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v
vi Preface
to themselves and is observed and assessed by a “jury.” On the other hand, the
diagnostician should not “stare like a rabbit at a snake” only at creativity or focus
solely on it as a characteristic, but should simultaneously keep an eye on the
“nosological network” of personality traits corresponding with creativity and aim
to create a profile of characteristics.
Another possibility would be not only to search for creative behavior in a posi-
tive sense, but instead to turn to a “negative diagnostics” in order to diagnose, for
example, rigid or inflexible behavior, which very likely means the opposite of cre-
ativity and becomes particularly noticeable within social relationships. Especially
in social relationships, it sometimes depends on imagination, empathy, and intu-
ition, which are revealed in social understanding and the consciously chosen or
involuntary reactions, for example, in the request for feedback. Unfortunately, not
everyone possesses or masters these “social skills” to a sufficient degree.
Not only for social relationships, in addition to the production of good ideas
and solutions to the problems at hand, is mental flexibility and the ability to com-
bine required, which positively and creatively manifests itself in the effective use
of mental and diverse assessment schemes or category systems. In contrast to
intelligence diagnostics, in creativity diagnostics, there is not one correct solution,
but usually, many alternatives are available to choose from.
In the age of social media, social resonance in the public sphere also plays
an increasingly significant role in creative ideas or works, which, in their impact
through dissemination on the internet or in social networks, and in their usefulness
as feedback to the (creative) initiator, should not be underestimated.
It remains to be hoped that this reading contains and presents some suggestions
and alternatives for creativity diagnostics that could noticeably assist you as a per-
sonnel manager and evaluator of individuals.
1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2 Intelligence Research and Intelligence Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2.1 Overview of Classical Intelligence Models and
Intelligence Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
2.2 Further Models. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
2.2.1 Metacognitions as Mediators. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.2.2 Affective Influences on New Problems. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
3 Creativity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
3.1 Creativity as a Personality Construct. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
3.2 Personality Traits Corresponding with Creativity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
3.3 Creativity as a Process. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
3.4 Creativity and Innovation Capability. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
4 Attempts at Creativity Diagnostics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
4.1 Creativity Tests. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
4.1.1 Creativity Tests in Educational Diagnostics. . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
4.1.2 Creativity Tests in Vocational Aptitude Diagnostics . . . . . . 28
4.2 Other Methods for Creativity Diagnostics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
4.3 Direct or Indirect Creativity Diagnostics as an Alternative?. . . . . . 37
4.4 Creative Diagnostics by “Domains” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
4.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
5 Creativity in Social Interactions and Relationships. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
5.1 Creativity in Understanding Other People. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
5.1.1 Attributions Can Contribute Explanations and Aid
Understanding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
5.1.2 Category Systems Serve Social Orientation and Support
Ongoing Assessments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
5.1.3 Creativity in Judgments and Decisions
under Uncertainty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
vii
viii Contents
Appendix 1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Appendix 2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Introduction
1
Some, if not many, people doubt that creativity diagnostics can be accomplished at
all. For creativity diagnostics is a paradox or a contradiction in itself, as no person
can be creative on command! “Be spontaneous” works just as little in communica-
tion and interaction among people, as we all know, as the command: Be creative!
Creativity and intelligence sometimes seem like “Siamese twins,” which com-
plement each other and somehow belong together, but do not unite or merge,
instead remaining independent mental achievements. Thus, there is no way around
dealing with intelligence research or the diagnostics of mental performances and
processes when discussing creativity, or specifically creativity diagnostics.
Much has already been said and written about intelligence, and as a result of
scientific research, a number of intelligence models exist that differ and distin-
guish themselves in their structures and in their diversity of components or in their
functions. Thus, it is not presumptuous to say that there is not the intelligence con-
cept per se, but rather many—which is also not a novelty in scientific research!
