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1.1 Functions and Their Graphs
1.2 Combining Functions; Shifting and Scaling Graphs
1.3 Trigonometric Functions
1.4 Graphing with Software
2. Limits and Continuity
2.1 Rates of Change and Tangent Lines to Curves
2.2 Limit of a Function and Limit Laws
2.3 The Precise Definition of a Limit
2.4 One-Sided Limits
2.5 Continuity
2.6 Limits Involving Infinity; Asymptotes of Graphs
3. Derivatives
3.1 Tangent Lines and the Derivative at a Point
3.2 The Derivative as a Function
3.3 Differentiation Rules
3.4 The Derivative as a Rate of Change
3.5 Derivatives of Trigonometric Functions
3.6 The Chain Rule
3.7 Implicit Differentiation
3.8 Related Rates
3.9 Linearization and Differentials
4. Applications of Derivatives
4.1 Extreme Values of Functions on Closed Intervals
4.2 The Mean Value Theorem
4.3 Monotonic Functions and the First Derivative Test
4.4 Concavity and Curve Sketching
4.5 Applied Optimization
4.6 Newton’s Method
4.7 Antiderivatives
5. Integrals
5.1 Area and Estimating with Finite Sums
5.2 Sigma Notation and Limits of Finite Sums
5.3 The Definite Integral
5.4 The Fundamental Theorem of Calculus
5.5 Indefinite Integrals and the Substitution Method
5.6 Definite Integral Substitutions and the Area Between Curves
6. Applications of Definite Integrals
6.1 Volumes Using Cross-Sections
6.2 Volumes Using Cylindrical Shells
6.3 Arc Length
6.4 Areas of Surfaces of Revolution
6.5 Work and Fluid Forces
6.6 Moments and Centers of Mass
7. Transcendental Functions
7.1 Inverse Functions and Their Derivatives
7.2 Natural Logarithms
7.3 Exponential Functions
7.4 Exponential Change and Separable Differential Equations
7.5 Indeterminate Forms and L’Hôpital’s Rule
7.6 Inverse Trigonometric Functions
7.7 Hyperbolic Functions
7.8 Relative Rates of Growth
8. Techniques of Integration
8.1 Using Basic Integration Formulas
8.2 Integration by Parts
8.3 Trigonometric Integrals
8.4 Trigonometric Substitutions
8.5 Integration of Rational Functions by Partial Fractions
8.6 Integral Tables and Computer Algebra Systems
8.7 Numerical Integration
8.8 Improper Integrals
8.9 Probability
9. First-Order Differential Equations
9.1 Solutions, Slope Fields, and Euler’s Method
9.2 First-Order Linear Equations
9.3 Applications
9.4 Graphical Solutions of Autonomous Equations
9.5 Systems of Equations and Phase Planes
10. Infinite Sequences and Series
10.1 Sequences
10.2 Infinite Series
10.3 The Integral Test
10.4 Comparison Tests
10.5 Absolute Convergence; The Ratio and Root Tests
10.6 Alternating Series and Conditional Convergence
10.7 Power Series
10.8 Taylor and Maclaurin Series
10.9 Convergence of Taylor Series
10.10 Applications of Taylor Series
11. Parametric Equations and Polar Coordinates
11.1 Parametrizations of Plane Curves
11.2 Calculus with Parametric Curves
11.3 Polar Coordinates
11.4 Graphing Polar Coordinate Equations
11.5 Areas and Lengths in Polar Coordinates
11.6 Conic Sections
11.7 Conics in Polar Coordinates
12. Vectors and the Geometry of Space
12.1 Three-Dimensional Coordinate Systems
12.2 Vectors
12.3 The Dot Product
12.4 The Cross Product
12.5 Lines and Planes in Space
12.6 Cylinders and Quadric Surfaces
13. Vector-Valued Functions and Motion in Space
13.1 Curves in Space and Their Tangents
13.2 Integrals of Vector Functions; Projectile Motion
13.3 Arc Length in Space
13.4 Curvature and Normal Vectors of a Curve
13.5 Tangential and Normal Components of Acceleration
13.6 Velocity and Acceleration in Polar Coordinates
14. Partial Derivatives
14.1 Functions of Several Variables
14.2 Limits and Continuity in Higher Dimensions
14.3 Partial Derivatives
14.4 The Chain Rule
14.5 Directional Derivatives and Gradient Vectors
14.6 Tangent Planes and Differentials
14.7 Extreme Values and Saddle Points
14.8 Lagrange Multipliers
14.9 Taylor’s Formula for Two Variables
14.10 Partial Derivatives with Constrained Variables
15. Multiple Integrals
15.1 Double and Iterated Integrals over Rectangles
15.2 Double Integrals over General Regions
15.3 Area by Double Integration
15.4 Double Integrals in Polar Form
15.5 Triple Integrals in Rectangular Coordinates
15.6 Applications
15.7 Triple Integrals in Cylindrical and Spherical Coordinates
15.8 Substitutions in Multiple Integrals
16. Integrals and Vector Fields
16.1 Line Integrals of Scalar Functions
16.2 Vector Fields and Line Integrals: Work, Circulation, and Flux
16.3 Path Independence, Conservative Fields, and Potential Functions
16.4 Green’s Theorem in the Plane
16.5 Surfaces and Area
16.6 Surface Integrals
16.7 Stokes’ Theorem
16.8 The Divergence Theorem and a Unified Theory
17. Second-Order Differential Equations (Online at www.goo.gl/MgDXPY)
17.1 Second-Order Linear Equations
17.2 Nonhomogeneous Linear Equations
17.3 Applications
17.4 Euler Equations
17.5 Power-Series Solutions
Appendices
1. Real Numbers and the Real Line
2. Mathematical Induction
3. Lines, Circles, and Parabolas
4. Proofs of Limit Theorems
5. Commonly Occurring Limits
6. Theory of the Real Numbers
7. Complex Numbers
8. The Distributive Law for Vector Cross Products
9. The Mixed Derivative Theorem and the Increment Theorem
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 “The knell, the shroud, the mattock, and the grave—
The deep, damp vault, the darkness, and the worm;”

