the MIXED MODEL

procedure of SAS®. The explained variance at the group level is computed with
a procedure suggested by Snijkers and Bosker (1994; 1999).
2 Religious heterogeneity is measured by the diversity index which takes the
number of denominations in a country into account and their respective strength.
In formula: (1-sum(X,2))/(1-1/k), where the X’s are the different proportions of
denominations and k is the number of denominations (source: RAMP data).
144 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

commitment. Sweden, which has the lowest national average on

church commitment, is chosen as an appropriate baseline country
for the regression analyses. Negative coefficients in the regression
analyses indicate that the impact of the factor in question leads to
a decrease in church commitment, compared with the chosen base-
line.'? Our analyses are based on a stepwise development from rel-
atively simple regression models to more complex ones. ‘The regression
models are built on the hypotheses indicated above. In order to give
a comparable impression of the effects of the individual factors, the
measurements have been standardized before inclusion in the mod-
els. The effects of particular variables are net since they are con-
trolled for the other variables in the model.
We first discuss the general patterns and then look for country
specific variations (interactions with countries). The initial model
(Model la in Table 3) indicates that the demographic variables are
major determinants in explaining church commitment. Gender and
generation have significant impact on church commitment that clearly
exceeds the chosen 0.01 o-level.'* People belonging to older generations
have a higher degree of church commitment than people of younger
generations, and women are more committed to the church than
men. Urbanization also has a significant effect, though not as strong
as gender or generation. These demographic factors could be inter-
preted by referring to modernization theory, as the men, the young
generations and the urban population are especially involved in the
modernized sectors of society. However, they could also be interpreted
in terms of different patterns of religious socialization, religious role
models, or attachment to religious plausibility structures.
From the viewpoint of hypothesis-testing, it is more interesting to
notice which hypotheses are refuted than to reconfirm wellknown
hypotheses. In this case, the data did not confirm the hypotheses
that either geographic mobility or the level of education has an

'’ The rank order of national averages on this scale is from the lowest to the
highest level: Sweden, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Great Britain, Belgium,
Hungary, Finland, Portugal, Italy, Poland. The immediate impression is thus that
church commitment is higher in countries characterized by a Catholic majority.
"This means that the statistical risk of rejecting wrongly the null hypothesis (no
effect) is maximum 1%. ‘This small a-level is chosen because of the large sample
sizes. Some effects that are close to 0.01 are also reported in the tables. For each
significant effect, it is indicated whether the parameter exceeds the 0.01, 0.001 or
0.001 level.
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 145

impact on church commitment. This applies to most countries and

raises questions about whether modernization theory forms the appro-
priate template of interpretation of empirical findings in which the
wide concept of modernization is “measured” by the level of edu-
cation. Simultaneously, trust in science as a meaning system has a
negative impact on church commitment. This scientific orientation
is first and foremost regarded as an operationalization of the theses
on the impact of the Enlightenment. One could also argue that it
is related to the modernization thesis since the Enlightenment, with
its manifest intention to secularize society, stimulated laicization
One may be surprised that education and “science as a meaning-
system” are not both related in the same way to church commit-
ment unless one looks at the relationship of the two explanatory
variables. Our data reveal a curvilinear relation between “science as
a meaning system” and the level of education. The most highly edu-
cated were least likely to endorse the proposition that “science can
by itself give life a meaning,” while those who had had secondary
education were most likely to endorse this statement. This result vin-
dicates the argument for forwarding a separate hypothesis concern-
ing the Enlightenment. The factor behind declining church commitment
is thus not education per se, but rather a science-based world view
which does not follow automatically from a high level of education.
More insight in science does not necessarily lead to more trust in it
as a meaning system.
In order to test the central hypotheses concerning the impact of
modernization, the basic model has been elaborated (Model |b) with
national-level indicators for these factors, namely GNP per capita.
According to the general theory of modernization and secularization,
we should expect an especially strong impact from the contextual
level of economic rationalization. Our findings confirm this hypoth-
esis. The effect of the level of economic rationality is substantial and
significant. The measurement of economic rationalization refers to
the characteristics of the society rather than to an individual orien-
tation. Whereas we may conclude that church commitment is lower
in affluent countries, we cannot conclude that it is lower among
wealthy persons. As the countries included in the analyses vary largely
in GNP per capita, we may exclude the possibility that this finding
is an artifact occasioned by the selection of countries.
According to rational choice theory, we should also expect that
variation in religious heterogeneity of the countries is a strong predictor
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148 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

for commitment to the church(es). This indicator is included in the

above mentioned regression model in conjunction with the GNP per
capita, but the regression parameter, although in the expected direc-
tion, is not significant at the 0.01 level. The available data point,
thus, to modernization theory as a better explanation of the varia-
tion in church commitment than rational choice theory.
However, we must also consider a third type of explanation which
refers to different patterns of religious socialization. The impact of
gender and generation may refer either to effects of modernization
processes or to effects of specific cultural traits. The demographic
patterns mentioned above could be explained by different patterns
of religious socialization. Religious socialization may have a lasting
impact on the commitment to the church. The effect of gender could
thus reflect the fact that girls are brought up to be religiously minded
more often than boys, and the effect of the birth cohort could reflect
the fact that a religious upbringing was more common among the
old than among younger generations. In order to control for the
impact of religious socialization, the regression model is elaborated
further by introducing the level of church attendance at 12. When
this factor is included (Model Ic), it stands out among all those
investigated as the most important. ‘The impact of gender is not
eradicated by the impact of religious upbringing, indicating that
different religious role models for girls and boys cannot provide the
complete explanation of the effect of gender. Other aspects of gen-
der roles (e.g. instrumental versus expressive) may play a part. Since
a religious upbringing is more common in the older generation, it
is noteworthy that generation retains its influence, even when reli-
gious upbringing is included in the model. The interactions between
generations, religious upbringing, and church commitment confirm
that there is a slight added effect within the oldest generations, but
a substantial effect of generation holds out. This points to genera-
tional characteristics other than religious socialization as having an
influence on church commitment. We cannot exclude the possibil-
ity that age plays an additional role in the eldest generation: peo-
ple may become more religious toward the end of their lives.
Hitherto, the models have not distinguished between different
denominational groups. However, the above-mentioned finding could
be an artifact stemming from differences in the religious socializa-
tion among, say Roman Catholics and Protestants. In order to elu-
cidate such possibilities, the model is elaborated a step further (Model
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 149

Id) by introducing major denominational groups as a variable: Cath-

olics, mainline Protestants, minor Christian congregations and other
religions. It is hardly surprising that membership of a religious com-
munity has a strong influence on church commitment. More inter-
esting is the observation that membership in the Roman Catholic
church has the strongest impact toward retaining a church commit-
ment. Following the discussion above, the effect of religious social-
ization is not wiped out by introducing denominational groups. Most
of the patterns noticed above still remain when denomination is intro-
duced with one noticeable exception. The effect of religious hetero-
geneity disappeared now completely in the model containing
denominational membership (Model 1d) because of the actual rather
strong co-variation between denominations and countries. This raises
one further question for rational choice theory. It seems that the
important issue is not so much religious monopoly or competition
as such, but rather which church is the dominant one. The Roman
Catholic Church seems to handle a monopolistic situation far bet-
ter than the mainline Protestant churches. It is debatable whether
the present stance of the Roman Catholic Church can be labeled
as more adaptive to modern conditions or more open to the require-
ments of its membership than the mainline Protestant churches. A
simple market-reaction model can therefore hardly explain the findings
stated above.
Previous analyses have pointed out general patterns, which may
be modified in a number of countries. We can find these deviations
in the interaction parameters in which countries are involved. According
to the Models la and lb, gender seemed to have a stronger impact
in Great Britain, Italy, and Portugal. A higher level of education
seemed to lead to a decrease in church commitment in the Netherlands,
Poland, and Portugal more than in the other countries. The gene-
rational effect looks stronger in Hungary, and also among the oldest
generation in Great Britain. Quite interesting, belief in science has
divergent effects in Finland and in Poland. While a scientific orien-
tation in Finland leads to an even lower commitment to the church,
the negative relationship between a scientific outlook and church
commitment is hardly noticeable in Poland. However, as religious
explanatory variables are introduced in the regression model, several
of the national particularities disappear. Model Ic thus introduces
the effect of religious socialization measured as church attendance
at the age of 12. Several of the country specific effects disappear
150 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

under this condition. Portugal no longer forms an exception regarding

gender or secondary education, and Hungary and Great Britain no
longer form exceptions with regard to some generations. The excep-
tions noticed above may thus be explained as local variations in reli-
gious socialization effects. By introducing religious socialization, a
series of new exceptions to the general pattern are introduced, namely
the effect of religious socialization in Belgium, Great Britain, and
Norway. It should be noticed that the signs are negative in Belgium
and Great Britain but positive in Norway. This means that the pos-
itive effect of religious socialization on actual church commitment is
somewhat weaker than is generally the case in Belgium and Great
Britain, and somewhat stronger in Norway.
When the model is elaborated further by introducing denomination
(Model 1d), the additional effect of gender in Great Britain disap-
peared. This means that the interaction effects with gender that were
ascribed to countries, are actually effects of the religious variables
(religious upbringing and denomination). There are several remain-
ing national deviations from the general pattern. The negative effect
of higher education on church commitment is still there in Poland
and Portugal. This is also the case for the opposite effects of the
scientific orientation in Finland, where it is much stronger than is
generally the case, and in Poland where the effect of scientific ori-
entation largely disappears. The differences in effect of religious social-
ization between Belgium and Great Britain at one hand, and Norway
at the other hand are now even more pronounced. Reasons for these
variations from the general pattern are not obvious. They cannot be
subsumed under a pattern of more or less modernized countries, or
a confessional pattern. Explanations must be found in the specific
history of each country, where especially the constellation between
the church and the state and the role of the church in the educational
system are worth investigating. Referring to the hypotheses forwarded
earlier regarding confessional variations, the exceptions we have found
cannot confirm or support these hypotheses. We have noticed a gen-
eral pattern, albeit with several local deviations which indicate that
the churches are more than just passive recipients to a general process
of modernization.
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE ial

Compartmentalization
This part of our investigation deals with the relationships between
church commitment on the one hand and the degree of compart-
mentalization and religious pluralism on the other. The following
regression models study these relationships within the context of the
control variables already mentioned in previous models. Poland is
now chosen as an appropriate baseline for the models on compart-
mentalization and religious pluralism because it has the lowest national
averages on these variables.
In order to explore the total-effects of the demographic variables
and the economic country level variable on compartmentalization,
no religious variables are included in the first model (Table 4: Model
2a). In the second model the religious variables are included at both
the individual and country level (Model 2b). In this way, it is pos-
sible to estimate both the additional direct effect of the religious vari-
ables and the indirect effects of the demographic variables. Our
regression models demonstrate that compartmentalization depends
heavily on church commitment. Comparisons of the standardized
effects in Model 2b indicate that church commitment has more
influence on the attitude to compartmentalization than all the other
direct effects combined. ‘The demographic variables which are influential
on church commitment have little or no direct impact on compart-
mentalization (Model 2b), but they have a substantial total effect
(Model 2a). Thus, gender, education, generation, urbanization, and
geographical mobility all have a significant impact on compartmen-
talization. With respect to mentality, men are more secularized than
women. This ‘secular’ attitude is also more evident in the post-War
generations than in the oldest generation. One effect of the educa-
tional system is thus to delimit the sphere of influence of religion.
Geographic mobility leads to a higher degree of compartmentaliza-
tion. This finding may be interpreted as an indicator of the experi-
ence of change from habitual, local standards. Urbanization also
influences a compartmentalized orientation. The context variable
GNP per capita, has no significant net effect on compartmentaliza-
tion. The direct effects of most of these variables are much smaller
once the religious variables are introduced. This means that com-
partmentalization expands largely via changes in the religious vari-
ables, especially church commitment (Model 2b), which is itself
influenced by the demographic variables (see ‘Table 4).
152 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

Table 4. Multilevel regression models for compartmentalization (baseline Poland)

ee
enn
Model 2a Model 2b

Explanatory variables Standardized (t-value) Standardized (t-value)

parameter parameter

Fixed part
Intercept —0.018 (—0.56) —0.036 (-0.52)
Gender
Men 0.087*** (7.69) —0.009 (—0.98)
Reference: Women
Level of education
Secondary 0.056*** (4.97) 0.049*** (5.24)
Higher 01033** (3.27) 0.026* (3.16)
Reference: Lower
Generation
1940-1955 OSLTG RS 1 (10.15) OL032— (3.31)
1956-1970 O.156"** (12:66) 0.018 (27'S)
1971-1982 ORD FASS OLS43) —0.007 (0273)
Reference = born before 1940
Geographical mobility 0.028* (2.96) 0.030** (3.78)
Degree of urbanization 0.07 7*** (8.09) 0.016 (2.04)
Science as a meaning system OO sot (4.42) a OFAC itaeoa)
Church commitment in childhood 0.023 (2222)
Church commitment =O:634554 % (—5:,2-46)
Actual denomination
Roman Catholic 0.023 (1.62)
Protestant —0.027 2.79}
Other Christian 6: 039s (3.89)
Other religion OHO Sess (4.20)
Reference: unchurched
Gender * Sweden UL0lGs (3.67) (Oe yess (349)
Gender * Italy —0.045 (-0.88) —0.045 (-2.28)
Gender * Great Britain —0.056 (alata) —0.056 (-2:34)
Generation 56-70 * Great Britain —0.071 (-1.82) = 0:07 1s (2.89)
Generation 71-82 * Great Britain 0.090 (1.58) —0,090* (-3.47)
GNP cap of country 0.054 (0.89) —0.110 (=IR75)
Religious heterogeneity of country —0.165 (-2.40)
Random part
Level I, Countries (variance of
intercept) 0.049 (2.08) 0.051 (1.97)
Level 2. Individuals (residual
variance) OGRA eke 76105) O.64455 9) 7648)

R? at individual level 30.5% 35.5%

R? at country level =
ee ee ee oe Se ee eee ee ee
PTO) AONE Bs oy SOOM AS Soy SeOLOOH
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 153

When religious variables are included, several national deviations

from this general model of explanation can be found (Model 2b).
Most of these are related to specific gender patterns. In Sweden, the
effect of gender is doubled.'” Furthermore, a separate generational
pattern can be found in Great Britain where the general effects of
generations is somewhat moderated. The overarching conclusion is
that compartmentalization rests mostly on church commitment. As
the position of the churches on compartmentalization differs, one
may wonder whether members of different churches also differ on
this matter. It is therefore noteworthy that only minor differences
between the confessions could be found. Members of small Christian
denominations and ‘other’ religious groups seem somewhat more
inclined to support a secularized attitude then the Roman Catholics,
Protestants, and unchurched. The major impression from these findings
is that people with a low commitment to their church are also prone
to prevent secular institutions being affected by religious influences.
One remaining effect needs our attention. We have postponed the
discussion of the orientation toward science (as a meaning system)
because of the reversal in the two models. In the model without reli-
gious variables, compartmentalization seems to be somewhat strength-
ened by a scientific outlook (Model 2a). However, when the religious
variables are included in the model, the remaining direct net effect
of “science as a meaning system” is slightly negative. More detailed
analysis shows that this change in direction appeared after inclusion
of actual church commitment, and not after the inclusion of the
other religious variables (denomination and church commitment in
childhood) in to the model. ‘This means that the effect of the scientific
orientation on compartmentalization is mediated by church com-
mitment. One could have the impression that people who believe
that science can, by itself, give life a meaning are somewhat more
inclined to retain the secular attitude of compartmentalization (Model
2a), however this was because the scientific orientation is negatively
related to church commitment (see Model 1d), which is strongly neg-
atively related to compartmentalization (Model 2b). As was found in
Model 2b, once the relation between the scientific orientation and

') This may be partially due to the slightly different measurement model of com-
partmentalization in Sweden, however deviations from the general pattern are not
observed in Finland and the Netherlands which showed also slightly different mea-
surement models (see Table 2).
154 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

compartmentalization is controlled for church commitment, it turns

out that a scientific orientation does not necessarily lead to com-
partmentalization, rather even to the contrary.”

Religious Pluralsm
As noted above, religious pluralism could not be operationalized into
one simple index. The religious variables are directly introduced in
the models since their inclusion does not change the effects of the
other variables substantially. Model 3 focuses on explanations for
attitudes to religious privatization or bricolage, in the sense that peo-
ple are allowed the freedom to take up teachings from other religions.
We find the expected, but relatively weak, relation between church
commitment and this aspect of religious pluralism. The model shows
a significant effect of nearly all the factors taken into consideration,
with some noticeable exceptions. The effect of gender is not significant
at a-level 0.01. The two contextual factors, GNP per capita and the
index on religious heterogeneity also do not demonstrate significant
effects. The most influential factors explaining this aspect of plural-
ism are the level of education and science as a meaning system. This
indicates that an Enlightenment-orientation may not only lead to a
declining church commitment, but also to a demand for religious
autonomy as a personal, reflective choice of one’s world view.
The second model on pluralism takes up the attitude toward the
cultural consequences of religious pluralism, in specific terms whether
it leads to a cultural enrichment (Model 4). This model confirms the
hypothesis that pluralism is significantly related to church commit-
ment. However, the standardized coefficient indicates that church
commitment has only a moderate effect on this issue. Nearly all the
other factors considered also seem to have some effect. Higher edu-
cation has the strongest impact on a positive attitude toward the cul-
tural consequences of religious plurality, but the contextual factors
of GNP per capita and religious heterogeneity do not appear to have
any effect on this attitude. The last-mentioned point is the most
interesting, since one would expect the actual state of religious diver-

' As far as this finding about science as a meaning system is substantial, and
not caused by the rather crude measurements of the scientific orientation and com-
partmentalization, it suggests that the relationship between scientific orientation,
church commitment, and compartmentalization is rather complex.
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE 155

Table 5. Multilevel regression models for religious pluralism and religious

Sree choice (baseline Poland)
a a es
Model 5 Model 4
Religious pluralism Free choice
Explanatory variables
Standardized (t-value) Standardized (t-value)
parameter parameter

Fixed part
Intercept 0.019 (0.41) 0.004 (0.07)
Gender
Men 0.021 (2.24) 0.019 (2.10)
Reference: Women
Level of education
Secondary 0:0567** (4.45) QMO Sams (8.50)
Higher ON3455) 5(13?26) OMS 7 mee(S783)
Reference: Lower
Generation
1940-1955 Oe s (5.43) 0.060*** (5.31)
1956-1970 OLO8aA% (6.97) 0.064** (5.33)
LOLS Oo (9.87) OLOSoae (3.39)
Reference = born before 1940
Geographical mobility ORO TOA (7.40) 0.046*** (4.96)
Degree of urbanization 0.03 1* (a9) 0.044*** (4.56)
Science as a meaning system OLO7SR es (7.17) ORO SEs (0:07)
Church commitment in childhood 0.035* (2.79) OO aia (3.92)
Church commitment O,0 8ilsaa (5.50) =O06%**) —“(=6:78)
Actual denomination
Roman Catholic —0.010 (-0.56) —0.036 (-2.10)
Protestant —0.023 ele 2) —0.023 (-1.26)
Other Christian —0.014 (-1.10) —0.009 (-0.73)
Other religion 0.028* (2.84) —0.008 (-0.83)
Reference: unchurched
Secondary education * Italy 0.086*** (3.53) OL09 1. 3.82)
Science * Sweden =<Oslo 9% (-4.29) =Onl684**" (460)
Scrence * Denmark SOsioos (e219/7) (Ohl (2.40)
Religion * Italy 0.058 (2227) OSIOEE 5 4.00)
Religion * Great Britain 0.077 (2.51) OMG ae" (6.09)
Religion * Belgium 0.071 259)
GNP cap of country 0.070 (1.62) 0.029 0.51)
Religious heterogeneity of country 0.059 (1.26) —0.012 OA)
Random part
Level 1. Countries (variance
of intercept) 0.022 (1.84) 0.039 (EOS)
Level 2. Individuals (residual
variance) OO 267 529 1)) OS
8 tama 7)

R? at individual level 5.4% 7.5%

R? at country level 18.8% 33.9%

* p <.01; * p < .001; ** p < .0001

156 BILLIET, DOBBELAERE, RIIS, VILAGA, VOYE AND GYBELS

sity to influence peoples’ attitudes to religious pluralism. It is also

noteworthy that there are no discernible differences between the con-
fessional groups on this issue. Some country specific deviations from
the general model can be found. A scientific orientation does not
strengthen pluralism as much in Denmark or Sweden as in Poland,
the baseline case. Furthermore, the relation between church com-
mitment and pluralism is stronger in Italy and Great Britain than
in Poland. These variations do not seem to fit into a pattern which
could be interpreted theoretically.
Thus, the two models on religious pluralism seem to be similar.
There is, however, one important difference between them concerning
the influence of church commitment. In the model explaining plu-
ralism as a cultural enrichment (Model 4), the effect of church com-
mitment is positive, meaning that people with a high degree of
commitment to their church also tend to appreciate the cultural
enrichment of religious pluralism. In the second model on pluralism
as ‘a private patchwork’, the effect is negative, meaning that the
most committed persons tend to state that people should adhere to
the teaching of their own religion and refrain from picking and
choosing from other religions. ‘This fundamental difference expresses
why it is important to refrain from combining these indicators into
a single index on religious pluralism.

CONCLUSIONS

The findings do not point unanimously to one of the theories men-

tioned above. The hypothesis derived from rational choice theory is
not supported by the findings in this selection of European coun-
tries. Church commitment is not significantly related to the degree
of monopoly in “the religious market”. Although the general notion
behind the theory concerning human actors as reflective agents may
be tenable, it is dubious whether it can be applied in a simple reli-
gious market model. Our findings indicate that some churches obtain
a high degree of commitment, even in a monopolized situation, such
as in Poland. Several of the findings support the hypotheses derived
from modernization-secularization theory. A high national standard
of living is for instance associated with a lower level of church com-
mitment, and urbanization reduces commitment to a church. However,
not all the hypotheses derived from modernization-secularization
 CHURCH COMMITMENT IN EUROPE Sy

theory could be supported. Higher education does not seem to play

the role in decreasing church commitment that was expected of it
by virtue of modernization theory. The hypothesis referring to the
Enlightenment was largely supported, however the relationship between
science as a meaning system and compartmentalization is more com-
plex than was expected. Therefore modifications of, or additions to
the general theory should be considered. On the individual level, we
noticed the expected negative relationship between actual church
commitment and compartmentalization: the highly committed church
members are negative toward segregating religion from other spheres
of life like politics, family, education, and justice. With a declining
church commitment in Europe, we may expect that opposition to
the laicization of society will fade away, which may have consequences
on the legalization of euthanasia and of experiments with embryos.
It is possible that some of the studied societies have entered a
phase of advanced modernity. In such a setting, the churches are
challenged to change their positions. Formerly, the churches as author-
itative institutions, could proclaim a truth that was taken for granted
by church members. In late modernity, the churches become optional
frameworks united by affective bonds, sustained by a common sacred
language and shared traces of memory. ‘The demographic patterns
found above may be seen as references to particular plausibility struc-
tures or subcultures where churches have been relatively successful
in establishing and maintaining a high degree of commitment. ‘This
type of interpretation indicates that churches in advanced modern
society increasingly become subject to vacillations or fads similar to
those evidenced in sects or cults. This type of interpretation should
be seen as a supplement rather than as an alternative to that of
modernization-secularization theory. In late society, ‘post-seculariza-
tion’ is a possibility, in the sense that traditionally based religious
allegiances may be revived, although not as a continuation of a
taken-for-granted world view, but rather as indicating a_ personal,
reflexive choice.

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 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE:
FACTORS OF ACCELERATED DECLINE

Matter Dogan

ABSTRACT

Religious beliefs are sociological facts. They are observable and empirical evidence
is available in the form of survey results. The analysis of the decline of these beliefs
in the last two or three decades is based on several international surveys and also
on aggregate and national survey data. The current debate among scholars on this
decline is reviewed. ‘The key words in this paper are “crisis of Catholicism,” “dechris-
99 cc
tianization,” “apostasy,” “secularisation,” and “agnosticism.” Particular attention is
given to generational changes.

A distinction is needed between agnosticism and atheism of intel-

lectual elites, manifested in a particular manner during the 18th cen-
tury in France and Germany and, on the other hand, the decline
of religious beliefs among the popular masses during the last decades
of the 20th century in most European countries. There is no direct
intellectual lineage between the two.
In earlier centuries, agnostic thinking surfaced among the elites in
privileged circles, e.g. in several Italian cities at the time of the
Renaissance, around Voltaire at the court of Frederick the Great,
at the court of the Empress Catherine, and among the intellectual
elites in pre-revolutionary Paris; today the decline in religious belief
is taking place among the populace.
Over the past two decades, a decline in religious beliefs has been
observable, though to varying degrees in all Western European
countries. In some, the erosion in faith had begun even earlier, but
it has accelerated to such an extent in recent decades that it has
become detectable in surveys at close intervals, whereas previously
it was a matter of more gradual trends charted by historical studies
over longer periods.

1. AGNOSTICISM FROM ELITES TO THE POPULACE

The elitist agnosticism was cynical. Its most famous representative

was undoubtedly Voltaire (1694-1778). For him, atheism was, and

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklike Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
162 MATTEI DOGAN

had to remain, a privilege of elites. God was the guardian of the

established order and of the ideology which justified social hierar-
chies. He thought that “the existence of wretched ignorants was
essential.” Privileged by the established order, the agnostic philoso-
phers did not proselytize. They wrote for a privileged circle. They
did not establish an atheist movement. The Marxists were the first
propagators of atheism among the popular masses, particularly among
industrial workers.
The decline of religious beliefs in the more recent period responds
to a different sociological reality. The essential characteristic of this
decline in the popular masses is not a reasoned atheism; it is a retreat
in religious indifference of an amplitude never previously known in
the history of Christianity. The speed of this decline is striking. Chris-
tianity took more than a millennium to be diffused through Europe,
and became universal by virtue of the principle cwus regio, gus reli-
gio. The contrast is great between its long development and the pre-
cipitous decline over the last few decades.
A vivid contrast can be noticed between the proportion of non-
believers in Europe and in the United States during the last two
decades. Such a contrast is worthy of a sociological comparison in
a Weberian framework, which cannot be undertaken here.
The main source of the diffusion of indifference and agnosticism
is the popularisation of scientific knowledge among the masses. It is
only when scientific knowledge reaches the popular masses that sci-
ence becomes a vector of agnosticism. Here we face a pluridiscipli-
nary phenomenon: social anthropology, archaeology, astronomy,
physics of the earth, history of religions, comparative ethnology and
semantics, all these disciplines contribute to cast doubt on the old
ecclesiastical teaching, which, as everyone knows, has been concocted
in the form of many dogmas or rituals starting in the third century.
These theological interpretations were formulated by various coun-
cils and by many theologians over 17 centuries, starting with the
Council of Nicaea in the year 325, convened by Emperor Constan-
tine, and the Council in Chalcedon in the year 451, which brought
together 350 bishops. The doctrine continued to be formulated until
the middle of the 19th century by a series of encyclicals by many
popes, particularly the encyclicals concerning the Immaculate Con-
ception and the pontifical infallibility.
There are two reasons for having chosen Western and Central
Europe for analysis. First, there are highly significant similarities
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 163

among the trends in most European countries. Ireland is the only

real exception. But secondly, and above all, the phenomenon of wan-
ing religious belief seems to be confined to Western and Central
Europe. Western-Central Europe is one of the few regions in the
world—if not the only one—where a marked decline in religious
belief is taking place. The phenomenon is not found in other parts
of the world, except the former Soviet Union, not even in the United
States, for reasons which are not easy to identify.!
We are therefore in the presence of an asynchronism: a decline
in Western Europe and a resurgence of religious mentality elsewhere.”
Europe is a diversified continent from a religious viewpoint, far more
varied than in the economic and social spheres. In religious practice or
belief, Ireland is today where Sweden was 80 years ago. The difference
is not explicable purely in term of Catholicism and Protestantism.
The empirical data set out in this analysis gain in substance from
the fact that they point to the same trend in many countries. When
a phenomenon is found in 30 separate countries and in each one
several times, the theoretical margin of error accepted in surveys
shrinks substantially.
A decline in religious beliefs among the majority of the popula-
tion is not incompatible with a revival of faith in small communi-
ties. These groups may attract the attention of the media with their
sometimes spectacular activities, but their relative weight in the pop-
ulation is so slight that they fail to show up in surveys based on rep-
resentative sampling. We will focus on mass trends and disregard
small minorities and sects.

' A vivid contrast can be noticed between the proportion of non-believers in

Europe and in the United States in the recent two or three decades. This contrast
is intriguing, and would merit a sociological investigation in a Weberian framework.
* An interesting asynchronic comparison to be undertaken would be between the
Medieval Europe and some contemporary Islamic countries, such as Afghanistan,
Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Yemen, Algeria or Libya. Such an asynchronic binary
comparison between two fundamentalisms would be justified by the analogies between
historical context and by the shared social characteristics of the two types of soci-
eties, particularly the strong religious conceptions of life, a similar predisposition
towards strong proselytising, illiteracy, predominant agricultural populations, intol-
erance, alliance between political rulers and religious leaders, the parallel between
Jihad and the Crusades, the practice of pilgrimages (for instance, today to Mecca
and in older times to Saint Jacques de Compostelle in Spain). For the sociological
meaning of asynchronism, see Joshua B. Forrest “Asynchronic Comparisons: Weak
States in Post-Colonial Africa and Medieval Europe” (1994).
164 MATTEI DOGAN

The decline in religion is evident particularly in the patterns of

participation in Sunday Mass and of attendance at certain services.
It is a well known phenomenon that has long been a subject of study,
particularly by the clergy themselves. As the Italian sociologist S. S.
Acquaviva (1966) has pointed out, it is a practice which first declines,
and then the beliefs themselves begin to crumble. Between the two
types of decline there is a gap, which time has narrowed. The statistics
available on attendance at Mass, baptisms, marriages, and religious
burials clearly show that the decline in religious practice, measured
over the last 40-50 years, has steepened in more recent years. One
example among many, according to the Catholic tradition, the par-
ticipation at the Easter Mass is an obligation. In 1960, about one-
third of French people over the age of 14 followed this tradition.
One generation later, in 1990, the proportion had been reduced to
one tenth. (Statistics provided by Catholic organizations.) On reli-
gious beliefs, a wealth of data has been collected during the last
decades in more than 50 countries, including almost all European
countries from Portugal to Estonia (Stoetzel, 1983, Inglehart, 1990,
1997; Ester, Halman, De Moor, 1993; Halman, 2001, Gubert, 1992,
Lambert, 1995, Michelat, Potel, Sutter, 1991, Forsé, Langlois, 1995,
Mendras, Cole, 1988, Ploux, 1999). A word of precaution: “Values
clearly cover a very wide range of human activity, but since they
are mental constructs, they cannot be seen, only inferred, from what
people say or do, the judgements they make and their expressions
of preferences (Harding et al., 1986, p. 2).”

2. THe DEBATE ABOUT THE RELIGIOUS DECLINE AT THE

Joint oF THE MILLENNIUM

The erosion of religious beliefs and practice obviously worried the

ecclesiastic hierarchy. The pope called a synod of European bishops
in October 1999 in Rome to discuss the “crisis of religious values”
and the “exhaustion of Christian faith.” The introductory report sub-
mitted to the synod states a “progressive and radical dechristianiza-
tion and paganization of Europe.” The bishops deplored the fact
that “fundamental tenets of Christianity have been lost.” The report
denounced a situation of apostasy (loss of faith). Such an alarming
diagnosis might appear to some neutral observers as excessive. One
can wonder if this trend is truly a return to paganism. Rather would
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 165

it not refer to an absence of communication between the ecclesias-

tic hierarchy and a population which is emancipating itself from a
strict and heavy tutelage? Taking into account the results of a sur-
vey carried out in France at the occasion of the 20th anniversary
of the election of Karol Woityla as pope (October 1998), one could
propose a different interpretation. The majority of French people
critically judge the pope’s action and record. More than half of inter-
viewed persons expressed reservations about the encyclicals con-
demning contraception, divorce, abortion, the new erotic mores, and
euthanasia (Survey CSA for the daily Le Monde). It is well known
that the recommendations of the Catholic hierarchy are not followed
in practice. Many historians underline that some dogmas and tradi-
tions do not correspond to the teachings of the founders of Christianity
and that these doctrines have been developed in the pre-modern era.
But these critics do not take into account the entire record of
John Paul Il and seem to forget that it is precisely this pope who
for the first time asked forgiveness for errors committed in the name
of the Church by the ecclesiastic hierarchy. Forgiveness for Galileo,
for Giordano Bruno, for the Crusades, for the Cathars, for slavery,
for antyudaism, for the persecution of the Protestants, for the mas-
sacre of Saint-Barthelemy in 1572, for the killings of the indigenous
of Latin America. But in making this repentance, errors hidden for
centuries are now brought to light by print and electronic media
and made known to millions of faithful, already prone to doubt.
Crimes committed in the distant past in the name of the Church
are today narrated to teenagers in schools in most European coun-
tries (but not in Poland, Ireland, Portugal, and Italy).
On the occasion of the jubilee of the year 2000, articles have been
published all over Europe on the black episodes of the church’s his-
tory, on the oppression of heretics, the Vatican’s resistance to lib-
eral advances, the alliance between the Altar and the Throne, the
butchers of the Inquisition, the 30 years of religious wars in Europe
between Catholics and Protestants, and the eight religious wars that
tore France during 4 decades between 1562-1610. ‘This involuntary
publicity has had an insidious effect.
To stress the change in the perception of the church’s role in soci-
ety, we can compare two historical events concerning the symbolic
reference to God and religion. In France in 1945, a proposal for
a new constitution was submitted for the approval of the electorate
by referendum. Following the church intervention it was rejected,
166 MATTEI DOGAN

because the preamble did not include a reference to God. A second

proposal including such a reference was adopted several months later.
A half century later, in December 2000, at the request of the French
prime-minister with the approval of the government, any reference
to religion was forbidden in the European Charter of Fundamental
Rights, without provoking significant opposition either in France or
anywhere in Europe (the only mild protest came from some French
bishops).
The debate in Germany about the crucifix in schools is also indica-
tive of the change in mentality. In 1995, the constitutional court
declared unconstitutional the Bavarian’s ruling which required pub-
lic schools to hang a cross on the wall. This decision represents
a new advance in the direction of the separation of church and state.
It is significant that meanwhile the proportion of inhabitants with-
out any formal religious affiliation, which was 8°% in 1987, has risen
to one third in only five years. A growing number of Germans no
longer accept that the state continues to be a collector of donations.
In 1994, a prestigious Italian daily published an article with a
large and resolutely disrespectful headline to a fundamental dogma:
Gesu aveva un fratello maggiore, Mana era gia stata madre, adopting the
thesis of John Dominic Crossan, author of Jesus, a Revolutionary Biography
(1994), a book which was quite successful, but which, given its style
and presentation, was directed toward a limited public. Twenty years
earlier no self-respecting Italian daily would have dared publish such
an article, with such a headline: if one had to venture, the Vatican
and the Catholic organizations would have vehemently protested.
But in 1994, the article was printed in hundreds of thousands of
copies and did not provoke any public reaction; without a doubt it
troubled many faithful who had never before heard of such an idea.
Such an insidious influence in successive doses defies short term soci-
ological observations.
The number of books about “the crisis of Catholicism” in France
has exploded over the two past decades as never before. By the
authors’ reputations, including several bishops and theologians, by
their success with the general public, and the frankness of the ques-
tions that they raise, this series of books attest a profound change
of attitude with regard to religion. A parallel phenomenon is evi-
dent in Germany and in several other countries. Let the titles of
these books bear witness: Les Frangais sont-ils encore catholiques? (Are the
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 167

French People Still Catholic?); Le christianisme a-t-il fait son temps? (Is
Christianity Outdated?); Le christianisme va-t-il mourir? (Will Christianity
Disappear?); Lagonie du christianisme (The Agony of Christianity); Vers
une France paienne (Toward a Pagan France); Vers une ére post-chrétienne
(Toward a Post-Christian Era); Crépuscule des religions chez les jeunes
(Agony of Religion Among Young People); L*héritage chrétien en dis-
grace (Vhe Christian Heritage in Disgrace). None of these authors
are perceived in the French intellectual milieu as “radicals,” “non-
conformists,” or “leftists.” They belong to the traditional establish-
ment or to the academic profession.
At the same time, a second series of books, televised debates, films,
and magazines have focused on the historical character of Jesus, and
not on his divinity. This second series has reached millions of read-
ers, listeners, and spectators, across nations, all over Western Europe.
Among these works we can distinguish two categories. First, the
fictitious works, even if they are based on a considerable amount of
historical documentation, such as Martin Scorsese’s film The Last
Temptation of Christ or books like Jesus by J. Duquesne; Biographie de
Jesus by J. C. Barreau; Jesus, hastowre vrave, by J. Potin; L’Evangile selon
Pilate, by E. E. Schmitt, Jesus et les Xelotes by S. G. F. Brandon.
The second category is made up of austere works, written in an
academic style, and which were nonetheless highly successful, for
instance Corpus Chmisti, a six-part television series in which G. Mordillat
and J. Prieur brought together the testimony of theologians, experts,
historians, archaeologists, and linguists. This series attracted one of
the largest audiences in the history of European television, covering
more than 10 countries. Mordillat and Prieur have also published an
audacious book: Jesus against Jesus (1999), Le proces de Fesus by S. Legasse,
Jésus de Nazareth: nouvelles approches d'une émgme, Le Dieu de Jésus by
Schlosser; Le Monde ou vwait Jésus by Cousin.
How do we explain the success of these works, since it was not
the first time that critical studies have been published on the origins
of Christianity as objective studies? Because, meanwhile, the cultural
eround had ripened, because society had become eager to know a
long-obscured history, because these books, films, and television pro-
erammes responded to a cultural need, and because they confirmed
people’s suspicions. People needed to read about their own uncer-
tainties. This literature and these documentaries have undoubtedly
contributed to the diffusion of disbelief among the popular masses,
168 MATTEI DOGAN

but such a success cannot be explained without allowing for previ-

ously fertile ground.’
Renowned historian René Remond, in his book Le christianisme en
accusation (2000) wonders “how do we understand that in a few
decades, maybe even a few years that the Christian tradition has
been discredited to such a degree, given that it has contributed so
much to our own history (p. 14).” He thinks that in the sixties there
was “a brake in the transmission of notions, ideas and values from
one generation to the next (p. 64).” On this point Remond joins the
sociologists H. Mendras and M. Forsé who in their book, Le changement
social (1983) also date the historical cultural turning point in the
sixties. Referring to the situation three or four decades ago, R. Remond
writes: “Comparing the situation today and yesterday we cannot
escape from the impression of a general collapse. We are entering
into a post-Christian society (p. 32).” He assesses that Christianity
“is currently suffering a kind of discreditx (p. 14)” and he concludes
that “in several years Catholicism has become a minority (p. 32).”
“In the past those who did not go to Mass felt themselves to be
marginal, in a minority. We are living today in the opposite phe-
nomenon (p. 70).” But it is not participation in Sunday Mass and
other religious ceremonies that is the most significant criterion of
detachment from the Church, it is the faith itself.