Even vaguer, or even “fuzzier,” is the concept of creativity. For some research-
ers, it is a part or subfactor of intelligence, associated with inspiration, insight
(English: insight), or inventiveness or creativity (e.g., as a defined intelligence
performance in the “Berlin Intelligence Structure Test” by Jäger et al., 1997; see
also Sect. 4.1.2). Other authors (see Guilford, 1964; cited in Preiser, 1976, p. 55)
describe creativity as “divergent thinking” (as a counterpart or contrast to “conver-
gent thinking”) or also “inferential thinking” (see e.g., Schuler & Görlich, 2007,
p. 20 ff.), when the aspect of synthesis ability in problem-solving with the help
or application of new ideas is particularly prominent. Sternberg (1985) contrasted
“inductive reasoning” with “deductive reasoning” as fluid abilities that lead to
ideas or solutions, which is related to the thought process starting either “bottom-
up” or “top-down.” New ideas do not automatically lead to “brilliant” solutions by
themselves, but they must be connectable and integrate with existing experiential
knowledge, making them context-dependent.
According to the opinion of many scientists and in view of their existing findings,
intelligence is an important prerequisite for initiating and developing something
like problem-solving ability—or even creativity, where the designation fits and
is appropriate. Research results from relevant studies on creative achievements
showed correlative relationships of a medium or moderate size around r = 0.30,
thus indicating a statistically significant connection between the evaluated crea-
tive achievements and the total score of an intelligence test. Since, as a rule, the
individual intelligence factors also stood in a positive correlative relationship with
each other of approximately comparable size and expression, it can be assumed
that a whole bundle of intellectual abilities generated the correlative connection to
creativity, although the influence of individual intelligence factors was controver-
sial in research and sparked lively discussions.
Perhaps it makes sense, therefore, to gradually and stepwise introduce intelli-
gence as a mental performance and in this sequence address the existing insights
into the sizes of intelligence as causes of mental performances along with their
theories and models.
It should be mentioned in advance that for every theory or psychological con-
struct, it is necessary to clarify the contents to establish face validity as a thematic
framework for further empirical investigations. This works best through surveys of
both laypeople and experts about what they generally understand by intelligence
and which specific mental processes they attribute to intelligence. According to
statements from intelligence research, experts and laypeople are quite in agree-
ment when asked about their view and opinion of an “ideal” intelligent person, as
indicated by the high correlation measures (see Sternberg, 1985, p. 64).
In contrast to these implicit theories, which are more a matter of opinion about
intelligence or intelligent people as projections, scientific intelligence research
is increasingly dedicated to uncovering intelligence structures and causative fac-
tors as (or for) intelligence performances and uses empirical investigations with
subsequent objective mathematical-statistical evaluation to verify their (explicit)
theories and models. A popular evaluation tool is factor analysis (see, for example,
Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007, as a representative of multivariate statistical methods),
which searches through the diversity of individual and test results for so-called
main components as causes and identifies them as such, making their existence
dependent on the extent to which they can explain the variability or variance in
the test results and assign them to defined intelligence factors. Depending on the
question, there are independent operationalizations in which the search direction
reveals itself depending on the model-theoretical considerations such as assump-
tions or hypotheses.
Initially, there were different ideas in psychology about what intelligence means
and constitutes when the rather banal view that intelligence is what an intelligence
test measures does not apply and is ignored. All psychometrically derived intel-
ligence models are more or less the result of factor analyses that decomposed
the event space of test results into influence or causative factors, i.e., intelligence
factors.
An earlier approach assumed a general factor (g) for intelligence, which pro-
duces the mental energy for intellectual cognitive performances and is responsible
for the activities in various subfactors of intelligence. These subfactors include, for
example, 1) reading and comprehension, 2) verbal fluency in the use of language,
3) numerical understanding and calculations, 4) spatial visualization ability, etc.
A completely different model proceeded “bottom-up” instead of “top-down”
and oriented itself to the mental qualities and processes by breaking down mental
performances according to results, contents, and operations, which in Guilford’s
model (1964; cited in Preiser, 1976, p. 54 ff.) later led to 120 “activity cells” of
mental abilities and activities. For a large part of these activity cells, empirical evi-
dence could also be provided from research and practice. Subsequent factor anal-
yses led to the extraction of main factors of intelligent performances such as 1)
memory performances, 2) convergent thinking for drawing logical conclusions as
the only correct or obvious result for judgments and decisions, 3) divergent think-
ing for generating new thoughts, creative ideas, and associations from existing
information with several possible solution alternatives, 4) evaluations for reflec-
tions and controls, and 5) other cognitions such as perceptions, imaginations, etc.
