Sage Academic Books

The Body and Social Theory

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Author: Chris Shilling

Pub. Date: 2014
Product: Sage Academic Books
DOI: https://doi.org/10.4135/9781473914810
Keywords: embodiment, body (sociology), identity and self, human body, civilizing processes, physical
capital, individualization
Disciplines: Sociology of Health & Illness, Sociology of Health, Illness & the Body, Sociology of the Body,
Sociology
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© Chris Shilling 2012

Access Date: April 30, 2025

Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd
City: London
Online ISBN: 9781473914810

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Front Matter

• Theory, Culture & Society

• Copyright
• Dedication
• About the Author
• Preface to the Third Edition
• Acknowledgements

Chapters

Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 2: The Body in Sociology
Chapter 3: The Naturalistic Body
Chapter 4: The Socially Constructed Body
Chapter 5: The Body and Social Inequalities: Embodying Society
Chapter 6: The Body and Physical Capital
Chapter 7: The Civilized Body
Chapter 8: The Body, Self-Identity and Death: Figurations of Life and Death
Chapter 9: Afterword: Embodiment, Identity and Theory
I Absent Present Bodies
II The Body and Self-Identity
III Body Theories and Corporeal Realism

Back Matter

• References

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Theory, Culture & Society

Theory, Culture & Society caters for the resurgence of interest in culture within contemporary social science
and the humanities. Building on the heritage of classical social theory, the book series examines ways
in which this tradition has been reshaped by a new generation of theorists. It also publishes theoretically
informed analyses of everyday life, popular culture and new intellectual movements.

EDITOR: Mike Featherstone, Nottingham Trent University

SERIES EDITORIAL BOARD

Roy Boyne, University of Durham

Nicholas Gane, University of York

Scott Lash, Goldsmiths College, University of London

Roland Robertson, University of Aberdeen

Couze Venn, Nottingham Trent University

THE TCS CENTRE

The Theory, Culture & Society book series, the journals Theory, Culture & Society and Body & Society, and
related conference, seminar and postgraduate programmes operate from the TCS Centre at Nottingham Trent
University. For further details of the TCS Centre's activities please contact:

The TCS Centre

School of Arts and Humanities

Nottingham Trent University

Clifton Lane, Nottingham, NG11 8NS, UK

e-mail: [email protected]

web: http://sagepub.net/tcs/

Recent volumes include:

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Education and Cultural Citizenship

Nick Stevenson

The Tourist Gaze 3.0

John Urry and Jonas Larsen

French Post-War Social Theory

Derek Robbins

Immaterial Bodies

Lisa Blackman

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Copyright

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© Chris Shilling 2012

This edition published 2012

First edition 1993 reprinted seven times

Second edition 2003 reprinted 2004, 2005 (twice), 2006, 2009 and 2010

Published in association with Theory, Culture & Society, Nottingham Trent University

Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted
under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, this publication may be reproduced, stored or
transmitted in any form, or by any means, only with the prior permission in writing of the publishers, or in the
case of reprographic reproduction, in accordance with the terms of licences issued by the Copyright Licensing
Agency. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside those terms should be sent to the publishers.

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Library of Congress Control Number: 2011938976

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Dedication

To Debbie, Max and Kate

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About the Author

Chris Shilling is Professor of Sociology in SSPSSR at the University of Kent at Canterbury, UK. Having
completed a BA in Politics and an MA in Social and Political Thought at the University of Sussex, he was
awarded his PhD at The Open University. Growing increasingly dissatisfied with cognitive conceptions of
agency and disembodied theories of social and cultural processes, his research and writing from the late
1980s has sought to contribute to the embodiment of sociology and sociological theory and to promote
the interdisciplinary field of ‘body studies’. He has lectured in Europe and North America, has written on
embodiment in relation to a range of substantive issues (from religion, archaeology, sport, music and health
and illness, to work, survival, technology and consumer culture) and his publications have been translated
into a number of different languages. His major books include Changing Bodies: Habit, Crisis and Creativity
(Sage, 2008), Embodying Sociology: Retrospect, Progress and Prospects (editor, Blackwell, 2007), The Body
in Culture, Technology and Society (Sage, 2005) and, with Philip A. Mellor, The Sociological Ambition (Sage,
2001) and Re-forming the Body: Religion, Community and Modernity (Sage, 1997). He is currently editor of
The Sociological Review Monograph Series and is continuing to research and write on embodiment as a
foundational grounding (albeit an evolving, developing and partially porous grounding) for social thought and
research.