3. BELIEF IN Gop As AN OBSERVABLE SOCIAL Fact

Among the religious beliefs, one is of supreme importance: the belief

in God. No one can prove that God exists or does not exist. But
sociologically it is possible to show whether God is present or absent
from people’s minds. Belief in the existence of God is an observable
social fact. The simplifying question “Do you believe in God?” elic-
its a massive majority of affirmative answers. The questions in sur-

* In hundreds of paintings symbolizing religious beliefs, exhibited in Catholic and

Orthodox churches and museums, artists are representing deities according to their
own conceptions in the same way social anthropologists and ethnologists describe
religious art in other cultures. There are in Europe some 400,000 Catholic and
Orthodox churches. In each of them, one or several paintings or sculptures repre-
sent the “Madonna with Child.” This homage to maternity had been for centuries
the object of a cult, particularly among women, but has become in the recent period
for many of the most educated churchgoers a source of criticism against ritualism.
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 169

veys on religious beliefs used to ask for dichotomic answers: do you

believe in God? The “yes” or “no” answers to this kind of question
appear too simplifying and even misleading. To reach into the world
of belief, people have to be handled carefully and avoid questions
that could be perceived as impertinent, because questions asked in
surveys simplify things too much. In several recent international sur-
veys this stumbling block has been avoided by enabling respondents
to give more qualified answers by choosing a position on a spec-
trum or scale in accordance with the intensity of their faith. The
data collected show that between belief and disbelief, between devo-
tion and agnosticism, there is a whole range of intermediate stances
and that most people are hesitant and prone to philosophical doubt,
finding their way with difficulty among traditional conventions, con-
formism, stereotypes, rituals with no clear significance, and meta-
physical preoccupations. If people are asked to place themselves on
a scale from | to 10 with regard to the importance of God in their
lives, only for a minority does God have a very great importance.
God is more or less present, or absent, in most people’s minds. For
the majority, then, belief in God is relative: neither “yes” or “no”.
God may be present in the mind at the time of misfortune or absent
at a time of happiness. The decline in the belief in God 1s there-
fore a decline in the intensity of faith, a dilution of belief. Only a
minority denies God’s existence.
A highly significant correlation is to be seen in Table 1 between
the “no” column (no belief in God) and the “not at all” column
regarding the importance of God in people’s lives. Perusal of this
table tells us that the reply “yes” to the disrespectful question “Do
you believe in God?” is convenient and conformist. Out of the 62
percent of French people who say “yes, I believe in God”, only 13
percent say that God is “very important in their lives”. In the United
Kingdom, the 78 percent “believing in God” falls to 19 percent in
the first column of the “importance of God” scale. The West German
figures are the same.
In most countries, the majority of people assign themselves between
the two extremes of “not at all important” and “very important.”
In only one country, Sweden, does nearly half the population pick
the two lowest levels of the scale. In Poland and Ireland, the major-
ity picks the two highest levels. The United States is an exception,
but no attempt at any explanation is made here. May it simply be
noted that social conformism in religious matters seems to be far
170 MATTEI DOGAN

Table 1. Belief in God

————

A B
Countries Do you believe How important is God in your life?
in God?

Yes (%). No (%) 1-2 3-4 56 78 9-10

France 62 38 36 14 23 14 13
Britain 78 22 24 ies 23 19 19
Germany (West) 78 Dee 24 17 2 iS 20
Italy 89 1] 14 Zi Le, Zo Sa
Spain 86 14 16 12 24 24 ad)
Netherlands 64 36 32 15 20 ibys 16
Belgium 69 3] 28 1] 22 20 19
Sweden 45 8) 46 Me 18 9 10
Norway 65 35 36 18 19 10 18
Denmark 64 36 40 Yall 22 10 8
Portugal 86 14 16 9 18 18 39
Ireland 98 2 3 6 ey 23 50
N. Ireland 97 3 5 i 1S 73 50
Poland 97 3 4 D a 14 Wes
Belarus 43 ny 38 18 22 1] jiu
Latvia 58 42 34 18 22 112 14
Moscow 4] 59 40 18 20 12 1]
Japan 65 a 21 21 39 12 8
USA 96 4 Wh 6 13 16 58
Canada 89 1] ye 8 18 24 38

Source: World Values Survey, 1990-1991

A Dichotomized replies.
B10 = Very important; | = not at all important.

more diffuse in the United States than in Europe. In the field of

attendance at Sunday Mass, for example, some coherence has been
found in Europe between the results obtained by different methods
(churchgoers, censuses and opinion surveys). Conversely, in the United
States the proportion of people actually going to Mass is distinctly
lower than that of people who say they do when questioned (Hadaway,
Marler and Chaves, 1993, p. 748).
The International Social Survey Programme group found a subtle word-
ing for the question on the perception of God by suggesting six
different possibilities: (1) I don’t believe in God; (2) I don’t know
whether there is a God and I don’t believe there is any way to find
out; (3) I don’t believe in a personal God but I do believe in a
higher power of some kind; (4) I find myself believing in God some
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE il

of the time but not at others; (5) While I have doubts, I feel that I
do believe in God; and (6) I know God really exists and I have no
doubts about it. In this survey conducted in 1990 in 16 countries,
including 12 European, few people said they were atheists. The most
interesting case was Germany. In the Eastern part of the country—
which had been subjected to a 40-year-long agnostic influence, par-
ticularly in the army and the schools—nearly half the people said
without hesitation, “I don’t believe in God”, whereas in Western
Germany atheists form only one tenth of the population. In some
countries—Italy, Ireland and Poland—the majority are convinced
that “God exists.” The United States is an exception again. The
main conclusion to be drawn from this table is that, in eight European
countries, the majority of people come somewhere between atheism
and devotion, thus displaying a certain doubt. In these countries, the
image of God is blurred in people’s perceptions. (Table 2) These
findings are confirmed in more recent surveys conducted in various
countries.
God may be perceived in a spiritualized fashion or as a person,
as he has been imagined by hundreds of artists, as he 1s manifest,
either explicitly or in veiled form, in the Old and New Testaments.
A lot has been written about these representations in the recent and
less recent past. What do today’s Europeans make of them? Recent
research has supplied answers to this question. The World Values
Survey, carried out in 1990-1991, and the European Values Survey, con-
ducted in 1999, asked people to choose one of four possible answers:
(1) There is a personal God; (2) There is some sort of spirit or life
force; (3) I don’t really know what to think; and (4) There is not
any sort of spirit, God or life force (i.e., no God). In only 5 coun-
tries out of 20 did an absolute majority consider there to be a per-
sonal God, the God of the Bible, and these were Italy, Spain, Portugal,
Ireland, and the United States. In the others, people referred to a
spirit or vital force, or else did not know what to think, or even
refused to recognize the existence of God or a spirit or a vital force.
Belief in a “vital force” or a “sort of spirit” is more frequent in
Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Britain.
The International Social Survey Programme (1990) put the following
unambiguous question to people in 17 countries (14 of them in
Europe): “Is there a God who concerns himself with every human
being personally?” In order to measure, so to speak, the intensity of
convictions, doubts, and hesitations, people were left free to divide
ie? MATTEI DOGAN

Table 2. Perception of God

Which statement comes closest to expressing what you believe about God?
A: I don’t believe in God.
B: I don’t know whether there is a God and I don’t believe there 1s
any way to find out.
C: I don’t believe in a personal God, but I do believe in a higher power
of some kind.
D: I find myself believing in God some of the time, but not at others.
E: While I have doubts, I feel that I do believe in God.
F: I know God really exists and I have no doubts about it.

A B C py E F
Country % % % %o %o %o

Germany (West) 10 10 22 o 2h 27
Germany (East) ag 14 10 , 9 9
Britain 10 14 13 13 27 24
Italy 3 7 9 10 21 a!
Netherlands 16 16 20 9 15 15
Austria 4 8 25 10 24 28
Norway 10 12 29 8 23 20
Ireland 2 2 2 3 20 59
N. Ireland 2 4 4 8 21 61
Poland Z 4 10 8 9 66
Hungary 13 16 8 4 20 30
Slovenia 19 10 23 9 17 a2
Israel 16 6 14 6 15 45
USA 2 5 fi 5 18 63
New Zealand 8 [2 18 9 24 29
Philippines 2 4 10 8 9 66
Source: International Social Survey Programme, 1990, Data collected by the Zentralarchiv
fuer Empirische Sozialforschung, Cologne University.

themselves up into five categories ranging from ‘strongly agree” to

“strongly disagree.” ‘The countries covered by this survey are not the
same as those selected for the World Values Survey, and since the ques-
tion was not phrased in exactly the same way, comparison is not
easy. However, both show the same diversity in the perception of
God.
Belief in God is historically founded on the Bible. Is the Bible the
actual word of God, is it only inspired by God, or is it a book of
fables, legends, history, and moral teaching? This was the question
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 173

asked by the International Social Survey Programme in 1990. In 11 out

of 14 European countries fewer than | person out of 4 thought that
the Bible was the “word of God, word for word.” More think that
it is spired by God, but should not be taken literally. The most
surprising result is the high proportion of people who sce the Bible as
a book of fables, legends, history, and moral teaching recorded by
man, with no divine inspiration. This is the opinion of 47 percent
of Britons and Norwegians, one third of Germans, Dutch, Austrians
and Slovenes, half of Hungarians and 58 percent of Russians in the
Moscow area. Even in Israel, a country where the Bible has a spe-
cial symbolic value, 41 percent of people see it as a book of history
and legends, a saga.
In Britain, three surveys conducted in 1979, 1981, and 1985 have
shown that about half of the population sees the Bible as a divine
authority, or mostly so, and the other half thinks that it is a col-
lection of stories and fables, or refused to reply.

4. RELIGIOUS AND AGNOSTIC SOCIALIZATION

Religious education is a complex process in which school, family,

youth organizations and the ideological climate of the political regime
are all involved, not just the church.
It will come as no surprise to learn that 80 percent of people in
Belarus said in 1991 said they were not brought up religiously, they
were not evangelized, 86 percent in the Moscow metropolitan area.
71 percent in Latvia, 85 percent in Estonia, and 48 percent in
the Czech Republic, compared with only 2 percent in Poland, 5 per-
cent in Ireland, 8 percent in Spain, 7 percent in Italy. More sur-
prising still are the figures of Sweden (68 percent), Denmark (57
percent), Norway (54 percent), Britain (41 percent) and the Netherlands
and France (29 percent) (World Values Survey 1990-1991).
The most interesting case of religious or agnostic socialization is
that of Germany, divided into two states until the collapse of the
Berlin Wall. In the 1990s in the East, only 9 percent of Germans were
convinced of the existence of God, whereas the figure in the West
was three times as high (27 percent). The contrast between the two
can be explained by the ideological difference prevailing for two gen-
erations. Clearly, the Marxist regime succeeded in “de-Christianizing”
a large part of the population. In 1990, half the people questioned
174 MATTEI DOGAN

in the East stated that their parents showed no interest in religion

and that they themselves never prayed. In the former East Germany,
fewer than 30 percent of adults were baptized in the 1990s, and
only | in 10 among the young.
When people are given five answers to choose in the survey—
irreligious, disbeliever, indifferent, sceptic and atheist—few actually
say they are atheist. A semantic problem is probably involved, but
the main reason is that claiming to be atheist implies profound think-
ing which intellectuals are more likely to articulate than the public
at large. Many people do not like the label “atheist” because it sug-
gests hostility towards religion, whereas the majority of people who
lose their faith merely become indifferent. They are still impregnated
with Christian morality even if they no longer derive comfort and
support from the church’s official teaching. In all the countries cov-
ered by the World Values Survey, the persons questioned said that fam-
ily, work, their circle of friends, and politics had more importance
for them than religion.
Data are available on the socially hereditary transmission of reli-
gious attitudes in several countries. In France in the 1960s, the most
significant factor for predicting religious faith or lack thereof of an
individual was the religious attitude of the father (Dogan, 1981). If
the father was practicing, there was an 84 percent chance that the
son would become a believer; if the father was not practising, the
probability of the son’s faith was reduced to 50 percent. Moreover,
the political tendency of the son was in a way influenced by the
father’s religious attitudes. Whether or not the father was practising,
the leftist tendency varied from 70 percent to 39 percent, and the
rightist tendency varied in the opposite direction (Dogan, 1981).
There is no more recent data on this “hereditary” transmission of
religious and political values, but it is highly probable that the cor-
relation has weakened in the last two decades.

5. GENERATIONAL DYNAMIC OF Reticious DECLINE

In the field of religious belief, considerable variations are found with

age—more so than with social class, level of education, gender or
income. ‘The usual technique used to analyze trends in belief is to
break answers down by age group. This enables theoretical conclu-
sions to be postulated, but does not provide any formal proof of
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE WHS

decline or stagnation. For that, a longitudinal series would be required

(.e. a number of surveys carried out at different times). Unfortunately,
surveys on the essence of religion, namely fundamental beliefs, are
only a relatively recent departure. Conversely, longitudinal series are
available about attendance at Sunday Mass. It is only a short while
ago that the international coordination of surveys on religious beliefs
was organized. National data, not always directly comparable, are
therefore the main source of longitudinal studies of fundamental
beliefs. However they all point the same way, showing a more rapid
decline in belief among the young than among the old.
West Germany is a case in point. Here the difference in Catholic
attendance at Sunday Mass between people under 29 and those over
60 was only 11 points in 1952. It was 22 in 1967, 33 in 1973 and
35 in 1982. Over these 30 years, the proportion of people under 29
attending Mass fell from 52 percent in 1952, to 19 percent in 1982,
whereas Sunday Mass-going by people over 60 went down only from
63 to 54 percent. So it is the young who are deserting the church,
while successive cohorts of old people have not really changed their
habits. With each survey, a decline in religious practice is obsery-
able for the whole population, since over a period of 30 years atten-
dance at Mass falls from 50 to 29 percent. ‘There is a general decline
in religious practice for all age groups.
These findings bear two interpretations which, rather than being
incompatible, supplement each other. Religious practice varies in
terms of the life cycle or in terms of generations. Surveys show such
large differences in the age groups that it prompts us to interpret
the results in terms of generations, for it is unlikely that young peo-
ple today will recover all of their lost faith when they grow old.
A wealth of comparative information on variations in belief with
age is available from the surveys conducted by the World Values Survey
1990-91 and European Value Systems Study Group in 1981, 1990-1991
and 1999-2000 (see Tables 5 and 4). The younger one is, the less
faith one has. The phenomenon is general with only one exception,
namely Mexico, where practically no one, regardless of age, dares
to say God is not important in his or her life. Considerable differences
with age are apparent in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark and, to a
lesser degree, Britain, Germany, and Belgium. The proportion of
people who do not find that they get comfort and strength from
religion is, for many countries, two or three times higher among the
younger population as it is among those over 55.
176 MATTEI DOGAN

Table 3. Beliefs in fundamental dogmas by age in France

a ees
Here are some beliefs. For each one, could you tell me if you believe really,
a little or not at all?
Believe really...

Age:
AN 8-24 years Cy, 59-49 years
By 25-35” years D: 50-64 years
Eee Ge

Age in %
A B C D E

In the Jesus-Christ, son of God 28 30 26 #4 45

In the resurrection of Christ 18 2S Dey 39 44
In the real presence of Christ
in Eucharist 8 11 17 oe ao
In Holy Spirit Lg 20 18 a oD
In God in 3 persons 2) 10 a 27 28
Source: La Vie, Hebdomadaire catholique, 12-18 mai 1994, p. 26.

To sum up, there are clearly differences between the young and
older adults, transcending national borders. What is the real significance
of these differences? A cyclical phenomenon is at work: young peo-
ple today acquire the same attitudes as their parents at the same
age. As they grow older, they should therefore adopt the same opin-
ions as their older contemporaries. But there is also a generation
effect. Young people today have been so deeply influenced by a set
of factors specific to their contemporary period that their convictions
are more to be explained by their personal experience and the trends
in society than by their youth. The dynamic of generations acceler-
ates the decline of religious beliefs.
Given that contrasts appear between the religious convictions of
young people today and those of the young 30 or 40 years ago,
preference must go to the generational interpretation. There is a
wealth of documentation on religious practice and participation in
rituals for the 1950s for most European countries, when the fathers
and mothers of today’s young people were themselves young, but in
the field of fundamental beliefs there are few countries where one
can go further back to the past at the interbellum period.
The data analyzed here relate to both men and women. If the two
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 77

Table 4. The dynamic of generations

pe eR a ee eee
Do you find that you get comfort and strength from religion?
Negative replies.
Age:
A: 18-24 years Cy °35=04 years
B: 25-34 years Dae):

Age in %
A B C D

France te 72 23 Lo)
Britain al 62 48 28
Germany oh 56 38 ya)
Italy 44 42 29 22
Spain 50 a9 29 21
Belgium 44 47 28 |
Netherlands 52 50 44 32
Sweden 80 76 63 48
Norway 58 48 44 24
Denmark 82 80 62 Sf
Ireland 29 22 12 4
N. Ireland 49 28 19 8
USA 23 22 12 8
Canada 44 4] 31 16
Japan 46 40 33 23
Mexico Fe 12 6 2
Source: European Values Survey, 1981.

were analyzed separately, a considerable difference in religious attitude

would appear between them. ‘The phenomenon has long been observed.
In the 1950s, the sociologist Gabriel Le Bras said that when reli-
gious practice declines, the last block of faithful at Sunday Mass con-
sists of old women. A cross-tabulation of age with gender would
bring out a contrast between the low religiousness of young men
and the strong religious practice among old women (Dogan, 1963).
Religious values retain more strength in Europe’s “peripheral”
regions (Ireland, Greece, Southern Italy, Northern Portugal, rural
Austria, Northern Norway, Poland, Romania and Latvia) than in
the central areas of post-industrial Europe where society is highly
secularised and where the state has dispossessed the church of some
of its traditional functions (such as schools, hospitals, social welfare,
registry of births, marriages and death, culture, and organization of
178 MATTEI DOGAN

Table 5. Erosion of religious beliefs in Germany (West) in 25 years

a

Belief that: 1967 1992

per cent per cent

Jesus is the son of God 42 29

Jesus was born of the Virgin Mary 36 22
Jesus was bodily resurrected 39 33
Attend church every or almost every Sunday 25 10

Source: Emnid Institute, Bielefeld, and the periodical Spiegel.

leisure). Today, the surge in Catholic fervor is mainly to be found

outside Europe, in Mexico, the Philippines, certain South American
countries, and the United States.

6. Towarp A Majority or Non-BELIEVERS?

Religious beliefs do not change abruptly. In surveys conducted at

short intervals, the changes are rarely impressive. What changes is
the intensity of the belief which decreases slowly, as the result of
multiple influences over a long period of time. An interval of 10
years between the waves of surveys, considered as appropriate by
the World Values Group under the leadership of Ronald Inglehart,
and by the European Values Group coordinated by Loek Halman,
do not seem to be sufficient in all domains. The fluctuations of the
results from one survey to the next can be explained, in part, by
the statistical theoretical margin of error and the small size of each
nation’s sample, but also by the shortness of the intervals.
Nonetheless, Tables 5 and 6 show the decline of religious beliefs
in Germany and France is perceptible in small doses at relatively
short intervals. Similar trends have been observed in the Netherlands,
Belgium, and Spain. But we can speak of an accelerated decline only
if we take a long period into consideration, if the dimension of time
is elongated. For the dimension of time, a distinction is needed
between religious practice and religious beliefs, even if the two are
significantly related. ‘The decline of religious practice in Europe is
attested by an impressive amount of empirical data over several
decades. A bibliography, even very selective, would include for all
European countries, several hundred items.
For the decline of religious beliefs, the empirical evidence is more
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 179

Table 6. Changes in religious beliefs by small but cumulative doses in France

Percentages 1994 2003

Describing self as atheist or agnostic 43 47

Religion “Is not at all Important” or
“not very much” OW 62
Declaring that they “never pray
(outside of Church?)” 44 51
Believing that “Jesus Christ Is the Son of
God” 56 ys)
Believing In “the resurrection of Christ” 51 ay
Believing In “the Last Judgement” 39 39
Believing In “the Holy Trinity” 32 28
Declaring that “God does not exist” or
“Probably does not exist” 61 56

Source: “Enquéte sur Dieu et les Frangcais,” conducted by a survey research insti-
tute for the Catholic weekly magazine, La Vie, and the daily Le Monde, in
March 2003; sample of 1000 individuals, first wave in 1994 and the sec-
ond in 2003.
Comment: A cross-tabulation of these various beliefs reveals some incoherences for a
small minority of the interviewed persons. Such incoherences are not aston-
ishing: the universe of beliefs is not a domain of certitudes, particularly
when the word “God” is used.

difficult to collect. Even the theoretical interpretations are more

difficult to formulate, because of the risk of sliding adventurously
into metaphysics. More difficult but possible, because nevertheless
empirical data are available for many countries for a quarter of a
century and in some cases for a longer period (as for the Czech
Republic, France or the Netherlands). ‘The available data does attest
to an acceleration of religious disbelief in many European countries.
The question posed by four French sociologists in their book Les
Frangais sont-tls encore catholiques (Michelat et al., 1991) can be extended
to almost all of Europe: Are the majority of Europeans still religious?
But what does the word “religious” mean in today’s secular society?
Multiple criteria may be considered. Attendance at Sunday Mass is
a possible criterion, but it is not always a sign of religious fervor,
and it does not have the same meaning for Protestants and Catholics.
Whatever the case, the available documentation shows that, in most
European countries, a very weak minority attend Sunday Mass (in
several countries about 10 percent), and the attendance at major
holidays (Christmas, Easter) is only slightly higher. A majority of
180 MATTEI DOGAN

people are still present at church on two occasions: births and funer-
als, but in these cases it is not a voluntary act: babies and corpses
are brought in. The majority of people still baptize their children,
but the number of christenings is diminishing. In Belgium, for exam-
ple, it dropped from 94 percent in 1967 to 71 percent in 1995. It
fell even more quickly in the metropolitan area of Brussels, from 82
percent to 32 percent during the same 28 years. The drop in religious
funerals is less dramatic: it went from 84 percent to 70 percent dur-
ing these years for all of Belgium and from 72 percent to 52 per-
cent in metropolitan Brussels (Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 1995).
Marriage is another circumstance when some ceremony is neces-
sary or desirable. At one time, the act of marriage was performed
exclusively by the priest. Secularisation has brought about the oblig-
ation of civil registration in municipal offices. To what degree does
the church still exercise a ceremonial function in marriages? On this
point, there is a consistent documentation for many countries. In
France, according to a study by the episcopate in 1995, one out of
every two civil marriages was also celebrated religiously; in 1977 the
proportion of religious marriages was still at 70 percent; thus, there
was a 20-point drop in 15 years. Furthermore, out of ten couples
who got married in church, eight had already lived together. In
2001, the first birth occurred in half of the cases before marriage.
The church condemns concubinage, but does not refuse to bless
these unions. In short, the church still plays a role in marriages, but
here again it is on a downward slope. In Belgium, the proportion
of religious marriages went down from 86 percent to 24 percent in
15 years (Katholicke Universiteit, Leuven, 1995).
Prayer is obviously a voluntary act, but also a private act, difficult
to observe from a sociological point of view, especially if the prayer
is individual. Charlemagne, one of the great propagators of Christianity,
said “God exists because there is prayer. He exists because I pray.”
Today a good third of the 200 million adults in Western Europe,
from Andalusia to Bohemia, never pray, whether in a congregation
or alone. Does that mean that for them God does not exist? Faith
is a social fact verifiable by, among other things, the act of praying,
Paraphrasing Charlemagne, one could say sociologically that the
absence of prayer addressed to God signifies the absence of God,
except where intercessors are invocated, as in certain villages in the
South of Italy, the Northwest of Spain, rural Greece and Ireland.
Surveys in various countries, though without international coordi-
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 181

Table 7. Praying
poe essee ca art i iu a alee Aa le Meme lit asa
How often do you pray to God outside of religious services?
A: Often. D: Hardly ever.
B: Sometimes. E: Never.
C: Only in times of crisis.

A B Cc D E
Country % % % % %

France IRS 22 Le 7 47
Britain 22 | 16 8 33
Germany (West) ae 24 13 18 24
Italy 38 30 9 9 18
Spain 27 29 8 12 24
Netherlands DE 23 5 8 40
Belgium ey) ye 9 10 40
Sweden 10 15) 15 10 50
Norway 18 18 12 ll 4]
Denmark 13 12 14 9 2
Portugal VS 33 9 itil 23
Ireland 50 By 7 8 5)
N. Ireland 45 30 9 6 al
Belarus 6 10 14 5 65
Latvia 7 20 25) 13 34
Moscow Ji 9 15 6 63
Japan 12 26 Di YY 13
USA 49 29 4 9 10
Canada 35 28 9 10 19
Mexico 38 Oo 9 by 8

Source: World Values Survey, 1990-91.

nation, show that the faithful pray to God, or Jesus Christ, or the
Virgin Mary, or local saints. Data on this subject are available for
France (Michelat), Sweden (Hamberg), Italy, Britain, Spain, the Czech
Republic, Slovakia, and some other countries. The World Values Survey
asked in 1990 and again in 1999-2000 this question in 14 coun-
tries, “How often do you pray to God outside of religious services?
Often? Sometimes?” (See Table 7.) The proportion of those saying
they “never” or “hardly ever” prayed to God is particularly high for
Sweden, Denmark, Norway, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.
Even in Portugal, Spain, and Italy, a considerable number admit
they never pray to God.
182 MATTEI DOGAN

In France, two thirds of adults declared in 1998 that they never

prayed. In 1978, the proportion was 51 percent meaning a drop of
15 percentage points in 20 years (Prier, 1998). This is an accelerated
decline, because the diminution was weaker between 1959 and 1978.
Similar trends have been noticed in many other European countries.
In the Czech Republic, for instance, 65 percent of persons said in
1982 that they did not pray, but only 38 percent in Slovakia (Bartova,
IMOY HOB os)3
The belief in life after death is a major component of most world
religions. Without entering into a philosophical debate, we may admit
that someone who does not share such a belief cannot be a truly
religious person, at least according to some Christian dogmas. Do
the majority of Europeans believe in a kind of immortality of the
soul? A survey conducted in 1997 in 13 European countries revealed
that in none of them is such a belief shared by the majority of the
people. The proportion varies from 48 percent in Italy to 26 per-
cent in Denmark. For all these 13 countries, the weighted average
is 38 percent (Gallup International, 1997). These findings are confirmed
by the European Values Study conducted in 1999-2000. One remains
perplexed in noticing that in all these countries a significant num-
ber of people declare that they do believe in God and declare also
during the same interview that they do not believe in life after death.
The difference is of more than 50 percentage points for Italy, Portugal
and Greece. As noted above, there may be a semantic problem here
with the word “God” neglected in survey research. There is a strong
statistical relation in believing in heaven, hell, the devil, sin, resur-
rection, and re-incarnation. (Surveys in 1981, 1991 and 1999-2000.)
One of the reasons for this detachment from religion may be the
relatively low level of trust in the church as an institution. In recent
surveys conducted in 28 European countries in only 12 did the major-
ity of people say that they trust the church as an organization. These
12 countries are the following: Poland, Ireland, N. Ireland, Italy,
Portugal, Belgium, Hungary, Romania, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia.
In most of these countries, the church was for a long time a fortress
against communism. In the other 16 countries, the church as an
institution is not trusted by the majority of the people (Eurobarometer
and LSSP). Greece was not included in this international survey, but
in a study in metropolitan Athens asking whether “the Church of
Greece has been able to adjust itself to the modern world,” two
thirds of respondents replied “little or not at all.” In most countries,
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 183

criticism of the positions taken by the ecclesiastic hierarchy in different

domains can be read periodically in the mass media.‘
Does the church provide adequate answers to people’s moral dilem-
mas, problems of family life and today’s social problems? In practically
every country (the exceptions being Ireland, Poland, and Italy), the
majority gave negative answers to these questions. Conversely it is
admitted that the church does meet the spiritual needs of the people,
the majorities being larger in Catholic than in Protestant countries.
So, in the eyes of most of the population, the church does not
supply an answer to the problems that arise in contemporary society.
The church has even recommended solutions that do not have the
approval of a large part of the population, in such areas as abortion,
divorce,’ euthanasia and erotic life, a fact brought out by many sur-
veys conducted throughout Europe. The separation of church and
state, which is laid down in the constitutions of practically all European
countries, nevertheless allows the clergy, under the principle of free-
dom of expression, to state their position and make recommendations.
But although such recommendations are allowed, are they well
received? ‘The International Social Survey Programme group asked two
questions on this subject in 1990 in 14 European countries and in
the United States, the Philippines and Israel. In all 17 countries with-
out exception, the majorities agreed that the leaders of the church
should not try to influence government decisions, and that they should
not try to influence the way electors vote. In fact, religious influence
on voting behavior has declined dramatically in Western Europe dur-
ing the last 30 years (Dogan, 1998 and 2000). Furthermore, with
the exception of the United States, the Philippines and Northern
Ireland people strongly disapprove of the idea that “politicians who
do not believe in God are not qualified to hold public office.”
A typology based on the distance of people from their church has
been established for 16 countries, using the results of the European
Values Study, conducted in 1990 (Halman and De Moor, 1993). The

* In Italy, divorce was for a long time forbidden by law. The Vatican has been
responsible for an untenable situation: two million illegitimate children born in
reconstructed families of non-divorced persons. In order to protect these illegitimate
children, a law had been adopted outlawing the indication of the name of the father
for all Italians! This conservative policy of the ecclesiastic hierarchy has generated
anti-clericalism among the middle class strata and mistrust toward the church as
an institution, with consequences on traditional beliefs. ‘The law forbidding divorce
had been cancelled by a popular referendum against the will of ecclesiastic hierarchy.
184 MATTEI DOGAN

typology distinguishes four categories. First, “the core of faithful”

defined by attendance at Sunday Mass at least once every month
and also by the participation in the activities of the church. ‘The
importance of the “core” varies from 23 percent in Northern Ireland
and 21 percent in Canada, to 3 percent in Denmark and Sweden.
The second type, called “modal” includes those who attend religious
services from time to time, but are in no other way active. The third
type, “marginal members” very rarely attend religious services, or
never, but who still say that they belong to a denomination. The
last category consists of “unchurched” people, among whom two
sub-types can be distinguished: unchurched people of the first gen-
eration, and those of the second generation. In 12 of the 16 coun-
tries (the exceptions being the United States, Italy, Ireland, and
Northern Ireland), the absolute majority of adults belong to either
the “marginal” category or the “unchurched” category; the propor-
tion varies from about 90 percent for the Scandinavian countries to
13 percent for Ireland. A similar typology has been constructed based
on data collected in 1981. During this decade, the trend of “mar-
ginalization” or of “detachment” was important for Britain, Italy,
Spain, and Belgium.
Considering this empirical data, what should be the threshold for
delineating a majority of non-believers? Is Europe already a conti-
nent where the absolute majority is composed of agnostics? The
diversity of the European countries, particularly their different sizes
and the internal heterogeneity of each country, makes a consistent
evaluation difficult. Several criteria are simultaneously possible con-
cerning the degree of faith. Immortality of the soul is for some a
non-religious metaphysic. The dogma of Immaculate Conception is
not accepted by all those who believe in the Holy Trinity. It is bet-
ter to admit that there are many uncertainties in the empirical evi-
dence. But we are on a more solid ground when we distinguish
several generations and when we observe how the public perceives
the church as an institution.
Currently, in a dozen European countries (including Britain, Ger-
many, France, the Scandinavian countries, the Netherlands, and the
Czech Republic), the majority of young people between 18 and 35
years consist of non-believers, but the majority of the population
over 60 still believe in the fundamental dogmas, even if for some of
them half-heartedly.
As for the questions asked in the titles of the books cited above,
 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN EUROPE 185

the adequate response is that the terms “paganism,” “agony of

Christianity,” “post-Christian era” are excessive. They simply reflect
the uneasiness of their authors, many of them being theologians or
strong believers. Europe is not at that point now!
The real problem comes from the lack of comprehension between
the ecclesiastic hierarchy, especially Catholic, and a large part of the
people in Western and Central Europe—for the East is changing
more slowly. This is a phenomenon that could be called “social
ataxia,” that is, a lack of coordination of the limbs of the social
body. The church goes in one direction, the majority of people in
the other. The diagnosis of René Rémond concurs with empirical
evidence displayed below: “Every step that society takes toward the
emancipation of behaviors increases the gap between it and the
church’s position, which seems behind the times and reactionary.
Society evolves and the church seems immobile, refusing to budge.
People suspect the church of obstructing all changes. If it had any
power, they think, they would undoubtedly do anything to oppose
progress and go back to the past” (Remond p. 31). “The ecclesias-
tic community and civil society live more and more unharmoniously
(ibid., p. 63).” Until when? Until what point? Given the accelerated
trends underlined in this analysis, Europe may become one day—
after 13 centuries of growth and diffusion, and 7 centuries of spir-
itual supremacy—a continent where the church as an institution will
not anymore represent the aspirations of the majority of the people
in the so called post-industrial society. But in Europe, Christian
morals have been already absorbed into the state and in the civil
society. The philosophy of the Ten Commandments, of the prophets,
and of the apostles is embodied in the legislation of the whole of
Europe. It is in the most educated, the most socially integrated and
the youngest part of the population that one finds those who have
lost the habit of praying, those who do not find comfort and strength
in religion, and those who tend to see in the biblical God no more
than a lofty form of spirituality. A decline in religious values by no
means implies a “moral decadence” provided that those values are
replaced by a non-metaphysical ethic.

° Referring to the decline in religious values and the growth of secularism in

France, President Eisenhower said that “France’s moral fiber was disintegrating.”
This moralizing judgement of a good Christian believer does not stand up to soci-
ological analysis. If a score of social indicators were taken in an international com-
186 MATTEI DOGAN

But no doubt the fear of divine punishment tends to make us bet-

ter people. The loss of such a fear, as Voltaire warned cynically long
ago, may have serious social consequences. An agnostic politician
who is nevertheless devoted to the well being of society could be in
favor of a religious fear of divine sanction because such a fear would
make people more apt to behave within a comfortable moral frame-
work. It is in that same way that Voltaire discouraged the propa-
gation of agnosticism among the masses.
Napoleon, who was undoubtedly informed of Voltaire’s writings,
used to say “What is important is religion as an institution. God is
an abstraction. We can doubt his existence, but not the existence of
the church.” This statement is a striking illustration of what Max
Weber has called “institutionalisation of charisma.” In Europe today,
God is still present only in the minds of only a part of the popula-
tion. Meanwhile, the church appears as an institutionalized charisma.
Such an institutionalization has been facilitated by the fact that the
loss of belief 1s accomplished insidiously by small doses and by a
cumulative process in a painless manner.

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Sia:
 MISSION STUDIES: BOTH MINE AND MINEFIELD FOR
THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

Robert L. Montgomery

ABSTRACT

Mission studies offer a mine for social scientists to uncover useful information, espe-
cially because of the current importance of globalization studies. However, mission
studies also offer a minefield because of their introduction of religious concepts that
are not appropriate for social scientific theory. I propose a multi-focal approach in
mining mission studies. First, mission studies can be seen as an indicator of an
important religious phenomenon. Secondly, mission studies, because of their use of
the social sciences, can contribute directly to social scientific knowledge. Thirdly,
mission studies point beyond themselves to important religious and social changes
taking place in the globalization process. These various levels of contributions of
mission studies to the social sciences are reviewed, with some attention to how mis-
sion studies differ from strictly social scientific research.

Misston STUDIES

It is important to have an understanding of what mission studies are,

but first mzsszons themselves. I define missions as the carrying of a
religious or ideological message across socio-cultural boundaries that
are also usually geographical boundaries, for the purpose of propa-
gating that message and converting people. Rodney Stark (2001, pp.
50-51) limits missions to conversion to a God, but I am using mis-
sions in a somewhat broader sense. However, I am adopting his idea
of conversion and using it in the sense of adopting a new religious
identity.
Efforts to convert, often associated with proselytizing, are contro-
versial, even offensive, but nevertheless missions over the last 2000
years have resulted in the adoption of new religious or ideological
identities by large and small population groups. I include ideologies
because they can have certain parallels to religions in the way they
have spread, for example, Marxism. Nevertheless, missions refers pri-
marily to the efforts to spread religions. I should point out that
although some conversions have been forced, on the other hand,
mission activity often has involved, especially in the last two centuries,
large scale efforts at meeting human physical and social needs in

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
190 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

which conversion was not a direct goal. However, conversion has

remained the overall goal and the major result of missions. Stark
(2001, pp. 98-102) deals with the collapse of “liberal missionizing”
that questions the goal of conversion in missions. The fact is that
the efforts at meeting human needs in mission work have usually
not been seen as a substitute for gaining conversions, but rather as
an expression of the compassion God has for all people and as a
duty given by God.
All of the major world religions and some ideologies have carried
out missions. The three religions that have been carried to the largest
variety of societies resulting in the adoption of new religious identities
by large groups of people are (in historical order) Buddhism, Chris-
tianity, and Islam. However, a review of the history of these reli-
gions shows that Christianity has had the most explicit missionary
goals and, in fact, has been the most active in mission endeavors,
especially in the last two centuries (Stark 2001; Jenkins 2002). Specifi-
cally, for the purposes of this analysis, the study of Christian mis-
sions has been by far the most extensive, and my attention will be
given primarily to these studies. Nevertheless, mission studies may
be carried out for the spread of any religion and some ideologies.
Mission studies are conducted mainly by religiously oriented scholars
called mussiologists, most of whom have served overseas as mission-
aries. However, now as missions are becoming more “international-
ized,” mission studies are increasingly coming from scholars in formerly
missionary receiving countries. Missiologists have a wide variety of
training and skills, making missiology a highly interdisciplinary field.
Their work includes studies from the fields of history and biogra-
phy, anthropology (especially ethnography), linguistics, demography,
sociology, communications, organizational analysis, psychology and
social psychology, and program and policy evaluation. No other reli-
gious or theological field is characterized by the cooperation of schol-
ars with such a wide range of training and experience and who so
often include people with extended field experience and knowledge
of foreign languages. Furthermore, these studies come from scholars
of a wide variety of religious viewpoints, many of whom meet together
in conferences, publish in common presses, and work together in
various venues. For Christians, this includes Roman Catholics,
Protestants of both mainline and free church traditions, and Orthodox
churches.
History is the traditional basic discipline in missiology. Christian
 MISSION STUDIES 191

missions in particular have a 2000-year-old history that is extremely

complicated because missions have extended into almost all the soci-
eties of the world. However, it is not surprising that the most numer-
ous histories are of mission activity that began to accelerate greatly
in the 19th century. This was “The Great Century,” according to
the classic studies by Kenneth Scott Latourette (1937, 1938, 1939,
1941, 1943, 1944, 1945), the dean of mission historians. The study
of the 19th century makes up three of his seven volumes on the
expansion of Christianity. However, overseas mission activity con-
tinued to accelerate in the 20th century, especially in the last few
decades by new and independent mission agencies. This is contrary
to conventional thought, especially in mainline churches and in acad-
emia, which wrongly assume that the missionary era ended soon
after World War II.
Specialization of scholarship in the historical study of particular
areas and particular religious (denominational) efforts are essential
for most missiologists. Much research in missions requires examina-
tion of original documents and records. In this regard, mission orga-
nizations have extensive records for their large numbers of personnel
and large expenditures (often the largest part of denominational bud-
gets), but also of policy statements and numerous negotiations with
overseas bodies, including governments. Many large and small insti-
tutions, particularly schools, hospitals, and service and development
programs have been founded through missions. Some continue to
be supported with funds and personnel, and many have some kind
of continuing relationship with sending bodies. With these kinds of
complex activities in missions over many years, it is not surprising
that historical studies, often in a number of languages, are a basic
and traditional part of mission studies. As mentioned, these studies
are increasingly coming from the receivers of missions, many of
whom have established their own mission agencies and study centers.
In addition to the basic discipline of history in missiology, there
has been an increasing use of a variety of other disciplines, partic-
ularly from the social sciences, including applied social sciences. Since
Bible translation has been such an important part of missions, mis-
sionaries have been in the forefront of the development of the science
of linguistics. (The concepts of “emic” and “etic” based on the dis-
tinction between phonemics and phonetics comes from the mission-
ary, Kenneth Pike (1962, 1967), a pioneer linguistics scholar at the
University of Michigan.) It is understandable that the most numerous
192 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

contacts between those studying missions and social scientists have

been between missiologists and anthropologists. This has made anthro-
pology almost a standard subject used in the preparation of mis-
sionaries, and anthropological research skills have been applied in
numerous mission studies. Thus there has been considerable inter-
play between missiology and the social sciences, with less between
missiology and sociology than between missiology and anthropology
(Montgomery 1999).
Contemporary mission studies can hardly be understood without
taking into account the enormous amount of work that has entered
into statistical description and demographic studies. The wide scope
of mission efforts has encouraged the development of large-scale enu-
meration and statistical measurements. The latest two-volume World
Christian Encyclopedia, Second Edition (Barrett, Kurian, and Johnson 2001)
and World Christian Trends AD 50-AD 2200 (Barrett and Johnson
2001) are a demonstration of the importance of statistics and demog-
raphy in mission studies, but these are only two of the most exten-
sive studies out of a number of such studies. The use of statistics 1s
so extensive that a number of neologisms have been created to refer
to the different types of measurements and their statistics, such as
muissiometrics, religiometrics, micro and macroevangelistics, geostrate-
gies, etc.
The number and variety of Christian mission studies are proba-
bly best shown in the annual listings of publications in the journals,
Misstology and the International Bulletin of Missionary Research, of publi-
cations related to missions and of dissertations topics. Certain pub-
lishing houses specialize in producing Christian mission studies, e.g.
Orbis Books, William Carey Library, and MARC, a division of World
Vision. Many mission research centers produce useful studies. An
example of such a study is Ralph D. Winter’s (founder of the U.S.
Center for World Mission), and Steven C. Hawthorne’s (1981) edited
collection, Perspectwes on the World Christian Movement: A Reader. In addi-
tion to the publications in English, numerous mission studies are
published in European languages and increasingly in other languages.
Many kinds of centers around the world from which mission data
can be obtained are listed in the World Christian Encyclopedia (Barrett,
Kurian, and Johnson 2001, pp. 781-785), with 122 research centers
listed for the United States alone. The research centers are intro-
duced as follows:
 MISSION STUDIES 193

Centers, institutes, and institutions undertaking original research related

to Christianity and religions—religious, socio-religious, anthropological,
historical, biblical, theological, communications, information, missio-
logical, missiographical, missiometrical, futurological; ecumenical re-
search centers and institutes, think tanks; documentation centers and
services, resource centers, research or historical archives, public opinion
polls, survey organizations, market research, radio/TV audience research
centers or functions. Note that other research centers that specialize
in specific topics, e.g. liturgy and worship, broadcasting, or ecology,
are listed under those topics. (p. 781)

After considering the variety of mission studies and the large num-
ber of sources for data on missions, let us turn to the question of
mining these sources of knowledge from a social scientific perspec-
tive and thereby adding to social scientific knowledge of religion,
especially in its global aspects. For social science purposes, mission
studies may be approached from three main perspectives: (1) seeing
mission studies as indicators of an important religious phenomenon,
(2) locating social scientific information in mission studies; and (3)
following the direction indicated by mission studies for additional
study of the consequences of missions. Using these perspectives will
advance knowledge in the social sciences.
At the same time, in order to avoid the minefield aspect of mis-
sion studies, which is created when religious and scientific perspec-
tives are unconsciously fused, it is important to distinguish these two
perspectives while respecting the place of both. Unfortunately many
missiologists do not make the distinction, while many social scien-
tists disregard the whole field of mission studies because of the preva-
lence of normative views in them. I discuss below the three perspectives
that allow social scientists to make use of mission studies while avoid-
ing the minefield of religious views, which technically represent “bias.”
In my view, confusing religious and scientific approaches and knowl-
edge is not good for either one, just as in a somewhat analogous
way the mixing of secular and religious powers is not good for either
religion or the state.