these startle and appal us.

“Man makes a death that nature never made,

Then on the point of his own fancy falls.
And feels a thousand deaths in fearing one.”

We sympathize duly with every instinct of nature; we all feel the

love of life, and accord readily in the warmest expression of it; but
we recoil from every strong exhibition of the fear of death as
unreasonable and dastardly.
When Claudio reminds his noble sister that “death is a fearful
thing,” she replies well—“and shamed life a hateful!” But when he
rejoins—

“The weariest and most loathed worldly life

That age, ache, penury, and imprisonment
Can lay on nature, is a paradise
To what we fear of death;”

we anticipate her in bidding him “Perish! for a faithless coward, and

a beast.”
In the same contemptible and shrinking spirit, Mæcenas, in a
passage from Seneca—

“Vita, dum superest bene est

Hunc mihi vel acuta
Si sedeam cruce, sustine.”

Among hypochondriacs, we often meet with the seemingly

paradoxical combination of an intense dread of death unassociated
with any perceptible attachment to life; a morbid and most pitiable
condition, which urges some to repeated, but ineffectual attempts at
suicide. I know not a state of mind more utterly wretched.
Both these sentiments, whether instinctive or educational, are,
we should observe, very strikingly influenced by circumstances.
Occasionally, they seem to be obliterated, or nearly so; not only in
individuals, but in large masses, nay, in whole communities; as
during great social convulsions; through the reign of a devastating
pestilence; under the shock of repeated disorders of the elements;
as in earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, storms, and inundations; in
protracted sieges, and in shipwrecks. The Reign of Terror produced
this state of feeling in France, and thousands went to the scaffold
indifferently, or with a jest. Boccacio and others have pictured the
same state of undejected despair, if such a phrase be permitted, in
which men succumb to fate, and say, with a sort of cheerful
hardihood, “Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die,” losing thus
all dread even of the plague. Pliny the younger, in his flight from
Mycena, under the fatal shower of ashes from Vesuvius, heard,
amidst the darkness, the prayers of wretches “who desired to die,
that they might be released from the expectation of death.” And
Byron, in his magnificent description of the shipwreck, in Don Juan,
tells us—

“Some leaped overboard with dreadful yell,

As eager to anticipate the grave.”

Shakspeare’s Constance, in her grief, draws well the character of

death, as—

“Misery’s love,
The hate and terror of prosperity.”