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Preface to the Third Edition

In the 25 years that have passed since I first started researching into the subject, body matters have moved
to the centre of public and academic debate. Developments in transplant surgery, stem cell research and
reproductive technology, advances in new media, ambient advertising and virtual reality, and controversies
ranging from the desirability of radical body modification, to the claims made for neuroscience, to the
legitimacy of religious dress in ostensibly secular civil societies are just a few of the issues to have stimulated
excitement and concern about the current state of our embodied being. Have we lost or gained control over
our bodily identities, capacities and properties? What impact have these innovations and conflicts had on our
lived experiences of the social world, on the technologically mediated extension and ‘unfolding’ of our senses
onto our environment, and on social inequalities? How have they intervened in and shaped our relationships
with culture, with other people, and with the increasingly endangered planet on which we live? These are just
a few of the questions prompted by recent events.

Alongside this heightened general interest in body matters there has during the last three decades been
a ‘turn to embodiment’ across the social sciences. This refocusing of attention on corporeality and the
‘enfleshment’ of social relations, culture and technology highlighted the need for disciplinary, inter-disciplinary
and even post-disciplinary renewal across areas as diverse as sociology, sports science, archaeology,
architecture, philosophy, religious studies, gender studies and cognitive science, and has culminated in the
establishment of a new field of ‘body studies’. This academic turn has yielded many benefits, but carries with
it certain risks.

Positively, it has enabled us to keep pace with social, cultural and technological trends that have made
bodies increasingly contested components of social control, self-identity and individual action. Such an
engagement also serves as an important counterweight to the continued influence of, and cognitive bias
within, the dominant Western philosophical tradition: a tradition that equated our humanity with our minds,
while generally overlooking the creative capacities of our physical being. As Norbert Elias (1991a: 196–201)
argues, philosophy has long conceived of us as homo clausus or ‘thinking statues’ sealed within unreliable
bodies that obstruct us from acquiring reliable knowledge about the ‘outside world’. The suggestion that we
should somehow seek to live life apart from our bodies is not only unrealistic and damaging for all, but has
historically been used to stigmatize and control women in particular as the sex most ‘tied to’ and ‘limited by’
their (reproductive) bodies (Bordo, 2003: 145). This denigration of the body has also been associated with
repressive national, colonial and genocidal political projects, including the eugenics movement of the early- to
mid-20th century that targeted variously the disabled, the ‘feeble minded’, the working classes, and particular

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‘racial’ groups (Thomson, 1998; Overy, 2009).

There are also risks associated with the recent turn to embodiment. In their eagerness to focus on the
body, certain perspectives have been accused of engaging in what Walter Schulz (1986) has referred to as
an ‘inverted Cartesianism’: a one-sided emphasis on the mind is here replaced by an inverted dualism in
which people are equated with a limited conception of physicality. We need to remember that we are not just
constituted by flesh, blood and bones, but possess a wide range of social, moral and intellectual capacities
made possible by our embodied being (Tester, 2004: 30; Shilling, 2008: 125–43). This is an important point
that should serve as a cautionary note for those who conceptualize social actors simply on the basis of
their biological needs, or those structuralist or poststructuralist analysts who conceptualize individuals as
passive bodily canvases on which ideologies, sexual matrixes, micro-powers or governmental strategies are
transmitted and inscribed. Acknowledging the embodiment of human beings should not obscure our reflexive,
cognitive capacities that occur within and because of, rather than in opposition to, our organic being. As
Antonio Damasio (2010: 20) insists, the body does not exist in isolation from thought, but constitutes ‘a
foundation of the conscious mind’.