Mission SrupIEs AS INDICATORS OF AN IMPORTANT

ReELicious PHENOMENON

Mission studies reveal an important aspect of religious life that is

often overlooked by sociologists of religion, namely the diffusion or
194 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

spread of religions. Many scholars of religion, including sociologists

of religion, simply study religions as fixed entities, forgetting that
they spread to various other places under special circumstances.
Christianity has not always been actively missionary, as, for exam-
ple, during the period following the Christianization of Europe, and
for Protestants, from the Reformation to almost the 19th century.
Nevertheless, Christianity can hardly be understood apart from its
basic missionary drive and its resulting diffusion, which at present
can be studied in the large amount of literature being produced on
missions.
Surprisingly, even scholars of religion (such as teachers of “com-
parative religions”) have often overlooked the missionary aspect of
Christianity and other religions, probably because the aim of con-
verting others or proselytism is one of the least appealing aspects of
religion to academic “children of the Enlightenment,” who endorse
political correctness. Nevertheless, important research questions arise
from the missionary character of Christianity and the spread of reli-
gions generally, for example, why did particular religions spread to
some areas and not to others? In other words, how can the great
variety in the diffusion of religions be accounted for?
Many research questions can be raised regarding the spread of
Christianity and other religions from their earliest days. However,
most current mission literature is related to the modern Christian
missionary movement that developed primarily in the 19th century.
(Modern Roman Catholic missions may be dated to about 1500,
however, these missions accelerated in the 19th century.) The over-
seas mission movement was one of the primary religious move-
ments of the 19th century that continued throughout the 20th century
and has expanded in the last few decades in a somewhat unex-
pected way. In fact, the 19th century missionary movement was
closely related to many other socio-religious movements, such as the
abolition of slavery and the women’s movement, that have received
much more attention than missions among historians and social
scientists.
New developments in mission activity began to become evident
after World War II and have continued to the present, producing
a large number of new mission studies. While the missionary forces
of the mainline churches decreased rather dramatically, beginning
especially in the 1960s, the missionaries of the more conservative
and independent missions, as well as overseas bodies, have increased
 MISSION STUDIES 195

equally dramatically. People in mainline churches have thought that

mission efforts have been decreasing, but they have actually been
increasing when all churches are considered. For example, the over-
all North American Protestant missionary force increased from 8,700
in 1952 to 43,600 in 1996 (Coote 1998).
While there has been a decrease in the number of mainline mis-
slonaries, Overseas connections with churches and their institutions
have been maintained by mainline churches, and some new mis-
sionary vitality has been demonstrated in a variety of ways. For
example, many missionaries are being sent out by individual con-
gregations and congregations and local judicatories are increasingly
undertaking overseas mission projects, along with local projects. In
addition, there has been a great increase in the sending of mission-
aries by formerly receiving countries, for example by Korea, which
has sent out some 10,000 missionaries. When the 200,000 Roman
Catholic missionaries are added to the total number of missionaries,
there could be over 400,000 missionaries worldwide, with some
185,000 American Protestants among them (Stark 2001, p. 94), far
more Christian missionaries than ever before.
To place these numbers in the total context of missions, however,
it is important to add that missions refers to the total effort to spread
a religion and includes the efforts of the rank and file in religions
(Stark 2001, p. 50). Specialized missionaries have been at the core
of the missionary movement of the last two centuries, but they have
served as a stimulus and inspiration for the missionary efforts of
numerous non-specialized missionaries, lay people who witness to
their faith wherever they are. The enormous amount of literature,
including numerous mission studies, being produced by this world-
wide missionary movement is an important indicator of this religious
movement and gives insights into its size and character.
Much of the literature on missions, a more inclusive category than
mission studies, is written to inspire and sustain missionary interest
and effort, including the prayers of Christians for the peoples of the
world and mission work among them. Let it be said that prayers
represent a high degree of concern and commitment. Such infor-
mational and inspirational material is listed, for example, in Misszon
World: Literature Resources for Mobilizing World Christians. Publishers, such
as Orbis Books and William Carey Library also issue numerous inspi-
rational and informational publications. Websites, such as www.gmi.org
(Global Mapping International) and those related to the U.S. Center
196 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

for World Mission, list numerous sources for both knowledge and
inspiration in missions. All of this means that information encour-
aging support for overseas mission efforts is continually being con-
veyed to numerous people. The leaders of the various mission agencies,
educational institutions, and publishing houses producing these mate-
rials are active participants in the information explosion that is tak-
ing place in religion as well as in the secular world.
The variations in adaptation of modern technology by religious
groups have received some attention by social scientists, for example,
in the studies of religious radio and T.V. ministries (Horsfield 1984;
Hadden 1987). However, an examination of the large amount of
communication related to missions has been largely neglected by
social scientists. Typically and in general, the mainline churches have
relied on limited denominational resources to convey information
about missions and have not made use of modern media to the
extent of more conservative groups, as well as the Roman Catholic
Church.
Mission studies gives access to an important religious movement
that is taking place in almost all branches of Christianity. Important
changes have taken place in this movement in the last two centuries,
including in the last few decades. Mission studies and mission liter-
ature in general that have been generated from the mission move-
ment serve as indicators of vitality of religion and provide an
opportunity to investigate variations in levels and kinds of religious
vitality. ‘Technological advancement in communication and the explo-
sion in knowledge are also expressed in mission studies.

SOCIAL SCIENTIFIC INFORMATION IN Mission STUDIES

There is an overlap between mission studies and the social sciences

based on the fact that some missiologists, having been trained in or
influenced by the social sciences, use social scientific perspectives in
their studies. ‘The overlap of mission studies with the social sciences
is similar with the one between history and the social sciences, as
well as between the applied social sciences and the more theoreti-
cal social sciences. However, there are inevitably certain barriers that
appear between mission studies and the social sciences. These bar-
riers are part of the “minefield” aspect of mission studies for social
scientists. My point of view is that it is best to recognize the barri-
 MISSION STUDIES 197

ers or differences openly and then work around or through them as

possible and needed.
The major barrier between the social sciences and mission studies
is that the vast majority of mission studies are undertaken under reli-
gious auspices and with a religious motivation. It is not surprising
that most of these studies are carried out under Christian auspices,
since mission activity has been a major characteristic of historic
Christianity, and this activity has increased greatly in the last two
centuries. Islam, Buddhism, and Hinduism have also had a mis-
sionary impetus that is evident currently in Islam. The barrier between
religiously oriented studies and the social sciences is more subtle than
it seems because carrying out a study under religious auspices and
with a religious motivation is not in itself a barrier to doing a social
scientific study.
Whatever its auspices, it is essential only that a study be done in
a social scientific manner to be considered “social scientific.” That
is, scientific studies can be carried out with almost any kind of moti-
vation because scientific study is essentially a kind of activity. Belief
and opinion should be irrelevant to scientific study, once the study topic
has been selected, and therefore should have no effect on the results of
such studies. Actually, scientific studies under religious auspices have
a certain advantage in being forced to rule out the influence of reli-
gious views on the results in order to have credibility. At the same
time, specifically scientific studies have the problem of unrecognized
normative views influencing methods of study as well as interpreta-
tion of data.
Although there is a philosophy and certain norms (Merton [1942]
1973) that undergird scientific activity, 1t is not necessary to know
these in a formal sense in order to “do science.” ‘The basic power
of scientific studies, emphasized by Merton, is their public nature in
which all studies are subject to replication so that the results can be
said to belong to everyone. This cannot be said, of course, of stud-
ies that are based on normative views and that contain normative
expressions. Having said all this regarding the distinction between
scientific studies and non-scientific studies, once a social scientist is
clear about the criteria for doing scientific work, it is possible for
the same scientist to make use of knowledge generated from outside
of the social sciences.
The simple criterion of falsifiability can be the basic guide in using
knowledge from any source, whether it comes from within or from
198 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

outside the formal bounds of the social sciences, as, for example,
from mission studies or any historical studies in general (which include
many mission studies). At the same time, I believe that even if one
is approaching mission studies from a faith perspective (from which
mission studies are mostly carried out), namely from standing out-
side of the social sciences, it is useful to have a concept of what dis-
tinguishes a scientific approach from a non-scientific approach. In
this way it is possible to distinguish what contributes to social scientific
knowledge and what contributes to theological knowledge.
However, my observation is that people who approach mission
studies from a religious or even simply a humanities perspective (that
dominate many historical studies) are likely to have a unified view
of knowledge that does not distinguish between scientific and non-
scientific approaches and the different forms of knowledge produced.
This pre-scientific approach to knowledge dominates the humanities
(the oldest branch of knowledge), as well as much conventional
thought. In this approach, knowledge is simply knowledge. ‘This view-
point often sees a scientific approach to the study of human behav-
ior as hopelessly limited (reductionistic) and probably as making false
claims to objectivity. Of course, from a theological or any norma-
tive view, a social scientific approach is reductionisitic, which is exactly
its point. To complete the picture of the three branches of knowl-
edge, there was added to the humanities (the first branch of knowl-
edge historically), the natural sciences or the study of nature through
empirical methods, and then the social sciences, which applied the
methods of the natural sciences to the same subject matter consid-
ered by the humanities, namely all that is related to human behavy-
ior, the most difficult and complex of all subject matters.
Some who are scholars in the humanities and the sciences tend
to define “science” in the old classical sense as simply systematic
study. David Barrett and Todd Johnson (2001, pp. 447-461) discuss
the use of the term “science of mission,” (primarily used in Europe)
claiming (as I do) that it is not appropriate for describing the work
of missiologists or religious scholars because of the inclusion by these
scholars of Biblical, theological, and historical perspectives. Barrett
and Johnson seek to narrow the meaning of “science of mission” to
what they refer to as “missiometrics,” which consists of “counting,
measuring, and interpreting global Christianity.”
While I appreciate their rejection of the old and broad meaning
of “science,” and especially their extensive work in descriptive sta-
 MISSION STUDIES 199

tistics (and have no objection to using “missiometrics” to refer to

such work,) I prefer using the term “sociology of missions” or “social
scientific study of missions” rather than “science of missions” since
the study of missions is, after all, a study of human behavior rather
than a branch of the natural sciences, and certainly missions can be
studied social scientifically (Montgomery 1999). Their use of mea-
surements and statistics is certainly an aspect of scientific study, and
both the reliability and validity of the extensive data provided by
Barrett and Johnson can be tested. However, a scientific study of
missions also includes analysis of qualitative data, which goes beyond
the use of statistics only. Descriptive statistics should not be made
the only or even the primary characteristic of “science.” Instead,
scientific study should be aimed primarily at developing explanations
or theories. A basic criteria for scientific studies, both natural and
social, are replicability and falsifiability. This takes theology and mis-
siology out of being scientific in approach, but it does not take the
social scientific study of missions out of missiology, which needs to
incorporate it. Thus, the humanities, including theology and missi-
ology, need to be able to incorporate scientific findings, while the
sciences must be careful to avoid the normative perspectives that
necessarily flood or infuse the humanities.
To carry out social scientific studies, the researcher may be any-
thing from a non-believer to an ardent believer, since scientific study
is an activity that can be replicated regardless of what viewpoint
may have motivated undertaking the study. ‘Thus many mission stud-
ies, although undertaken with a religious motive, contain findings
obtained by methods that can be replicated by the social sciences.
Since such findings are falsifiable, they are within the boundaries of
social science. Of course, the parts of mission studies (or any stud-
ies) that refer to Divine action or make moral judgments are out-
side the boundaries of the social sciences. Sometimes the specifically
religious parts of mission studies may be easy to detect and distin-
guish from the social scientific parts of the studies. However, some-
times normative views are introduced randomly and without being
specified as such and are thus difficult to distinguish from the social
scientific elements of studies.
Of course, social scientists should recognize that value judgments
also fairly easily creep into their own ostensibly scientific studies.
Presuppositions, biases, postulates, and other assumptions can influence
the work and the conclusions of scientists. Many important subjects
200 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

or topics may be overlooked because of the anti-religious bias of

researchers. One of the worst forms of the biases or value judgments
is when a scientist claims to be able to disprove the reality of Divine
action. Belief in Divine action is an act of faith and is simply not
falsifiable. To claim that what cannot be measured and tested is not
real is scientism, a pseudo-religious belief system.
I cannot review all of the important contributions to social scientific
knowledge that are contained in mission studies, the main sources
of which were mentioned in the previous section. However, I would
like to give a couple of examples of the kinds of studies social sci-
entists would find useful. Many sociologists of religion are familiar
with the pioneer religious researcher, H. Paul Douglass (1871—1953)
and the work of the Institute for Social and Religious Research
(ISRR), with which Douglass was associated, which existed from
1921 to 1934 (Brunner 1959; Hadden 1979). Douglass authored
numerous studies and with his colleague, Edmund deS. Brunner,
produced the classic study, The Protestant Church as a Social Institution
(1935, reissued 1972). However, many do not seem to be aware of
the fact that the ISRR and Douglass devoted a certain portion of
their work to overseas missions.
Arthur McPhee (2002a, 2002b) has done a great service by draw-
ing attention to a highly significant social scientific study that was
carried out with financial help and technical advice from the ISRR.
In 1930 to 1931, a Methodist missionary, J. Waskom Pickett (1933),
directed a social survey of Dalit Christians for the National Christian
Council of India. It is historically significant that this study, which
pioneered in social survey work (the largest social survey every car-
ried out overseas,) had a great impact on missionary perceptions of
what were called “mass movements.”
The other overseas work associated with Douglass and the ISRR
was the collection of data and some of the writing done for the Lay
Commission, which resulted in the book authored by William E.
Hocking (1932) with the title, Rethinking Missions: A Layman’s Inquiry
After One Hundred Years. At least the first part of its recommendation
that missionary activities “needed to shift from concern with doc-
trine and evangelism toward service and concern for individuals and
the social environment in which they live” (Hadden 1979, p. 77)
was strongly resisted by almost all missionaries. What is particularly
ironic, however, is that Pickett’s study of the mass movement towards
Christianity of the Dalits had a strong influence on Donald McGavran.
 MISSION STUDIES 201

Donald McGavran ({1955] 1957) became the father of the Church

Growth movement (with its numerous studies) and developed the
concepts of “people groups” and “people movements.” The Church
Growth movement found a home base in the School of Missions at
Fuller Theological Seminary, but basically permeated all subsequent
evangelical missions. The Pickett study is an example of significant social
scientific work found in mission studies, but also an example of the
point made previously, that mission studies are indicators of religious
phenomena, affecting and being affected by mission movements.
A current rich source for social scientific knowledge are the numerous
mission studies of little known peoples. Social scientists have been
frequently frustrated when they finally reached some isolated people
or some supposedly “hidden community” only to find that mission-
aries had preceded them or that some portion of the people were
followers of the “Western religion” of Christianity, which the social
scientist perceived as a distorting force. In the literature of mission
studies there are numerous reports and descriptions of little known
peoples. One of the reasons for this is that there have been major
efforts by mission organizations to reach “Unreached Peoples.”
An example of this kind of literature may be seen in the book,
Unreached Peoples: Clarifying the Task, (Schreck and Barrett 1987).
Referring to the “Unreached Peoples Program,” a ministry of MARC
(a division of World Vision International) and the Lausanne Committee
on World Evangelization, Schreck and Barrett (1987) discuss a “peo-
ple group” as: “...a significantly large sociological grouping of indi-
viduals who perceive themselves to have a common affinity for one
another. From the viewpoint of evangelization this is the largest pos-
sible group within which the gospel can spread without encounter-
ing barriers to understanding or acceptance.”
Schreck and Barrett (1987) discuss the debate among missiologists
regarding recognizing social groupings on some basis other than
distinctive ethnicity. They defend the sociological reality of distinc-
tive social grouping, especially in the urban areas, which are bur-
geoning all over the world. They suggest the solution of using two
distinct, yet complementary approaches in identifying “unreached
peoples,” which they designate the “particularistic design” and the
“global design.” The “particularistic design” is based on local gath-
ering of research data and has a certain openness and fluidity. ‘The
people groups identified might be such people as taxi drivers of
Taiwan, race track workers in a particular area, or migrants in a
202 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

city from a particular area or tribe. The global design requires clear
definitions of peoples that could be applied on a cross-national and
cross-cultural basis and would yield global figures. These tend to be
primarily ethnolinguistic groups.
In the second part of their book, Schreck and Barrett (1987) pre-
sent 13 case descriptions by different authors of the following peoples:
Turkana of Kenya, Kabyles of Algeria, Komonos of Burkina Faso,
Nubians of Egypt, Azanisbaris of South Africa, Asians of Nairobi,
Kenya, Indian Muslims of South Africa, Baraguayu of ‘Tanzania,
Bassari of Senegal, Komas of Ghana, Konkombas of Ghana, and
Aari of Ethiopia. Following these case studies, a current listing (1987)
of “Unreached Peoples” in 116 countries is provided, with the under-
standing that this list is under constant revision. Writing some 14
years later in their World Chnstian Trends, Barrett and Johnson (2001,
p. 834), use a procedure adopted from the United Nations for
“planned global and local sharing to directly benefit peoples and
religions,” to identify 3,638 most unreached (least reached) peoples
out of 12,600 ethnolinguistic groups. The ethnolinguistic character-
istics remain the primary means of identifying distinct peoples on a
global basis, but other social characteristics are also used in the mis-
sion studies literature.
Case studies of innumerable peoples, large and small, known and
unknown, by missiologists, many of whom have had training in
anthropology, are clearly a major source of knowledge for social sci-
entists. Probably the major areas in which these studies contribute
to social scientific theory is in throwing light on processes of socio-
cultural change and religious diffusion. Socio-cultural change is a
major problem area in the social sciences and yet one that has defied
the formation of widely accepted theories. One of the major reasons
may be the social sciences have tended to ignore the contribution
of religious diffusion and change to socio-cultural change. This leads
to the consideration of the third perspective for social scientists to
use in approaching mission studies.

UNDERSTANDING THE HistortcAL CONSEQUENCES OF MuIssIONs

The third approach for mining mission studies by social scientists is

an extension of the first two approaches and in many ways flows
from them. However, it points more to the effects of missions than
 MISSION STUDIES 203

to the origin or source of missions as a religious phenomenon. In

other words, the third approach sees studies of missions as pointing
to religious and social changes taking place throughout the world to
which missions have contributed. In general, the recognition of the
effects of missions in the world has been greatly neglected by numer-
ous scholars, even though members of religious bodies were hearing
and reading about numerous changes affected by missions, as well
as contributing large sums of money toward these changes.
There are some exceptions to the general lack of recognition by
many scholars of the impact of missions. One such exception was
the historian, John K. Fairbank (1974) of Harvard University, who
wrote extensively on China and particularly on the influence of
American missionaries in China. Fairbank (1974, p. 18) noted that
women were “a major factor” in the mission work force in the field,
for example, making up 64% of the mission personnel in 1936. Of
course, even secular histories of some parts of the world, particularly
of Africa and the South Pacific, usually have had to mention missions,
since missions have had a major impact on these particular areas
that could hardly be ignored.
Most recently, the historian, Philip Jenkins (2002), in The Next
Christendom, the Coming of Global Christianity, clearly calls attention to
the major shifts of Christianity southward and into the non-Western
world generally. Jenkins takes the academic and journalistic worlds
to task for ignoring this major world change, which he compares to
ignoring the French Revolution. He deals with a number of miscon-
ceptions regarding the presence of Christianity in the non-Western
world, basically pointing out that it is much stronger than is usually
thought.
Turning specifically to social scientists, there has been surprisingly
little attention given to worldwide or foreign missions by sociologists
of religion, even though North American religious bodies have com-
mitted major personnel and financial investments toward foreign
missions. An exception to this neglect is in David O. Moberg’s 1962
study, The Church as a Social Institution. In his ninth chapter devoted
to “The Church as a Missionary Institution at Home and Abroad,”
he deals with, not only the social influences affecting Christian
missions, but also what I am emphasizing in this section, namely the
social effects of missions. Examples are given from around the world
of the effects of missions in various societies. Unfortunately, Moberg’s
work of 40 years ago did not result in the development of a sub-
204 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

field within sociology of religion that could be called “sociology of

missions.” In 1967, David Heise wrote an article on “Prefatory
Findings in the Sociology of Missions,” but the sociology of missions
remained a neglected subject among sociologists of religion. In 1999,
I wrote Introduction to the Sociology of Missions, but it remains to be
seen whether missions or the spread of religions will gain much
increased attention from sociologists of religion, as well as whether
missiologists will make increased use of sociology that will compare
with the use made of anthropology.
Currently, Rodney Stark (2001, pp. 31-113) is one of the few
sociologists who gives attention to missions. In the second chapter
of One True God, he relates belief in monotheism to missions. In his
book, he is especially interested in setting forth the consequences of
monotheism, missions being among the most important. Previously,
Stark ({1996] 1997) and then Stark and Roger Finke (2000) had
described the work of Christian missions. A few other social scien-
tists have given attention to missions as a subject worthy of social
scientific inquiry. Wade Clark Roof (1991) included a section on mis-
sions in his edited study, World Order and Religion. Jon Muller (1994)
undertook a study of a missionary society in Africa that included an
analysis of its impact on society. David Stoll’s (1990) and David
Martin’s (1990) studies of the spread of Pentecostalism, especially in
Latin America, did much to wake up the social scientific commu-
nity to the important worldwide Pentecostal movement. In that regard,
Kurt Bowen (1996), a Canadian sociologist, produced an important
study of Evangelicals, mostly Pentecostals, in Mexico. Such studies
of particular countries are much needed.
Probably, the most sustained interest by sociologists in a particular
aspect of missions has been of liberation theology, its development
and effects, primarily in Latin America, but also in other parts of
the world. In March 2002, Kathy Nadeau and Anthony Gill edited
a special section of eight articles in the Journal for the Scientific Study
of Religion on liberation theology. At the same time, in spite of some
important exceptions, it is probably true that the study of liberation
theology and of the base Christian communities which grew from it
has not been balanced by attention to the growth of Pentecostalism.
It should be recognized, at least, that the greatest exception in
the social sciences to the lack of attention to missions and their effects
has been the numerous anthropological studies, in contrast to soci-
ological studies, that have had to take missions into account. This
 MISSION STUDIES 205

is primarily because of the mutual interest of anthropologists and

missionaries in small societies and the particular strong impact of
mission work on many of these societies. The influence of missions
on social change has been very obvious, even though some anthro-
pologists have still succeeded in avoiding notice of this influence, pre-
ferring to focus on societies as they presumably existed before change
occurred or on sub-groups preserving traditional religions, intrinsi-
cally more interesting to them than the traditional and familiar reli-
gion of the West. Nevertheless, many mission studies are useful
precisely because they have employed ethnographic methods of study
and thereby provide valuable current data on changes taking place
among numerous peoples.
Some missiologists who were primarily historians have been par-
ticularly sensitive to relating missions to social forces. Latourette, the
classic missiological historian, gave considerable attention to social
factors affecting missions, as well as the effects of missions. Among
current missiologists, Andrew Walls (1991, 1996), Lamin Sanneh
(199la, 1991b) and Wilbert Shenk (1983) may be seen as representative
of those whose writings take account of social factors in missions.
One of the results of the influence of the social sciences in missiol-
ogy has been the introduction of the now widely used concept of
“contextualization.” Unfortunately, this concept has also led to con-
siderable speculation among missiologists that has not been accom-
panied by a disciplined use of the social sciences.
As already mentioned, the major overlap of missiology with the
social sciences has been with the discipline of anthropology, mean-
ing that in many mission studies, social scientists will find social
scientific insights and data overlooked in their own discipline. Fuller
Theological Seminary has been a major leader in anthropological
missiology. Donald McGavran’s (1957) How Churches Grow, first pub-
lished in 1955, broke new ground in bringing anthropological insights
into mission studies. A train of anthropological missiologists pro-
ducing numerous mission studies that contain social scientific research
has followed him. (For other studies employing anthropological
approaches see Louis J. Luzbetak (1963), Allen R. Tippett, (1971),
Charles Kraft (1979), Paul G. Hiebert (1985), H. Newton Malony
and Samuel Southard (1992), and Charles R. Taber (2000).)
It may be that in the end, the major recognition of the impact
of missions in non-Western lands will come from overseas scholars
(both missiologists and social scientists) as opposed to Western scholars
206 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

who are imbued with Enlightenment secularistic biases. Lamin Sanneh

(1991a, 1991b), an African missiologist at Yale Divinity School, has
pointed to the effect missions have had on the development of nation-
alism in Africa, sometimes unintentionally as far as the missionaries
were concerned. He makes the point that Bible translation intrinsi-
cally contributes to the creation of self-esteem in ethnic groups lead-
ing to nationalistic movements. More recently, Paul Gifford (1998)
has written on the public role of Christianity in Africa and Paul
Freston (2001) of Brazil, has written on the impact of Christianity
on politics in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Both of these books
shed light on the impact of missions on the public sphere.
Mission studies in general reveal considerable information about
the effects of missions in numerous countries. Much of this infor-
mation has been totally ignored by secular scholars, with the exception
of those already mentioned. Globalization now is a major area of
study in a wide variety of disciplines, but the place of missions in
the process is often given little or no notice. Dana L. Robert (2002)
has given a detailed report on “The First Globalization: The Interna-
tionalization of the Protestant Missionary Movement Between the
World Wars.” ‘The dual and somewhat conflicting processes of inter-
nationalization and indigenization in missions is analogous to processes
scholars have reported in globalization.
It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that missions and globaliza-
tion are not independent processes, but have been and continue to
be continually interacting with one another. In many non-Western
countries, mission-established schools and hospitals were the first mod-
ern forms of education and medicine to be introduced to these lands.
In addition to bringing these products of the modern world to new
lands, missions also created an international “mind set” in the mis-
sionaries and their supporters in their home countries. Much of the
impact of missions on globalization is revealed in numerous detailed
mission studies of missionaries and mission programs in non-Western
lands. In fact, it is difficult to see how a complete understanding of
the process of globalization can be gained without a study of mis-
sions. ‘hus, mission studies point to important aspects of the phe-
nomenon of globalization, which will continue to draw major social
scientific attention.
 MISSION STUDIES 207

CONCLUSION

I originally suggested that social scientists could use at least tri-focal

glasses in approaching mission studies in order to gain knowledge
from them. The first approach was to recognize that missions stud-
ies themselves were an important indicator of a religious phenome-
non arising from the missionary character of Christianity and some
other religions. Missions studies particularly show a major develop-
ment within Christianity in the modern era, namely the missionary
movement of the last two centuries, which has undergone numer-
ous changes, but does not show signs of abating. Secondly, mission
studies may be mined because they often contain considerable infor-
mation that is directly useful for social scientists. This is especially
true with the increasing use of the social sciences by missiologists,
many of whom are trained in the social sciences and some of whom
are social scientists. ‘Thirdly, and arising from the first two approaches,
I suggested that social scientists, with the increasing importance of
globalization studies, need to take into account the numerous his-
torical effects of missions throughout the world.
Sociologists of religion, like sociologists generally, usually take up
subjects after their impact has already been felt by the public at
large. An example is the study of church membership change that
was taken up seriously a decade or so after mainline church decline
began in the early 1960s. The spread of Pentecostalism and its effects
is another topic that has been taken up belatedly. This ex post facto
approach is understandable given the expense in undertaking socio-
logical studies, particularly in the case of overseas studies. Whatever
the reason, the study of overseas missions has long been a neglected
subject in spite of the enormous investment in personnel and finances
made by many North American and European denominations and
religious organizations, and in spite of the major social changes cre-
ated in receiving countries. Evidence points to the fact that while
denominations applied social scientific research to their work within
the United States, the cost of such research inhibited the use of sim-
ilar research overseas. Even today, major grants are made for stud-
ies of the “American churches,” while similar grants for overseas
studies are not made, and in many cases are not requested by
churches and research centers. Furthermore, the decline of European
Christianity draws more attention of sociologists of religion than the
208 ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY

changes in areas of the non-Western world where Christianity 1s

growing, in some cases quite rapidly.
As the dramatic religious changes in the world brought on by mis-
sions become increasingly obvious, social scientists will need to study
missions if the forces contributing to globalization are to be under-
stood. Mission studies can be among the important sources for social
scientists to use in their analyses of global changes.

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 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS AFFECTING THE STUDY
OF RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

Gary D. Bouma

ABSTRACT

Religious life and spirituality are conducted in socio-cultural contexts. As these con-
texts change so too will the conduct of religious and spiritual life. Moreover, fac-
tors changing the conduct of religious and spiritual life will also shape the way we
study religion and spirituality, even as changes in the conduct of religious life will
shape the way we study it. This paper calls for comparative studies in order to
detect transnational socio-cultural changes and describes examples of transnational
factors emerging from existing research that are changing the way religion is stud-
ied: religious migration and settlement, the management of religious diversity, the
construction of religious identity, a shift from the rational to the experiential/emo-
tional, and the re-assertion of religious influence on public policy.

Religious life and spirituality are conducted in socio-cultural con-

texts. As these contexts change so too will the conduct of religious
and spiritual life. Moreover, factors changing the conduct of reli-
gious and spiritual life will also shape the way we study religion and
spirituality, even as changes in the conduct of religious life will shape
the way we study it. Some of these factors and changes will be highly
local; others will be transnational, or global. As many features of
human social life take on global dimensions, there is a correspond-
ing reduction in the significance of national location. Here I will
focus on transnational factors, those global trends and processes that
are shaping both the way the religious life is conducted, and the
way we study it.

TaKING A TRANSNATIONAL ViEW: A PERSONAL JOURNEY

I have become aware of the necessity to take a transnational view

of social processes in the course of my research into religious migra-
tion and settlement, the management of religious diversity, religion
and public/social policy, and women’s mosques in China.
I began my sociological study of religion in the early 1960s in the
United States as a member of a Protestant church, in my case a

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
212 GARY D. BOUMA

minor ethnic church located in the midwest of the United States. I

was inspired by the likes of Sam Blizzard and David Moberg, con-
cerned about pastoral and social issues, concerned about the role of
religion in society, concerned to make a difference and, like most of
my contemporaries, happy to see what was happening in the United
States as normative for the world. My father’s parents had left the
Old World behind, had adopted American ways, and saw the world
through American eyes.
Unlike most of my family and many of my colleagues, I have
experienced the differences between nations and denominations, hav-
ing lived extensively and worked in seven quite different countries,
and having been a religious professional in eight different Christian
denominations. Having served as a religious professional among them,
I am fully apprised of the differences between Presbyterians and
Anglicans and Quakers. | am competent in a diversity of theologies,
liturgies, worship styles, and church orders, as well as spiritualities.
As a result, 1 am incapable of papering over the very real differences
that divide us, that make us interesting, and that enable more than
they hinder.
Mobility has its costs including marginality. The delights of mobil-
ity and marginality include capacity to see in ways that those located
in monocultural majorities do not—not necessarily to see correctly,
just differently. Mobility and marginality have been important in
helping me to see transnational trends and processes. Transnational
trends and processes are at times better perceived from the periphery,
or from the margins. Those who live and work in such marginal
nations as New Zealand, Australia, and Canada know this enabling
quality of marginality.

‘TAKING A TRANSNATIONAL VIEW: Movinc BEyonp

THE NATIONAL

First, what is a transnational trend, or social process, or issue? Most

basically, a transnational trend/pattern/process must be observed in
more than one society/nation. Old sociology assumed transnation-
ality of its fundamental social processes and findings. Marx, Weber,
Durkheim, and Parsons were interested in transnational, or at least
transituational processes~-generalizations that applied across a variety
of specific settings. They were also comparative sociologists. However,
 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS 213

comparative sociology has long been merely a marginal interest of

mainstream sociology. Indeed the very possibility of finding general
processes, of moving past the particular to the general has been chal-
lenged in some quarters.
The 1960s/1970s saw the nationalization of sociology around the
world. Sociologists in many societies identified the object of their
study, society, with nation and then limited their frame of view to
nations. In many nations, national sociologies of this era were impor-
tant reactions against the hegemony of American, or British national
sociologies that were masquerading as transnational sociologies. At
that time national sociology associations were formed, national jour-
nals established, and national research interests pursued. For many
countries sociology was part of nation building, or post-war rebuild-
ing. Sociology played a part in defining the nation often over against
the influence or domination of the United States, the United Kingdom
or some other colonial power. Indeed, one could argue that early
American sociology played a similar role by providing a defining
point for the United States that was neither Eurocentric, nor British.
The development of national sociologies was very important to
assert national uniqueness, differences, separate legitimacy, and thus
to assert the value of the local, the regional and national over against
hegemonic internationalisms whether American, British or European.
They still are necessary to resist the imposition of the standards and
expectations of other societies on the interpretation of social life in
Australia, Canada and other former colonies. The example most rel-
evant to the sociology of religion centers on the issue of what to
examine when studying religious life. What measures are appropri-
ate to estimate the spiritual life of a country? The dimensions of
religious life most measured and reported on—church attendance,
certain beliefs, prayer—have been developed in the United States
by and for Protestant Christians. Are they relevant to New Zealand
or Australia, or Mexico, India, or China? Are they relevant to non-
Protestant Christians or other religious groups?
Not only are the usual measures of religiosity Yankocentric, but
often the standards by which the results are judged as high or low
are also those of the United States. Why should the empirically atyp-
ical American pattern be taken as normative? Until very recently,
however, religious life both inside and outside the United States was
read through the lenses of New England liberal Protestants. All reli-
gious life was judged by the standards of United States mainline
214 GARY D. BOUMA

Protestantism. Other societies, usually were judged as less religious

or defectively religious if their church attendance and level of belief
did not rise to American levels. From the American liberal Protestant
perspective, church attendance was the key variable. Beliefs were
next. The rational dominated with little understanding given to sacra-
mental life and there was even less appreciation of other differences
in spirituality. All that was seen was what the lens of American main-
line Protestantism revealed. All else was at best ignored, otherwise
put down, and scorned.
What was worse, many places and groups on the periphery viewed
their own religious life through these lenses and judged themselves
in this way even though it was most inappropriate. It was one thing
for religious leaders in other countries to envy levels of religious par-
ticipation in the United States, but for sociologists to imply that such
levels were to be expected elsewhere is unforgivable. But they had
been trained in the United States and had taken on a Yankocentric
view of the world, including their own religious worlds.
One way to begin addressing some of the problems of the currently
too narrow view of the religious would be to gather the product of
the many national sociologies to build a genuinely comparative soci-
ology of religion. Without comparative sociologies of religion, we
have no grounded sense of differences in the range of religious life,
practice and spirituality. We then become prone to accept the ideals
of others as standards for ourselves, or to try to impose our own on
others. ‘The identification of transnational processes and issues is an
element in this shift in the way the sociology of religion needs to be
done now.