A woman who has lost her honor; a soldier convicted of poltroonery;

a patriot who sees his country enslaved; a miser robbed; a
speculator bankrupt; a poet unappreciated, or harshly criticized, as
in poor Keats’s case—
 “Strange that the soul, that very fiery particle,
Should let itself be snuffed out by an article”—

all these seem to loathe life, or, at any rate, lose much of their
fondness for it. It is curious to remark, too, how little, as in the last-
mentioned instance, will suffice to extinguish, abruptly or gradually,
this usually tenacious instinct. A man in York cut his throat, because,
as he left in writing, “he was tired of buttoning and unbuttoning.”
The occurrence of a loathsome but very curable disease in a patient
of mine, just when he was about to be married, induced him to
plunge among the breakers off Sullivan’s Island, on one of the
coldest days of our coldest winter. A Pole in New York wrote some
verses just before the act of self-destruction, implying that he was
so weary of uncertainty as to the truth of the various theories of the
present and future life, that he “had set out on a journey to the
other world to find out what he ought to believe in this.”
We are always interested in observing the conduct of brave men,
who exhibit a strongly-marked love of life, with little or no fear of
death. Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and Herault Sechelles, who
commenced their revolutionary career as reckless as they seemed
ferocious, having attained elevation, acquired wealth, and married
beautiful women, became merciful and prudent. Hunted in their turn
by the bloodhounds of the time, they made the most earnest
endeavors to escape, but displayed a noble courage in meeting their
fate when inevitable.
It is a trite but true remark, that men will boldly face one mode
of death, and shrink timidly from another. A soldier, whom discipline
will lead without flinching “up to the imminent deadly breach,” will
cower before a sea-storm. Women, even in the act of suicide,
dreading explosion and blood, prefer poison and drowning. Men very
often choose firearms and cutting instruments, which habit has
made familiar.
If the nervous or sensorial system escape lesion during the
ravages of disease, the conduct of the last hour will be apt to be
consistent with the previous character of the individual. Hobbes
spoke gravely of death as “a leap in the dark.” Hume talked lightly of
Charon and his ferry-boat. Voltaire made verses with his usual levity
—

“Adieu, mes amis! adieu, la compagnie!

Dans deux heures d’ici, mon âme aneantie
Sera ce que je fus deux heures avant ma vie.”

Keats murmured, poetically, “I feel the flowers growing on my

grave.” Dr. Armstrong died prescribing for a patient; Lord Tenterden,
uttering the words “Gentlemen of the Jury, you will find;” General
Lord Hill, exclaiming “Horrid war!” Dr. Adams, of the Edinburgh High
School, “It grows dark; the boys may dismiss!” The last words of La
Place were, “Ce que nous connaissons est peu de chose; ce que
nous ignorons, est immense!”
The history of suicide, of death in battle, and of executions, is full
of such instances of consistent conduct and character. Madame
Roland desired to have pen and paper accorded to her, at the “Place
de la Guillotine,” that she might, as she phrased it, “set down the
thoughts that were rising in her mind.” Sir Thomas More jested
pleasantly as he mounted the scaffold. Thistlewood, the conspirator,
a thoughtful man, remarked to one of his fellow-sufferers that, “in
five minutes more, they would be in possession of the great secret.”
When Madame de Joulanges and her sisters were executed, they
chanted together the Veni Creator on their way from the prison to
the fatal spot. Head after head fell under the axe, but the celestial
strain was prolonged until the very last voice was hushed in the
sudden silence of death.
The delirium of the moribund exhibits itself in diversified and
often contrasted manifestations. Symonds looks upon it as closely
analogous to the condition of the mind in dreaming. A popular and
ancient error deserves mention, only to be corrected; that the mind,
at the near approach of dissolution, becomes unusually clear,
vigorous, and active.
 “The soul’s dark cottage, battered and decayed,
Lets in new light through chinks which Time has made.”