Other models of intelligence were satisfied with coarser structures or classifica-
tions, such as a differentiation between verbal-knowledge-based intelligence and
practical-technical intelligence or between “fluid” and “crystalline” intelligence
with their divergent independent functions and processes.
Fluid intelligence represents inductive thinking, which is supposed to lead
to or contribute to logical conclusions. Colloquially, this mental activity can
2.1 Overview of Classical Intelligence Models and Intelligence … 5
also be translated or described with the solution of “brain teasers.” Often, cer-
tain conditions or premises are given in the test tasks, e.g., a number series with
the sequence 3, 6, 9, etc., which follows a certain rule that the test subject has to
derive from a selection of alternatives and complete the number series with the
next (correct or right) element.
Fluid intelligence also includes deductive reasoning. Such mental activities
require “abstraction skills,” by concluding from individual parts to the “big pic-
ture,” for example, through summaries or classifications, which could be referred
to as categorization or structure formation, to establish a connection between ele-
ment and category. Likewise, linear transformations fall under this, such as (A >
B) and (B > C) = > (A > C), as well as conditional conditions and derivations, for
example, in the form of “if-then statements.”
Crystalline intelligence, on the other hand, is dedicated to the use of language
and understanding texts. It is either about the “art of learning vocabulary” or deci-
phering the provided clues from text passages with unknown words to infer the
possible meaning of the new unknown word. To keep track of these many models
and submodels or facets of intelligence (from the already cited specialized litera-
ture), reference is made to Table 2.1 as an aid.
Other models assume a genetically determined component of intelligence in
competition with a cultural-social influence (see e.g. Wewetzer, 1984).
Of the individual qualities of intelligence, the problem-solving ability, which is
so important and decisive in practice, is likely to depend. However, complicated
or complex problem-solving requires a dedicated and disciplined process if it is to
be effective and sustainable in the long term. For more clarity and transparency, a
“process model” of cognitive performances and processes can provide, which fol-
lows the following sequences:
Not only the “classical” intelligence models shape the current state of intelli-
gence research. In addition to these historical concepts, new approaches now and
repeatedly provide additional insights that apparently researched more “behind the
scenes” and relied, among other things, on metacognitions. Metacognitions could
clarify or demonstrate as correlations previously hidden connections and links
between the intelligence factors as predictors or independent variables (IV) and the
observable intelligence performances or test results as dependent variables (DV).
But not only these intervening variables as mediators shape the events accord-
ing to current ideas, but also entirely different factors must be considered in the
2.2 Further Models 7
With the help of these cognitive or mental operations, an individual derives what
constitutes a successful action strategy, which inspires them and can rely on plan-
ning and control and on decisions based on correct, reality-based judgments
in their concrete behavior. It should also be considered that new knowledge is
not yet a guarantee for successful task completion or problem-solving if these
8 2 Intelligence Research and Intelligence Models
a) The mediator variable (or here the metacognitions) has no influence on the exter-
nal or success criterion (e.g., the school grade).
b) The mediator exerts a partial influence on the criterion variable or the success
criterion if the regression coefficients of the IV (e.g., vocabulary knowledge)
become smaller and lose weight, so that the mediator as metacognition acquires
and has a possibly statistically significant influence on the DV.
c) The mediator or the metacognitions exert a total influence on the success crite-
rion as DV, so that the independent predictors no longer exert a statistically sig-
nificant or even no influence at all, and the mediator variable alone contributes to
explaining the variance.
It is easy to determine that the metacognitions described here directly relate to the
sub-steps or sequences in the “process model of intellectual performance” (see
Sect. 2.1) and enrich and underpin the actions with specific cognitive inputs as
abilities for general problem-solving.
Whether “practical intelligence,” as outlined by Sternberg (1985, p. 267 ff.),
shows a certain proximity to metacognitions is a matter of opinion. It is certain
that this form of intelligence did not significantly correlate with intelligence quo-
tients (IQ) and derives and transfers its know-how or “know-how” from other con-
texts or areas of life. Most often, “practical intelligence” (here called “pragmatic
intelligence”; see Table 2.1) was demonstrated through very intimate and precise
knowledge of the relevant area of life, such as the professional or working world,
where “tactical skill” was successfully applied to newly arisen problems.