IDENTIFYING THE TRANSNATIONAL: THE TIME DIMENSION

Taking a comparative, cross-national perspective is the first method-

ological step necessary to identify transnational processes. Transnational
phenomena must have defining features identifiable in a variety of
locales. However, transnational processes and factors are not only
transnational, but may also be transtemporal. ‘Time is merely another
dimension of locality. Transnational processes appear to be inde-
pendent of particular places and times even though location, both
in time and in place, provides some distinguishing characteristics.
For example, religious revitalization, or fundamentalization has
 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS 219

similar features wherever and whenever it arises (Marty & Appleby

1991). Given careful definitions, we can usefully compare the revi-
talisation of European Catholicism during the Crusades, or English
religion under Cromwell with the activities of the Taliban in
Afghanistan. I am amused by the outrage of the Christian West at
the destruction of statuary in Afghanistan by the Taliban. The self-
righteousness of this reaction is grounded in forgetting that Cromwell’s
troops destroyed most of England’s mediaeval art and statuary, and
that many Christian missionaries in Asia have for centuries insisted
on the destruction of family shrines and places of worship. All this
for reasons that to those involved seemed far more important than
concerns about culture, aesthetics, or family heritage. Similarly Muslim
political movements in Algeria need to be compared with the revi-
talisations, renewals and changes that swept European and American
Christianity between 1820 and 1840. Fundamentalization has similar
features in Cromwell’s Britain and today’s Moluccas, in Israel among
the hardliners, and among Hindu extremists. Fundamentalism is a
transnational and transtemporal process. Treating it as such will lead
to greater understanding of the process, its duration, and outcomes.
The failure to develop cross-national perspectives with historical
perspectives retards the ability to see these transnational processes.
This common failure blinds the sociologist to the larger picture. It
also leads some to see as religious some processes that are not nec-
essarily religious. For example, the decline of church attendance is
often taken to be the result of some religious or spiritual failure of
the churches when viewed in isolation. However, this view must be
interpreted differently when seen in the light of the declines in all
voluntary associations (Putnam 1995). Seen in a broader perspective
the question becomes, why does Society A at time X invest less in
social and cultural capital than Society B at time Y?
On the one hand, transnational processes may appear to be global,
like Islamic revitalization, religious renewal, secularisation, or glob-
alisation. On the other, they may appear to be local, but share fea-
tures with processes occurring in other locations, such as processes
of religious settlement, patterns of managing religious diversity, or
patterns of religion in identity formation.
I will now examine in greater detail a few transnational processes
that I have observed in my multinational studies of religious settle-
ment and the management of religious diversity. ‘These processes
include religious settlement, the management of religious diversity,
DAG GARY D. BOUMA

patterns of religion and identity construction, the shift from rational

to charismatic, and the religious effort to shape societies.

RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT

Since the 1980s one of the major themes in the sociology of religion
has been the study of the movement of religious groups and the
attendant processes of religious settlement (Bouma 1994, 1995, 1997a
and b, 1999b, 2000; Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000, Warner 1998a and
b). Religious settlement is a transnational social process in the sense
that common features attend the settlement of any religious group
into a society in which it has not been previously present in the
same way, or same proportion. The sociological focus in studying
religious settlement is on group, community, culture, and society
rather than on individual migrants. My cross-national studies of reli-
gious settlement and a review of some historical work has led me
to identify the following cross-national processes.
1. Religion often serves as a source of motivation, assistance and
support provided to groups of migrants.
2. Religious groups are often a factor in finding a place to live,
a job, social services, and education.
3. Religion usually plays a part in identity formation, often an
increased role as religious groups and individuals work out who they
are in the new location and as the new location often seeks to give
them an identity they had not used before.
4. New religious groups in a society soon discover that they must
build a religious community in the new setting and establish a plau-
sibility structure for their faith. This produces the most friction with
the welcoming society and the management of this process is criti-
cal to establishment of harmonious relations.
5. A related process involves the ways religious groups negotiate
their place alongside other religious groups in the new setting and
how they respond to reactions of the community and state to their
presence. ‘The successful management of this diversity by a society
results in the acceptance of the “new” religious group as a legiti-
mate player in the religious field, or as another acceptable product
in the religious market.
6. Religious settlement involves adjustments required and made
by both the welcoming society and the settling religion. In this process,
neither remain the same.
 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS 217

7. Religious settlement results in communities that are both locally

grounded and internationally connected.
These dimensions of religious settlement define a transnational
social process in that it involves groups, cultures and societies and
is observed in different places and times. Religious settlement brings
to light the fact that it is not just individuals who settle. Religions
move, religions migrate, and religions settle, move in, find a place
and establish a presence. Moreover, taking a religious settlement per-
spective brings to light the fact that settlement is at least a two-way
street. Assimilation theories presupposed that the receiving society
had all the impact. Individuals, groups and cultures assimilated to
the norms, orientations, and activities of the receiving society. However,
the stories of religious settlement since World War II show that the
effects are mutual. Religious settlement is a reflexive process chang-
ing both the religion and the society.
There are numerous examples of the impact of settlement on reli-
gious groups. Zen Buddhism in Australia focuses on the development
of meditation, while in Japan where it originated, the focus is on
burial rituals and remembrance (Bouma, Smith & Vasi 2000). Muslims
in Australia and the United Kingdom are developing in recogniz-
ably different ways from those they left behind in Turkey, Lebanon,
Egypt, and Pakistan (Bouma 1994, 1995, 1997a and Lewis 1994).
In the United States, Ebaugh & Chafetz (2000) report that immi-
grant congregations take on organizational forms not found in the
places from which they came. Warner (1998a and b) reports on con-
eregationalization of immigrant religious groups as they settle into
the United States, and I describe Australia as a denominational
society (Bouma 1997b).
The reciprocity of change in religious settlement changes the way
we look at religion and society relations. Religion is not on the way
out. The movement of religions has serious socio-cultural conse-
quences for both the society and the religion. Secularisation and irre-
ligion are not the movements of the future. Religious difference is
increasing, is serious, and is here to stay. Religious cultures are very
influential. Ethnicity will not engulf religion; rather religion has
become an even more important site of research and policy in its
own right.
218 GARY D. BOUMA

Manacinc Reticious DIvEeRsITy

An attendant transnational social process to religious settlement

involves the management of religious diversity. Where religious
settlement changes the pattern and structure of religious diversity in
a society, that society will institute public policies to manage that
diversity. Many of my colleagues hate the word manage. ‘That is why
I use it. Individuals may negotiate diversity. Societies manage it. Every
society manages diversity, has norms about acceptable difference and
expectations for the treatment of difference, defines what differences
matter and how they matter. I refer to this as a society’s institution
of diversity (Bouma 1998), its regulatory system related to difference.
One clement of this system will relate to religious difference.
Since each society has somewhat different institutions of religious
diversity, a careful comparative study is required. Boyle & Sheen
(1997) present a world report on the management of religious diver-
sity. Some nations, for example Denmark, require the activities of
all religious groups to be cleared by the established church of the
state, in the case of Denmark, the Lutheran church. Some Muslim
states limit the rights of other religious groups to recruit members.
Beckford (1999) reports on the way the Church of England manages
the access to prisoners by clergy of other religious groups. The
European Union has introduced a Bill of Rights including the right
to freedom of religion and belief. Australia, while permitting a very
wide diversity of religious groups and activities, resists the imple-
mentation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR) as unnecessary legalism (Bouma 1999c). The limits of per-
missible diversity are tested by various religious groups resulting in
highly publicised attempts to repress and control religious diversity
such as the Waco Texas debacle or the removal of children from a
group called The Family by social welfare officials in Australia (Bouma
1999c and Sheen 1997).
Following World War HI, the global movements of peoples brought
new religious groups to some places, but this was done in an era of
assimilation. Diversity was managed by expecting it to go away, by
establishing programs to assist the newcomer to become like those
already there. “They” were supposed to become like “us”, whoever
“they” and “us” were. In some cases, diversity was vigorously and
violently repressed. In Soviet Bloc countries all religion was repressed.
In Australia, ethnically diverse Catholics were denied permission to
 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS 219

organize their own parishes, being required to accept the local Irish
hegemony (Lewins 1978). China’s attempt to manage religious diver-
sity and maintain national control of boundaries, ideologies, and reli-
gion includes the regulation of all religion and the repression of
Tibetan Buddhism and of Muslims in its northwest. Only a limited
number of religious groups are given a narrow range of freedom to
operate, and nonconforming groups along with those outside the
approved range, like various Protestant Christian groups, the under-
ground Catholic Church, and the Falun Gong are actively repressed.
This is a clear example of state management of diversity in religion,
ideology, meaning, interpretation, and culture.
It was not until well into the 1980s that evidence began to emerge
indicating clearly that religion was here to stay, that conservative
religions were continuing to thrive, that religion would re-enter politics,
that in many countries a new form of religious plurality and diver-
sity was emerging, that in other countries religious diversity was being
repressed as difference was driven out and state orthodoxies imposed.
In the 1980s, we entered a new phase of religion/society relations.
Selected evidence of a new phase would include the overthrow of
the Shah of Iran, the emergence of revitalization among Muslims, the
rise and spread of Pentecostal Christians, the spread of Buddhism,
the rise of New Age spiritualities, the rise of unmeltable ethnic reli-
gious groups, the use of religion to express and maintain ethnic
differences among migrants, the rise of different religious politics, the
rise of multicultural societies, the rise of religious plurality, and the
continued repression of religious diversity in China, the former Soviet
and Malaysia.
Evidence like this indicates the emergence of transnational processes
driving change in the way religious life is conducted and in the rela-
tionships between religion and society. These are processes that go
beyond national boundaries, processes that occur within different
societies at about the same time or stage. These are transnational
processes that qualify national issues and processes. Each of these
developments and changes raises issues of how to manage religious
diversity at many levels—societal, group, and individual, and within
religious organizations. These processes also challenge some of the
assumptions often made by 20th century sociology of religion~that
religious diversity was a transient embarrassment and would decrease,
that religion was in decline and decreasingly likely to be a factor in
social, let alone global life.
220 GARY D. BOUMA

This last century witnessed the rise, demise, and transformation

of ecumenism as religious groups confronted and attempted to man-
age both their own internal diversity and societal diversity by pro-
moting the belief that we would soon all be one, that is, the same.
The ideology of ecumenism was promoted even though conservative
groups were rising, Pentecostals were growing and Christian diver-
sity was in fact increasing. In ecumenism, the New England liberal
ethos was hegemonic, powerfully blinding sociologists to these processes
increasing diversity. Now as we enter a clearly post-ecumenical time,
the way we manage religious diversity is changing again as compe-
tition re-enters the religious marketplace, even among major play-
ers. A key recent example of this is Cardinal Ratzinger’s message
mouthed by the Pope about the Roman Catholic Church being the
only one that can guarantee salvation (Congregation for the Doctrine
of the Faith 2000). On the other hand, serious attempts to listen
and understand are emerging among the religions of the world as
their adherents interact in the market places, as they sit together in
universities, as they inhabit the same social space.
My comparative cross-national studies of the social institutions of
religious diversity indicate the transnational conditions for cooperation
and peace among religious groups (Bouma & Singleton 2000). There
are demographic, cultural, and social structural factors. The demo-
graphic factors associated with harmonious plurality are one group
that dominates, the others being relatively small produce no real
competition for demographic take over. The worst situation is demo-
graphically equal religious groups existing in polarized conflict, such
as is the case in Ambon, Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and the
Indian sub-continent. Productive religious diversity is more likely in
a culture with a religious institution in which the place of religion
in society is valued, but religion is not supposed to and does not
make a difference to life chances, religious activity is accepted, but
is not deemed worth fighting over, and religious diversity is accepted.
Social structures associated with productive religious diversity include
a pattern of regular contact between members of different religious
groups at all levels, organizations promoting intergroup commu-
nication and harmony, a religiously neutral judiciary to which con-
flicts and disputes can be and have been referred, and a religiously
neutral, but benevolent government that suppresses conflict at early
stages.
The management of religious diversity has become a major issue
 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS 221

for many nations. While it has been an issue in the past, both the
ways it arises and the solutions posed are different today (Bouma
1999a and b). These changes reflect the work of transnational processes
that also change the way we study religion by challenging some of
our assumptions about religion, diversity and their relations to societies.

TRANSNATIONAL PATTERNS OF RELIGIOUS IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION

As religion re-enters the world stage as a force to be reckoned with,

it becomes again an important element in identity formation. As
identity and religion become liberated from association with birth
and location, the role of religion in identity increases. However it
does so in different ways. These differences alter the way we concept-
ualize identity and the role of religion in identity. Aside from reli-
giously totalitarian societies, now, where there is choice, there is less
conversion, and more identity bricolage, more openness, for example,
to being Presbyterian and Anglican, Catholic and Buddhist, or Baptist
and a witch, crystal bearer, and new age. There has been a loss of
binary, either or, totalizing identity demands in the religious domain.
Some religious groups respond by insisting on identity singularity,
while others are happy just to get a look in. The existence of and
management of religious diversity at the societal level has an impact
at the personal. In the British Commonwealth, we have the wonderful
case of the Queen, who is Anglican in England and Presbyterian in
Scotland. She has been Presbyterian in Melbourne, Australia too,
but what should she be in Muslim dominated Bradford, or Hindu
Leeds, or Derby? Can she, or more interestingly, will Prince Charles
carry through on his insistence that the Monarch be the “Protector
of Faith” and not just the “Protector of the faith” and “Head of the
Church of England”?
Religion, like other elements in identity definition, only becomes
apparent as an element of identity definition in interaction with some-
one who is different in that dimension. Migration has provided many
contexts for this to occur. People who move from places where one
religion was hegemonic to a place where their religion is a minority,
like Muslims to Australia or Britain display a higher level of salience
for religious identity, similar to what is taken as “normal” in the
USA but is “new” in many other parts of the world (Bouma 1994
and 1997a).
222 GARY D. BOUMA

In reaction to increased diversity and the pattern of multiple iden-

tities, some religious groups demand or offer a form of public expres-
sion of religious identity, for example kip, hijab, badges declaring
WWJD, a book to carry; or prescribe identifying behaviours—not
drinking, requiring prayer at particular hours, wearing blue suits and
name badges while engaging in mission, fasting, being ashed on Ash
Wednesday, and marking different holy days. It is essential to sur-
vival to be able to declare a clear location in the religious market
and provide consumable identity symbols for adherents. Some are
more discrete than others, but that is a matter of taste.
In this context identity choices are made and remade, at times
quite playfully. Religious identity is chosen/constructed/negotiated.
Religious identity is expressed through consumer choices—buying
symbols, attending sessions, lectures or services, or giving to chari-
ties and causes. Choice includes how it is expressed as well as when
and where. Religious goods are consumed. Religious/spiritual fads
have a shorter shelf life now than before.
These shifts in the way identity is constructed will challenge some
of the ways we study religion. The boundaries between religions and
religious identities will become fuzzier, less binary. Religious identi-
ties will become less controlled by ecclesiastical bureaucracies. A
wider range of spiritualties will find expression in identity formation
alongside identities supported and grounded in more established orga-
nizational structures. Our academic constructions of religious life are
challenged by the changing realities of daily religious life. These
changes make old fixed and exclusive categories less relevant and
continuous analysis nearly impossible, as the questions that suited a
former style are not appropriate to the current form.

THE SHIFT FROM RATIONAL TO CHARISMATIC

The worldwide growth of various forms of Pentecostalism among

Christians needs to be taken quite seriously as primary evidence of
a macro, cultural, transnational trend from the rational to the expe-
riential/emotional. In familiar Weberian terms, the earlier shift to
rational-legal authority was a reaction to and movement from tra-
ditional authority. ‘The rational/legal has been foundational to the
modern and to the churches of the Reformation. The Reformation
involved a shift from orthopraxy to orthodoxy, from doing right
 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS 223

things to believing correctly. While the Great Awakening heralded

the coming change, today Pentecostals lead the way in a shift from
orthodoxy to orthopathy—from a concern for right belief to right
feeling. While old style rational Protestants, liberal or conservative,
insisted on credal conformity, Pentecostals insist that you leave feel-
ing good, happy. To test this just try attending a Pentecostal service
with a frown, not leaving happy; the pressure to smile, be happy
and exude success is palpable.
Pentecostal Christianity provides a case of a religion migrating,
but without the migration of a people, like the early days of Buddhism
in the West. Pentecostals have ridden the wave of this major cul-
tural shift from reason to passion. As Pentecostalism settles into a
country, it infects, enlivens, and changes traditional groups as well
as establishing new ones. Pentecostal Christianity far from being
backward looking, although it often rejoices in this motif, is part of
a growing diversity of forms of re-sacralising and re-enchanting a
world disenchanted by ideological rationalism.
This shift from the rational to the experiential is also foundational
to understanding the shift from religion to spirituality. The “religious”
is on the rise everywhere. If I say “religion” people nod off. If I say
“spirituality” they perk up and say “count me in”. This reflects a
trend away from patriarchal professionalism; from reliance on the
rational to reliance on feelings and experience; from subservience to
system and hierarchy to personal agency, experience, and the sensate.
‘111 do not encounter it; 1 amt there’, If I"do not feel it, it is
not real”.
While some of these changes look like the personal side of pri-
vatisation, they have public dimensions and consequences. ‘This 1s
not the relegation to the private of the once public by the market,
or by the forces of secularisation. It is a shift in the zone of the pro-
duction of religious goods and services, as well as the zone of con-
sumption. It is a turning away from one form of organization of the
religious market, a form that has been dominant since the mid-19th
century, a form dominated by religious professionals hierarchically
ordered in bureaucratic organizations. This of course, like many of
the changes affecting religious life, is not limited to the religious
sphere. Health industries, universities, and economies are likewise
being transformed by do-it-yourself approaches and anti-bureaucracy
preferences. But to expect the religious and spiritual to be found pri-
marily in religious organization such as congregations, churches,
224 GARY D. BOUMA

synagogues, mosques, temples and ashrams is to limit the view to

such an extent as to miss much of the action and to tie the study
of religion and spirituality to only one social form of its expression.
I see this shift from the rational to the charismatic as one of the
clearest and most powerful of transnational processes affecting the
study of religion. It produces profound conflict between generations
within families, within congregations, and among religious leaders.
These conflicts are as profound, if not yet quite so violent, as those
attending the shift from traditional to rational, namely the wars of
religion in Europe, the heresy trials, witch burnings.
The quest for a re-enchanted world is serious evidence that we
live in postsecular times. Religion as we knew it may be in decline,
but spirituality is rife. If what we look for in studies of religion is
churchianity—formally organized, pew-based religion—sociologists
will miss the action. We will decline as what we observe declines.
We need to take a fresh look at the world around us, listen to those
we find foreign—our children and children’s children. The shift from
rationality to charismatic experientiality as the foundational author-
ity challenges many existing preconceptions about the religious, its
expression and impact.

Errorts TO RESHAPE SOCIAL ORDER BY RELIGIOUS GROUPS

The popular media often describe particular societies as beset by

religious fanatics who would remake society according to their vision.
But this has ever been the case if a bit of history is read. It is in
the nature of the religious vision to seek not only the better person,
but also the better society. It is in the nature of religious conviction
to deem it necessary to force some to conform so that the ideal may
be achieved even if that forced conformity is being forced to live in
a system of free choice—a complaint often expressed by Muslims
living in the West. In this arena, secularism is as much a religious
ideology as the Christian Right, Catholic anti-abortion, Baptist tem-
perance movements, Hindu fundamentalists, or Muslim political
activists. From this view, Islamists seem like Cromwell, fundamen-
talists and pro-familists go hand in hand, liberals generate sweet con-
fusion until pressed and then come out fighting using all the power
and privilege they can muster.
The most dramatic cases from a Western liberal perspective involve
 TRANSNATIONAL FACTORS 225

attempts to establish Shariah law. However much this may challenge

or offend the sensibilities of Western liberals, sociologists from Western
societies need to remember their own histories including the Crusades
and past impositions of Western law, Christian and secular by the
British, French, Germans, and Americans. The imposition of civi-
lization by various Christian churches under the aegis. of empire
involved chaplains who accompanied imperial armies and served as
magistrates in prison colonies. What is becoming clear is that the
presumptions of neutrality by secular law are false and hide a coer-
cive power as repressive as religious law.
So now as then, here as there, the religious is involved in the
reshaping of the social. The groups may change, the issues vary, but
religion and spirituality are about change. Spiritualities are accused
of being self-religions, focused on self-improvement but that accusa-
tion often comes from those who feel left behind and from those
who seek to control the religious and spiritual. Meanwhile the link
between the spiritual and politics, both green and left, is being made
as earth-based religions and spiritualities continue to develop. Neither
religion nor spirituality remains content to leave the world unchanged.
Only otiose religion is an opiate, the rest is dynamite.

CONCLUSION

As transnational processes transform both the religious configurations

of many societies and the ways religion and spirituality are expressed
and organized, the sociology of religion needs to be alert to the
changes and their impact on the way the religious and spiritual are
conceptualized, measured, and studied. First, the transnational demands
our attention as a research site in itself. If the sociology of religion
is to have anything of interest to say in the next decade, it needs
to examine changes, processes, and structures that are occurring in
many places and across much time.
Second, taking transnational processes seriously raises method-
ological challenges. How do categories developed in one society relate
to the realities as experienced in other societies? Taking a transna-
tional perspective offers opportunities to test the validity and utility
of categories often assumed to be “universal” but probably much
more limited in applicability. However, this testing requires extreme
sensitivity to the differences between societies, particularly societies
226 GARY D. BOUMA

that at first seem quite similar, for example those that share a language
and religious groups with the same names. An instrument that “works” in
one society may or may not “work” in the next and discovering
whether it does takes much more care than is often taken. Attending
to cross-cultural differences requires deep immersion in each society just
to become aware of how the realities of one society are being perceived
through lenses designed for another. The realities of transnationalism
increasingly imply that researchers familiar with only one society are
severely limited in their capacity to understand what is happening.
Third, once the comparative perspective required to study transna-
tional processes is adopted, it quickly becomes apparent that this
work cannot be done without a proper grounding in history. The
very word process suggests extension through time. Sociology’s propen-
sity for historical analyses of social and cultural life becomes even
less defensible as the realities of global processes become more appar-
ent. But history is only one of the social sciences to be engaged in
this endeavor.
Finally, the value of strictly local studies needs to be reaffirmed.
National sociologies are critical to provide clear pictures of what is
happening in each society. They are part of each society’s self-imaging
and policy development. To a sociologist attuned to transnational
processes, such studies can also be very useful in building under-
standing of global processes which are expressed in particular contexts.

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 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF
MODERNITY: A NEW PARADIGM

Mervyn F. Bendle

ABSTRACT

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the war on terror and the invasion of
Iraq have lifted a veil that was obscuring vital aspects of the global situation. These
tragic events have highlighted profound processes of change that are unfolding within
global history. Hundreds of millions of people are feeling excluded and alienated
from the world system. Large numbers are prepared to engage in militant religious
activism, especially as they seek a viable identity that links them simultaneously with
the core values of their traditional civilizations, and the imperatives of globalization
and modernity with which they are increasingly engaged. This paper introduces a
new paradigm that explores this situation, and particularly the links between glob-
alization and the subjective religious tendencies that find expression in outbursts of
militant activity. As a case study it focusses on Islamism as a radical political ideolog
reasserting and valorizing a traditional identity based on civilizational values that
cut completely across those of an unobtainable and increasingly reviled globalized
modernity.

LIFTING THE VEIL

The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in America and the sub-
sequent ‘war on terrorism’ are apocalyptic events. They are apocalyptic
not in the eschatological sense that they signal the end of the world
(although apparently some people believe this (Gibbs, 2002)). Rather,
they are apocalyptic in the original Greek sense of offering a reve-
lation, of lifting a veil to reveal the truth about the world. For some,
it seems, they reveal a cosmic battle, as a recent article about the
current American enthusiasm for literature about the ‘end times’
remarks: “In an apocalyptic age, people feel that the veil of normal,
secular reality is lifting, and we can see behind the scenes, see where
God and the devil, good and evil are fighting to control the future.”
(Gibbs, 2002, p. 41) For others, the events revealed are more down-
to-earth, but no less profound, involving massive processes of change
that are unfolding within global history—seismic civilizational shifts
that have to be understood not in terms of months or years, but in
terms of decades and even centuries (Bobbitt 2002; Eisenstadt 1999;
Hoogvelt 2001; Hopkins 2002; Huntington 1998; Ullman, 2003).

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
230 MERVYN F. BENDLE

Tue NeEED FoR A NEw PARADIGM

These opening remarks are intended to stress the responsibility and

opportunity that the sociology of religion and religion studies have
to analyze contemporary militant religious movements and their
increasingly fractious encounters with the processes of globalization
that are remorselessly seeking to reshape the world into a unitary
global civilization of modernity (Cohen and Kennedy, 2000; Hopkins,
2002). While such movements are constituted by Muslims, Hindus,
Sikhs, Buddhists or Christians amongst others (Juergensmeyer, 2002),
this paper will focus mainly on Islamism, as it best illustrates the
argument being offered here. It should be noted at the outset that
Islamism is not Islam, but rather a reformulation of elements of
Islam and their mobilization as a militant political ideology, express-
ing a total and unyielding rejection of the West and associated phe-
nomena, including globalization, modernization, secularism, and
democracy, as will be discussed below.
A comprehensive analysis of the present crisis and the emergence
of these movements will require the deployment of a theoretical par-
adigm capable of drawing insights from various approaches. At the
macrosociological level, this may involve analyzing the relevant reli-
gious phenomena within a model based on civilizational analysis
(Eisenstadt, 1999, 2000, 2001). This broad approach should also
comprehend the profound implications of the global demographic
revolution (McGee, 2001) and the role of religious diaspora (Cohen,
1997). It should be complemented at the microsociological level by
an analysis of the processes of identity formation within such reli-
gious communities and their interaction with host national identities,
especially where the legitimacy of the latter have been problema-
tized (Bendle, 2002b).
The paradigm must therefore address the ‘crisis of legitimacy’
experienced by hegemonic Western powers, especially in connection
with their global economic dominance, extreme affluence, rampant
consumerism, shrinking birthrates and the implications of high levels
of immigration, often illegal. It must similarly address issues of eco-
nomic and political participation at all levels of the world system,
drawing perhaps upon the “world disorder model.” This seeks to
reveal how globalization is both producing and exacerbating mas-
sive processes of disorder on an international scale and how this is
finding expression in religious extremism (Tibi, 1998). The paradigm
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 231

should also offer an analysis of the ideological sources of religious

violence and extremism (Benjamin and Simon, 2002; Kepel, 2002;
Ruthven, 2002), exploring perennial religious phenomena such as
martyrdom and sacred violence (e.g., through suicide bombing), and
the role of apocalyptic visions that polarize the world into dualisms
of good and evil with an associated demonization of enemies in terms
of cosmic warfare (Cohn, 2001; Katz and Popkin, 1998; Weber,
L999);
A central analytical task of the new paradigm involves disclosing
the linkages between these subjective and often apparently irrational
ideological and religious tendencies that find expression in outbursts
of militant and terrorist activity, and the broader movements of civ-
ilizational dynamics operating within an extended timeframe. Indeed,
as Mark Juergensmeyer (2000, p. 6) emphasises, it is becoming increas-
ingly clear that explanations for global terrorism lie “in the current
forces of geopolitics and in a strain of violence that may be found
at the deepest levels of religious imagination.”
The task is to explore the link between these two realms, and the
key factor appears to be the onset of global modernity: this has
brought massive changes and wide-ranging challenges for all societies,
while also calling forth intense and often militant ideological reactions
to it. This has been particularly the case with religious militancy:
Neither anomalies nor anachronisms ... these small but potent groups
of violent activists have represented growing masses of supporters, and
they have exemplified currents of thinking and cultures of commitment
that have arisen to counter the prevailing modernism... that has
emerged in the past three centuries from the European Enlightenment
and spread throughout the world. They have come to hate secular
governments with an almost transcendent passion [dreaming] of rev-
olutionary changes that would establish a godly social order in the
rubble of what the citizens of most secular societies have regarded as
modern, egalitarian democracies (Juergensmeyer, 2000, p. 228).

Juergensmeyer analyzes this type of religious militancy in terms of

various cultures of religious violence, involving the use of symbols,
theater, modes of performance and notions of martyrdom and cos-
mic war. Such analyses can be usefully augmented by exploring the
rise of Islamism and related forms of militant religious insurgency
and terrorism as forms of “reactionary modernism” (Herf, 1984)
located within a broad model of global social change that illumi-
nates the emerging international crisis in an extended time frame.
a5 4 MERVYN F. BENDLE

THe Impact or MopERNITY

Central to such an analytical framework is the history of modernity

since the Renaissance, but especially since the European Enlightenment
when the notion of the “modern” was first given distinct formula-
tion and the idea of a universal humanity took firm hold, and more
recently when modernity assumed its characteristic globalized form.
Modernity is constituted by a range of interrelated features and
processes, including the rise of industrial capitalism, the secular nation-
state and polity, science and technology, possessive individualism, the
bureaucratization of society, modern forms of class stratification, social
inequality and complex divisions of labor, the development of mass
production and the consequent need for ever-expanding global mar-
kets, high levels of social mobility both within and between societies,
the emancipation of women and other groups, and secularization. It
is closely associated with imperialism and militarism, and the inter-
national system of nation-states.
More recently, modernity has witnessed a shift toward mass con-
sumption and marketing as the basis for the construction of social
identities and the choice of lifestyles, and this is linked to an increased
emphasis on cultural pluralism and a search for authenticity within
the increasingly transient and fragmented culture of high modernity.
Coming to the fore also has been modernity’s fundamental nature
as a risk society committed to openness, uncertainty, pragmatism,
and the provisionality of all values.
Historically, it appears that the forms of liberal democracy found
in Western societies offer the political system that best facilitates the
emergence of modernity, and it is now increasingly clear that the
20th century was shaped by what Philip Bobbitt (2002) argues was
a single “Long War” that stretched from 1914 to 1990 and saw
decades of global conflict between competing state forms: parlia-
mentary democracy, fascism, and communism. In the past decade,
this conflict appears to have culminated in the eventual victory of a
new form of state—the transnational market state based on a glob-
alized economic system of increasingly unimpeded capital and com-
modity flows—and this is rapidly replacing the constitutional order
of the previously dominant nation-state based on the notion of enforce-
able sovereignty over a defined territorial area.
Five key developments signal this revolution and the development
of modernity into a truly global form: (1) increasing recognition of
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 233

universal human rights, (2) the deployment of weapons of mass

destruction that render traditional national borders and territories
unprotectable, (3) the proliferation of other global and transnational
threats, including environmental, disease, famine, and demographic
dynamics that also cannot be combated on a purely national basis,
(4) economic globalization that ignores and corrodes all borders that
offer resistance to the free flow of capital and commodities, and rad-
ically reduces the capacity of nation-states to control their internal
economics, (5) the global communications revolution that is increas-
ingly integrating all areas of the planet into the one single telecom-
munications system, exposing all national societies and cultures to
competition, influence and critique from external and uncontrollable
sources.
Analyses of the emergence of Islamism and the present war on
terrorism must be cognizant of these types of long-term developments
and their implications. Religious militancy and terrorism are simul-
taneously products of and reactions to these shifts, both reacting to
the threat of modernity and globalization, and capitalizing upon the
opportunities these new structures provide for their militant acti-
vities. For example, Osama bin Laden and the Al-Qaeda leader-
ship are clearly operating outside of any nation-state framework,
having Saudi, Egyptian and other nationalities, while being based in
Afghanistan and then Pakistan, and directing and facilitating terror-
ist activity in the United States, Europe, Africa, the Middle East,
the Philippines, Indonesia and elsewhere. Bin Laden explicitly aspires
to be a “transnational revolutionary leader” (Katz, 2002) and per-
haps his commitment is best symbolized by the revocation of his
Saudi citizenship and his presently stateless status. Such groups also
seek the construction of an irredentist Islamist “super-state” con-
structed out of existing national territories largely defined by the
imperialist powers after the break-up of the Ottoman, Indian, and
South-East Asian colonial empires.
Al-Qaeda is also less a monolithic revolutionary organization like,
for example, the Communist International, and more a network
drawing upon the various facilities of globalized modernity, includ-
ing telecommunications and ease of movement of capital and per-
sonnel. As John Voll (2001, p. 3) points out, Al-Qaeda “reflects the
changing nature of social movements in the contemporary world.
The old-style revolutionary parties were often hierarchical and had
some form of clear organizational structure. In the new world of
234 MERVYN F. BENDLE

global social movements, the network pattern of association is emerging

as the more effective mode of operation,” defining future forms of
conflict. The principal if somber implication that arises from these
factors is that transnational terrorist organizations like Al-Qaeda are
likely to be a continuing feature of a globalized modernity into the
foreseeable future. And this is the case despite the apparent irony
that it is precisely the system that they target for destruction that
provides them with the opportunities and means to accomplish their
goal.

MOobDERNITY AND CIVILIZATIONAL ANALYSIS

In analyzing the nature and role of militant religious movements like

Islamism the crucial point is that modernity is not to be conceived
of primarily in temporal terms, for example, as simply the current
phase of development in Western civilization, or as an end-state
toward which different forms of industrial society are driven by a
shared internal logic of modernization. As the description of moder-
nity provided above makes clear, it is a qualitatively new type of
social system, indeed at least potentially a new civilization. Conse-
quently, the present crisis is best seen not as another confrontation
between Islam and the Christian West, that is, as a repetition of civ-
ilizational conflicts that have been occurring since the age of the
crusades, with this particular instance just happening to be occurring
in the modern age. Nor is it to be seen as a conflict arising from
two previously existing civilizations entering into modernity as rivals
at “the end of history” where the exhaustion of political ideologies
and the imperatives of global capitalism produce a convergence
around some form of economic and political liberalism whose prin-
ciples they basically share. On the contrary, this is a new type of
confrontation.
This point is well made by Samuel Eisenstadt (2001, p. 321), who
argues that while modernity has its roots in Western civilization, it
is best understood as itself constituting “a distinct civilization... a
new type of civilization,” whose emergence is an event “not unlike
the formation and expansion of the Great Religions” whose roots
lhe in the Axial Age. This was the period 800-200 BCE that saw
the first emergence of the religious and philosophical systems that
fundamentally informed the core of Greek, Judaic, Hindu, Buddhist,
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 235

Persian, and Chinese civilizations, and saw the beginning of the evo-
lution, mutation, and synthesis of core elements of certain of these
into the major second stage Axial civilizations of Christianity and
Islam. Accordingly, modernity is characterized (as each of these ear-
her Axial civilizations were) by its own distinct cwilizational core, a rel-
atively unchanging and resilient infrastructure constituted by a specific
ontological vision, cultural program and institutional framework,
based, in this case, on specifically modern notions about humanity,
science, history, knowledge, law, and the universe. Unlike earlier civ-
ilizations the central core of modernity is not intrinsically religious,
but rather is characterised by “an unprecedented ‘openness’ and
uncertainty” (Eisenstadt, 2001, p. 321), exemplified by its reliance
on scientific discovery and technological innovation, entrepreneurial
initiative, and endless commercial expansion, supported by a capi-
talist world system. It is as the bearer of these characteristics at its
civilizational core that modernity has arisen to rival the Axial civi-
lizations that first emerged millennia ago. Its steady expansion across
the globe as a new civilization of unprecedented power is generat-
ing a spreading crisis as it encounters and comes into conflict with
these older civilizations, represented especially (but by no means
exclusively) by Islam.
It is the incommensurability of their civilizational cores that makes
the encounter of the emerging civilization of modernity with traditional
civilizations such as Islam so profound and intractable, although,
paradoxically, as we will note below, Islamism is itself possibly best
understood as a modernist movement, like other forms of so called
religious fundamentalism (Eisenstadt, 1999; Marty and Appleby, 1990),
and reactionary modernism (Herf, 1984). Indeed, it is these modernist
elements that help make Islamism a framework within which contem-
porary Muslims might seek to construct a viable identity and achieve
a sense of personal authenticity in a otherwise alienating world.
The longevity and resilience of an Axial civilization such as Islam
must be emphasized if the origin and nature of the present crisis
are to be fully comprehended. As Ira Lapidus (2002, p. 814) has
recently pointed out, Middle Eastern and Islamic societies have been
based for nearly five thousand years upon “the constellation of lin-
eage, tribal, religious, and political institutions first evident in the
ancient cities of Mesopotamia in the third millennium BC. This
configuration of institutions was the basis of pre-Islamic Middle
Eastern societies and was the template upon which Middle Eastern
236 MERVYN F. BENDLE

Islamic societies were constructed.” The new religion that emerged

from the revelations of the Prophet Muhammad infused these ancient
structures with new meaning and a powerful sense of legitimacy.
Islam became embedded
in the ruling political institutions such as the Caliphates and Sultanates,
and in Islamic religious communities such as Sunni schools of law,
Sufi brotherhoods, and Shi’i sects. It was also embedded in both ht-
erary culture and popular concepts and mores. ... Islam provided a
concept of the universe, ethical rules, legal norms for daily behavior,
ritual prescriptions for mediating the relation of human beings and
God, mystical methods of self-cultivation, and symbols of self-identity
(Lapidus, 2002, p. 814).

Through conquest, commerce and the efforts of wandering Sufis, the

universalist vision of Islam was carried to peoples from Tunisia to
Indonesia, where it combined with pre-existing cultures and societies
“to create a new family of human communities.” (Lapidus, 2002,
p. 815) In terms of the spiritual and cultural heritage of the human
race, this Axial civilization is a massive and indeed invaluable achieve-
ment, and yet it is precisely this that is seen by key actors in the
present crisis to be under mortal threat from the forces of globaliz-
ing modernity.
Threatened along with Islamic civilization itself are the highly inte-
grated forms of identity and personal authenticity upon which the
Muslim social order is based. Any adequate assessment of the pre-
sent crisis must recognize the significance of this basic fact. It is a
feature of the new paradigm that it both recognizes the destructive
impact of globalizing modernity on the viability of traditional iden-
tity formation within Muslim societies, and seeks to analyze how
alternative, militant, identities, and forms of authenticity are con-
structed within radical Islamist groups.
Unfortunately, the full dimensions of this epochal confrontation
between the ancient Axial civilization of Islam and the emerging civ-
ilization of modernity appear not to be fully recognized in the West.
For example, a recent book (Ali, 2002) on the 9/11 terrorist attacks
characterizes the confrontation between the United States and mil-
itant Islam as “the clash of fundamentalisms,” implying that the clash
is simply between two varieties of reactionary ideology and not rec-
ognizing that the situation is actually far more profound and involves
a confrontation between two different Axial civilizations one ancient
and one emerging—based on intrinsically antagonistic assumptions
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY Dv),

at their cores about the nature of humanity, the cosmos, knowledge,

science, law, history, religion, and God.
Ironically, leading Islamist intellectuals like Sayyid Qutb and
Ayatollah Ruhallah Khomeini recognized only too well the profound
depths of the incommensurability between Islam and modernity in
its presently dominant form. This recognition is shared by other,
non-Islamist, Muslim intellectuals, including the great Iranian philoso-
pher Seyyed Hossein Nasr, a Traditionalist in the line of Ananda
Coomaraswamy, Rene Guenon, Frithjof Schuon, and others who
have made a lifetime’s contribution to the understanding of the ori-
gins, nature, and history of the divergence between modernity, and
Islam and the world’s other Axial civilizations, tracing it back to the
Renaissance (Hahn, Auxier, and Stone, 2001; Nasr, 1981). Diverse
as such figures are in terms of their theologies and political com-
mitments, they share a common sense of urgency about what is at
stake in the current crisis.