Excitement of the uncontrolled imagination, as in dreams, and

other modes of delirium, is frequently mistaken for general mental
energy; some suggested association arouses trains of thought that
have made deep traces in the memory; scenes familiar in early
childhood are vividly described, and incidents long past recalled with
striking minuteness. All physicians know the difference familiarly
presented in diseases, some of which specifically occasion
despondency and dejection of spirits, while others render indifferent
or even give rise to exhilaration. The former constitute a class
unhappily numerous. Cholera, which at a distance excites terrors
almost insane, is usually attended with a careless stolidity, when it
has laid its icy hand upon its victim. The cheerful hopefulness of the
consumptive patient is proverbial; and in many instances of yellow
fever, we find the moribund patient confident of recovery. These are
the exceptions, however; and we cannot too often repeat that the
religious prejudice which argues unfavorably of the previous conduct
and present character from the closing scene of an agitating and
painful illness, or from the last words, uttered amidst bodily anguish
and intellectual confusion, is cruel and unreasonable, and ought to
be loudly denounced. We can well enough understand why an
English Elizabeth, Virgin Queen, as history labels her, could not lie
still for a moment, agitated as she must have been by a storm of
remorseful recollections, nor restrain her shrieks of horror long
enough even to listen to a prayer. But how often does it happen that
“the wicked has no bands in his death;” and the awful example of
deep despair in the Stainless One, who cried out in his agony that he
was forsaken of God, should serve to deter us from the daily
repeated and shocking rashness of the decisions against which I am
now appealing.
Some minds have seemed firm enough, it is true, to maintain
triumphantly this last terrible struggle, and resist in a measure at
least the depressing influence of disease. Such instances cannot,
however, be numerous; and we should be prepared rather to
sympathize with and make all due allowance for human weakness. I
have seen such moments of yielding as it was deeply painful to
witness, at the bedside of many of the best of men, whose whole
lives had been a course of consistent goodness and piety, when
warned of impending death, and called on to make those
preparations which custom has unfortunately led us to look upon as
gloomy landmarks at the entrance of the dark valley.
One of these, from youth to age a most esteemed and valued
member of one of our most fervent religious bodies, with sobs and
tears, and loud wailing, threw the pen and paper from him,
exclaiming, over and over again, “I will not—I cannot—I must not
die.” Like the eccentric Salvini, of whom Spence tells us that he died,
crying out in a great passion, “Je ne veux pas mourir, absolument;”
and Lannes, the bravest of Bonaparte’s marshals, when mortally
wounded, struggled angrily and fearfully, shouting with his last
breath, “Save me, Napoleon!”
But I recoil from farther discussion of a topic so full of awe and
solemn interest, and conclude this prosaic “Thanatopsis” with the
Miltonian strain of Bryant, who terminates his noble poem, thus
styled, in language worthy of the best age and brightest laurel of our
tongue:—

“So live, that, when thy summons comes to join

The innumerable caravan, that moves
To the pale realms of shade, where each shall take
His chamber in the silent halls of death,
Thou go not like the quarry slave at night,
Scourged to his dungeon; but, sustained and soothed
By an unfaltering trust, approach thy grave,
Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.”
[7] From Essays on Life, Sleep, Pain, etc., just
published by Blanchard & Lea, Philadelphia.
 TO A FRIEND IN THE SPIRIT LAND.
———
BY L——, OF EASTFORD HERMITAGE.
———