Tue Crisis oF IsLamic CIvILIZATION

The long history of Islamic civilization can be understood in terms

of four main phases: the Islamic (c. 7th—13th centuries); the Ottoman
(c. 1453-1918); the Nationalist (1918-1991); and the Post-Nationalist
(1991). The first two periods were the longest and most stable and
saw great achievements. Islam was for a time pre-eminent among
the civilizations of the world, with dar al-islam constituting a form of
archaic globalization that prevailed for several centuries until it
encountered the proto-globalizing forces of the European ‘gunpow-
der empires’ (Bennison, 2002; Hodgson, 1974 Vol. 3).
The past two centuries have brought conflict and increasingly rapid
decline in the relative power of Islamic civilization. The penultimate
Nationalist phase saw the decline of overt colonial domination and
the rise of predominantly secular political elites within a tripartite
social structure that generally prevailed throughout the Muslim world.
This involved: (1) secular state apparatuses linked externally to the
hegemonic political and economic forces of the non-Muslim world;
(2) a range of usually apolitical Muslim organizations whose main
links were to internal traditional Islamic cultural and social institu-
tions, practices, and beliefs, and who played a major mediating and
integrative role within their societies; and (3) various oppositional
238 MERVYN F. BENDLE

movements that became increasingly defined in the last quarter of

the 20th century in terms of their allegiance to Islamist and often
irredentist visions of a return to the ideal of an integral Islamic state,
epitomized for many by the ideal of the Caliphate. The most frequent
path to power for the elites within this structure was through a mil-
itary ascension to power and seizure of control over key areas of
the economy, often in alliance with outside economic interests, espe-
cially within the petroleum industry. Sometimes this involved the co-
optation of the oppositional forces, as with Nasser’s use and then
repression of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in the 1950s (Kepel,
2002; Sivan, 1990).
The Nationalist phase corresponded almost exactly to the period
of ongoing inter- and intranational conflict that Bobbitt (2002) labels
the “Long War”. It overlapped, firstly, with the rise of totalitarian-
ism and World War II, and then with the Cold War and its eventual
resolution. The Arab states and the Muslim world generally were
drawn into global superpower conflict while their elites tried to imple-
ment various policies of secularization, socialism, modernization,
nation-state nationalism, pan-Arab nationalism, regional co-opera-
tion, nonalignment, anti-Zionism, anti-imperialism, and pan-Islamism.
At the center of this turmoil is the Arab-Israeli conflict and the global
politics of oil.
After the disastrous war in 1967, the last third of the 20th cen-
tury witnessed crises, setbacks, and defeats in the Arab-Israeli conflict,
increasing conflicts between Arab nations, and the general failure of
most of the policy initiatives identified above. Many of these had
been based on Western models and consequently it seemed for vast
numbers of Muslims that “Western-style economic methods brought
poverty, Western-style political institutions brought tyranny, [and]
Western-style warfare brought defeat.” (Lewis, 1990, p. 58) The elites
came under enormous pressure and there arose a widespread view
that the Muslim world is dominated by Western puppet govern-
ments, dictatorships, failed states and is characterised by an alarm-
ing “fragility of regimes.” (Hourani, 1991, p. 453)
More recently, the Muslim world has also had to deal with the
end of the Cold War and the ascendency of the United States within
an increasingly globalized world economic system. This system is
committed to the principles of modernity. Moreover, a principal func-
tion of the World Bank, the IMF and other international agencies
is now “the management of exclusion” from global capital and com-
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 239

modity markets of many nations and regions, including much of the

Muslim world, especially those that are not oil producers (Hoogvelt,
20015 pI 71).
The current Post-Nationalist phase in Islamic history is unfolding
largely in reaction not only to these epochal events and the failure
of national secular elites and their policies, but above all to the fail-
ure of Islam to fully reassert itself as an Axial civilization in the face
of this threatening challenge. This situation is deeply felt and resented
within the Muslim world and forms the ideological context for the
rise of Islamism. Indeed, “it is hardly surprising that so many [Muslims]
were willing to listen to voices telling them that the old Islamic ways
were best and that their only salvation was to throw aside the pagan
innovations of the reformers and return to the True Path that God
had prescribed for his people.” (Lewis, 1990, p. 58)
This return to traditional elements of Islam was encouraged by
the success of the Iranian Revolution, the defeat of the Russians in
Afghanistan, the ignominious withdrawal of the Americans from
Somalia, and the decade-long series of successful large-scale terrorist
attacks, including those of 9/11. Together, these seemed to show
what is possible for militant Islam, as Osama bin Laden made clear
in his 1998 fatwa of The World Islamic Front, urging a jihad against
Americans (Bodansky, 2001, p. 225). The ultimate objective of this
militant activity remains somewhat unclear. For some, “Al-Qaeda is
making a serious bid to stage an Islamist revolution that would bring
down governments from Indonesia to Tunisia” (Buruma and Margalit,
2002, p. 7), with a view to establishing one or more Islamic “super-
states” in that huge region (Ratnesar, 2002). Indeed, it may tran-
spire that we are witnessing the beginning of the “age of Muslim
wars” (Huntington, 2001), as “tectonic geostrategic shifts” work them-
selves out (Ullman, 2003, p. 11). It may also be that America and
its allies are being dragged into an “age of sacred terror” (Benjamin
and Simon, 2002), intended to mobilize the Muslim world and engulf
America in ongoing conflict, as the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq
may indeed do (Zakaria, 2003). Ultimately however, whatever their
precise intent or eventual direction, these conflicts will embroil the
entire global system and especially those societies most implicated in
the ongoing expansion of globalized modernity.
240 MERVYN F. BENDLE

IDENTITY AND THE IsLAMIST RESPONSE

Ideologically, this crisis is finding expression through the activity of

such militant religious phenomena as Islamism, among others (Juergens-
meyer, 2000). Islamism, as we have already noted, is not Islam, but
rather a form of so called Islamic fundamentalism (Eisenstadt, 1999;
Esposito, 1983; Marty and Appleby, 1990, 1995) or even Islamo-
fascism (Fukuyama, 2001). Once Islamism is placed in the context
of the “Long War” of the 20th century it may also be seen as a
form of reactionary modernism like fascism or nazism, that is, as an
attempt to embrace certain perceived benefits of modernity, especially
relating to scientific and technological developments, without sacrificing
valued traditions and religious commitments (Buruma and Margalit,
2002; Herf, 1984).
Certainly Islamism has produced a highly effective politicization
of Islam and has become a major global cultural movement with a
significant presence not only in most Muslim societies, but also in
many Western societies, especially within Muslim diasporas (Benjamin
and Simon, 2002; Kepel, 2002; Roy, 1994; Ruthven, 2002; Sivan,
1990). It appeals especially to young males who have rural and tra-
ditional religious backgrounds, but have moved to urban areas to
pursue tertiary education, usually in technical fields such as engineering
or medicine, which is an important fact given the very limited and
partial historical, social, cultural, and—most significantly—religious
knowledge exhibited by Islamists in their writings and public state-
ments (Roy, 1994, pp. 49-50; Ruthven, 2002, p. 114).
It is notable that this elective affinity between Islamism and tertiary
technical education is found also in the earlier forms of modernism
associated with fascism and nazism (Herf, 1984, pp. 152-3). These
cadres feel disenfranchised and alienated from both their own societies
and from the West, which they perceive as the root cause of their
exclusion from the many attractions of modernity. As Roy (1994,
p. 56) points out, an “important aspect of the success of Islamism
is precisely that it offers frustrated youth a justification for their frus-
tration. [Islamism] transforms what was previously a reflection of one’s
degraded self-image into a source of dignity” and a rationale for revolt.
In this manner, Islamism responds to the “crisis of identity” that
characterizes high modernity (Bendle, 2002b) and specifically to the
need for “Islamic authenticity” that is widely felt throughout the
Muslim world, especially those parts in proximity to the West (Lee,
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 24]

1997). As Roy (1994, p. 52) remarks, Islamism has become influential

“in destructured societies in which the notions of roots and identity
have suddenly resurfaced, in a quest not for a return to the past,
but for the readaptation of modernity to a newly rediscovered iden-
tity.” As Marty and Appleby (1990, p. 835) conclude: “religious iden-
tity thus renewed becomes the exclusive and absolute basis for a
recreated political and social order that is oriented to the future
rather than the past.”
By selectively choosing valorized elements from both modernity
and the puritanical Wahhabi tradition of Islam, and reconfiguring
them as integral dimensions of an Islamist identity and political pro-
gram, these militants “seek to remake the world in the service of a
dual commitment to the unfolding eschatological drama (by return-
ing all things to the divine) and to self-preservation (by neutralizing
the threatening “Other’)” (Marty and Appleby, 1990, p. 835). While
such a project requires authoritarian or even charismatic leadership,
a disciplined inner cadre of supporters and a rigorous moral code
adhered to by all followers, it also provides the basis for a coher-
ent, integrated, and resilient identity and committed and sustained
militant action: “Boundaries are set, the enemy identified, converts
sought, and institutions created and sustained in pursuit of a com-
prehensive reconstruction of society,” in this case the reconstruction
of global Islam (Marty and Appleby, 1990, p. 835).
The theological roots of Islamism le ultimately in the the work
of the medieval Muslim theologian Taqi al-Din ibn Taymiyya
(Benjamin and Simon, 2002) and more recently in the Islamic revival-
ism of the 18th and 19th centuries, especially in Wahhabism, the
puritanical and fundamentalist movement founded by Muhammad
ibn Abd al-Wahhab that built upon ibn Taymiyya and “continues
to be a significant force in the Islamic world, informing both main-
stream and extremist movements from Afghanistan and Central Asia
to Europe and America” (Esposito, 2002, p. 47). This has become
the state-sanctioned form of Islam in Saudi Arabia, and is central
to the “Islamic resurgence” of the mid 20th century whose princi-
pal leaders and ideologues include Hasan al-Banna, Abul Ala Mawdudi,
Sayyid Qutb, Ali Shariati and Ayatollah Ruhallah Khomeini (Benjamin
and Simon, 2002; Esposito, 1983; Kepel, 2002; Roy, 1994; Ruthven,
2002).
Islamism also draws on certain social: democratic policies and on
the Western Jacobin tradition of totalitarianism, including especially
242 MERVYN F. BENDLE

fascism and communism (Boroumand and Boroumand, 2002; Buruma

and Margalit, 2002; Eisenstadt, 1999; Ruthven, 2002). These deriva-
tions and influences are not usually conceded by Islamists however,
as “in general there is a refusal to acknowledge ‘imported’ foreign
influences, to entertain the possibility of cultural exchange [and] this
attitude of cultural intransigence is consistent with the traditional
Sunni insistence of the primacy of revelation over reason” (Ruthven,
2002, p. 116). Islam is seen as completely self-sufficient, the beneficiary
of revealed truths from God: “Nothing needed to be adopted, adapted,
borrowed from the hated Other, the West, except for its techno-
logical products which [are] regarded as neutral,” and which may
therefore be freely appropriated as required (Ruthven, 2002, p. 117).
One area where Islamism makes a specifically Muslim notion cen-
tral to its militant identity and ideology involves its attitude towards
jihad. At the most basic level, it refers to exertion and striving in
the path of God. Within Islam, it became common to distinguish
between the greater and lesser forms of jihad. The former refers to
the inner battle to purify the soul and prepare it for its spiritual
quest; the latter refers to an external struggle against the enemies of
Islam. Various passages from the Quran and the Hadith can be
cited to support either of these positions (e.g., Sura 2:256; 2:190;
9:5), and moderate Muslims emphasise the greater jihad and recog-
nize the lesser jihad for defensive purposes only (Nasr, 2002).
Islamism takes the opposite position, emphasising that the agegres-
sive pursuit of jihad against nonbelievers is a central responsibility
of all Muslims. Here it draws upon teachings that go back to ibn
Taymiyya, who placed jihad on the same level as the Five Pillars of
Islam. For ibn ‘Taymiyya, “the goal of jihad is God’s victory; any-
one who opposes jihad is therefore an enemy of God” (Benjamin
and Simon, 2002, p. 50). This version of jihad was promoted by all
the intellectual leaders of Islamism, including al-Banna, Qutb, Mawdudi,
Shariati, and Khomeini. Qutb (1978) saw the emphasis on the greater
jihad as a modernist misrepresentation of Islam that diminished the
great responsibility that Muslims face to aggressively engage the world
in confronting nonbelievers. Khomeini also made the position clear
in his text, “Islam is not a religion of pacifists:”
Those who know nothing of Islam pretend that Islam counsels against
war. ‘Those [who say this] are witless. Islam says: Kill all the unbe-
lievers just as they would kill you all! ... Islam says: Kill them, put
them to the sword and scatter [their armies]. ... Whatever good there
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 243

is exists thanks to the sword and in the shadow of the sword! People
cannot be made obedient except with the sword! The sword is the key
to paradise, which can be opened only for holy warriors. There are
hundreds of other [Quaranic] psalms and Hadiths urging Muslims to
value war and to fight. Does all that mean that Islam is a religion
that prevents men from waging war? I spit upon those foolish souls
who make such a claim. (Khomeini, 1942, p. 29)

A very influential statement of this position was The Neglected Obligation,

the Islamist manifesto by Muhammad Abd al-Salam Faraj a leader
of Al-Jihad, the Egyptian terrorist group that carried out the assas-
ination of President Sadat in 1981.
While Islamism draws upon the perennial Islamic tendency toward
spiritual renewal to construct a militant identity, it also gives expres-
sion to the frustrating, demoralizing and often tragic experience of
the Muslim world in the 20th century. This is reflected in “the
Islamist view of life as a perennial battle” (Zeidan, 2001, p. 26). It
is also a very prominent example of the broader phenomenon of
anti-modernist religious militancy found in many societies across the
world that are undergoing modernization and integration into the
globalized world system, especially where this integration involves
a deeply felt threat to core civilizational values (Boroumand and
Boroumand, 2002; Buruma and Margalit, 2002; Eisenstadt, 1999;
Juergensmeyer, 2000; Kepel, 1994). Aside from Muslims, such ter-
rorist groups include Christians, Muslims, Jews, Sikhs, Hindus, and
even religious cults like Aum Shinkyo. Ideologically, Islamism is a
species of anti-globalism (Bendle, 2002a; Cohen and Kennedy, 2000),
and “occidentalism”, (Buruma and Margalit 2002), opposing not only
capitalism but modernity in its currently Western-dominated global-
ized form, and ultimately what it sees as the imperialist and jahih
(ignorant) “Crusader civilization” of “the West” (Qutb, 1978; Yousef,
2000). It sees “the Westernization of the world” (Latouche, 1996) as
a systematic attempt to undermine Islam and to replace it with the
secular, materialist, and consumerist values of the West.
Islamism is therefore characterized by the reformulation and mobi-
lization of Islam as a militant political ideology, expressing a total
and unyielding rejection of the West, including modernization, secular-
ism, and democracy (Sivan, 1998). In its most militant form, it 1s
committed to terrorism and other forms of nonconventional warfare
as what it believes are fully justified responses to the threats it perceives
as confronting Islam (Fukuyama, 2002; Hoffman, 1998; Luft, 2002).
244 MERVYN F. BENDLE

Islamism is also committed to the comprehensive imposition of

Islamic sacred law as the basis of social order, especially with respect
to the treatment of women and the close religious regulation of every-
day life (Huband, 1999; Rashid, 2001; Ruthven, 2002). This reflects
the often visceral revulsion that Islamists and many other people
(especially those from traditional cultures) perceive as the moral deca-
dence and fragmentation of life generated by modernity. As the lead-
ing theorist of Islamism, Sayyid Qutb, lamented at mid-century:
Mankind today is on the brink of a precipice, not because of the dan-
ger of complete annihilation that is hanging over its head—this being
just a symptom and not the real disease—but because humanity is
devoid of those vital values for its healthy development and real progress.
[The West has lost those] life-giving values that once enabled it to
become the leader of humanity (quoted in Ruthven, 2002, p. 85).

Nowhere is this moral decline more evident for Qutb than in the
realm of sexuality and particularly the role of women. The jahili soci-
eties of the West that he condemns are debauched by “free sexual
relationships and illegitimate children,’ where “illegitimate sexual
relationships, even homosexuality, are not considered immoral,” rela-
tionships are “based on lust, passion and impulse,” women seek “to
be attractive, sexy and flirtatious,” and prefer “to become a hostess
or a stewardess” rather than a wife and mother committed to “the
training of human beings” (Qutb, 1978, pp. 183-4). Overall, “those
societies that give ascendance to physical desires and animalistic
morals cannot be considered civilized” (p. 184).
Consequently, in Afghanistan under the Islamist regime of the
Taliban, women became “the vanished gender” (Rashid, 2001, p. 111)
They were required, at the risk of harsh penalties, to spend almost
all their time within the home, generally fully veiled, with the Taliban
leadership fearful of a rank-and-file revolt if that allowed any lati-
tude to the behavior of women. As Ferdinand Braudel (1995, p. 100)
concluded: “The supreme, unmistakable test of Islam was the eman-
cipation of women, first beginning to be proclaimed, then—more
slowly—on the way to be achieved.” The fact that this process of
emancipation seems to have been arrested and even reversed in many
societies across the Muslim world and communities within the Muslim
diaspora in places like France is a measure of the depth of resis-
tance of Muslim societies to what most Western people regard as
inevitable modern freedoms. ‘The incommensurability of values involved
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE GRISIS OF MODERNITY 245

here is illustrated by an otherwise minor incident in Cairo, described

by Malise Ruthven (2000, p. 283):
I myself once watched, with fascinated embarrassment, as a tall young
woman, possibly American, bra-less and clad in a sleeveless shirt, wear-
ing shorts which exposed the upper portions of her thighs, purchased
some mangoes from a stallholder, a dignified young peasant clad in
the traditional galabiya. This woman—I reflected—is sexually assault-
ing the man, though she may not realize it. Her garb was a system-
atic violation of all the sartorial codes governing male-female relations
in traditional Islamic society. Only the extreme boorishness of super-
power arrogance could produce such a display as this.

At the civilizational level, Islamism postulates “‘a qualitative contra-

diction between Western civilization and the religion of Islam,” with
Islam understood as “a comprehensive and transcendental world view
[that] excludes the validity of all other systems and values” (Choueri,
1997, p. 123). In this fashion, Islamism asserts its own particularist
and exclusivist form of universalism. This represents an alternative
form of idealized universalism, in confrontation with the universal-
ism of the Western Enlightenment that provides the ideological basis
of modern globalization. In Qutb’s system, the universalism of Islam
is based on the exclusivity of divine sovereignty over every aspect of
life, including not only all economic, social, and political systems,
but also human reason, the basic principle of the Scientific Revolution.
Simultaneously, Islam is also claimed to offer “a modern ideology
capable of absorbing all scientific and technological innovations with-
out being tainted with their philosophical substratum” (Choueri, 1997,
p. 123). This outlook reflects the Islamist belief that science and tech-
nology are ideologically neutral and autonomous realms that, not
only can proceed under Islam, but are ultimately derived from it,
and do not require the economic and cultural matrix hitherto provided
by Western modernity. Together, these claims are central to the
Islamist belief that it can provide the basis of an alternative Muslim
form of modernity.
The dualism of Islam versus the West can also have apocalyptic
overtones, in the classical sense of believing that the suffering of
God’s people arises because the present age is under the control of
Satanic forces, represented in this case by the West and particularly
the United States, which is seen as the source of most of the world’s
problems (Sardar and Davies, 2002). This fuels the widespread notion
that Islam is inexticably involved in “the revolt against the West,”
246 MERVYN F. BENDLE

involving “a re-politicisation of religion and... the instrumental use

of its cultural symbols in pursuit of political ends,” in this case mount-
ing a militant challenge to U.S. hegemony within a globalized moder-
nity (Tibi, 2001, p. 101). This Islamist view that Islam is inherently
opposed to the West, echoes not only the type of civilizational analysis
noted above, but also the clash of civilizations thesis that similarly
explains global politics in terms of deep-seated civilizational conflict
(Huntington, 1998; Nasr, 2001). For some, this clash finds its primary
expression in a confrontation between consumer capitalism and
religious fundamentalism (Barber, 1996); for others, the roots of
the conflict go to the core of the respective civilizational structures.
In this fashion, the West is seen as irreducibly decadent, as Qutb
(1978, p. 175) asserts: “Islamic society is, by its very nature, the only
civilized society.” All other civilizations dwell in ignorance and oppres-
sion. True civilization exists “only where sovereignty belongs to Allah
alone, expressed in its obedience to the divine law... This alone is
‘human civilization’.” (Qutb 1978, p. 177) This assertion reflects the
central Islamist ideal of the unity of Islam as a total life-world stand-
ing in stark contrast to the fragmentation and moral nihilism of the
West:
We commonly say that in Muslim societies state and religion are unified
and that Islam is a total way of life, which defines political as well as
social and familial matters. This is the Muslim view embodied in the
ideal of the Prophet and the early Caliphs, who were rulers and teach-
ers, repositories of both temporal and religious authority, and whose
mission was to lead the community in war and morality. This ideal
inspired the efforts of reformist, revivalist, and ‘Caliphal’ movements
to create an integrated Muslim state and society... In different terms
the ideal is invoked by contemporary neo-Islamic movements. (Lapidus,
2002, p. 815)
The fact that this ideal of total unity is not often achieved in prac-
tice does not at all reduce its attraction for those who are deeply
repelled by what they see as the decadence of the West. The French-
Tunisian intellectual Abdelwahab Meddeb (2002, p. 13) has empha-
sised that the Islamist view of the antagonistic relation of Islam to
the West has “spread like wildfire” in the contemporary Muslim
world and is “deeply rooted” amongst Muslims, especially tertiary
students and “future cadres of international finance,” who accept
completely the idea that Islam alone stands opposed to the “godless,
debauched” West.
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 247

The violent extremism of Al-Qaeda has meant that “the logic of

this kind of militant religiosity has... been difficult for many people
to comprehend.” (Juergensmeyer, 2000, p. 228) Nevertheless, this
logic becomes clearer once Islamism is seen as a form of reactionary
modernism that has emerged in reaction to the confrontation of tra-
ditional Islamic civilization with the emerging civilization of moder-
nity. Islamism seeks to preserve a very traditional form of Islam while
using “the tools that globalization provides” to subvert the current
form of modernity, overthrow American hegemony within the world-
system, and implement its “philosophy of an all-Muslim resurgence”
on a global scale (Bodansky, 1999, p. 389). Consequently, Islamists
may be seen as “technological modernizers” (Herf, 1984, p. 12), who
“favour industrial development, urbanization, education for the masses
and the teaching of science. [They seek to provide] access to the
world of development and consumption” without betraying the world-
encompassing claims of Islam. (Roy, 1994, p. 52) In pursuing their
project, Islamists are implementing the exhortation of an intellectual
founder of Islamism, Abul Ala Mawdudi: “Islam has a concept and
a practical program, especially chosen for the happiness and progress
of society.... Islam wants the whole earth and does not content
itself with only a part thereof. It wants and requires the entire inhab-
ited world” (quoted in Ruthven, 2002, pp. 70-1). While the major-
ity of Muslims might resist such a universalist program, it nevertheless
provides an uncompromising foundational vision upon which Islamists
can construct a militant identity and achieve a sense of personal
authenticity, while challenging the present dispensation of wealth and
power within global modernity.

CONCLUSION

The current global crisis demands a new paradigm able to explore

the links between the growth of increasingly violent militant religious
movements and the forces of globalization that are presently trans-
forming the world. In particular, it must analyze the relationship
between the subjective and seemingly irrational ideological and reli-
gious tendencies that find expression in outbursts of militant activ-
ity and terrorist violence, and the broader movements of globalization
and civilizational dynamics that are both producing and exacerbat-
ing massive processes of disorder on a global scale.
248 MERVYN F. BENDLE

Such movements have emerged from various religions (Juergens-

meyer, 2002), but are most prominently represented at the present
time by Islamism, which has served as the case study explored in
the present paper. The alleged benefits of globalized modernity have
been largely denied to major proportions of the Islamic world expe-
riencing massive social, cultural, and demographic change. Conse-
quently, the new paradigm must explore the implications of the
(perhaps irreversible) failure of the world system comprehensively to
integrate vast regions of the Muslim world into the globalization
project.
Hundreds of millions of Muslims, spread across much of the globe
from Mauritania to the Philippines, are feeling completely excluded
and alienated from the world system. The majority of these people
are young, many of them are well educated, and large numbers are
prepared to engage in militant activism, especially as they seek out
a viable identity that links them simultaneously with the core civi-
lizational values of Islam and the imperatives of modernity with
which they are increasingly engaged. Their alienation exists at all
levels: economically, politically, ideologically, culturally and, above
all, at the level of religious commitment.
Islamist opposition to the currently dominant form of globalized
modernity reflects this alienation—Islamism being a subaltern expres-
sion of the politics of exclusion, reasserting and valorizing a tradi-
tional identity based on civilizational values that cut completely across
those of an unobtainable and increasingly reviled modernity. Whatever
the outcome of the current war on terror and the invasion of Iraq
(and it is difficult not to see them aggravating the situation explored
here), this alienation and the quest for a viable identity by these
groups will help define global politics into the foreseeable future.
It is therefore a major task of the new paradigm to develop the
theoretical tools capable of analyzing the politics of alienation and
identity-construction amongst militant religious groups under the con-
ditions of the present crisis. A particular challenge in this area con-
cerns the roles played by the various diaspora communities that have
spread across the globe and whose encounters with often alien and
unconvivial host societies form the social, cultural, economic, and
political contexts within which large numbers of people struggle to
construct viable identities and achieve a sense of personal authen-
ticity amidst the dynamic turmoil of high modernity (Bendle, 2002b;
Cohen, 1997).
 MILITANT RELIGION AND THE CRISIS OF MODERNITY 249

It is important to emphasise the significance and dimensions of

this task. Islamism is a powerful reaction to the marginalization of
an Axial civilization within the global order of modernity. It offers
a form of militant identity based on a radical critique of this situa-
tion, an alternative analysis of globalization that proceeds from an
Islamist worldview with radically different core values and assump-
tions about the nature of humanity and the proper destiny of the
world. Islamism also expresses a rage that possesses a spiritual dimen-
sion that the West cannot ignore, but also cannot fully understand,
not least because it is itself so deeply embedded in the emergent civ-
ilization of modernity, which subordinates religious commitment.
Consequently, the West cannot readily comprehend the depths of
resentment and resistance to the new global order that exist amongst
those peoples who are excluded from the benefits of this order or
who revile its values. This blindness may be the price the West has
had to pay for the form of modernity it has itself embraced. In face
of all this, sociology should continue actively to explore new para-
digmatic thinking as it strives to make a significant contribution to
understanding the intensifying global crisis.

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 STRUCTURAL (“OBJECTIVE”) HERMENEUTICS AND
THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION*

Ines W. Findra
Michael Findra

ABSTRACT

Over the past several decades, a new social scientific research model called struc-
tural or objective hermeneutics has been developed by the German sociologist Ulrich
Oevermann and his associates. One area to which it has been applied is the soci-
ology of religion where Oevermann has formulated a unique model of religiosity. This
article summarizes Oevermann’s theory and method, its varied applications and
weaknesses, and its potential to contribute to the sociology of religion. Oevermann’s
approach flows, first, from his understanding of religiosity as an integral compo-
nent of every human life. Second, structural hermeneutics as a method is intended
to detect the “hidden structure” of a person’s verbal expressions, revealing her rela-
tionship to herself, to others, and the world in general. It claims to accomplish this
through a unique interview and analysis process. We describe a number of appli-
cations for sociology of religion, including the analysis of conversion narratives and
religious texts. Oevermann also argues that his approach is capable of comparing
how different religions enable people to grow emotionally, socially, and spiritually.

Responding to the limitations of a narrow substantive focus on reli-

gion, the sociology of religion significantly expanded its theoretical
focus and research interests after the mid-1960s. Today, the disci-
pline incorporates a variety of approaches, from phenomenological
to positivistic. Research has been broadened to include non-Western
religious expressions, institutional as well as non-institutional religious
behavior, invisible or implicit religion, quasi-religion, and civil reli-
gion (McGuire, 1992, p. 22).
Amidst this diverse body of work, the sociologist Ulrich Oevermann
has created a model of religiosity and an original method Odjektiwe
Hermeneutik or structural hermeneutics (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1995, 1999), terms
which we will use interchangeably in this article. Beginning his career
at the Max-Planck-Institute in Germany, Oevermann is now at the

* An early version of this article was presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Association for the Sociology of Religion, Chicago, 1999. Anonymous reviewers
were also very helpful in this paper’s development

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
Zoe INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

Wolfgang-Goethe University (University of Frankfurt). Best known

in Europe and especially Germany, structural hermeneutics has not
received significant attention among English-speaking scholars, since
most of the work is in German. A good English introduction is
Oevermann et al. (1987), while his best-known writings in German
include Oevermann (1981 and 1988). A good overview of his work
is presented in Garz & Kraimer (1994). Scholars have applied this
method to diverse topics, including the sociology of socialization
processes (Oevermann, Allert, Konau & Krambeck, 1979), family
and therapeutic processes (Leber & Oevermann, 1994) and art (Loer,
1994). A website (www.objektivehermeneutik.de) gives a current sense
of the diverse scholarly activity utilizing this method.
After an overview of Oevermann’s criticisms of the sociology of
religion, this article introduces the basic assumptions of Oevermann’s
objectwe hermeneutics, his model of religiosity, and the method of objective
hermeneutics itself. While analyzing and expanding on his theory
and method, we then show how it can contribute to the theoretical
development of the sociology of religion.

ULricH OEVERMANN AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION

Ulrich Oevermann (1995a, pp. 28-30), like others (Luckmann, 1967;

McGuire, 1992, pp. 21-22), has critically analyzed the state of the
sociology of religion. In his opinion, the sociological approaches that
examine religion from a neutral (non-theological) standpoint do not
deal adequately with questions of religious content. He enters the
fray over the definition of religion by arguing that contemporary
sociological approaches should answer the question of what the core
of religion or religiosity is and should attempt to separate the uni-
versality of religion from its cultural-historical background. What is
missing, he argues, is a clear deduction of the assumed universality
of religion from the array of sociological data; just to say religion
provides important functions for us is not enough (1995a, p. 29).
Also, scholarly approaches to religion often neglect the distinction
between the doctrine (dogma, content) of a specific religion with its
everyday function of providing meaning, and religion as social the-
ory with the scholarly objective of explaining social life as a whole.
Oevermann (1995a, pp. 31-32) argues that his method is “objec-
tive,” and critiques the work of Rudolf Otto (1958), an influential
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 25S

figure for sociologists with religious leanings, for assuming religiosity

as a basic experience without examining it further. In Oevermann’s
view, Otto understands religion only in its subjective functions for
the believing subject, and is therefore unable to deal adequately with
the question of secularization.
In other words, scholars of religion should study both the sub-
jective meaning and significance of religion for individuals, and mean-
ing in a methodological/constitutive way, what Oevermann (1995a,
p. 29) calls the “latent structures of meaning”, which are indepen-
dent of the conscious representation of the meaning of interaction,
to be explained below.
Oevermann attempts to address what he argues are weaknesses in
the body of theory. Like sociologist Peter Berger (1967), Oevermann
examines religion as an institution that gives meaning to people con-
scious of the coming end of their lives. But while Berger’s (1967)
argument is more Durkheimian and therefore sociological, Oevermann’s
(1995) argument is more social-psychological. Berger considers reli-
gious norms, socialization, and well-being, while Oevermann, per-
haps because of his interviewing method (discussed below), assumes
a more individuated approach of questioning self-purpose. Oevermann
is more precise and methodical than Berger, for he systematically
analyzes the conditions and questions that constitute life practice/human
existence (Lebenspraxis) and then compares how specific religions
approach these questions, as we will see below. Berger (1967) focuses
more on the functions of religion in general, and occasionally dis-
cusses specific religions like Christianity without comparing it to other
religions. More controversially, Oevermann ends up making evalua-
tions based on his methodology (much like the French social theo-
rist Rene Girard [Williams 1996]) after examining how Christianity
and Islam differ in light of his model of religiosity. It is this model
of religiosity that we examine in the next section, after a few intro-
ductory remarks about structural hermeneutics as a method.

STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE THEORY OF RELIGIOSITY

Oevermann’s model of the structure of religiosity is based on the

method of objective hermeneutics. The method originated as a the-
ory of socialization, and stems from the empirical study of interac-
tions within the family as well as reflection upon the procedures of
256 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

interpretation used in Oevermann’s own research (Oevermann et al.,

1987, p. 437; Oevermann, 1981, Oevermann et al., 1976). As will
be discussed below, it can be applied to different fields of the social
sciences, such as sociology, social work, and education. Oevermann
believes that it is not coincidental that the method arose out of the
analysis of interaction and socialization, for “reconstructive explanations
of the structural characteristics of interaction should make up the
core of a theory of socialization” (Oevermann et al., 1987, p. 437),
because he attributes the formation of personality structures, neither
to the direct effect of the environment, nor simply to the unfold-
ing of innate capacities. In his view, “structures must be seen as
resulting from reconstructions which the actors themselves undertake
by way of schemata of practical action (Oevermann et al., 1987,
p. 437).” Structural hermeneutics should thus be seen both as a set
of theoretical assumptions about the constitution of human nature
and as a qualitative research method. As the name “objective her-
meneutics” suggests, this methodological approach to social theory
attempts to maintain an interpretive, hermeneutic approach while
trying to remain objective at the same time. As mentioned above,
Oevermann and those using his method have applied it to numer-
ous sociological topics, but more recently he has turned his atten-
tion to the area of religion.
Oevermann’s general model of religiosity attempts to explain the
basic universally shared characteristics of religious attitudes across
different cultures. It is derived from Oevermann’s own theoretical
reflections about the constitution of human nature (Oevermann,
1995a, pp. 36-41), the analysis of biographical interviews (Scholl,
1992 and Zehentreiter, 1990; cited in Oevermann, 1995a, p. 97,
and Oevermann, 1988), research on the contemporary religious move-
ments (Gartner, 1991; cited in Oevermann, 1995a, p. 97), and the
analysis of concrete texts in the form of myths and doctrines, such
as Genesis (Oevermann, 1995b). In Oevermann (1984), he under-
takes an analysis of the story of Jacob wrestling with the angel and
his relationship with Esau where he highlights the problem of pro-
bation in ancient Judaism and connects it to the life history of a
painter who painted this story, and how he dealt with the issue of
probation.
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 257.

Analysis of Genesis
In Oevermann’s (1995a, 1995b) extended analysis of the early chap-
ters of Genesis, he highlights the way it implicitly stresses autonomy.
He associates the Fall of Adam and Eve with our existential situa-
tion in which humans experience good and evil, the finitude of life,
an ambivalence between independence and responsibility, and the
obligation of decision making and self-justification. Specifically, God
demands that Adam and Eve refrain from eating from the tree of
the knowledge of good and evil. According to Oevermann, however,
God’s very act of putting the tree in the middle of Eden allows for
the possibility of disobedience. This behavior can only be understood
if one believes that God consciously put Adam and Eve on proba-
tion, so that they would either prove themselves as worthy of living
in paradise, or have to survive in a world both good and evil. With
the Fall, humans realize their ongoing freedom of the will and their
autonomy, but without living forever. According to his analysis, the
loss of paradise as a consequence of disobedience also indicates the
creation of life practice, the conditions of which can be found in
the model of religiosity and never-ending probation. Therefore, the
loss of paradise also signifies the gain of an autonomous, self-conscious
life with the need for responsibility. Thus, the Fall should be seen
not only as failure, but also as an achievement of autonomy by
humanity, though given to us, in a sense, by God himself. Whereas
eternity was reality for Adam and Eve as long as they lived in par-
adise, life after the garden became subjected to the constant need
to prove their worth. Humanity had at this point both the knowledge
of good and evil and a longing for eternal salvation. ‘This knowledge
and longing bound them to God. The Fall therefore can be seen as
both a liberation into autonomy and a condemnation to probation.
The model consists of four interrelated components, which are !)
the dialectics of the finite nature of life and eternity, 2) the concept
of crisis due to the need of decision making throughout life, 3) the
concept of probation, and 4) a myth responding to the problem of
probation.
Oevermann describes the dialectic of the finite nature of life and
eternity as a basic condition of human life. This dialectic constitutes
the center of his model. In order to explain this, Oevermann defines
his understanding of the internal logic of life practice as the (uni-
versal) need of humans to deal with decisions and their justification
258 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

throughout life (Entschedungs- und Begriindungszwang). Based on his own

research on linguistic sequences, Oevermann argues that humans live
with the need to make decisions in life and justify them precisely
because they have language, which implies rule-oriented social actions
(Regelgeleitetheit). The ability of humans to think and speak opens up
the possibility of their speaking and thinking about possibilities not
yet realized. Because of their ability to construct hypothetical worlds,
they automatically reach an understanding of the finiteness of life.
Thus, the knowledge that their lives will have an end constitutes
their subjectivity and self-consciousness, from which they ask the
three fundamental questions: “who am I?” “where do I come from?”
and “where am I going?” Oevermann posits that every culture has
some myth about creation in order to transcend this finite nature of
life, some perception of the afterlife, and therefore some religious
beliefs in order to deal with these three questions. According to
Oevermann, therefore, the dialectic of the finite nature of life and
eternity is not only the basis of all forms of religiosity, but demands
religiosity in a universal way. Even where religious beliefs are fad-
ing, the internal religious structure is still considered to exist. ‘Thus,
this model not only incorporates the decline of traditional religious
beliefs (especially in Europe), but also the continuing vitality of broader
religious expressions that indicate a basic underlying religious struc-
ture to human life (Oevermann, 1995a, pp. 34-41), as recent work
on religion points out (Davie, 2000).
In Oevermann’s model, the knowledge of the finite nature of life
is connected with decision making in everyday life and our own
autonomy. First, the dialectic of the obligation to consciously make
decisions and to justify them is intensified in view of one’s coming
death. Second, because there is not always a clear basis for their
decisions, Oevermann posits that people experience a turning point
when facing major new decisions, for they are confronted with the
three questions that define probation: “Who am I?” (in this crisis),
“where do I come from?” (what guides my decisions?), and “where
am I going?” (what are the consequences of the decision?), not only
in crisis situations (such as death, which is seen as the ultimate cri-
sis by Oevermann), but in each decision-making situation. In order
to justify these assumptions, Oevermann utilizes the concept of the
analysis of sequences (Sequenzanalyse) pertaining to structural hermeneu-
tics. Structurally, people have to make decisions every time they com-
plete a sentence, since a speaker chooses one of the options that
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 259

(according to the rules of language) logically arise from the prece-

dent sequence.
As an example, Oevermann examines a greeting sequence (Oever-
mann, 1995a, pp. 41-43) in which he illustrates the difference be-
tween possible options pertaining to a sequence of interactions and
the option that is actually chosen. Once person A meets person B,
the meaning of their interaction is set already before B’s response.
She can greet back, or she can refuse to greet A, which would mean
a refusal to establish any contact with A, or she can make believe
that she is not aware of A’s greetings. Which one of these possibil-
ities A chooses can be seen as a function of her biographical expe-
riences and the corresponding patterns of action (Fallstrukturgesetzlichkeil).
Oevermann then utilizes the concept of probation (Bewdéhrung) to
describe the experience of the finitude of life, the need to prove
one’s worth in life, and ongoing experiences of crises (articulated
differently from culture to culture). Probation not only refers to the
imminence of death, but, as explained above, also means dealing
with basic questions about life’s meaning as we make decisions in
daily life (and especially when we deal with new situations). According
to Oevermann, the problem of probation can never be finally solved,
for it contains a paradox: one is never able to reach the goal com-
pletely, but nevertheless one still keeps trying (Oevermann, 1995a,
ppi44=50):
Since individuals face a turning point (i.e. the problem of proba-
tion) with each new situation, they need some guidance in order to
be able to live with the uncertainty of the future. If not rationality,
on what basis do people make their decisions? Decision making
requires confidence that the decisions taken will be good, which
requires faith in a guiding principle. According to Oevermann, peo-
ple need a myth that fulfills the need for direction and for coping
with the paradox of never being completely freed from probation
(Bewahrungsmythos).
Along with myth, Oevermann utilizes the similar category of
“charisma,” but in slightly different ways from Max Weber (1968).
A charisma, in Oevermann’s theory, represents a proposition that is
not yet proven but, pointing to the future and standing for some-
thing positive that can solve people’s crises, it achieves a certain
credibility. For instance, merchandise with WWD [“What Would
Jesus Do?”] printed on it became popular in the U.S. in the late
1990s, especially among Christian youth facing pressures from pop-
260 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

ular culture. It helped youth to remember Christian ethics while fac-

ing the “probation” of making everyday decisions. Weber (1968) uti-
lized the term, as Oevermann does, to describe a third component
outside the irrational and the rational; but whereas Weber used it
only in connection with his sociology of power, Oevermann intends
to apply it to life practice in general. Our myths provide answers
to our questions about the present, past, and future, giving each of
us identity, affirmation, and guidance. People also need the convic-
tion that a myth will be proven true (similar to Berger’s (1967) “plau-
sibility structure,” which is reinforced by other believers).
The concept of probation is a crucial part of Oevermann’s theory
of religiosity. In his view, only probation, its components, and the
need for guidance can explain the universality of religiosity and, at
the same time, the cultural diversity of religious contents. Also, pro-
bation does not disappear with ongoing secularisation; on the con-
trary, it becomes more radical in a secularised culture, articulating
itself, for example, in an extreme ethic of achievement (Oevermann,
LODanppi444515 64-65):
In less individualistic traditional societies, questions of probation
are dealt with communally through myth and ritual, not individu-
ally. Answers to the basic probationary questions are implicit and
found in the tradition (though this has of course changed somewhat
with globalization). Oevermann argues that this does not devalue the
model of religiosity, but illustrates its importance (1995a, p. 44). It
may mean, however, that the method must become more similar to
the method of symbolic analysis found in cultural anthropology.