Time passes wearily with me

Since thou hast joined the spirit throng;
I miss thy laugh that rang with glee—
The music of thy voice and song;
And though each day I meet bright eyes,
That look with tenderness on mine,
And cheeks that with the coral vies,
And tones that seem almost divine,
Still they can wake no gentle chord
To vibrate deeply in the heart;
For each bright glance and gentle word,
Must fail to charm while we’re apart.
Then speed thee, Time, upon thy way.
Swift on thy fleeting pinions soar;
And hasten on that blissful day,
When we shall meet to part no more.
 THE PHILADELPHIA ART-UNION.
While other Art-Unions throughout the country are falling into
disrepute, that of Philadelphia seems to be rising in favor.
This cannot be owing to the absence of discouragements. Like all
similar institutions, it suffered severely from the pressure of the
money-market during the last six months of the year 1851. It found,
in common with others, that money was not forthcoming for the
promotion of art, when it commanded from one to two per cent. a
month on ’change—that men could not, or would not buy pictures,
when they were obliged to strain every nerve to save themselves
from bankruptcy.
Besides the serious loss of revenue arising from this source, the
Philadelphia Art-Union lost by fire its two most valuable steel plates,
just at the moment when it was about to reap from them a golden
harvest. These splendid plates, “Mercy’s Dream,” and “Christiana and
her Family,” which had cost the society several thousand dollars, and
which were unquestionably among the most attractive prints ever
issued in this country, were entirely destroyed in the conflagration of
Hart’s buildings in this city.
It is not, therefore, mere good luck, nor the absence of
discouraging circumstances, that has given the Philadelphia Art-
Union its present condition of success. This success is based on the
principles of its organization, which differ materially from those of
other kindred associations.
In the first place, though located nominally in Philadelphia, and
having its Board of Managers here, it is really an Art-Union for every
place where it finds subscribers. Its prize-holders may select their
prizes from any gallery in the United States, or may order a picture
from any artist of their own selection. This puts it entirely out of the
power of the Board of Managers, even if they had the inclination, to
exercise favoritism toward any particular clique of artists, or to
practice any kind of fraud or trickery either in the purchase or the
valuation of pictures.
Secondly, and for the very reason just assigned, the Philadelphia
Art-Union enjoys in a high degree the confidence of the artists
themselves. They know by experience that its free gallery is the
means of selling a large number of pictures, besides those which are
ordered in consequence of the annual distributions. They know also
that in order to sell their pictures, or to obtain orders for painting,
they have not to cater to the fancies or caprices of a small clique of
managers, but to appeal to the public at large, depending solely
upon the general principles of their art. In other Art-Unions, the
managers themselves select and buy the pictures that are to be
distributed as prizes. Hence they are almost invariably regarded with
jealousy by every artist who does not receive from them an order—
that is, by at least nine-tenths of the whole body. The artist sees,
however, that the Philadelphia Art-Union does not admit of any
favoritism of this kind. Its very plan renders the thing impossible. If
any particular artist finds that among the prize-holders, no order or
purchase has come to his studio, he may see in it evidence perhaps
that he has not pleased the public taste, but no evidence of partiality
in the Board of Managers. So far as their operations are concerned,
they give to all competitors “a fair field and no favor”—and this is all
that the artist asks.
That this view of the subject is the true one, and that the artists
themselves so view it, has been conclusively shown by their action
on the occasion of the losses of the institution by the late fire. The
artists of Philadelphia, on hearing of this disaster, called a meeting,
of their own accord, and passed a series of resolutions, approving in
the most unqualified manner both the plan and the management of
the institution, and agreeing severally to paint a picture of the value
of at least fifty dollars, and to present the same to the Art-Union.
Several other gentlemen, amateurs and patrons of art, stimulated by
this generosity, joined them in the enterprise, and already about fifty
valuable prizes have been thus guarantied.
 It is obvious that they have entered upon this matter in a
generous spirit, with that animation and hearty good-will which
spring naturally from the circumstances. Every one at all conversant
with art or artists, knows how much the excellence of a picture, its
very life and soul—all, in fact, that distinguishes it as a work of art,
or raises it above a mere piece of mechanism—depends upon the
feeling of the artist while creating it. The noble enthusiasm with
which the artists have entered upon the present arrangement, is the
best guaranty that the Art-Union will have from each painter one of
the happiest efforts of his genius—something done under the direct
influence of inspiration. Indeed, we happen to know that several of
our most eminent artists intend to lay themselves out on this
occasion—resolved to show what artists are, and what they can do,
for an institution which commands their confidence.
Mr. Rothermel has signified his intention to paint a picture worth
$500; Mr. Paul Weber a landscape worth $500; Mr. A. Woodside a
picture worth $500; Mr. Scheussele a Scriptural subject worth $250;
Mr. Sully a picture worth $100; Mr. Joshua Shaw a landscape worth
$75; and several others have promised pictures at prices varying
from $50 (the minimum) to $75, $100, $150, etc. The names of the
other artists and amateurs who have offered original pictures of this
description, are Rembrandt Peale, James Hamilton, Isaac L. Williams,
Wm. A. K. Martin, Wm. F. Jones, Wm. E. Winner, Leo. Elliot, F. de
Bourg Richards, George C. White, John Wiser, J. K. Trego, George W.
Holmes, Geo. W. Conarroe, John Sartain, Alex. Lawrie, Jr., Samuel
Sartain, G. R. Bonfield, S. B. Waugh, W. T. Richards, Aaron Stein, R.
A Clarke, W. Sanford Mason, J. R. Lambdin, G. C. Lambdin, J.
Wilson, May Stevenson, I. W. Moore, T. H. Glessing, W. H. Wilcox,
Thomas A. Andrews, George F. Meeser, James S. Earle, Edward F.
Dennison, George W. Dewey, James L. Claghorn. Others will, no
doubt, be added to the list.
About fifty splendid original works of art, ranging in value from
$50 to $500 each, have thus been placed absolutely at the disposal
of the Board of Managers, and have been by them specifically
pledged to the subscribers at the next distribution.
 Besides this, Mr. Rothermel has just finished for the Art-Union a
great historical painting of Patrick Henry making his celebrated
revolutionary speech before the Virginia House of Burgesses. This
picture is undoubtedly Mr. Rothermel’s master-piece. He has thrown
into it all the fire of his genius, all the ardor of his patriotism, all the
accumulations of his knowledge and skill as one of the practiced and
leading historical painters of the day.
The historical scene which Mr. Rothermel has commemorated in
this painting is the passage of Patrick Henry’s resolutions on the
Stamp Act in the House of Burgesses, in the year 1765. The passage
of these resolutions was the first bold note of defiance that was
uttered on this side of the Atlantic. The manner in which they were
carried through the House is thus described by his biographer:
“It was, indeed, the measure which raised him [Mr. Henry] to the
zenith of his glory. He had never before had a subject which entirely
matched his genius, and was capable of drawing out all the powers
of his mind. It was remarked of him, throughout his life, that his
talents never failed to rise with the occasion, and in proportion with
the resistance which he had to encounter. The nicety of the vote, on
the last resolution, proves that this was not a time to hold in reserve
any part of his forces. It was, indeed, an Alpine passage, under
circumstances even more unpropitious than those of Hannibal; for
he had not only to fight, hand to hand, the powerful party who were
already in possession of the heights, but at the same instant to
cheer and animate the timid band of followers, that were trembling,
and fainting, and drawing back below him. It was an occasion that
called upon him to put forth all his strength; and he did put it forth,
in such a manner as man never did before. The cords of argument
with which his adversaries frequently flattered themselves that they
had bound him fast, became packthreads in his hands. He burst
them with as much ease as the unshorn Samson did the bands of
the Philistines. He seized the pillars of the temple, shook them
terribly, and seemed to threaten his opponents with ruin. It was an
incessant storm of lightning and thunder, which struck them aghast.
The faint-hearted gathered courage from his countenance, and
cowards became heroes while they gazed upon his exploits. It was
in the midst of this magnificent debate, while he was descanting on
the tyranny of the obnoxious act, that he exclaimed in a voice of
thunder, and with the look of a god, ‘Cæsar had his Brutus—Charles
the First his Cromwell—and George the Third—’ ‘Treason!’ cried the
Speaker. ‘Treason! treason!’ echoed from every part of the house. It
was one of those trying moments which is decisive of character.
Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier attitude, and
fixing on the Speaker an eye of the most determined fire, he finished
his sentence with the firmest emphasis—‘may profit by their
example. If this be treason—make the most of it!’ ”
The exact moment of time which Mr. Rothermel has seized for his
painting, is when the last words which we have quoted, (“If this be
treason—make the most of it!”) are dying away upon the ear. The
impassioned orator stands erect and self-possessed, his open hand
aloft, as though a thunder-bolt had just passed from his fingers, and
his eye were quietly awaiting the issue, in the conscious strength of
a Jupiter Tonans.
Foremost in the foregoing is Richard Henry Lee. Lee sees, by a
sort of prophetic intuition, the full import of this inspired oratory. His
very face, under the magic of Mr. Rothermel’s genius, is a long
perspective of war, desolation, heroic deeds, and the thick-coming
glories of ultimate civic and religious liberty.
Peyton Randolph, also in the foreground, is a most striking
figure. So is Pendleton, so is Wythe, so is Speaker Robinson. Indeed,
every inch of canvas tells its story. The spectator, who knew nothing
of the scene or of its actors, would instantly and involuntarily
become conscious that he was present at some great world-
renowned action.
But in dwelling upon this fascinating topic, we have been
unconsciously carried away from our main point. This great painting,
which was executed by Mr. Rothermel for the Art-Union, at the price
of one thousand dollars, but which, by its extraordinary excellence,
has already acquired a market value far beyond that sum, is to be
drawn for among the other prizes at the next annual distribution.
 Every subscriber, moreover, secures for himself a copy of the
engraving of this great picture, which the Managers have contracted
for in a style of surpassing beauty. The picture itself, and the
engraving of it, will form an era in the history of American art, as the
subject itself did in the history of American Independence.
Besides this, all the money obtained from the subscribers, after
paying for the engraving and other incidental expenses, is to be
distributed, as heretofore, in money-prizes for the purchase of other
works of art, at the option of the prize-holders.
Of the general beneficial influence of Art-Unions, at least of those
conducted on the plan of that in Philadelphia, we have not the
shadow of a doubt. We are happy, however, to quote a couple of
passages quite in point. The first is from the North British Review.
“We believe that by a judicious distribution of engravings more
may be done for the culture of the public taste than by any other
means whatsoever. One thoroughly good engraving, fairly
established and domiciled in a house, will do more for the inmates in
this respect, than a hundred visits to a hundred galleries of pictures.
It is a teacher of form, a lecturer on the beautiful, a continually
present artistic influence. Nor do we see any reason why the same
system should not be extended to casts, which might be taken either
after the antique, or some thoroughly good modern sculptor, such as
Thorwarldsen. If such a system were carried out, matters might
soon be brought to a state in which there should scarcely be any
family which did not possess within its own walls the means of
forming a taste, and that a genuine and a high one, both in painting
and sculpture.”
The second passage is still more to the point. It is from our
contemporary, the Saturday Courier.
“This Institution, [The Philadelphia Art-Union,] by its Free Gallery,
and by its being a centre of action for artists and amateurs, is
continually operating in a silent but most perceptible manner upon
public taste. Every visit to the Free Gallery, every picture sold from
its walls, every picture which it is the means of calling into existence,
every print which it sends abroad into the community, is so much
done toward the promotion of a popular taste for what is refined and
elegant, and a consequent distaste for what is coarse, illiberal, and
depraved. Every man in the community has on interest—not merely
a moral, but a pecuniary interest—in the promotion of a popular
taste for the Fine Arts. It is a part of the moral education of society,
which, like all other good popular education, adds at once to the
value and the safety of every man’s property.”
 REVIEW OF NEW BOOKS.