THe Meruop or STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS

Over the last several decades, Oevermann and his students have
used objective hermeneutics to examine numerous texts and images
in order to understand social institutions, social processes, and also
individual life histories (e.g. Garz & Kraimer, 1994). We prefer to
use “structural hermeneutics” alongside Oevermann’s “objective her-
meneutics” because of the method’s commonalities with the tradition
of structuralist poetics (Scholes, 1974) that attempts value-free, close
analyses of texts in order to elicit its central meanings. Oevermann’s
work can also be placed in the “genetic structuralist” tradition of
Kohlberg (1981) (Garz & Kraimer, 1994, p. 15). Although the method
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 261

has pretensions to objectivity, we argue that biases cannot be entirely

eliminated. Biases are, however, less likely to be present than in other
methods because of the group format.
Hermeneutics is traditionally a subjective method, with a focus
on meaning and authorial intentions. But its structural nature makes
it different from many other qualitative methods (e.g. grounded the-
ory, content analysis, phenomenology, documentary analysis). In sum,
it offers an attractive combination of a more objective/structural
method, with a focus on subjective meanings, in essence a position
between the opposite social science methodological poles of natural
science and humanities (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1999, p. 44).
The method also pays close attention to the classic sociological issue
of structure and agency (Giddens, 1984; Bourdieu, 1977). It assumes
that subject narratives, especially the particular words chosen, are
due both to socio-cultural constraints, norms and orientations (exter-
nal conditions), as well as the internal conditions of biographical
experiences and even pathological psychological development (Sutter,
1994, pp. 34, 55-66). All of these potential factors are considered
when researchers analyze a text. In positing that rationality does not
provide the sole basis for people’s actions, Oevermann differs from
agency-oriented approaches such as rational choice theory (Stark and
Bainbridge, 1996). A key term of structural hermeneutics 1s authenticity,
which is understood as the valid expression of life practice (Ausdrucks-
gestalt), the authentic expression of oneself. ‘Thus, Oevermann takes
authenticity, not rationality, to be the center of his approach (Oever-
mann, 1993). In sum, Oevermann distinguishes himself from both
the objectivist and subjectivist approaches in the sociology of knowl-
edge (Garz & Kraimer, 1994, pp. 11-12; Schneider, 1994, p. 155).
Objective hermeneutics intends to discover the underlying struc-
ture of a text (e.g. documents, interviews, letters), visible in the “latent
structures of meaning” (latente Sinnstrukturen) (Oevermann et al., 1987,
p. 438). These structures are independent of the conscious repre-
sentation of the meaning of interaction of the participating subjects,
revealing the relationship of an individual to his/her own text. ‘The
framework is similar to Bourdieu’s (1977) concept of “habitus,” a
pattern of experiencing, thinking, and acting; a concept that both
contains structuring and being structured, defining and being defined
by social structures. “We might also say that a text, once produced,
comprises a social reality of its own that must be reconstructed with
procedures adequate to it (Oevermann et al., 1987, p. 438).”
262 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

In the case of an interview analysis, the actual analysis is con-

ducted by a group of researchers trained in the method, who begin
with a transcript of the interview (which is normally conducted by
one or two researchers). The group begins with little or no contex-
tual information; occupation, education, ethnicity, and other factors
are normally kept from the group until later (which may vary depend-
ing on the goals of a particular case). While initially leaving out
knowledge of the interview context may seem pointless, advocates of
the method argue that this keeps the interview analysts from form-
ing any preconceptions which could bias their interpretation of the
interview.
Researchers begin by analyzing the first few words of a text or
narrative without looking at the latter parts of the interview before-
hand, in order to see what the subject is revealing about himself.
The first few sentences are the most important ones, since they con-
stitute the opening of a narrative. The crucial part of examining the
interview is comparing the subject’s intentionally represented argu-
mentation with everyday language. Since language is structured
according to rules, it carries an inherent, commonly shared mean-
ing. People usually choose one of the options that, according to lan-
guage’s rules, logically arise from the preceding sequence as described
above in the greeting example, and it is crucial to find out which
one they choose (or why they avoid a choice) and why. In order to
do this, researchers, taking a stance of artificial naiveté, at first con-
struct as many stories as possible that fit the sentence/scenario and
then ask themselves which of the options make sense in the context
of a sequence the speaker actually chose (extenswe Sinnexplikation). Doing
so, they gradually reconstruct a person’s speech choices, from which
it is possible to derive the latent structures of meaning (Oevermann
et al., 1987, 1981; Sutter, 1994, pp. 42-53). The ability to do this
stems from the fact that the researchers share the language used by
the interviewee (since it is also their everyday language (Alltagssprache)),
and therefore intuitively know its rules.!

' Oevermann follows, but moderates Chomsky’s (1973) understanding of lan-

guage. According to him, structures underlying everyday language are based on
rules of the competence of language (syntax and phonology), communicative com-
petence, the rules of cognitive and moral competence, and institutionalized norms
and knowledge corresponding to the specific lifeworld that constitute the socio-his-
torical biography of a subject. Chomsky’s (1972) and Searle’s (1969) theories of lan-
guage, George Herbert Mead’s (1934) concept of intersubjectivity and sociality, and
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 263

Oevermann also argues that a group of researchers is necessary

for an accurate interpretation. Since they can correct each other’s
interpretations, he contends that these guidelines minimize subjec-
tive interpretations (Sutter, 1994, pp. 34—35), but the group setting
also slows the process down because it requires a careful group dis-
cussion of even short passages. This process also allows individual
researchers to become better analysts by comparing their analyses
with those of the other analysts.
Researchers usually come to a tentative hypothesis about the latent
structures of meaning after the first few sequences have been exam-
ined, which will be accepted or rejected/changed after examining
the rest of the text. The goal of the research is the full reconstruc-
tion of a structure of a case, that is, an individual’s life story or atti-
tude toward a specific issue based upon biographical experiences
(Kallstrukturgesetzlichkeit) (Sutter, 1994, pp. 42-60).

The process of interview analysis

The following is an abbreviated example of an interview analysis
(taken from Oevermann, 1988, pp. 248-265) using the method of
structural hermeneutics. Again, the researchers take extra effort to
study the first words of the interview, even if they seem unremark-
able. The interviewer starts out asking how long the interviewee (we
know it is a man living in Europe) has been “here,” to which the
interviewee answers “thirteen months.” The analysts discuss this
exchange and establish that, given the terms used and the specificity
of the answer, the place is important. The interviewee perceives his
stay as special, different from daily life, and is probably staying at
a “total” institution, such as a prison, monastery, group home or
holiday residence. Further analysis of the interview text establishes
that the stay of the person is seen somewhat as an “achievement”

the French structuralist tradition (Mauss and Levi-Strauss are mentioned here but
Barthes [1972] is probably a better example). Chomsky’s (1972) approach has been
criticized for lacking the intersubjective dimension of language (Peukert, 1978, pp.
169-179). Oevermann avoids some of these limitations by adapting Chomsky’s the-
ory (1972) in two ways. First, whereas Chomsky (1972) only considers grammatical
rules, Oevermann also includes structures of subjective consciousness of individuals
(and thereby rules of logical thinking, rules of speech act theory and rules of moral-
ity). Second, he relativizes the meaning of the universality of rules and structures
characterizing Chomsky’s (1972) approach (Sutter, 1994, pp. 26~33).
264 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

ruling out the possibility of a prison and indicating something like

a monastery where selfless love for others is practiced.
The text (authors’ translation from the German) continues: “It
was like this, I wrote my final thesis about Franciscus...”
The phrase “it was like this,” indicates an explanation of how and
why the interviewee came to this place. It is interesting that, in order
to start with his explanation, the interviewee mentions writing an
academic thesis about “Franciscus of Assisi.” ‘The fact that “Franciscus”
is mentioned in a casual way, without context, indicates that the the-
sis is of theological nature, but that it also had personal, practical
meaning for the interviewee. In Europe, writing a thesis signifies an
important biographical time in a student’s life: with the end of his/
her studies, adult life with its responsibilities begins, since one has
to ask oneself what profession to choose, how to make a living, etc.
Interestingly, the interviewee connects the explanation of why he is
in a monastery with finishing his studies.

Interviewee: “... about voluntary poverty”

The interviewee clarifies his interests in the topic of his thesis: it is
not the person of Francis of Assisi that is at the center of his inter-
est, but a life in voluntary poverty motivated by the Christian ethic
of love for one’s neighbor. This indicates an interest in practical
questions of life, and even though this interest could be motivated
by intellectual questions, this possibility fades when we consider that
the interviewee chose his thesis as a key point in explaining how
he ended up in the monastery. Here we have to ask ourselves if
the interviewee mixes/confuses scientific analysis and practical aspects
of life.
The principle of voluntary poverty indicates a conscious ascetic
life in the service of an ethical system. Therefore we should ask
which values construct this ethic. Oevermann argues that, in this
case, we can differentiate between three possibilities.
a) Renouncing of assets/wealth because of an ethic of redistribution
of wealth to the poor.
b) Renouncing of assets/wealth in order to demonstrate a life of
higher ethical standards, that one has to follow in order to be an
example for others.
c) Renouncing of one’s assets/wealth in order to find self-fulfillment
or self-realization.
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 265

Which of these motivated the interviewee? At this point, Oevermann

allows the introduction of knowledge of the context in which the
interview was held, since it only confirms the existing analysis. The
interviewee has been living in a Franciscan monastery in southern
Europe, apart from society and in voluntary poverty, ever since he
finished his study of theology. Looking at the three possibilities men-
tioned above, we can exclude the first one, since the interviewee
does not have any assets (since he has not worked after finishing his
studies). We thus have to distinguish between possibilities b and c:
Does the interviewee choose a life subordinated to a set of ethical
standards, or is he merely motivated by trying to find self-fulfillment?
The following sentences give us further hints:

Interviewee: “And then I realized, I mean, this is a scien-

tific discourse... more or less...”
He did not initially understand that academic theses are supposed
to be scientific in the broad sense. The researchers develop the
hypothesis that while working on his thesis, the narrator came to
the painful realization that science would not necessarily help him
with practical questions of daily life.

Interviewee: “... for me, it went deeper from the beginning”

The hypothesis is confirmed when analyzing this sentence, since the
interviewee attributes depth to practical life problems and considers
academia as superficial. Interestingly, the narrator does not define
what “depth” for him actually means. We can only derive it nega-
tively from its contrast to academic discourse.

Interviewee: “... because it, because it was..., a question,

that just touched me...”
Again, the interviewee does not really clarify what the problem that
touched him really was, but he subsumes it under a general sensa-
tion/feeling. We can confirm the hypothesis that he is dealing with
a problem related to his identity (option c described above). ‘The
phrase “touched me,” also indicates that the interviewee is passive,
while on the other hand, he analyzes himself scientifically. From this
(and other interview passages not included here for space reasons),
Oevermann concludes that the narrator is on a search for self-real-
ization, but refuses to make long-lasting commitments.
This example should show the reader how Oevermann distinguishes
266 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

between possible decisions and then eliminates those that do not fit
the utterances of the interviewee, while slowly coming to an under-
standing of the case. Even though using structural hermeneutics might
seem obvious, something easily reached by any interpretive method,
a systematic analysis allows one to be surer of one’s interpretation.
Objective hermeneutics, in contrast to intuitive understanding, “con-
sists of totally ‘impractical’, detailed interpretation of the latent mean-
ing of interaction texts. It involves the explication of ‘improbable
readings’ and taken-for-granted assumptions (Oevermann et al., 1987,
p. 445).” The goal of objective hermeneutics, therefore, is to end
with a stronger, more “objective” claim about a particular interpre-
tation. The method contrasts the subject’s own views about his/her
own motivation (emic perspective) with the analyst’s interpretations
(etic perspective), and generally favors the latter.

Criticisms

Oevermann’s partiality towards the etic perspective, and his claims

to find objective structures, lends itself to potential criticisms. Given
the postmodern critique, social scientists are more humble about
claims to objectivity and accuracy in their research. Oevermann
bucks this trend and claims an ability to discover the deeper, hid-
den structure of a text. As evidence of this, structural hermeneutics
does not generally allow the checking of analyst’s interpretations by
the subjects. In this, it differs from interpretive cultural anthropol-
ogy methods that often give greater weight to subject interpretations.
The entire topic of human motivation can also be problematic,
since views on what motivates humans vary widely (C. Smith, 2003).
Different research analysts are likely to bring in their own assump-
tions about human motivation. For instance, in Oevermann’s analy-
sis of the monastic student above, one can think of motives other
than the three mentioned by Oevermann. Christians might enter
voluntary poverty in order to evangelize the poor. Some may become
poor in order to imitate Christ, or for other possible motivations
(Rokeach, 1973), some of which the analysts may neglect such as,
simply, religious faith. Gan researchers (often secular themselves)
really understand religious narratives and take them seriously for
what they are? (MacIntyre, 1970). With Oevermann’s rather mod-
ernist approach, with its focus on autonomy, there is a danger of
misunderstanding religious perspectives and motives that focus more
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 267

on interdependence and relationships with God. Many approaches

reduce motivation to utilitarian (rational choice) or materialist (some
Marxist approaches) motives (Douglas & Ney, 1998). Again, the
results of the analysis may depend a great deal on the makeup and
biases of those interpreting the narratives. Analysts are supposed to
be diverse, but there is no guarantee that this is going to occur. The
group format of the method, however, is designed to prevent the
biases that are more likely to occur when analysts work alone.
Like structural poetics (P. Smith, 2001, p. 187), structural hermeneu-
tics attempts to be objective and come up with the meaning, but it
may not understand the subtle ambiguities of texts. The method also
assumes the modern values of individual liberty, autonomy, and
reflexivity, which may make it culturally particularistic. Along the
same lines, one could argue that Oevermann’s theory of religiosity
is also culturally particularistic. He also separates out religiosity from
the broader context of culture, which is problematic given recent
work that argues one cannot adequately separate religion from cul-
ture or ideology (Fitzgerald, 2000).
The method is also time consuming and complex. The depth of
the method (more than in other qualitative methods) and its poten-
tial insights into the connection between past experiences, motiva-
tions, and world views are viewed as worth the cost in time and
resources (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1999). The goal is not to obtain statistical
findings, which generally need larger samples. In fact, some researchers
have published findings based on just a few interviews, though larger
research teams will do dozens.
The method’s complexity also makes it more difficult to learn it
than other methods. It is best to be trained by researchers working
regularly with it, although it is possible, in principle, to learn the
method on one’s own. A guide is available in German (Oevermann,
1981).

APPLICATIONS OF THE MeTHOD: COMPARING Key BIBLICAL

NARRATIVES AND THE QuR’AN

Structural hermeneutics can be applied to virtually any kind of text,

including interviews, classic writings, and religious texts. In his exam-
ination of religions (Oevermann, 1995a), argues that basic conditions
of life (the process of probation, the specific conditions of time and
268 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

space and the three fundamental questions, “Who am I, where do

I come from, where am I going?”) are present in all religions. ‘This
can be seen by any interpretive method. Oevermann, however, con-
trasts specific religions, especially Christianity and Islam. He has
applied his model of religiosity and method to the interpretation of
several key biblical narratives, including the Creation, Fall, and
Christ’s death, and has discussed their implications for notions of
human autonomy and secularisation. He argues that his findings
about Christianity reveal a unique articulation of the never-ending
dynamic of probation, in which God at the same time distances him-
self from people as he saves them from their condemnation to pro-
bation in the Old Testament. He also maintains that there is a full
correspondence between the logic of the structure of the general the-
ory of religiosity (with its concepts of never-ending probation and
the myth of salvation) outlined above, and the architectonic of the
Christian mythology of creation and salvation. Briefly, Oevermann
argues that Christian concepts of salvation uniquely fulfilled these
demands by dealing with probation through the existence of a Savior
that has a dual divine/human nature, sufferimg under the same pro-
bation that humans do, yet being resurrected. This in effect closes
the cycle of the need to prove one’s worth that arose from the cre-
ation story, for through Christ’s sacrifice believers do not have to
prove themselves worthy anymore. For his extended discussion of
this see Oevermann, 1995a, pp. 85-87.
Tentatively (and controversially), as he is not a theologian, Oever-
mann points out differences between the Bible and the Qur’an in
order to illustrate this claim, specifically looking at Islam’s view of
the dynamics of the problematic need to prove one’s worth in life.
He argues that the Fall in the Qur'an represents punishment, whereas
in Christianity it not only means punishment, but also a liberation
of people. Since the prophecy of the coming salvation that points
towards Jesus is lacking, and Jesus in the Qur’an is not viewed as
the Son of God, the myth of salvation that responds to the never-
ending dynamics of probation is lost. Johannes Twardella (1999)
(using objective hermeneutics in a detailed textual analysis) supports
these conclusions, arguing that the structure of Islam is essentially
one of submission, since indicators of autonomy that are prevalent
in Christianity are secondary in Islam. Objective hermeneutics reveals
that Christianity, however, combines the elements of a theory of reli-
giosity in a unique way. According to Oevermann (1988), other ways
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 269

of finding meaning in life, such as the adoption of specific world

views like scientism or materialism, or the adoption of parts of Eastern
religions, also do not fit the human condition perfectly. It should be
noted that his position on different religions reflects not a theologi-
cal or faith orientation, but a modernist bias that stresses autonomy.
Finally, he posits that secularisation is inherent in the Christian
faith, and that a specific dynamic of rationalization arises from bib-
lical texts. As Oevermann points out, Max Weber (1952) made sim-
ilar observations. Instead of looking at Biblical narratives, however,
Weber’s work relies on sociological observations. Oevermann’s analy-
sis argues that we can find the origins of secularisation in the Biblical
texts themselves. For example, the story of the Fall, as illustrated
above, already hints at the possibility of secularisation, since the Fall
not only represents punishment, but also an increase in human auto-
nomy, and the beginning of the dynamic of the problem of proba-
tion. Monotheism, in Oevermann’s view, also predicts secularisation,
since there is only one God, who retreats more and more into his
own sphere after the Fall. Through Christ, finally, God does not vis-
ibly intervene in history, as he did in the past. ‘The author posits
that secularisation may occur in non-Christian cultures, but only as
a consequence of the globalization of Western influences, not as a
consequence of the religion itself, which 1s the case in Christianity
(Oevermann, 1995a, pp. 87-93).

APPLICATIONS FOR THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION

Oevermann’s approach has several applications for the sociology of

religion. First, as mentioned above, he argues that contemporary
sociological approaches do not seem to answer the question of what
the core of religion or religiosity is. Moreover, they can’t plausibly
separate the universality of religion from its cultural-historical back-
ground. In Oevermann’s view, religiosity can only be seen as a soci-
ologically constituted object if it is understood as an integral component
of life practice of every human being. In other words, life demands
religiosity in a universal way, for everyone has to believe in some-
thing in order to be able to answer the three questions mentioned
above, even if traditional religion is declining. Oevermann’s approach
offers an understanding of religion that does not change with trans-
formations in religious life (e.g., with ongoing secularisation).
270 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

Second, it is better able to investigate the transformation of reli-

gion in contemporary society, especially where sociologists tradition-
ally relied upon a subject’s self-identification with specific religious
traditions when attempting to elicit correlations with other variables.
Structural hermeneutics is well suited to “messier” situations where
individuals are picking and choosing among elements of different
religions (Bellah et al., 1985; Roof, 1999). At the same time, it is
also capable of detecting much broader cultural influences on indi-
viduals from outside the formal religious sphere, such as the effect
of popular culture on people’s attitudes and beliefs.
Third, Oevermann’s method seems capable of distinguishing between
forms of religion that fit the human condition (thus enabling people
to grow spiritually) and those that do not. As illustrated above, his
method could be used by apologetics scholars to make an argument
about the benefits of different religions and quasi-religions. Oevermann
himself puts more emphasis on the comparative examination of reli-
gious texts for their ability to relate to basic conditions of life than
on individuals and their religious biographies, while other scholars
using the method often focus on biographies (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1995;
1999). A comparative analysis of different religions is attempted to
some degree in a class in Oevermann’s institute, but no publications
are yet available (Gartner, personal communication, August 14th
2000). This method might also be applied to the field of “transper-
sonal sociology,” which among other things focuses on spirituality
and attempts to reveal its consequences in the lives of individuals
(Moberg, 2001, p. 155).
The significance of this approach can especially be found in the
analysis of individual life histories and the comparative evaluation of
their (diverse) faith systems, since the method is able to detect the
hidden structure (Tiefenstruktur) of a person’s verbal expressions. By
looking at the contrast between culture-specific linguistic rules and
how individuals use them, Oevermann is able to identify (in the case
of a personal life story) a person’s “latent structures of meaning,”
representing her mode of existence (way of being in the world). By
analyzing these latent structures of meaning, one is able to describe
the degree of self-awareness/self-reflexivity of an individual’s com-
munication, as well as hidden aspects of their attitude toward specific
areas of life. Although he does not openly declare the individual’s
feelings toward him/herself and the world (or certain areas of it) as
the core of his theory, his method shows its significance for the
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 271

scientific study of religion. According to Oevermann, a high degree

of self-reflexivity is a goal of socialization and is associated with a
healthy personality. Awareness of oneself demands the acceptance of
one’s own personality while at the same time knowing one’s weak-
nesses. People who repress aspects of their personality show a lesser
degree of self-reflective communication than those who are able to
accept and deal with most aspects of their character.
Oevermann also mentions cases in which one would find “a per-
fect overlap between intentional representation and latent structure
of meaning.” According to him, however, these represent “an espe-
cially ideal case of fully self-reflective communication: having recon-
structed their own interaction texts, the acting subjects grasp the full
meaning of their actions” (Oevermann et al., 1987, p. 439). Further-
more, a person’s relationship with him/herself has an impact on
his/her relationship with others and to the world in general. All this
can be related to the religion’s ability to address life’s demands.
According to Oevermann, the accurateness/truthfulness of a religion
depends upon its ability to respond to the basic conditions of life
(such as answering the basic questions of life “Who am I? Where
am I coming from? Where am I going?”). It appears therefore, that
researchers using this method would be able to discover a certain
degree of overlap/fit between a religion and the basic life conditions
(or lack thereof).
In sum, by knowing a person’s latent structures of meaning (and
through them her unconscious structure, her world view, and thus,
the degree to which she is at peace with herself, others and the
world), one is able to comment on the ability of different religions
to address people’s psychological and sociological condition by ask-
ing if they enable people to grow emotionally, socially, and spiritu-
ally. This makes Oevermann’s approach valuable since it allows for
a critical comparison of different religions. For example, one could
use structural hermeneutics to analyze and compare the effects on
people’s spiritual and emotional lives of conversions to, or involvements
with, different religions, quasi-religions (Greil and Robbins, 1994),
and other meaningful narratives/practices. How do these different
belief systems allow people to find meaning in life, or answer their
existential questions? Do they allow people to become more reflective
or do they repress self-reflection? Monika Wohlrab-Sahr (1995; 1999a),
a German sociologist, uses this method in her research on conver-
sions to Islam. She argues that converts to Islam use this religion to
272 INES W. JINDRA AND MICHAEL JINDRA

voice their ambivalence towards their family, the state (in case of
African American converts) or their milieu of origin. Islam can also
help people find their gender identity in a society more and more
marked by fluid gender roles. In some cases, however, converts never
really reflect upon their actual motivations for conversion. For example,
the father of Ayse Simit, a German convert to Islam, was a com-
munist and prisoner in Auschwitz during World War H, only to be
released because he mastered fish farming, which was helpful to the
Nazis in the town of Auschwitz. In order to survive in the town, he
had to work and play the role of a “normal” father and husband
in a strongly Nazi milieu, at which time Rosa Prinz (who changed
her name to Ayse Simit after her conversion) was born. This situa-
tion contributed to, in retrospect, her feelings of ambivalence and
shame. The family never talked about his time living free amongst
the Nazis, while others were gassed nearby. Denying what actually
happened, she (like her father) emphasizes a great continuity in her
life since her conversion, only exchanging communism for Islam,
which to her signifies a similar (and yet new) ideological system.
Change can be seen in her attempts to break out of the collective
identity of communism (of which her parents were part). The con-
version to Islam then represents, in Wohlrab-Sahr’s view, an attempt
to create distance from her past on the ideological level, but con-
tinuation on the “structural-habitual,” or quotidian level (Wohlrab-
Sahr, 1999b, p. 67). She comes to similar conclusions in other case
studies of converts to Islam (1995, 1999a). Would conversions to
different religions, analyzed with this method, yield similar results or
might it differ? For instance, according to some, Christianity has
uniquely promoted a sense of freedom and individuality (Dumont,
1986). This method could be used to test some of these arguments.
In connection with this, Oevermann uses his method to analyze
religious texts, such as the Bible and the Qur’an, and he argues that
he can get at the hidden structure of these documents. In other
words, he analyzes the fit between their claims and the human con-
dition, as well as their consistency. Therefore, his work could also
contribute to the exegesis of religious texts, as done by sociologists
of religion as well as Biblical scholars. For example, John A. Coleman
has argued that we need a sociology of religion that is not reduc-
tionist, “a mere excavating of the social world behind the text, as if
the text, itself, did not enter into the social construction of reality
(Coleman, 1999, p. 125),” but one that takes the text itself seriously.
 STRUCTURAL HERMENEUTICS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION 273

From this flows Coleman’s argument that biblical scholars using his-
torical knowledge and literary criticism can contribute much to the
work of professional sociologists of religion. Another possible appli-
cation of this method is in the area of counseling, since understanding
someone’s underlying motivation and world view, and therefore also
the person’s psychological problems, helps in solving them.
Oevermann’s approach keeps the actor in the picture, much as
rational choice theory does. It takes what people do seriously, instead
of treating them as tools of larger systems and ideologies. However,
it also considers the contents or doctrines of religions, and how indi-
viduals understand and utilize them, something which rational choice
theory fails to do (Spickard, 1998, p. 110). In other words, it also
includes other modes of thought besides rationality. In this sense,
structural hermeneutics has something to offer the sociology of reli-
gion, especially for those scholars interested in how people actually
incorporate their religion into their daily lives.

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 A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF RESEARCH IN THE SOCIAL
SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION FROM 1997 TO 2001:
WHERE WE HAVE BEEN AND WHERE WE
HORExTO.GO*

Gabriel S. Dy-Liacco
Ralph L. Piedmont
Mark M. Leach
Robert W. Nelson

ABSTRACT

This study reports the results of a content analysis of articles published in Research
in the Social Scientific Study of Religion for the period, 1997 to 2001. The 50 articles
published in the five-year period were examined with regard to the following infor-
mation: 1) authors’ nations of origin and academic background; 2) types of infor-
mation sources used; 3) religious affiliations represented; 4) the most frequent types
of topics covered; and 5) differences in presentation of research (empirical, non-
empirical). The results of the content analysis revealed four points of interest: 1) a
need for empirical research employing more sophisticated methodological and ana-
lytical techniques; 2) a need for more non-Christian samples; 3) a need for better
documentation of the religious affiliation of participants; and 4) a need for studies
from disciplines outside of the social sciences (e.g., medicine and physical sciences).

Religious research is a rapidly growing field (Zinnbauer et al., 1997).

One barometer of this phenomenal growth in research on religious
and spiritual variables is the rapid increase in the numbers of arti-
cles published in this area from 1950 to 2001 (over 13,000 articles
were published, according to psycLNFO). In a recent psyclNFO search
on the terms “religion” or “spirituality”, from 1951-1959, 866 arti-
cles were published versus 5,135 articles published in the interval
from 1990 to 1999! Another psycINFO search that compared the
number of articles containing these same terms in the five-year periods

* Request reprints, or copies of the coding form, from Ralph L. Piedmont, Ph.D.,
Department of Pastoral Counseling, Loyola College in Maryland, 8890 McGaw
Rd., Suite 380, Columbia, MD 21045 or via e-mail at [email protected]. The
authors wish to thank the following members of the coding committee for coding
the articles: Barbara Kinney, Ellen Hughes, and William Aycock.

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Rehgion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
Ds DY-LIACCO, PIEDMONT, LEACH AND NELSON

of 1992 to 1996 (2,142) and 1997 to 2001 (3,711), showed a 73%

increase in the number of such papers.
Zinnbauer, Pargament, and Scott (1999) noted that this rapid
growth of the field has been accompanied by a growing scientific
interest in religious and spiritual variables. There has been a con-
comitant increase in the number of scales developed to measure these
constructs (e.g¢., Hill & Hood, 2000). The aim of this scientific inter-
est in religious and spiritual variables is to determine the unique
contributions of religiosity and spirituality in mental and physical
health outcomes (Koenig, McCullough, & Larson, 2000; Pargament,
1997; Piedmont, 1999; Plante & Sherman, 2001). Given such rapid
growth in this field, the need arises to review the literature in order
to examine some of the larger issues and topical trends that describe
and characterize this body of work. As Baumeister and Leary (1997)
have noted, literature reviews can be important for surveying the
state of knowledge in a field and for identifying conceptual and
empirical problems that may be present. The current study aims to
begin a systematic effort of characterizing research in the field of
religious and spiritual research through a content analysis of studies
published in Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion (RSSSR).
RSSSR is an annual serial that is committed to publishing inter-
disciplinary research on religion and spirituality for an international
audience. Its articles provide a sampling of work that is being con-
ducted in this area from a wide array of researchers of diverse nation-
alities. As RSSSR marks its 14th year of publication, it seems a
propitious moment to review what has been presented. The value
of such a review is threefold. First, a content analysis of the articles
in RSSSR will give a snapshot of recent research interests and
methodological trends within the field. Second, the review can iden-
tify content areas of high and low interest as well as current method-
ological practices and analytic strategies. Finally, this review can
provide potential authors and researchers with information on what
has been published in RSSSR and the directions it may hkely move
toward in the future.

MetTHop

The data for this study consists of all articles published in RSSSR
from 1997 to 2001. Each article was reviewed to determine the type
 RSSSR CONTENT ANALYSIS 279

of information contained, characteristics of participants, general topic,

type of analysis used, and type of design. Editorial statements and
introductory statements were excluded from the study. A total of 50
articles were coded. A copy of the coding form is available from the
second author (RLP).
This study was coded as part of a larger study consisting of a
team of six individuals coding articles from several religious/spiri-
tual-oriented journals in a comprehensive review of literature con-
ducted by Dy-Liacco, Piedmont, Leach, and Nelson (2003). Members
of the team coded one article each from their respective journals,
then met as a group to discuss the coding system, focusing on ques-
tions about how elements were to be coded and whether new cat-
egories needed to be added. Decisions were made as a group to
answer those questions, and the coding form was revised as needed.
All the remaining articles were then coded. Discrepancies in coding
were handled through a group discussion. In this way, relevant cod-
ing issues were clarified for all members of the coding team.

REsuLTs AND Discussion

The study examined the 50 articles by frequency of category endorse-

ment by the coder. Categories that were found in at least 10% of
the articles were considered significant. Categories that were found
in less than 10% of the articles may represent opportunities for
growth in material coverage for RSSSR. RSSSR published an aver-
age of 10 articles per year in the five-year period. Articles published
per issue ranged from 8 (1998) to 13 (2000). ‘The articles will be dis-
cussed with regard to: 1) authors’ nations of origin and academic
disciplines; 2) types of information sources being used; 3) religious
affiliations represented; 4) the most frequent types of topics covered;
and 5) types of research designs and analytic methods employed.

Authors’ Demographics
There were a total of 85 authors listed on the 50 reviewed papers.
Of this total, 74% were from the United States, while 19% were
from Europe, 2% were from Africa, 4% from Australia, and 1°%
from Asia. Although mostly dominated by American authors, RSSSR
does pull in an international list of contributors. In terms of acade-
mic discipline, 33°% were in psychology, 41°% were in sociology, 21°%o
280 DY-LIACCO, PIEDMONT, LEACH AND NELSON

1. Types of Information Sources Being Used n RSSSR Articles From 1 VIE

Table
Through 2001
Nee ee ne en ee ee eee
Types Information Sources Percentage (o)

Self-Report 56
Theoretical Report 28
Documents 16
Literature Review 6
Observer 4
Life Outcome ys
Test Data 2
Meta-Analysis i
Multiple Studies 2
Total Number of Participants 46
Numbers of Male/Female Participants ine
Type of Subject 56
Clergy Ee
Lay 15D
Combined 10°
Type of Sample a2
Random af
Convenience Ze
Age Group of Subject
Adults 36
General/ Mixed 19
College Students 7
Professionals 14
Children 6
Youth 3
Graduate Students =
Elderly -
Families -

Notes. N = 50, unless otherwise indicated by superscript. *n = 23. 'n = 28. ‘n = 21.

were in theology, and the remaining 5% were either in anthropol-

ogy or statistics. RSSSR does seem to be interdisciplinary, publish-
ing a diversity of perspectives from the social sciences. However,
lacking from this list are any medical or physical science authors.

Types of Information Sources Being Used

Table | presents the information sources used in RSSSR over the
five-year period.
Fifty-six percent of the articles used self-report data, 28% were
 RSSSR CONTENT ANALYSIS 281

theoretical reports, and 16% used documents (various official and

personal papers such as church registries and diaries). Total num-
bers of participants were reported in 46% of the 50 articles. There
were as few as 22 participants in one correlational study to as many
as 36,670 participants used in an international survey project. The
median number of participants per study was 380. Gender was
reported in 74% of the articles reporting total numbers of partici-
pants. The average number of participants per article was 452 males
(SD = 685) and 379 females (SD = 641). Fifty-six percent of all arti-
cles reported on the category, “type of subject,” i.e., whether the
participants were comprised of clergy, lay, or a combined group of
clergy and laypersons. Of these, 75% (n = 28) used lay participants,
15% used clergy, and 10% used a combined sample. Forty-two per-
cent reported the sampling method used. A slightly greater percentage
of studies claimed to have used random samples (57°%) versus con-
venience samples (43%). The majority of participants were sampled
from the adult, college student, and professional age groups.
Self-report data was by far the leading information source used
in RSSSR articles. This was likely due to the convenience, ease, and
relative cost-effectiveness associated with gathering self-report data
versus test and life outcome data. There is an encouraging trend of
publishing data-driven studies in RSSSR, with 56% of all articles
being empirical, compared with 28% of the articles being strictly
theoretical in nature (the remaining 16% being literature reviews and
descriptive studies). This finding stands in contrast to criticisms that
the field of scientific religious research trails far behind mainstream
social science disciplines in the use of the scientific method to con-
duct soundly constructed empirical studies of religious and spiritual
variables (e.g., Sloan, Bagiella, & Powell, 2001).
The use of “documents” as a source of data is particularly notable.
Personal and institutional documents (e.g., diaries, letters, baptismal
registries, marriage registries, annulments, books of the dead, fre-
quency and amount of tithe, to name a few) provide information
not usually analyzed scientifically and can offer insights into religious
behaviors, motivations, and social trends that are just unavailable
from the perspective of other information sources. Such documents
can provide empirical records of past behavior and choices related
to religious activity, and intact documents spanning long periods of
time can provide insights into sociological and cultural trends.
For those articles that report the use of participants, most did
282 DY-LIACCO, PIEDMONT, LEACH AND NELSON

delineate by gender and type of subject. Such information gives read-

ers a clearer picture of possible subject factors that may influence
the interpretation of the results of a study. The large range of sam-
ple sizes (from 22 to 36,648) provided insight into the type of study
conducted, from the correlational designs with relatively smaller sam-
ple sizes (Ns in the 200s—400s) more common to psychological research,
to survey designs with larger sample sizes (Vs in the thousands) more
common to sociological survey research. RSSSR is committed to
having authors provide detailed information about samples used,
measures given, and procedures followed so that readers can have
both a crisp appreciation for the technical characteristics of a report
and sufficient information to allow for adequate replications.
In contrast to the methodological strengths centering on sample
sizes and data sources noted above, there is a conspicuous lack of
studies employing observer ratings of behavior and feelings (observer
data were used in only two articles). Observer ratings provide a use-
ful criterion for use in validating self-report data. Observer data can
be instrumental in documenting the observability of religious and
spiritual constructs and the pervasiveness of their influence on behav-
ior. Another noteworthy gap was the dearth of multiple studies (only
one article contained multiple studies). Papers that contain multiple
studies are able both to develop an idea empirically and to show
that the major findings can be replicated. Thus, most research in
RSSSR was based on one-shot designs aimed at capturing very
specific data with no demonstration of the robustness of their findings.
Twenty-eight percent of the articles were theoretical reports.
Theoretical reports can be valuable contributions to the conceptu-
alization of relationships among variables, and stimulate the formu-
lation and investigation of hypotheses about these relationships. RSSSR
provided a forum for such discussion and idea-generation by devot-
ing nearly one-third of its space to theoretical reports. However,
there were no meta-analytic studies published in RSSSR in the five-
year period 1997-2001. The value of a meta-analysis is its ability to
extract empirically broad trends and to promote high-level abstrac-
tions from the research literature. Such studies can help to discern
how much religious and spiritual variables may contribute to salient
life outcomes over and above other factors such as personality, social
and cultural context, and other well-established psychological or soci-
ological constructs. Meta-analyses can also help to document the
overall value of spiritual constructs (i.e., their predictive power) in
 RSSSR CONTENT ANALYSIS 283

Table 2. The Representation of Religious Affiliations in RSSSR Articles

From 1997 Through 2001

Religious Affiliation Overall Percentage (°%)

Catholic 54
Not Stated 25
Protestant 20
Other Christian 14
Episcopal 11

Notes. N = 50. Only those religious affiliations found in 10% or more of the arti-
cles are included in the table.

diverse contexts, such as health status (e.¢., Smith, 2001). Furthermore,

meta-analyses can control for covariates or confounds, giving more
accurate pictures of association and effect uniquely attributable to
the study variable. Encouraging more meta-analytic work to be done
is a responsible position that holds much promise for the scientific
study of religion and spirituality.