Lectures on the History of France. By the Right Honorable

Sir James Stephen, K. C. B., LL. D.; Professor of Modern
History in the University of Cambridge. New York:
Harper & Brother. 1 vol. 8vo.

Sir James Stephen is the writer of a number of essays in the

Edinburgh Review, which, at the time they appeared, were mistaken
by some readers as the productions of Macaulay. There were no real
grounds for such a supposition, as Stephen’s mind has hardly a
single quality in common with Macaulay’s, and the resemblance of
his style to that of the historian of the Revolution is of a very
superficial kind. Stephen, like Macaulay, is a writer of clear, clean,
short, compact sentences, and deals largely in historical allusions,
parallels and generalizations, but his diction has none of Macaulay’s
rapid movement, and his knowledge betrays little of Macaulay’s
“joyous memory.” Stephen’s mind is large and rich in acquired
information, but it is deficient in passion, and its ordinary movement
is languid, without any of Macaulay’s intellectual fierceness,
eagerness and swift sweep of illustration and generalization, and
without any of Macaulay’s bitterness, partizanship and scorn of
amiable emotions. Stephen, indeed, if he be a mimic, mimics
Mackintosh rather than Macaulay, and in charity, in intellectual
conscientiousness, in courtesy to opponents, in all the benignities
and amenities of scholarship, and also in a certain faint hold upon
large acquisitions, he sometimes resembles without at all equaling
him. The reader is continually impressed with his honesty and
benevolence, with his continual clearness and occasional reach of
view, and with his graceful mastery of the resources of expression;
but to continuous vigor and vividness of conception and language he
has no claim.
 The present volume, a large octavo of some seven hundred
pages, is evidently the work of much thought, research and time,
though the author regrets that he was compelled to prepare his
lectures without adequate preparation. They were delivered at the
University of Cambridge, Stephen occupying in that institution the
professorship of history. He succeeded, we believe, William Smythe,
a dry, hard and pedantic, though well read professor, whose lectures
on history and on the French Revolution are the most uninteresting
of useful books. Stephen is almost his equal in historical knowledge,
and his superior in the graces of style and in the power of making
his knowledge attractive. His work, indeed, though it can hardly give
him the reputation of a great historian, is altogether the best view of
French history in the English language, and is an invaluable guide to
all who wish to gain a thorough acquaintance with France in her
historical development. It gives the causes of the decline and fall of
the various dynasties of her government, the character of her feudal
system, the steps by which her government became an absolute
monarchy, and the differences between the absolute monarchy of
Henry IV. and Louis XIV. The lectures on the anti-feudal influence of
the municipalities, of the Eastern Crusades, of the Albigensian
Crusades—the masterly view of the position occupied by the
Parliaments, the Privileged Orders and the States General, in relation
to the Monarchy of France—and the expositions of the sources and
management of the revenues of the nation, are all eminently lucid
and valuable, and without any of the ostentatious brilliancy and
paradoxical generalization which are apt to characterize the French
historical school, are really modest contributions to the philosophy of
history.
Sir James Stephen, in the course of his narration and
dissertations, furnishes us with some elaborate delineations of
character. That of Cardinal Richelieu is especially good. After saying
of him that he was not so much minister as dictator, not so much the
agent as the depositary of the royal power, he adds that, “a king in
all things but the name, he reigned with that exemption from
hereditary and domestic influences which has so often imparted to
the Papal monarchs a kind of preterhuman energy, and has so often
taught the world to deprecate the celibacy of the throne.” His
character, as a despotic innovator, is also finely sketched. “Richelieu
was the heir of the designs of Henry IV. and ancestor to those of
Louis XIV. But they courted, and were sustained by, the applause
and the attachment of their subjects. He passed his life in one
unintermitted struggle with each, in turn, of the powerful bodies
over which he ruled. By a long series of well-directed blows, he
crushed forever the political and military strength of the Huguenots.
By his strong hand the sovereign courts were confined to their
judicial duties, and their claims to participate in the government of
the state were scattered to the winds. Trampling under foot all rules
of judicial procedure and the clearest principles of justice, he
brought to the scaffold one after another of the proudest nobles of
France, by sentences dictated by himself to extraordinary judges of
his own selection; thus teaching the doctrine of social equality by
lessons too impressive to be misinterpreted or forgotten by any later