Religious Affiliations Represented

Twenty-five categories were used to classify the religious affiliation
of samples, including a “not stated” option. Seventy percent of the
articles were coded as reporting religious affiliation. ‘Table 2 presents
the most frequently cited of the 25 religious affihations (1.e., with
10% or greater representation), and includes Catholics at 34°%, Not
Stated at 23%, Protestants at 20%, Other Christian at 14%, and
Episcopal at 11%. These figures indicate two important facts. First,
there was clearly a bias in the research literature to employ Christian
samples. There are many possible reasons for this, including the pre-
dominance of Christians among those who are conducting research
in this area and the prevalence of Christians who are available and
willing to serve as participants. This lack of religious diversity pre-
empts the field’s ability to demonstrate the value of spirituality by
capturing its basic, common elements. This in turn compromises our
ability to develop comprehensive models of spiritual development
and experience that have practical significance and ecological valid-
ity (Piedmont & Leach, 2002). There is also a need to employ multiple
methods, both quantitative and qualitative, which address both the
specifics of particular faiths and the overlapping themes common
284 DY-LIACCO, PIEDMONT, LEACH AND NELSON

among faiths (Moberg, 2002). Second, for those monitoring religious

affiliation, many were vague in their categorizations, frequently rely-
ing on a simple dichotomy of Catholic versus Protestant. ‘There are
many differences among the Protestant traditions (especially in terms
of their levels of conservatism-liberalism and religious behaviors) that
render combining them into a single global category unwarranted.
These trends raise the issue of cultural insularity in the published
research along with its attendant impact on the external validity of
results to groups beyond the scope of the studies. Similarly, broad
classifications of affiliation may serve to mask important inter-denom-
inational differences that may be of psychosocial import (Otani, 2002).
Given the international background of both the contributors and
readers of RSSSR, it would seem that RSSSR is in an ideal posi-
tion to solicit articles with a broader representation of diverse reli-
gious groups. It is surprising that there are so few inter-faith articles
published. Such studies can help address issues concerning the extent
to which spirituality and religiosity reflect universal aspects of the
human experience as well as the degree and manner in which these
variables carry faith-specific benefits and liabilities to adherents.
Another interesting trend that deserves the attention of the jour-
nal’s editors, reviewers, and future contributors is the proportion of
studies that were coded as not stating the religious affiliation of par-
ticipants. Nearly one-fourth of the 50 articles did not state the reli-
gious afhliation of their participants. It is entirely possible that
consideration of religious afhliation was immaterial to the scope of
some articles, but this seems somewhat ironic in a publication ded-
icated to studying religion.

The Most Frequent Types of Topics Covered

Table 3 presents the 15 topics that were found in 10% or more of
RSSSR articles between 1997 and 2001. RSSSR has drawn articles
mainly from a broad spectrum of topics within the sociological and
psychological study of religion and spirituality. The top six topics
(with frequencies above 20°%) were: Religious practices, social/soci-
etal movements, personality, spirituality, theological issues, and cross-
cultural issues. It is interesting to note that although the topics of
forgiveness, stress, and coping have been receiving increasing atten-
tion in the psychology of religion (e.g., Plante & Sherman, 2001),
they were minimally represented in RSSSR (these topics combined
 RSSSR CONTENT ANALYSIS 285

Table 3. Types of Topics Appearing in RSSSR Articles During the

Five-year Period 1997-2001
CV—C_—_—_—
a _————_:.—n—_—

Topic Overall Percentage (°%o)

Religious Practices a?
Social/Societal Movements 34
Personality 26
Spirituality 24
Theological Issues 22
Cross-cultural Issues 22
Within Culture Studies 18
Well-Being 14
Philosophical Issues 14
Cognitive Processes 14
Mental Health 12
Beliefs 10
Gender 10
Scale Validation 10
Religious Differences 10
N = 50. Topics under 10% were not reported.

represented less than 10% of all articles). There has been also a
paucity of studies on methodological issues, test construction, and
the usage of broad, empirically-based models of personality within
which to situate, or from which to differentiate, hypothesized reli-
gious and spiritual variables. The lack of such studies presents an
opportunity for researchers to step in and fill a gap.
Given the comments above about the lack of theological plural-
ism, it is encouraging to note that RSSSR does contain a number
of studies that examine cross-cultural issues that impact faith and
spirituality. Although most of these employ primarily Christian sam-
ples, they do provide insights into how culture may impact the devel-
opment and expression of one’s faith tradition as well as allowing
for examinations of culturally independent faith qualities.

Differences in Presentation of Research (Empincal versus Non-empincal)

Empirical presentations of research were found in more than 50%
of RSSSR articles. Table 4 presents the types of data analyses and
study designs that were utilized most in the 50 coded articles. In
terms of study design, the majority of articles used the survey and
correlational designs (44°% and 25°%, respectively), which are commonly
286 DY-LIAGCO, PIEDMONT, LEACH AND NELSON

Table 4. Types of Data Analyses and Study Design Used in RSSSR Articles
Across the Five-year Period 1997-2001

Type of Data Analysis/Study Design Overall Percentage (°/)

Analysis
Descriptive 56
Descriptive only 30
Correlations 28
Regression 25
Non-empirical ae
ANOVA 14
Factor Analysis 1]
Design
Survey as
Correlational 23
Qualitative 22
Notes. N = 50. Only those religious affiliations found in 10% or more of the arti-
cles are included in the table.

used in sociological and psychological research. Five methods of data

analysis were used in greater than 10° of articles: descriptive sta-
tistics (56%), correlations (28%), regression (25%), ANOVA (14%),
and factor analysis (11°). Studies using only descriptive statistics in
data analysis comprised 30° of all articles, and non-empirical analy-
ses were found in 22% of the articles. Qualitative designs were found
in 22% of the articles. Thus a broad range of research designs and
analytic strategies are represented in RSSSR. However, given recent
criticisms of this field’s research as being methodologically weak and
interpretively misleading (Sloan, Bagiella, & Powell, 1999, 2001), it
may be in our better interests to move toward more sophisticated
designs and analyses (e.g., multivariate analyses, structural equation
modeling, longitudinal designs) in studies that are statistically based.

CONCLUSION

This relatively recent review reveals that RSSSR has published arti-
cles reflecting a rich mixture of sociological and psychological per-
spectives. ‘These articles encompass a broad spectrum of topics, all
of which are consistent with the interdisciplinary philosophy of the
publication. ‘The published articles bring a unique perspective to the
study of religious and spiritual constructs by employing underutilized
 RSSSR CONTENT ANALYSIS 287

information sources such as documents, or through the use of sur-

vey designs with large random samples. The inclusion of factor analy-
sis and regression-based analyses is a refreshing indicator that some
researchers are seeking answers to more complex questions about
the structure, roles, and validity of religious and spiritual constructs.
RSSSR’s diverse perspective is further enriched by the presence of
articles submitted by authors from the international community.
As a microcosm of what may be published in other periodicals in
this area, this review certainly can make recommendations for how
the field, and RSSSR, may wish to orient themselves in the future.
First, researchers need to give more specific attention to religious
afhliation, and other indicators of religious orientation, as variables
in their research. Careful documentation of affiliation, as well as
greater consideration of this construct as either an independent and/or
dependent variable, is needed. Second, given the recent rise of cri-
tiques on the quality of psychological research in this field (e.g.,
Joiner, Perez, & Walker, 2002; Sloan et al., 2001; Smith, 2001), it
seems that research on religion needs to begin to employ more sophis-
ticated methodologies and related analytic techniques. Bateson (1997)
argued that the field of religious research is 30 years behind the
mainstream social sciences. If this is true, then we need to energet-
ically focus on making important methodological advances. ‘The grow-
ing literature of this field will no doubt attract growing critical interest
and commentary. Third, there is the need to increase the inclu-
siveness of the research completed in this area. Although RSSSR
does well in publishing studies that employ cross-cultural samples
(and should continue doing so given its international perspective),
more needs to be accomplished to include non-Christian faith tradi-
tions. The Jewish, Muslim, and Hindu faiths (among others) repre-
sent spiritual traditions that are very different from Christian models.
Their inclusion can help construct robust models of spirituality that
are representative and valid with large proportions of the world’s
population.
Finally, the content analysis conducted in this study needs to be
extended to include other serials in this domain of research. It 1s
time to review the very large and rapidly increasing database that
is developing. Not only is it important to understand the publica-
tion trends of the various journals, it is also critical that the field
take stock of what it has already accomplished and discern what it
has yet to do. Critical reflection and analysis are necessary so that
288 DY-LIACCO, PIEDMONT, LEACH AND NELSON

a solid, integrated, and differentiated body of knowledge can be

developed that can speak to researchers across disciplines about the
value of religion and spirituality in the lingua franca of the field-
science.

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Baumeister, R. F., & Leary, J. (1997). Writing narrative literature reviews. Review
of General Psychology, 1, 311-320.
Dy-Liacco, G. S., Piedmont, R. L., & Leach, M., Nelson, R. (2003, August).
Interdisciplinary research on religion and spirituality: A five-year review of the
literature (1997-2001). Poster presented at the Annual Convention of the American
Psycholoigcal Association, Toronto, Canada.
Hill, P. C., & Hood, R. W., Jr. (1999). Measures of religiosity. Birmingham, AL:
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Joiner, T. E., Perez, M., & Walker, R. L. (2002). Playing devil’s advocate: Why
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Koenig, H. G., McCullough, M. E., & Larson, D. B. (2000). Handbook of religion and
health. New York: Oxford University Press.
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Zinnbauer, B. J., Pargament, K. I., Cole, B., Rye, M. S., Butter, E. M., Belavich,
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 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES

Mervyn F. Benpie, Ph.D., is senior lecturer in sociology at James

Cook University, Queensland, Australia. His doctorate is in compara-
tive religion from La Trobe University and he has masters degrees
in social theory (Monash) and psychoanalytical studies (Deakin). He
also holds a teaching qualification. Aside from these areas, his main
interests le in cognitive deviance and the study of extreme thought
systems, including terrorism, cults, apocalypticism, and radical ide-
ologies. As a diversion, he teaches a course on “Science Fiction,
Fantasy and Popular Culture.” Some recent publications include:
“Reflexive spirituality and metanoia in high modernity.” Australian
Religious Studies Review, 2003, 16(1), in press; “Trajectories of anti-
globalism,” Journal of Sociology, 2002, 38(3), 213-222; “Militant reli-
gion and globalization,” Australian Religious Studies Review, 15(1), 5-9;
“The crisis of ‘identity’ in high modernity,” British Journal of Sociology,
2002, 53(1), 1-18; and “Teleportation, Cyborgs and the Posthuman
Ideology,” Social Semiotics, 2002, 12(1), 45-62.

JAsk Bituiet, Ph.D. in the Social Sciences, is professor in social

methodology at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (Belgium). He is
project leader of the Inter-university Centre of Political Opinion
Research (ISPO) which is responsible for general election surveys in
Flanders (Belgium). He is a member of the central coordination team
of European Social Survey and of the Standing Committee for the Social
Sciences, European Science Foundation. His main research interests in
methodology concern validity assessment, interviewer and response
effects, and the modeling of measurement error in social surveys.

Gary D. Bouma is professor of sociology at Monash University in

Melbourne Australia. Educated at Calvin, Princeton and Cornell his
research has focused on religion and society particularly examining
the emergence and management of religious diversity, religion and
gender issues, religion and migration, and the rise of post-modern,
post-Christendom spiritualities. Earlier versions of this paper were
presented as plenary lectures to meetings of the Society for the
Scientific Study of Religion in October 2000 and the New Zealand

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
290 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES

Association for the Study of Religions in December 2000. In addi-

tion to these two professional associations, I thank the Ford Foundation
and the Monash University Research Fund for financial support for
the research reported here and the time to reflect. Correspondence
concerning this article should be addressed to Professor Gary D.
Bouma, Political and Social Inquiry, Box lla, Monash University,
VIC 3800, AUSTRALIA. Email: [email protected], Phone:
IDD+61+349905 2982. Fax, IDD+61+-349905 2440.

James J. Bucktey is Professor of Theology and Dean of the College

of Arts and Sciences at Loyola College in Maryland. He has his
doctorate in Religious Studies from Yale University and has recently
edited (with David Yeago) Knowing the Triune God: The Holy Spirit in
the Practices of the Church (Eerdmans, 2002).

JosepH W. Crarroccui, Ph.D., is professor and chairperson of the

graduate programs in pastoral counseling, Loyola College in Maryland.
He is a clinical psychologist whose research interests are the inte-
gration of spirituality and psychology. His clinical areas are addic-
tive behavior and the anxiety disorders. His most recent book is
Counseling Problem Gamblers: A Self-regulation Manual for Indwidual and
Family Therapy (2002), Academic Press.

Kare_ DoBBELAERE is emeritus professor of the Katholieke Universiteit

Leuven (Belgium) and the University of Antwerp (Belgium), where
he taught sociology, sociological research and the sociology of reli-
gion. He has served as president of the International Society for the
Sociology of Religion (1983-1991) and is, at present, secretary general
(2001-2004) of the Society. He has produced more than 200 pub-
lications on secularization, pillarization, and religious involvement in
churches, sects and New Religious Movements. His most recent book
is Secularization: An Analysis at Three Levels (P.1.E.-Peter Lang, 2002).

Marre! DoGan is senior fellow at the National Center for Scientific

Research in Paris and professor emeritus at UCLA. He is co-founder
of the Society for Comparative Research and chair of the research
committee on comparative sociology of the International Sociological
Association. His most recent publication is Elite Configurations at the
Apex of Power, published by Brill in 2003.
Authors Note: This paper borrows from a previous analysis of the
 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES 291

decline of religion in Europe, which had appeared in the journal

Comparatwe Sociology, 2001. This expanded text benefits from the com-
ments made by several European scholars.
This analysis is based on several international surveys including:
(1) A survey of nine countries by the European Values Systems Study,
1981, and conducted on the initiative of an Amsterdam foundation;
(2) World Values Survey, in 1990-1991 and another one in 1997 cov-
ering 40 countries and carried out on the initiative of Ronald Inglehart
(University of Michigan); (3) International Social Survey Programme (ISSP),
1990, which concerned fifteen countries and the results of which are
centralized at the University of Cologne’s Zentralarchiv fiir Empirische
Sozialforschung, The Third Wave of The European Values Study,
source book edited by L. Halman (1999-2000).

GasriEL S. Dy-Liacco is a Ph.D. candidate in pastoral counseling

at Loyola College in Maryland. He holds a master’s degree in pas-
toral counseling from Loyola College in Maryland and is currently
a doctoral research fellow at the Institute for Religious and Psycho-
logical Research. He is a licenced clinical professional counselor and
a national certified counselor. His research interests are in the mea-
surement of religiosity and spirituality constructs and their predic-
tion of salient psychosocial outcomes. His clinical interests are in the
treatment of severe and persistent mental illness, the effects of trauma,
and addictions. Mr. Dy-Liacco is a clinical member of the American
Mental Health Counselors Association, and a student affiliate of the
American Psychological Association. He works as an adult and ado-
lescent psychotherapist in a community mental health clinic.

Micuaet Emerson is the R.A. Radoslav Professor of Public Policy

and Sociology at Rice University. His research focuses on the roles
of race and religion for social action. His research focuses on the
roles of race and religion for social action. His book (with Christian
Smith), Divided by faith: Evangelical Religion and the Problem of Race i
America (Oxford, 2000) was the recipient of the 2001 Distinguished
Book Award from the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion.
He is currently writing a book on multiracial religious congregations
in the United States, and continuing research on racial segregation
in neighborhoods and schools.
292 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES

Lesuiz J. Francis is professor of practical theology at the University

of Wales, Bangor, UK. His recent books include Gone but not Forgotten:
Church leaving and returning (1998), The Long Diaconate: Women deacons
and the delayed journey to priesthood (1999), Exploring Luke’s Gospel: Personality
type and scripture (2000), The Values Debate: Listening to the pupils (2001),
Exploring Matthew’s Gospel: Personality type and scripture (2001).

Joanne Marie G. Greer is a full professor and director of doctoral

research for the graduate programs in pastoral counseling at Loyola
College in Maryland. She received her Ph.D. from the University
of Maryland, College Park, her master’s degree from Louisiana State
University at Baton Rouge, and her bachelor’s degree from St. Mary’s
Dominican College in New Orleans. She is also a graduate of the
Washington Psychoanalytic Institute in the District of Columbia. She
is board-certified in psychoanalysis by the American Psychoanalytic
Association and is a diplomate of the American Board of Professional
Psychology. In addition to her teaching and research, she maintains
a small clinical practice.

Ines WENGER JINDRA is an assistant professor of sociology at Spring

Arbor University, and is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of
Fribourg, Switzerland. Her dissertation is an analysis of religious con-
version narratives.

MicHAEL JINDRA is an associate professor of sociology and anthro-

pology at Spring Arbor University. His Ph.D. is from the University
of Wisconsin-Madison in cultural anthropology. He has previously
published in the areas of sociology of religion, cultural studies, and
social theory. Correspondence can be addressed to [email protected].

AntHony Krisak is a member of the Loyola College in Maryland’s

pastoral counseling department adjunct faculty.

Mark M. Leacn is associate professor in the department of psy-

chology at the University of Southern Mississippi and consults with
local mental health agencies. He received his doctorate from the
University of Oklahoma. He is involved in cultural education ad has
been a visiting professor at the University of Natal-Pietermaritzburg
in South Africa. His research interests include racial identity, religion,
 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES 293

and spirituality issues in counseling, suicide, and multicultural train-

ing. He is on the editorial board of the Journal of Multicultural Counseling
and Development and Counselor Education and Supervision.

VALERIE LesTER Leyva is a social worker and pastoral counselor

serving on the faculty of the School of Social Work at the University
of Maryland, Baltimore. Her current research projects include a study
of the efficacy of language translation in the medical care of non-
English speaking patients, the effects of professional role identification
in the delivery of inter-disciplinary treatment, and further exploration
of the differences between theological and psychological hope.

Davin O. Mosere is Sociology Professor Emeritus at Marquette

University and has been the co-editor of Research in the Social Scientific
Study of Religion since its beginning. He is a member of the American
Sociological Association, Association for the Sociology of Religion,
Gerontological Society of America, International Sociological Associa-
tion and its research committee on the sociology of religion, Religious
Research Association, Society for the Scientific Study of Religion,
and other professional societies, in several of which he has held
significant leadership positions. Among the most recent of his hun-
dreds of publications are “Assessing and Measuring Spirituality:
Confronting Dilemmas of Universal and Particular Evaluative Criteria,”
Journal of Adult Development, 9(1):47—60, 2002; “Forum: Religion and
Spirituality,” Social Compass, 49(1):133-138, 2002, and Aging and
Spirituality: Spiritual Dimensions of Aging Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy
(Haworth Press, 2001).

Rosert L. Monrcomery was born in China of Presbyterian mis-

sionary parents. After completing theological training, he and his
wife served as missionaries in Taiwan from 1956 to 1972. His major
responsibility was work with aboriginal people who had become
Christians in large numbers. His Taiwan experience interested him
in the social sciences and he completed his Ph.D. at Emory University
in 1976 in social scientific studies of religion. He has lived in
Ridgewood, NJ since 1977 where he worked for various agencies
and churches. His last work before retiring in 1994 was as a chap-
lain for the Seamen’s Church Institute of NY and NJ. He has writ-
ten a number of articles and three books in the field of sociology of
294 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES

religion, specifically sociology of missions. He is currently working

on a book about the shift from religious coercion to religious free-
dom and competition.

Rogert W. NELSON is a doctoral student of pastoral counseling at

Loyola College in Maryland. He is interested in applying quantita-
tive methods to the development of spiritual constructs and the eval-
uation of their predictive utility.

Ratpu L. Prepmonr is an associate professor of pastoral counseling

at Loyola College in Maryland as well as the Director of the Institute
for Religious and Psychological Research. He is co-editor of Research
in the Soctal Scientific Study of Religion as well as a consulting editor for
Measurement and Evaluation in Counseling and Development and the Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology. His research interests include the
five-factor model of personality and its relationship to spiritual phe-
nomena, and the impact of spiritual transcendence on mental and
physical health outcomes.

K. Hetmutr Reicu, Ph.D., worked for 28 years as a physicist at

CERN, Geneva, Switzerland, is since 1984 a (senior) research fellow
in psychology of religion and religious education at the School of
Education, University of Fribourg, Switzerland, and since 1994, a
professor at the School of Consciousness Studies and Sacred Traditions,
Stratford International University, Evanston (WY, USA) and Richmond
(B.C., Canada). In 1997, he received the William James Award from
APA Division 36 for his contributions to the psychology of religion.

OLE Rus ts associate professor of sociological methods in the depart-

ment of social relations in the University of Aalborg (Denmark). He
was previously associate professor of sociology of religion in the
University of Aarhus, Denmark. Author of Metoder pa wers, Copenhagen:
DJOF, 2002, and of Metoder og teorier 1 religionssociologien, Aarhus:
Universitetsforlag, 1996. He has contributed to several international
sociological projects, including Religious and Moral Pluralism.

Hevena Vitaga teaches New Currents of Sociology in the sociology

department—Porto University (Portugal). She is a member of the
National Board of the Portuguese Association of Sociology (1998-2000)
and of the RAMP research group and collaborator with the Portuguese
 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES 295

research group of ISSP (International Social Survey Programme) in

the 1998 survey (Religion). Her most recent publications include
Religious Minority Groups in Portugal; Religious Pluralism: Identities, Beliefs
and Religious Practices.

Liane Voyé is a professor at the Catholic University of Louvain,

Louvain-la~-Neuve (Belgium), where she teaches sociology, the sociology
of religion, and urban sociology. She has served as president of both
the International Society for the Sociology of Religion (1995-1999)
and the Association Internationale des Sociologues de Langue Frangaise
(1996-2000). She has produced more than 200 publications, includ-
ing 15 books on popular religion, religion beyond secularisation,
women and religion, public spaces, scenarios of urban life, and urban-
ism and architecture in modernity and post-modernity.

JERRY WELKENHUYSEN-GYBELS is a statistician and a sociologist. He

is currently employed as a research fellow for the Flemish Fund for
Scientific Research (FWO-Vlaanderen) and as such he is affiliated
with the Center for Survey Methodology of the Catholic University
of Leuven, Louvain (Belgium). His interests are in methodological
and statistical issues in comparative and cross-cultural survey research
and his doctoral research involves a comparison of the performance
of statistical techniques for the assessment of measurement in vari-
ance in comparative survey research.

Josepu E. G. Wituiams is an associate professor of psychology in the

College of Sciences at Eastern Illinois University. Dr. Williams received
a B.A. from the University of Rhode Island, and an M.A. and a
Ph.D. from Boston University. He also received post-doctoral train-
ing at the University of Chicago, Abbott Laboratories, and the
University of London, England. He is a member of the American
Psychological Association, the Society for Neurosciences, and the
Society for the Stimulus Properties of Drugs. His research interests
involve the study of reward mechanisms in the brain and the inter-
action of drugs of abuse and mineral nutrients on behavior; issues
related to addiction, and the influence of religiosity on personal fac-
tors and motivation.

GrorGE YANCEY is an associate professor of sociology at the University

of North Texas. His publications include examinations of the effects
296 AUTHORS’ BIOGRAPHIES

of interracial contact in religious settings, dynamics of multiracial

families, and the changing nature of race relations in the United
States. He recently published a book, Who is White: Latinos, Asians
and the new Black/nonblack Racial Divide (Lynne Rienner Publishers)
and is finishing an applied book on how to create multiracial con-
gregations, One Body, One Spirit: Principles of Successful Multiracial Churches
(InterVarsity Press).
 MANUSCRIPT REVIEWERS

In addition to the above authors, many scholars and scientists have

made a significant contribution to the publication of this volume.
They have anonymously screened the initial versions of these and
other submitted manuscripts for the methodological rigor and scientific
significance. They also have given the authors valuable suggestions
for improving their papers prior to making their final revisions. We
as editors and the respective authors are very grateful for the ser-
vices they contributed. They have significantly improved the quality
of the research reported here, and thus they have contributed indi-
rectly to elevating the quality of the entire field of the social scientific
study of religion.

Everett Ackerman
Joseph W. Ciarrocchi
Karel Dobbelaere
Michael Donahue
Gabriel S$. Dy-Liacco
Leslie J. Francis
Kevin Gillespie
W. Mack Goldsmith
Loek Halman
Paul G. Hiebert
Ralph W. Hood, Jr.
Mark J. Krejci
Timur Kuran
Mark Leach
Christopher Ross
James Seeber
Martin Sherman
Rick Snyder
David Wulff

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 14

© Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003
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 INDEX OF NAMES

AARP, 50, 58 BayssiC ls Cos 99

Abraham, Patriarch, 82 Beaver, R. P., 208
Ackerman, E., 297 Beck, 78, 79, 93
Acquaviva, S. S., 136, 157, 186 Becker, E. M., 33n
Adelman, R., 116n, 127 Becker, se Me 33n
Ahmad, N., 71, 74 Beckenelm bral ormlon
Akey, T. M., 66, 74 Beckford, J. A., 218, 226
laliwAs Or 7.8.93 Bedouelle, G., 187
al-Banna, H., 241, 242 lbyeteiey. Site Sey WY)
Ali, T., 236, 249 Belew sn lee 28
Allert, R., 254, 274 Belavich, T. G., 288
al-Wahhab, A., 241 Bellah, R., 270, 273
Ammerman, N. T., 35, 58 Bendle, M. F., 229, 230, 240, 243,
Ampadu, L. M., 9, 32 248, 249, 289
Anderson, J. R., 95 Benjamin, D., 231, 239, 240, 241,
Andress, I. S., 36, 38, 59 TE ES)
Anselm, R., 275 Bennison, A., 237, 249
ENTITLE Van Rem est ne Te) en) OTN, Ws, ey Ss DO. Day st, se),
241, 250 64, 65, 74
Aquinas, T., 81 Berger Pal 32 Soot 200. 20059273
Argyle, M., 14, 27 Berne, S. L., 64, 74
Armstrong, K., 62, 74 Bickhard) MH: 3,28
Ash, M. G., 31 Billet, J., 129, 289
Mtchlcyan hy @ie 34.508 Birenbaum, M., 103, 110
Auxier, R., 237, 250 Blake, D. D., 78, 94
Averill, J. R., 78, 80, 93 Bland, R., 91, 93
Aycock, W., 277n Blizzard, S., 212
Bobbittyby 220% 23582538249
Babyak, M. A., 79, 93 Bobow leek. u28
Bagiella, E., 63, 75, 281, 286, 288 Bodansky, Y., 239, 247, 249
Bainbridge, W. S., 261, 275 Bollen, K. A., 139n, 158
Balandier, G., 133; 157 Bonilla-Silva, E., 115, 127
Bandura, A., 93 Boroumand, L., 242, 243, 249
Barber, B., 246, 249 Boroumand, R., 242, 243, 249
Barnum, D7 9; 193 Bosker, R., 143n, 159
Barreau, J.-C., 167, 186 Bouma. Gael ile? Ore lie =2s
Barnett, ae 108.105. 110 DR), DIM, LOG, O27, PASS) ONG
Barrett.) Db 1928 19385 1992201 Bourdieu, P., 261, 273
202, 208, 209 Bowen, K., 204, 208
Barrett..0. Hy 105; 107, 110 Boyle, Key 2185227
Barrouillett, P., 3, 27 Bradley, Sister R., C.H.M., 14, 32
Barthes, R., 263n, 273 Brandon, s. G. FF. 167), 1387
Bartova, I., 182, 186 Braudel, F., 244, 249
Baslez, M. F., 187 Braun, J. R., 104, 110
Bateson, C. D., 287, 288 Bromley, D. G., 273
eon, Oy IDs Mla eda Te Brose, H.-G., 274
Bauberot, J, 033), 157 Brown, L. B., 107, 110
Baumeister, R. F., 278, 288 Brown, M. S., 104, 110
300 INDEX OF NAMES

Brunner, E. deS., 200, 208 Court; 1045 Ti

Bruno, G., 165 Cousin, H., 167, 187
Bryman, A., 108, 111 @omn Key Byles,
Bucher, A. A., 11, 16, 17, 272828 Cowles, M., 104, 110
Buck, R., 62, 74 Cramer, K. M., 79, 93
Buckley, J. J, 77, 290 Crandall Re Gre 354an09
Buckley, S. J., 104, 110 Grane Ma 13127
Bulka, D., 14, 29 Cromwell, O., 215
Burumays) 239, 220 24 Ao 249 Cronbach, L. J., 107, 110
Bush, G. W., 98 Crookes, T. G., 104, 110
Butter, E. M., 288 Crossan, J. D7 187
Crowson, J. J., 94
Caddell, J. M., 94 Crumplers CmAy 3a og
Galvez) 335 158 Gsarmys Koj 63.574;
Campbell, W. S., 31 Cumberland, A., 74
Carlo, G., 74 Currys, EAL 79593
Caroll, J. W., 158
Castells, M., 135, 158 Darendorf, R., 115, 127
Catherine, Empress, 161 Darling, M., 104, 110
Catlin, G., 94 Darlington, Y, 91, 93
Catroga, F., 133, 158 Daschelle, T., 99
Chatetz, J= 26, 2175227 David, G., 56, 59
(Olnemg US ihlesio, I, 27 Daview Gane oom2e3
Champion, F., 133, 158 Davies, M., 245, 251
Chapman, M., 5n, 28 Davis, M., 72, 74
Charles, Prince, 221 Dawkins, R., 62, 74
Chavesy Me oS Ome Aw G alia: Dayton, D. W., 35, 59
127, 187 de Compostelle, St. J., 163n
ChenwMiyi G2. 68.0/ Osmalemno DeConciliis, A. J., 66, 67, 70, 74
Cheung, G. W., 39, 159 Delumeau, J., 187
Chomsky, N. 262n, 263n, 273 De Moor, R., 164, 183, 187
Chon, K. K., 93 Derogatis, L. R., 84, 86, 87, 92, 94
Choueri, Y., 245, 249 Deutscher, 15955, 59
Ciarrocchi, J. W., 61, 64, 72, 73, 74, deVaus, D. A., 50, 59
290, 297 DeVellis, R. F., 83, 94
Clark, Mi Ty 93 DeVoe, M., 14, 29
Clarkes Pa BY 227 Dicken, C. F., 104, 110
ClorexsVe lle Dixon, P., 84, 94
Clottelteri@s ee! lon, 127 Dobbelaere; K., 129; 130) Isl, 139 >

Cohen, J., 88, 93 158, 290, 297

Cohen, P., 88, 93 Dodge, E. N., 28
Cohen, R., 230, 243, 248, 249 Dogan, M., 161, 174, 177, 183, 187,
Cohn, N., 231, 249 290
Cole, A., 164, 188 Donahue, M. J., 38, 58, 65, 74, 297
Cole, B., 288 Douglas, M., 128, 267, 273
Coleman, J. A., 272, 273 Douglass, H. P., 200, 208
Constantine, Emperor, 162 Dowling, R., 78, 94
Cook, D. L., 79, 93 Drodge, E. N., 13, 28
Coomaraswamy, A., 237 Drykacz, L., 79, 93
Coote, R. T., 195, 208 Ducret, J.-J., 5n, 28
Goreia. MC Hi, 158 Dumont iy 2725 27.8
Corveleyn, J., 11, 31 Dupront, A., 130, 132, 158
Costa, P. T., 64, 65, 74, 75, 103, 111 Out of alph. order on p. 158
Costa, R.A damil33nlds Duquesne, J., 167, 187
 INDEX OF NAMES 301

Durkhemy Hs el 25 210.9255) Forrest, J. B., 163n

Dyckeb eal. 128 Forsé, M., 164, 168, 187, 188
Dykstra, C., 9, 28 JOM, J Moy Me PAO, 7/59) II, I,
Dy-Liacco, G. S., 277, 279, 288, 291, ey 27. 8, AO)
297 Pranciswlesa)e31 103; 044 LOSeMOm
108, 109, 110, 111, 292, 297
Bbanch eke Res 2 16 lie 27 Francis of Assisi, 264
Ebert, L., 94 Frederick the Great, 161
Eisenberg, N., 63, 70, 73, 74 Freeman, W. J., 13, 29
Eisenhandler, S. A., 53, 59 Freston, P., 206, 208
Eisenhower, D., 185n Fukuyama, F., 240, 243, 250
Eisenstadt, Si 229, 230, 234-235, Furnham, A., 103, 110
240, 242, 243, 249
Ekeek= Ks, 78; 93 Galileo, 165
Eklin, C. E., 38, 50, 59 Gallup International, 182, 187
Blichya|s) xa Gartner, C., 256, 270, 273
Elkind ely 4G, 7a 228 Garza 2545 2005 201k 2735 2745
Ellingson, S. J., 127 275
Ellison, C. G., 59 Gibbs, N., 229, 250
BmernonwM. Om 1s, Vie I26. 127K Giddens, A., 261, 273
23502911 Gifford, P., 206, 208
Emmons, R. A., 34, 51, 59 Gill, A., 204, 209
Engels, F., 158 Gillespie, K., 297
Erickson, J. A., 38, 58 Gil-Rivas, V., 91, 95
Erickson, S. A., 65, 74 Girard, R., 255
Esposito, J., 240, 241, 250 Gmiinder, P., 1, 2, 8, 19, 30
Ester, P., 164, 187 Goh, D. S., 104, 110
Byans..b2) 109; 110 Goldberg, D. T., 116n, 127
Eysenck) He J;,. 103,°104,6105,.107; Goldman, R., 1, 4, 6, 7, 14, 29
110, 111 Goldsmith, W. M., 297
Eysenck, M. W., 103, 110 Goleman, D., 29
Eysenck, S. B. G., 104, 105, 107, 110 Gomez, B: J., 104, 110
Gorsuchy Koy 1294-529
Factiva, 90, 94 Gorsucht, ROSIE 295 (6255/4
Fairbank, J. K., 203, 208 Goswami, U., 3, 29
Faraj, M. A., al-S., 243 Gough, H. G., 64, 74
Farley, F. H., 104, 110 Granleese, J., 103, 110
Famighetti, R., 35, 59 Green, S. B., 66, 74
Harrans Gm J... 13, 94 Greer MincGrwid neo?
Fau, G., 187 GrelleAwy 2 Ale 2i.3
Featherman, D. L., 30 Grimm, Go 86, 94
Fernandes, A. T., 133, 158 Gripp, H., 274
Herraroe iets 09 Griswold, W., 127
Betzee.) D2 VAs We 3 8243 Grounds) Vi Gas os009
YS, Pil, PAs, AY Gruberwiiekeson. 29
Fidell, L., 86, 95 Gubert, R., 164, 187
Finke, R., 130, 131, 158, 204, 209 Guenon, R., 237
Finlayson, D. S., 103, 110 Guthiey Ke 74
Fitzgerald, J., 11, 28
Fitzgerald, T., 267, 273 Hadaway, C. K., 187
Flory, R. W., 127 Hadden, J. K., 200, 208
Flournoy, T., 6, 28 Aahrie ene 2575 200)
Fogarty, M., 187 Hahn, N. F., 30
Horest, Ja BE Le, Hakim-Larson, J., 14, 29
302 INDEX OF NAMES

Haley, J., 106, 110 Jackman, M. R., 113, 127

lal selina 29 Jackson, ‘C. J. 104, £10
lakilbioena, IML. Wks), ay Jenkins, P., 190, 203, 208
Halman, L., 164, 183, 186, 187, 297 Jesus Christ, 10, 35, 38, 40, 41, 44,
Hamberg, E. M., 187 57, 81, 140, 180, 268
Hammond, P., 114, 127, 159 Jindra,,1.. W.7 253,, 292
Harding, S., 164, 187 Jindia, IMEN12937292
Harpe,J. de la, 30 JJonn, OF Eas
Elanas, Gx, 95 John Paul U, 165
Harvey, H. J., 95 Johnson, K. L., 83, 94
Hawthorne, S. C., 192, 210 Johnson, M., 13, 29
HeanthyAw ew oss Johnson, R., 14, 29
Heilbrun, A. G., 64, 74 Johnson, T. M., 192, 198, 199, 202,
Heise, D. R., 204, 208 208
HenryGrhe Ep 3osoo Jjomer,; iE e2S754785
lelejeyoyanere, 12. Ie, Nl, Mt Joreskog, K., 139n, 158
Herta |e 235 235), 2405 2475, 250 Jordan, B. K., 94
Heneow View sil Juergensmeyer, M., 230, 231, 240,
Hervieu-Léger, D., 135, 158 243, 247, 248, 250
Hiebert Gz 2055 2085 297 jung. e274
Hilborn, D., 106, 111
Hildebrandt, D., 187 Kadar, J. L., 288
Hildrenbrand, B., 274 Kagan, J., 62, 74
Pill Pe Ge 142953459 2 8a9288 Kagem Az Iie
Hinings, B., 108, 111 Kaldor, P., 109, 110
Hip, K. M., 288 Karvonen, L., 187
Hocking, W. E., 200, 208 Karzai, H., 100
Hodgson, M., 237, 250 Ratz. Dee 2a, 250)
Hoffman, B., 243, 250 Katz, M., 233, 250
Hoffman, J. P., 75 Kay, W. K., 31, 104, 110
Hoffman, M. L., 71, 74 Kazancigil, A., 187
Holeran, S. A., 95 Kennedy, P., 230, 243, 249
Tolman, EB. Ay 9695 Kepel.sG.,, 23159238, 2405241 243;
Flood, Ray Win loenl 48295 S4eua9; 250
62, 74, 278, 288, 297 Kesselring, T., 5n, 29
looovelt, Ay, 229552395 250 Khomeini, R., 237, 241, 242, 243,
Hopkins, A. G., 229, 230, 249, 250 250
Horsfield, P. G., 196, 208 Kambrow Re el iS a7,
Horton, T. V., 91, 94 King abe 729
Hourani, A., 238, 250 Kinney, B., xi, 277n
lskoyyat, WW, Il, BS) Kirton, M. J., 104, 111
Huband, M., 244, 250 Kitchener Kets. 9lie (27.129
Hughes, E., 277n Kattlaus Pas i257
Hiummienr, Ra Avo 25059 Kasse BS 1159s 127
Hunsberger, G., 12, 29 Kodadek, S. M., 104, 110
Huntington, S. P., 229, 239, 246, Koenig. Hy Ge 90, ae s29. 5215 o;
250 278, 288
Huntsberger, B., 62, 74 Kohlberg, L., 9, 260, 273
Hutsebaut, D., 27 Kolb, B., 4, 29
Konau, E., 254. 274
Iannaccone, L. R., 131, 158 Kosek, R. B., 63, 70, 74
Inglehart, R., 164, 186, 187 Kratt, €. H., 205. 208
Irving, L. M., 78, 79, 94, 95 Kraimer, K., 254, 260, 261, 273, 274,
Ivanov, V. D., 2, 29 275
 INDEX OF NAMES 303

Krambeck, J., 254, 274 Louden, S. H., 103, 105, 108, 109,
Krejci, M. J., 297 110, 111
Kriebel, C. H., 114, 127 Luckmann, T., 132, 158, 254. 274
KoisakepAC iE 77, 292 Luft, G., 243, 250
Kuhn, D., 29 Luzbetak, L. J., 209
Kuhnle, S., 187 Lynn, M. L., 58
Kuran, T., 297
Kurian, G. T., 192, 208 MacIntyre, A., 266, 274
Kwilecki, P., 1, 29 MacQuarrie, J., 80, 94
Kwilecki, $., 1, 29 Madsen, R., 273
Magne, J., 188
Labouvie-Vief, G., 14, 27, 29 Mahoney, A., 80, 91, 94
Laden, O. bin, 98m, 100, 233, 239, Maitre, J., 188
250 Malony, H. N., 205, 209
La Feria, R., 158 Mani, M. M., 79, 93
Lakin, R., 80, 94 Mansbridge, J. J., 61, 74
Lambert, Y., 164, 188 Margalit, A., 239, 240, 242, 243, 249
ane, C9 138) 158 Marlet, P. L., 187
ane a Balas 127 Marquerat, D., 188
Langlois, S., 164, 187 Martin, D. A., 133, 134, 158, 204,
La Palombara, J., 187 209
Lapidus, I., 235, 236, 246, 250 Martinelli. 127
Larson, D. B., 52, 59, 278, 288 Martin, L. J., 78, 94
Larson, D. P., 80, 95 Marty, M., 215, 227, 235, 240, 241,
Latouche, S., 243, 250 250
Latourette, K. S., 191, 205, 209 Marx, 1691335 158) 212
Leach, M. M., 277, 279, 283, 288, Massey, A., 103, 111
292, 297 Maturana, H., 13, 29
Leary, J., 278, 288 Mauss, M., 263n
ease, 125, 2127 Mawdudi, A. A., 241, 242, 247
Leber, M., 254, 274 Mayer, S. E., 116n, 127
Wepbrasy Ga0176 Mays, J. L., 81, 94
ecw DG, Ole 94 McAllister, I., 50, 59
Lee, R., 240, 250 Me@rae, Ro Re 645 65; 745 755qll03;
Legasse, S., 167, 188 111
Leitch, J. W., 94 McCullough, M. E., 52; 59, 278, 288
Leites, N., 188 McFadden.» Taw, 95930
Lenin, 133 McGavran, D. A., 200, 201, 205, 209
Lepsius, R., 274 MeGeew 1s 2307 250
Bemens Roe Mes3 0 McGuire, M. B., 253, 254, 274
Lester, 78 McIntosh, D. N., 31, 91, 95, 288
Levin, J., 104, 111 McPhee, A., 200, 209
Levi-Strauss, C., 263n Mead, G. H., 262n, 274
Lewins, F., 219, 227 Meddeb, A., 246, 250
Lewis, B., 238, 239, 250 Maja, V., 274
Lewis, C. A., 109, 110 Mendras, H., 164, 168, 188
Whewiswsbee 2/227 Menninger, K., 78, 94
Leyya,e¥. Le 77,0293 Merton, R. K., 197, 209
Liebman, R. C., 114, 127 Michaelis, W., 104, 111
Lindh, J. W., 100 Michelat, G., 164, 188
Dishner, DAS, 774 Miller, A. Si) 72, 73
ILodeswjie Ea 229 Miller, D. T., 62, 75
Loer, T., 254, 274 Miller, E., 80, 95
Lopezj.5mJ., 94) 18303) 94: Miller, J., 204, 209
304 INDEX OF NAMES