generation. Both the privileges, in exchange for which the greater
fiefs had exchanged their independence, and the franchises, the
conquest of which the cities, in earlier times, had successfully
contended, were alike swept away by this remorseless innovator. He
exiled the mother, oppressed the wife, degraded the brother,
banished the confessor, and put to death the kinsmen and favorites
of the king, and compelled the king himself to be the instrument of
these domestic severities. Though surrounded by enemies and by
rivals, his power ended only with his life. Though beset by assassins,
he died in the ordinary course of nature. Though he had waded to
dominion through slaughter, cruelty and wrong, he passed to his
great account amid the applause of the people and the benedictions
of the church; and, as far as any human eye could see, in hope, in
tranquillity and in peace. What, then, is the reason why so
tumultuous a career reached at length so serene a close? The
reason is, that amid all his conflicts Richelieu wisely and successfully
maintained three powerful alliances. He cultivated the attachment of
men of letters, the favor of the commons, and the sympathy of all
French idolaters of the national glory.”
 In some admirable lectures on the Power of the Pen in France,
Stephen gives fine portraits of Rabelais, Montaigne, Calvin and
Pascal. One remark about Calvin struck us as especially felicitous.
Speaking of him as writing his great work in Geneva, he says—“The
beautiful lake of that city, and the mountains which encircle it, lay
before his eyes as he wrote; but they are said to have suggested to
his fancy no images, and to have drawn from his pen not so much as
one transient allusion. With his mental vision ever directed to that
melancholy view of the state and prospects of our race which he had
discovered in the Book of Life, it would, indeed, have been
incongruous to have turned aside to depict any of those glorious
aspects of the creative benignity which were spread around him in
the Book of Nature.”
The most valuable chapters in the volume are perhaps those
which relate to the character and government of Louis XIV. The
absolute monarchy established by him is thoroughly analyzed.
Among many curious illustrations of that tyranny and perfidy which
this great master of king-craft systematized into a science, Stephen
translates from his “Memoires Historiques” a series of maxims,
addressed to the Dauphin, for his guidance whenever he should be
called upon to wear the crown of France. Louis’s celebrated
aphorism, “I am the state,” is in these precious morsels of
absolutism expanded into a rule of conduct. We quote a few of
them, as, to republican ears, they may have the effect of witticisms:
“It is the will of Heaven, who has given kings to man, that they
should be revered as his vice-regents, he having reserved to himself
alone the right to scrutinize their conduct.”
“It is the will of God that every subject should yield to his
sovereign on implicit obedience.”
“The worst calamity which can befall any one of our rank is to be
reduced to that subjection, in which the monarch is obliged to
receive the law from his people.”
“It is the essential vice of the English monarchy that the king can
make no extraordinary levies of men or money without the consent
of the Parliament, nor convene the Parliament without impairing his
own authority.”
“All property within our realm belongs to us in virtue of the same
title. The funds actually deposited in our treasury, the funds in the
hands of the revenue officers, and the funds which we allow our
people to employ in their various occupations, are all equally subject
to our control.”
“Be assured that kings are absolute lords, who may fitly and
freely dispose of all property in the possession either of churchmen
or of laymen, though they are bound always to employ it as faithful
stewards.”
“Since the lives of his subjects belong to the prince, he is obliged
to be solicitous for the preservation of them.”
“The first basis of all other reforms was the rendering my own
will properly absolute.”
Some of his remarks on treaties, from the same volume, convey
a fair impression of the king’s good faith to his allies. All mankind
knows that he was in conduct a measureless liar and trickster, and
that no treaty could hold him; but it is not perhaps generally known
that he generalized perfidy into a principle, and had no conception
that in so doing he was violating any moral or religious duty. He thus
solemnly instructs the dauphin—
“In dispensing with the exact observance of treaties, we do not
violate them; for the language of such instruments is not to be
understood literally. We must employ in our treaties a conventional
phraseology, just as we use complimentary expressions in society.
They are indispensable in our intercourse with one another, but they
always mean much less than they say. The more unusual,
circumspect and reiterated were the clauses by which the Spaniards
excluded me from assisting Portugal, the more evident it is that the
Spaniards did not believe that I should really withhold such
assistance.”
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