Miller, W. R., 95 Parks, S., 9, 28

Misgeld, D., 274 Barsons, lieu?
Mobérg;. DE OX sini, 33, 34, 35,237, Pataki, G., 99
yD, KS, Bi Shey, SEE GU, Ses, Us, Patel, G. J., 188
209, 212, 270, 274, 284, 288 Paul, Apostle, 81
Moltmann, J., 81, 91, 94 Pearson, P. R., 104, 110
Montag, I., 111 Penhale, F., 106, 111
Montag, J., 103, 104, 110 Perez, M., 287, 288
Montgomery, R. L., 189, 199, 209, Perlmutter, M., 30
DOD 298 Pervin, L., 74
Mordillat, G., 167, 188 Pettigrew, “I. I.117; 127
Moshman, D., 17, 29 Peukert; Hi, 263092 75
Mottyss Gs, 35, 60 Philipchalk, R., 107, 110
Moussaoui, Z., 100 Phillips, D., 187
Muller-Doohm, S., 274 Phillips, R. E., 80, 94
Murphy, B. C., 74 Piaget; \J., 2, 3, 4952 OF 72 Sane
Murray, H. A., 64, 75 26e35 055i
Mussen, P. H., 30 Pickett, J. W., 200, 201, 209
Mylvaganam, G., 14, 29 Piedmont, R. L., xiii, 38, 60, 61, 63,
645.65, 715-725 ko, Mom LBS
Nadeau, K., 204, 209 DTT 2188 279, 263 pe Ooms
Nampa GraBs) 59 Pike, K., 191, 209
Nasr, S. H., 237, 242, 246, 250 Plante; Si GAA G2 7552780 204.0206
Nasser, G. A., 238 Ploux, J.-M., 164, 188
INelson™ Re VWiseoS, 60655 755277, Poffet, J. M., 188
279, 288, 294 Power Sls, 3227
Nelsons ie 27 Poortinga, Y. H., 139, 158
a, Sky Aol, 278 Popkin, R., 231, 250
ias, D. K. B., 104, 110 Popovich, J. M., 78, 94
Jipkow, K. E., 9, 28, 30 Potel, J., 164, 188
Jorelli, E., 188 Potmejal675 18s
Vunez, R., 13, 29 PoulateE., 13539159
Nunn, K. P., 78, 79, 91, 94 Poulin, M., 91, 95
ussbauim, MOIGe 735 15 Powell, Go ie [O45
Te WOves Nein Olen 94:
VE
Ty
Fh
IE
Th
VA,
WL, Powell, T., 63, 75, 281, 286, 288
Prattomke, M5228
O’Connor, K., 11, 29 Prieur. Yo 167, 188
O’Donovan, D., 103, 111 Prinze Ree 72
Merten Re, 27 Putnam Rey 215, 227
Oevermann, U., 253-273, 274
O’Hagan, F. J., 103, 111 Qutb, S., 237, 241, 242, 243, 244,
O’Hara, J., 36, 60 2455 246.9250
Omarzu, J., 95
Oots, K. L., 78, 94 Rahim, M. A., 114, 127
Oserheke she 8. ads On 27k es Rahner, K., 80, 81, 91, 94
29, 30, 31 Randall, I., 106, 111
Otani, A., 284, 288 Ranson, S., 108, 111
Otto, R., 254, 255, 274 Rapoff, M. A., 79, 93
Overton, W. F., 29 Rashid, A., 244, 250
Rainer, Roo KeiG2 075
Paloutzians Re Ei S0h sai Ratnesar, R., 239, 250
Pankratz, 113n Ratzinger, Cardinal, 220
Pargament, K. I., 34, 56, 60, 62, 75, Ray; Re By, 1.9530
80, 91, 94, 278, 288 Regnerus, M. D., 58, 60
 INDEX OF NAMES 305

Rehling, G., 84, 94 Scholl, A., 256, 275

Rehm, M., 79, 93 Schreck, H., 201, 202, 209
Rechaicn H.. 012. 835, SF il: Schréder, A., 27
Oe Opell ORONO OG SOA Schroeder-Caesar, E., 274
28, 29, 30, 31, 294 Schuetze, Y., 274
Reda Rae 00 Schuller, D., 59
Rémond, R., 168, 185, 188 Schulman, M., 71, 75
Renouvier, C., 6 Schuon, F., 237
Rensvold, R. B., 139, 159 Schwartz, B., 62, 75
Riffault, H., 188 Schweitzer, F., 9, 27, 28, 30
Rus, O., 129, 139, 158, 187, 294 Scorsese, M., 167
Rizzuto, A.-M., 2, 7, 14, 19, 31 Scott, A. B., 34, 60, 278, 288
Robbins, M., 103, 105, 108, 109, 110 Searle, J. R., 262n, 275
Robbins, S. P., 114, 127 Seebers je 297
Robbins lie27 1273 Shand, J. D., 188
Robert, D. L., 206, 209 Shariati, A., 241, 242
Roehlkepartain, E. C., 36, 38, 59 Sheen, J., 218, 227
Rogers, R. G., 59 Shenk, W., 205, 209
Rokeach, M., 266, 275 Shepard, S. A., 74
Rollete BY iy 3) Sherman, A. C., 62, 75, 278, 284,
Roof WereGs ol 60M 1. 127 lb 8; 288
204, 209521052703 275 Sherman, 297
Roozen, D. A., 158 Shevlin, M., 109, 110
Rosch, Es, 22526, 31 Shiwach, R., 84, 94
Ross, C., 297 Sidanius, J., 115, 128
Rourke, K. M., 94 Sider Ran) oO, OOO
Roy, O., 240, 241, 247, 250 Siegler, R., 29
Rubin, B., 250 Sigmon, S. T., 95
Rubin, J., 250 Sikkink, D., 58, 60
Rubysebs Gee 79) 93 Sue, 15 (Gee, SM OS
Romp, be, 10s Simit, A., 272
Ruthven, 231, 240, 241, 242, 244, Simon, H., 188
245, 247, 251 Simon, 9. 231) 239) 2405 241 240.
Rattledges Ge Jack.) LOSSeL0S-e LOS tunD 249
Rye, M. S., 288 Singleton, A., 220, 227
Sinnott, J. D., 27
Sadat, President, 243 Sivan, E., 238, 240, 243, 251
Safran, M. A., 78, 94 Skanes, A., 104, 110
Salkind, N. J., 66, 74 Sloan, Re Ret63av/o.1 26 286) 2378
Sanneh, Le 205; 206; 209 288
Santos, M. H. C. dos, 158 Slone, M., 78, 95
Sardar. 2.4240, Smitha e059. 600) E13. 72.66,
Saward, M., 106, 111 27K)
Scarlett, W. G., 28, 29, 31 Syamdn, 12, Weg, 27/5)
Schenker, Dy, 11,31 Simautilmy, IE, Wey Sah, 630)
Schleiermacher, F., 13, 31 Smith, IW. 283, 23875 233
Schleissing, S., 275 Smaith, Wo. 27,9227
Schlenger, W. E., 90, 91, 95 Snijkers, T., 143n, 159
Schlosser, J., 167, 188 Snyder, CR, 74; 75, 18, 79,80, 93;
Schludermann, E. H., 51, 60 94, 95
Schmitt, E.-E., 167, 188 Snyder, R., 297
Schneider, G., 261, 275 Soetiner, Ho Gs, 274
Schoeberlein, S., 14, 29 Sonderegger, T. B., 74
Scholes, R., 260, 275 Sorborn, K., 139n, 158
306 INDEX OF NAMES

Southard, S., 205, 209 WanuNessbs Fe COD

Spickard, J. V., 273, 275 WVarelas, Fe) j.7 835 29
Spilkay/By, 12927.°29) 31, G257945 WES Se, iT, PAT!
288 Vidal HS 15,8053 3h
Sprang, G., 78, 95 Wilaca Ely 1295) 294
Spreafico, A., 187 Voll), 2335 25)
Spychiger, M., 27 Vonéche, J. J., 29
Stanfield, M., 83, 95 Voltaire, F. M. A., 161, 186
Stark Re 50,460) 225 75570, 30) Voneche, Jz je ony 29
131, 159, 189, 190, 195, 204, 209, Moyer la t2 957295
2ole275
Starke PavAs wDLo, 28 Wagener aye lly 32
Stecc lL Ooo Walker, P. K., 106, 111
Stoetzel, J., 164, 188 Walker, R. L., 287, 288
Stoll, D., 204, 210 Wallach, L., 61, 75
Stoneslan257/4 200) Wallach, M. A., 61, 75
Storer, N. W., 209 Wallander, J. L., 91, 94
Stotland, E., 78, 95 Walls, A. F., 205, 210
Sudeley, 186, Mil gi Walsh, A., 58, 59
Strommen, M. P., 28, 32 Walters, Sister A., C. S. J., 14, 32
Sullivan, W. M., 273 Wangari, E., 9, 32
Sutter shee Olb 26025 265575 Warners R&S. 32 '6s 2 e227
Sutter, J., 164, 188 Waters, T. J., 104, 111
Sutton, J. R., 114, 127 Weber) Be) 239251
Swidler, A., 273 Weber, Mi: 136, 159; 186,921.25 222:
Syed, I. A., 104, 110 259, 260, 269, 275
Sympson, S. U., 78, 95 Weigele, T. C., 78, 94
Wleissman, 78
Tabachnick, B. G., 86, 95 Welch, G. S., 64, 75
sabers CP Re 2055210 Welkenhuysen-Gybels, J., 129, 295
Takayama, P. K., 114, 128 Wesner, ja Bs S34 99
Taymiyya, T. al-D. ibn, 241, 242 Wheeler, E. A., 9, 32
Tanner ekKees 70 Whishaw, I. Q,, 4, 29
Waylor, 9S: ES 62; 75 Williams, D., 59
Telfer, L., 78, 94 Willams, J., 255, 275
Thompson, R., 79, 93 Wilhams, J; Es Go/61; 72, 73, 74,
Thoresen, C. E., 59 295
hbieBsr246. 2a Williams, R., 113, 127
Tidball, D. J., 106, 109, 111 Wils, L., 134, 159
Tillman, A., 274 Wilson, B. R., 130, 136, 159, 274
Timofeyev, V., 133, 159 Wilson, D., 94
Tincq, H., 188 Winter, R. D., 192, 210
aippett, As Re 205,210 Wise, S., 61n
Tipton, S. M., 128, 273 Wohlrab-Sahr, M., 253, 261, 267, 270,
Trexler, 78 DIN 2725 DIAL ITS
Tsao ley 14 Woodward, W. R., 31
Tuli, K., 95 Woityla, K., 164
Twardella, J., 268, 275 Wulf Di Mis 1 O54 29 969 7S oe
297
Ullman, H., 229, 239, 251 Wuthnow, R., 114, 127, 134, 159
Unanumo, M., 188
Yahne, C. E., 80, 95
Valentine Peel 2) alo LOM? ae oem50s Yancey, G., LIS!-IN7, 126,01279108,
31 295, 296
 INDEX OF NAMES g0y

Yeager, P., 61n Zakaria, F., 239, 251

Yeago, D., 290 Zehentreiter, F., 256, 275
Yoshinobu, L., 79, 93 Zeidan, D., 243, 251
Young, J. Z., 29 Zhou, Q,, 74
Young, L. A., 158 Zinnbauer, B. J., 34, 56, 60, 277, 278,
Yousef, A. T., 243, 251 288
 SUBJECT INDEX

AARP survey, 50 Babylonian Captivity, 81

Abolition of slavery, 194 Baptism, 81, 180
Abortion, 165, 183, 224 Base Christian communities, 204
Activity theory, 56 Beatitudes, 82
Adjective Checklist (ACL), 64 Beck Hopelessness Scale (BHS), 78,
Adolescence, 4, 14, 17, 18, 27 83, 84-90, 94
Afghanistan, 77, 98, 99, 100, 163n, Belarus, 170, 173, 181
DNB), PBS), LES), eel, IANS, Belgium; 129, 151% 133, 134, .139a,
Africa, 203, 204, 206, 233, 279 FAP ISOS 155 kOe hilo kde Lo.
Afterlife, 182, 258 180, 182, 184
Age differences, 33-59, 174-178 Belief dimension, 140
(see Generations) Beliefs, 213
Age-period-cohort, 51-53, 56 Bias, im research, 126, 193, 199-200,
INO, Ge, BO, OD), ez6' LOCH 26 2676 269255
Agnosticism, 161-164, 169, 173-174, Bible; 80-61, 136, 267=269) 272
184, 186 behef me 72-75
Agreeableness, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70 translation of, 191, 206
Algeria, 163n, 202, 217 Bipolar Adjective Scale, 65
Alienation, 248 Bricolages 138) 1391545221
Al-Qaeda, 101, 233, 234, 239 Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI), 84,
Altruism, 61-62, 71 86-88, 92
Ambon, 220 Britain, 129, 131, 139n, 146, 149, 150,
Analogy, reasoning by, 16 Lae Stal Se FOO Oe pee.
Anthrax, 77, 98, 99 Wier lise MMAR Weve Mey
Anthropology, 162, 191, 192, 204-205, 215ee 221
260, 266, 280 Buddhism, viii, 57, 190, 197, 217, 219,
Anxiety, 86-88, 91, 92 223
Apocalyptic events, 229 Burkina Faso, 202
Apologetics, 270 Burnout, 109
Apostasy, 164
Arab-Israeli conflict, 238 Caliph/-ate, 238, 246
Arab states, 238 Canada, 170, 177, 181, 184, 212
Archaeology, 162 Cancer patients, 79
Art, 26, 168n, 215, 254 Capitalism, 234, 235, 243
Asia, 279 Catechism, 82
Asian religions, 26 Catholic missions, missionaries, 194,
Assimilation theories, 217 195, 196
Astronomy, 162 Catholicism, 57, 82, 123-123" 1178
Atheism 133, lol, 162. 17y 174, European, 131, 132, 138, 139, 147,
179 OZ OS OD Ge OG Osha se
Attitudes and actions, 55 185
Aum Shinkyo, 243 CenSRCH, 33n
Auschwitz, 272 Change, sociocultural, 202, 203, 205
Australia, 212, 213, 217, 218, 279 Chaplains, 225
PNuCnaty M7 MGS Megy Charisma, 186, 259
Authenticity, 248, 261 Charismatic religion, 222-224
Axial civilizations, 235-237, 239, Charity, 46, 58, 63 (see Donating)
249 Child burn survivors, 79
 SUBJECT INDEX 309

Childhood religion, 52, 137, 139, 147, Community service, 47-48

148, 155 Comparative religions, 194, 270, 271
Children, 3, 11, 14, 16, 17-18, 22-25, Compartmentalization, 130, 138, 141,
27, 104 142, 151-154
illegitimate, 183n Compassion, 66, 73, 190 (see Love)
China 20 og lee 2 13. 219 Competition, 130, 131, 132, 220
Christ, 19, 81, 89, 266, 268, 269 Conflict, 224, 238
Christening, 180 intracongregational, 113-128
Christian social responsibility, 39 sources of, 114-115, 224
Christianity, 26, 167, 190, 207, 235, Conflict theory, 114, 115
25062635 272 Conscience, 7, 133
decline in Europe, 161-188 Conscientiousness, 65, 67, 68, 70
expansion of, 191, 194, 203 Consciousness, 6
misconceptions of, 203 Consequential dimension, 140
Christmas, 89, 90, 92, 179, 243 Conservatism, 34, 51
Church: Consumer Price Index, 89-90
attendance, 164, 175, 177, 214, 215 Contextualization, 205
commitment dimensions, 140, 141 Continuity theory, 56
distance from, 183-184 Contraception, 165
splits, 119, 123-124 Conversion, 35, 189-190, 271-272
trust in, 182-183 Cope 1625) 91Fs 92259
typology of participation, 184 Council of Chalcedon, 162
Church growth movement, 201 Council of Nicaea, 162
Church of England, 106, 218, 221 Counseling, 273
Churches and race, 113-128 Credibility crisis, 132
Church-state relationships, 131, 133, Crusades, 163n, 165, 215, 225, 234
134, 142, 149, 150, 162, 165-166, Cuba, 101
LOOMED Ge 2 NO) M224 —).25 Czech Republic, 173, 179, 181, 182,
Churchianity, 224 184
Civil religion, 253
Civilizational analysis, 234-237, 246 Dalit Christians, 200
Civilizational shifts, 229 Death, 258, 259
Civilizations, Dechristianization of Europe, 164,
Axialie239=23 16525950249 173
clash of, 234, 236, 245-246 Decision-making, 258, 259
Islamic, 235-239, 246, 248 Democracy, 230, 231, 232, 243
Western, 234, 236, 243, 249 Demographic revolution, 230
Clerical persona, 103-111 Demography, 157, 190, 192
Clergy, 11'93820)51122=1 23) -124)9125 Denmark, 129, 131, 139n, 155, 156,
Anglican, 105-106, 108-109 ION 735 VSS Wid USBI TOD as.
Evangelical, 103-111 218
male & female, 105-106, 108-109 Denominations, schisms in, 35
Roman Catholic, 105-106, 108, 109 Depression, 78, 80, 82, 91
Cognition, 1-32, 71, 80, 91 Development, religious, 1-32
epistemic, 15, 17-19 Development, spiritual, 53, 283
new, 136-137 Devotionalism, 38, 41, 49
spiritual, 73 Diaspora, religious, 230, 240, 248
Cognitive dissonance, 26 Differential survival hypothesis, 52
Cohort differences, 34, 51-53, 56 Disequilibrium, 5
Collective consciousness, 135 Disestablishment of religion, 132,
Communications revolution, 233 134
Communications studies, 190 Dissimulation, 104
Communism, 182 (see Marxism) Diversity, religious, 218-221
Community, religious, 204, 216, 217 Divorce, 134, 165, 183n
310 SUBJECT INDEX

Documents as data, 281 Experiential/emotional religion,

Donating time/money, 46, 47, 50, 51, Daa
54, 58 Extraversion, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71,
107-108
Eastern religions, 269 Eysenck Personality Questionnaire,
Economic development, 136 105, 107-108
Economic rationalization, 145
Economy and hope, 89-90 Haith lo OUy Ola 209
Ecumenism, 120, 220 definition of, 6-7
Education, 256 erosion of, 161
and church commitment, 137, 139, experiences, 38
144, 145, 146, 149, 150, 152, 155, and hope, 83
57 importance of, 40, 41
Egocentrism, 6 maturity, 38-39, 41, 42, 50, 51
Egoism, 62, 71 and social concern, 48-49
Egypt, 202, 217, 233, 238 stages of, 7
Elites, intellectual, 161-164 (OES, aw Al, Sez
Embryo experiments, 157 Faith development, 6-8, 9-10, 19
Emic perspective, 191, 266 Faith Maturity Scale, 38, 41-42, 50,
Emotions, 11, 13-14 655,67, 69-70 eAle a2
Empathy, 71, 72 Fall of Adam & Eve, 257, 268, 269
Encyclicals, papal, 162, 165 Falun Gong, viii, 219
England, 106, 218, 221 Family, interactions in, 255
Enlightenment, 130, 132, 134, 138, religion/devotions in, 52, 56, 137
[4 Oye lo am O4) ZOO. 2oil 3h a Family, The (group), 218
Environment, social, 61 Fanatics, 224
Environmental protection, 45, 54 Fascism, 240, 242
Epistemic cognition, 15, 17-19 Father, 174
Eschatology, 81, 241 Fear, 92, 186
Eschaton, 81 Finland, 129, 131, 139n, 147, 149,
Estonia, 164, 173, 182 150, 153n
Ethics, social, 33-59 Brance, 132, 133s S5ul65SShGGmliove
Ethiopia, 202 173, U74, 177, 178. 179 PSOE Sie
Ethnicity, 201-202, 217 182, 185n, 186n, 244
Ethnocentrism, 6, 23 Functional differentiation, 136
Ethnography, 190, 205 Functional rationality, 136, 138
Ethnology, 162 Fundamentalism, 163n, 215, 235, 236,
Etic perspective, 191, 266 246
Europe, church commitment in, Islamic, 240 (see Islamism)
129-159 Fundamentalists, 35, 53, 58
religion in, 161-188, 207, 215, 218, Fundamentalization, 214-215
224, 279 Funerals, 180
European Union, 218
European Values Survey, 171, 175, Gender differences, 64, 66-67, 68, 69,
182, 183 70, 71, 72-73, 137, 144, 146, 148,
Euthanasia, 134, 157, 165, 183 [40> LOOM TOL 52 Voor Moo. live
Evaluation studies, 190 Gender identity, 272
Evangelical Alliance, 106 Gender roles, 57, 148, 272
Evangelicals, 53, 58, 106, 201, 204 Generations, 143, 144, 146, 147, 149,
clergy, 103-111 152, 155, 174-178, 184
Evangelism, 35, 57 Genesis, 256, 257
Exodus, 81 Germany, 166, 169, 170, 171, 172,
Experience, religious, 5 V7 3), Lee, a7 i Soe lease:
Experiential dimension, 140n Ghana, 202
 SUBJECT INDEX 311

Globalization, 206, 207, 208, 211-227, Immaculate Conception, 162, 184

2305 231-2396 236) 23755245 99478 Immigrants/immigration, 217, 230
248, 260, 269 Immortality, 182, 184
Goal achievement, 79 Imperialism, 232
Goal identification, 79, 82 Implicit religion, 253
God, 27, 80, 81 Individualism, 34, 232
belief, trust, faith in, 6, 10, 40, 41, India, 200, 213, 220
83, 168-173, 176, 186 Indonesia, 233, 236, 239
concepts of, 6, 52-53, 140n, 162, Industrialization, 135
182 Information explosion, 196
mace Of el 27 a856 2325 nOSni0i, Information systems, 135
CS 69K 0). e/a i7all Inquisition, 165
kingdom of, 35, 82 Institute for Social & Religious
love/compassion of, 80-81, 82, 190 Research, 200
relationship with, 4, 8, 12, 73, 190, Interracial hostility, 113, 126
268 Interview analysis, 262, 263-267
role/work of, 14, 22, 23-24, 25, 81 Intrinsic religiosity, 10, 53
anne /Almmitys 1921" Bilal 76; Iran, 163n, 219
184 Iraq, 100, 239, 248
God-awareness, 63, 67, 73 Ireland, 163, 165, 169, 170, 171,
Great Awakening, 223 iris Mw, AUGO AO el Oo2ae 13S;
Great Reversal, 57 184
Greece, 177, 180, 182 Islam 57) 63m, MOOR TOE 2) 5382505
Greeting, 259 234,235, 236, 237, 242, 255; 268
conversion to, 271—272
Habitus, 261 Islamic civilization, 237-239
Healing, 91 Islamism, 224, 230, 233, 234, 235,
Health, religion and, 62-63 239-249
Helping, 46-47, 48 Islamofascism, 240
Hermeneutics, structural, 253-275 israel wall 2 mili7ione Gone one)(0)
Hinduism, 57, 197, 215, 243, 287 Israelites, 81
Eustory, e162 mlo>, 190-191 c196, 8198; Italyapl 29-0 UST 138." 1398 140, 141,
203520550226 146, 149, 152, 153, 156, 165, 166,
Holy Spirit, 27 NAS 7A, U7, GES, IUGL7/, 180, 181,
Homosexuality, 244 182, 183, 183n, 184
Hope, 77-95
psychological, 78-80, 86, 89, 92 Japan, 170, 177, 181
theological, 78, 80-82, 86, 88, 89, Jesus lOpo ESS 33 a0 esseed Aas
ODS 57, 81, 140, 166, 167, 177, 180,
Hopelessness, 79, 82, 93 268
Human natures, 256, 257-260 belief in, 176, 179
Humanities, 198, 261 Jews, 243
Hungary, 129, 131, 139n, 146, 147, Jihad eles 2399247
IERe) XO), U2, Boy, Mey? Judaism, 26, 57, 287
ancient, 256
Ideal types, 35
Identity: Kantianism, 5
crisis of, 240-241 Kenya, 202
ideological, 189 Kingdom of God, 34, 82
religious, 189, 190, 216, 221-222, Korea, 195
230, 248 Daicizationael S233 5e84, m4 ono
symbols of, 222 Language, 262
Ideology, 267 Latin America, 165, 204, 206
Idols, 81 Acatyiaeale/Oy Seale eel 3 mliG?
312 SUBJECT INDEX

Lausanne Committee on World Migration, 217, 221, 230

Evangelization, 201 Militant religion, 229-251
Lebanon, 217 Militarism, 232
Leyva Theological Hope Scale, 83, Ministry, 106, 108, 109
845909293.) 96297, Minorities, attitudes toward, 44-45, 46
Liberals, religious, 58 Missiology/-ists, 190, 191, 196, 199,
Liberation theology, 204 202, 205, 206, 207
Libya, 163n Missionaries, 195, 200, 201, 203, 205,
Ihesscales 03S 206, 215
Life cycle, 175 Mission studies, 189-210
Life, eternal, 81 Missions, 189, 194, 205
Lifestyle, 123, 125 effects of, 202-206
Lilly Survey of Congregations, literature on, 195-196
7s research centers, 192-193
Linguistics, 190, 191 MMPI, 2, 79
Lithuania, 182 Mobilityel352 143, 144. 1525 loo 2 ie
Lockerbie disaster, 77 Modernism, 34, 53
Logic, 27 reactionary, 231, 235, 240, 247
Longevity and religion, 51-52 Modernity, 157
Love, 6, 45, 55 crisis of, 229-251
of God, 80-81, 82, 190 Modernization, 150, 230, 243
of neighbor, 61-75 Modernization theory, 144, 145, 148,
Lutheran Brotherhood, 36 156, 157
Lutheran Church, 218 Moluccas, 215
Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod, Monotheism, 204, 269
SON 56,8 490 MO2 Oo OS Moral development, 71
Lutheran women, 33-59 Morality, Christian, 174, 185
Lutheranism, 131, 134 Mortality, 52
Moscow, 170, 173, 181
Malaysia, 219 Mosques, 211
MARG, 192, 201 Motivation, 14, 51, 62, 71, 72, 73, 79,
Marginality, 212 104, 105, 197, 199, 216, 265,
Market, religious, 132, 156 266-267, 272), 273
Marriage, 180 Muslim Brotherhood, 238
Martyrdom, 231 Muslim political movements, 215
Marxism, 133, 134, 162, 173, 189, Muslims, 217, 218, 219, 221, 224,
267 QO AST
Mass, Easter, 164 Mysticism, 27
Mass, Sunday, 164, 168, 170, 175, Myths, 256, 258, 259, 260
179, 184
Masses, popular, 161-164, 167 National Congregational Study,
Mauritania, 248 117-118
Mass media, 136, 137, 196 (see Nazis/nazism, 240, 272
Television) NEO-FFI Personality Inventory,
exposure, 84, 89, 90 64-65
Meaning of life, 259, 261, 269 Netherlands, 129, 131, 139n, 146, 149,
Meaning systems, 134 Losin 7 O72. 173.) ames
latent structures of, 255, 261, 262, 179, 181, 184
263, 266, 270, 271 Neuroscience, 4
Mental illness, 80, 91 Neuroticism, 64, 67, 68, 70, 104-105,
Meta-analysis, 282-283 107, 108
Metaphors, 16, 26 Neutrality, religious, 225
Mexico, 175, 177, 178, 181, 204, 213 New Age, viii, 219
Middle Eastern societies, 235-236 New Zealand, 172, 212, 213
 SUBJECT INDEX 313

NorthernIreland/Ulster, 170, 172, ODO OAS OSs 17.0 salaAlen e7a7 >

WAS SQ es 220) 181, 182

Norway, 129, 131, 139n, 147, 150, Positive Symptom Total, 86-87
WD. 7 NBS INT TR ASH Post-secularization, 157
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, 77, 78,
Oljektiwe Hermeneutik, 253-275 83, 90-91, 92
Objectivity, 198 Poverty/the poor, 42-44, 50
Observer ratings, 282 voluntary, 264, 266
Oklahoma City bombing, 77 Power, sociology of, 260
Ontological development, 22, 27 Prayer, 52, 54, 137, 179, 180-182,
Openness, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70 195
Opiate, religion as, 133, 225 Priests (see Clergy)
Optimism, 79, 80 Privatism, 34
Organizational analysis, 190 Privatization, 154, 223
Orthodox Churches, 190 Probation, 259-260, 268
Orthodoxy, Christian, 140, 222, 223 Proselytizing, 162, 189, 194
Orthopathy, 223 Prosocial Behavior Inventory, 66-67
Orthopraxy, 222 Protestantism, 34, 82
Protestants, 49, 190, 194, 223
Pacifism, 242 European, 131, 134, 138, 147,
Paganization, 164, 185 148-149.) 1525 158) 1655 185
Pain, 13, 42-43 evangelical, 53, 58, 103-111, 201,
Pakistan, 217, 233 204
Palestine, 220 mainline, 50, 55, 58, 190, 194-195,
Parables, biblical, 10, 16, 17 213-214
Paradise, loss of, 257 persecution of, 165
Pastoral care, 10 Psychology, 5, 6, 11, 12, 27, 61, 80,
Pastoral counseling, 11 190,9279
Patriotism, 98 Psychotherapy, 11
Pentecostalism, 204, 207, 219, 220, Psychotism, 107, 108
DDS
People groups, 201-202 Qualitative methods, 199, 261
Personality, 256, 271 QOur’an, 242, 243, 267-269, 272
Eysenck’s dimensional model, 103
Petroleum industry, 238 Race and churches, 113-128
Philippines, 172, 178, 183, 233, 248 Radio, religious, 196
Philosophy, 26 Rational/legal religion, 222-224
Phonemics, 191 Rational choice theory, 130, 131, 145,
Phonetics, 191 148, 149, 156, 261, 273
Physics, 162 Rationalism, ideological, 223
Piagetian theory, 2-6, 7, 8, 15n, 19, Rationalization, 269
26 RCR (relational & contextual
Pilgrim/-age, 81, 82, 91, 163n reasoning), 19-21, 25, 26
Plausibility structures, 144, 157, 260 Reductionism, 198, 272
Pluralization, 132 Reformation, The, 222
Poland, 129, 131, 139n, 146, 147, Relativization, 132
140 50P Toil, 1525 15)" loewalioo; Religion:
L670 U7 Ty 172. eS 28s concept/definition of, 34, 56, 254
Political correctness, 194 consequences/effects of, 140, 141,
Political issues, church and, 44 175477
Politics, religion and, 142, 183, 206, Ast cultural I3os) 137
215 diffusion of, 193-194, 202
Pope, infallibility of, 162 functions of, 136-137, 254, 255
Portugal 1292131, 133, 1390, M46, militant, 229-251
og SUBJECT INDEX

restoration of, 5 Secularisation, 52, 131, 132, 135,

transnational factors in, 211-227 136-137-9188) St, 53, Wa7e 180,
vitality of, 196 DOT 223082925 5 20 0NeOG,
Religion studies, 230 269
Religiosity: Secularisation theory, 130, 131-132,
latent, 130, 131 156, 157
Oevermann’s model, 253, 255, 258 Segregation, racial, 116
universality of, 254, 260, 269 Self-awareness, 270
Religious affiliation classifications, Self-consciousness, 258
183-184, 283-284, 287 Self-efficacy, 78, 79
Religious beliefs decline, 161-188 Self-identification, 270
Religious development, 1-32 Self-interest, 61-62
Religious diversity, management of, Self-purpose, 255
AGS 2k Self-ratings, 67, 68, 70, 73
Religious education, 11, 26, 53, 173 Self-realization, 265
Religious extremism, 230, 231 Self-reflexivity, 270-271
Religious heterogeneity, 138, 143, 145, Selfhood, 7
149, 152, 154, 155 Semantics, 162
Religious judgment, 8-9, 17, 21 Senegal, 202
Religious & Moral Pluralism Study September 11, 2001, 77-101, 229,
(RAMP), 129, 139 236, 239
Religious pluralism, 130, 131, 132, (see Terrorism)
LSS e SOMA tole 154-156, 220) Shariah law, 224
Religious research, 287 Sikhs, 243
growth of, 277-278 Slavery, 165
Religious settlement, 216-217, 218 Slovakia, 181, 182
Renaissance, 161, 237 Slovenia, 172
Research in the Social Scientific Study of Snyder Hope Scale, 79, 93
Religion, 277-288 Social ataxia, 185
Resurrection, 81 Social concern index, 39, 48, 49, 54
Revitalization, 214-215, 219 Social conformity, 103
Revival, religious, 163 Social consciousness, 34, 42-45
Rites of passage, 140 Social constructiveness theory, 78
Ritual dimension, 140 Social constructivism, 80
Romania, 177, 182 Social determinism, 34
Social disengagement theory, 56
Sacramental life, 214 Social ethics, 33-59
Saint-Barthelemy massacre, 165 Social Gospel, 34
Saliency of religion, 140 Social justice, 45, 54, 55, 57
Salvation, 268 Social networks and race, 113
San Francisco Bay Area, 134 Social sciences, 256, 261, 280
Saudi Arabia, 163n, 233, 241 applied, 191-193
Scandinavia, 134, 184 and mission studies, 189-210
Schools, crucifix in, 166 Social work, 256
Science, 136, 145, 197-200, 245, 261, Socialization, 27, 173-174, 254, 255,
288 25058271
as a meaning system, 134, 138, 142, religious, 137, 142, 144, 148,
V4 LOZ 153 SL54 oo elo ye ll62 149-150, 152
and church commitment, 145, 147, Sociology, 190, 192, 212-214, 249,
149, 150 279
Scientism, 200, 269 comparative, 212-213, 214
Search Institute, 36, 37, 38, 49 of knowledge, 261
Secularism, 185n, 224, 230, 243 of missions, 192, 193-194, 199,
Secularist movements, 132 203-204
 SUBJECT INDEX 31D

of religion, 129, 135, 193-194, 204, Theological hope, 78, 80-82, 86, 88,
207, 214, 216, 219, 225-296; 930, 89, 92
2582275) Theology, 11, 27, 162, 190, 199,
transpersonal, 270 280
Somalia, 239 biblical, 35, 57
Soteriology, 10 conflict and, 120-122
South Africa, 202 liberation, 204
South Pacific, 203 of ministry, 108, 109
Southern Baptists, 50, 55 Muslim, 241
Soviet countries, 218, 219 negative, 18
Soviet Union, 163 Tibetan Muslims, 219
Spang oma Os Sanly (pelon loos Time dimension, 214-215
181, 184 Transcendence, 6, 22, 63, 71, 80
Spirit or life force, 171 Traumatization, vicarious, 87
Spiritual activities, effects of, 58 Trinity, Holy, 19, 21, 81, 176, 184
Spiritual awareness, 63 Tunisia, 236, 239
Spiritual development, 53, 283 Turkey, 217
Spiritual experience, 64, 72 Twelve-step movement, 80
Spiritual maturation, 49, 53, 56
Spiritualities, 212, 222 Unconscious processes, 19
Spirituality, 1, 33-59, 185, 223, 224, United Kingdom, 106, 169, 217
229, 270 United States, 162, 169, 170, 171,
age and, 33-59 172, 177, 178, 181, 183, 184, 186n,
concept of, 34, 56 DAW. DVI, PEA, WEIG), Ske}, WAGs 7S)
measures of, 37-39, 48-49, 54 race relations in, 115, 116, 126
New Age, 219 Universalism, Islamistic, 245
prosocial behavior and, 61-75 Urbanization, 143, 144, 147, 151, 152,
research issues, 53-55, 56, 63 155, 156
and social concern, 48-49, 51 USSR, 133
transnational factors in, 211-227
Stage theories, 1, 2-31, 56 Value judgments, 199-200
Statistics, 192, 199, 280 Value rationality, 136
Status homogeneity, 115 Values, 6, 164
Stereotypes, age, 33 Vatican, 165, 166, 183n
Subcultures, religious, 157 Victimization, vicarious, 84, 89, 90,
Sudan, 163n OZ
Suffering, 42-44, 245 Volition, 14
Suicide, 80 Voluntary associations/institutions, 116,
Suicide bombing, 231 ils
Sweden, 129, 131, 134, 139n, 144, Volunteering, 50-51, 54, 58, 63 (see
ome lO Sl Sone lOO. LOS saLO9: Donating)
70), Tg, Gs es. yrs MS ssh Volunteerism, 66
Symbols, 3, 16
Sympathy, 71 Waco Texas debacle, 218
Wahhabi tradition of Islam, 241
Taliban, 98, 100, 101, 215, 244 Wales, 106
Tanzania, 202 War, Islam and, 243
Television, 56, 90-91, 167, 196 Wars, religious, 165
Terror, feelings of, 87 Women, 33-59, 177, 203
groups, 243 emancipation of, 232, 244
sacred, 239 equality for, 46
errorism: ///=) Olie229) 25105236, in Islam, 244-245
243 response to terrorism, 77—95
war on, 233, 248 Women’s movement, 194
316 SUBJECT INDEX

World disorder model, 270 World views, 14, 22-25, 27, 54, 145,
World Islamic Front, 239 Pai Ma adhe:
World peace, 46 Worship style, 119, 120, 122, 124
World religions, 56, 190 WWD, 259
World Trade Center bombing, 77
World Values Survey, 170, 171, 174, Yemen, 163n
175 Youth 5.2 ba ls6—l3gpaoan,
World Vision, 192, 201 259-260
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 Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion (RSSSR)
publishes reports of innovative studies that pertain empirically or
theoretically to the scientific study of religion, including spirituality,
regardless of their academic discipline or professional orientation.
It is academically eclectic, not restricted to any one particular theoretical
orientation or research method. Most articles report the findings of
quantitative or qualitative investigations, but some deal with
methodology, theory, or applications of social science studies in the field
of religion.

Ralph L. Piedmont is psychologist at the department of pastoral

counseling, Loyola College in Maryland, Columbia, Maryland, USA. One of
his publications is The Revised NEO Personality Inventory: Clinical and
Research Applications (Plenum Press, 1998).

David O. Moberg is sociology professor emeritus at Marquette

University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, USA. He has been the co-editor of
RSSSR since its start in 1986.

HN
ISBN 90

9 8789004155826

BRILL een 1046-8064