These opportunities and risks have acquired added urgency in the context of those social and technological
developments and controversies mentioned at the start of this preface, making the task of developing an
adequate account of the relationship between embodied subjects and society all the more important. It was
against this background that I felt it worth revisiting the previous editions' aim to identify the parameters of
what was the then incipient field of body studies, and to develop a broad approach towards embodiment
that built on a number of classical and contemporary writings yet to be associated with this area. Rereading
the first and second editions of The Body and Social Theory, I was struck by the gaps that had emerged
in their coverage as a result of the vast multiplication of body publications that have appeared over the last
20 years, yet also felt there was sufficient merit in their analysis to warrant revisiting and revising this book
once more. In this respect, I still endorse the previous editions' determination to demonstrate the importance
of embodiment to the traditional concerns of sociology, to oppose naturalistic and social constructionist
approaches (neither of which recognizes the emergent properties of the embodied subject), and to develop
an approach towards body matters which focuses on the interactions that occur between embodied subjects
and social/technological phenomena (interactions that alter the structure and properties of both people and
the societies of which they form part, and that facilitate varying degrees of connectivity between them). I also
want to re-emphasize the argument that whatever divides humans in our contemporary world, the general
conditions of embodiment impose on us common needs and frailties which constitute a basis for dialogue and
cooperation.

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This approach continues to guide closely the third edition. Far from losing popular currency, for example,
naturalistic approaches to the body (see Chapter 3) have been given renewed impetus by those who view
the Human Genome Project as revealing the genetic constitution of identity and destiny. There remains a
need to reveal the limitations of such thinking and to demonstrate that social processes entered into human
evolution, and remain vitally important in affecting the health, well-being and life chances of people born into
the 21st century. Society may not construct the body in any simple or total sense, but social relations and
environments do affect deeply those physiological and neurological pathways that shape people's health and
capacity to make a difference within particular situations (Wilson, 2004; Freund, 2006; Franks, 2010). This
new edition also provides a welcome opportunity to highlight how the ‘new genetics’, as well as other recent
critical approaches to biology and evolution, has itself helped undermine the determinism associated with
naturalistic approaches to the body (e.g. Atkinson et al., 2007).

If the excesses of naturalistic approaches still need curbing, so too do those associated with the reductionism
and conflationism evident in many cultural, technological and social constructionist approaches to the body
(see Chapter 4). While highlighting usefully how our identities and relationships are irreducible to ‘natural’ or
‘biological’ factors, there remains a tendency for these constructionist theories to imagine that our embodied
being is reducible to discourse, to technological advances, or to the forms and structures of society. Such
approaches have the effect of erasing the materiality of human biology (Wilson, 1998). Underneath these
constructionist assumptions, indeed, are fantasies about the infinite flexibility of nature and biology; fantasies
that are likely to grate with those who have close experience of the body's limitations through sickness and
disability (Williams, 1999; Thomas, 2004; see also Newton, 2007). Whatever the future holds, we are not
yet at the stage when the materiality of humans can be altered without taking into account and dealing
with the frequent intractability of their biological, physiological and neurological complexity. Constructionist
perspectives made a valuable ‘epistemological break’ from commonsense thinking about what is supposedly
‘natural’ or inevitable about the bodily capacities of women, men, gays, lesbians and heterosexuals, and
those belonging to different ‘racial’ groups. In so doing, however, they frequently continue to ignore how
embodied subjects are not only locations for the transmission of social classifications, but also possess
physical and reflexive capacities that are actively generative of social relations and human knowledge. Even
when we are not immediately consciously aware of shifts in our external environment, our bodies monitor and
react to incoming stimuli, with our internal organs and tissues exhibiting an ‘active response to change and
contingency’ (Birke, 1999: 45; Damasio, 1999).

In evaluating critically the limitations of naturalistic and social constructionist approaches, the original text
sought to go beyond these alternatives by outlining a view of the body as an emergent material phenomenon

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that shapes, as well as being shaped by, its social environment. The body is central to our ability to ‘make
a difference to’, to exercise agency in, the world. Furthermore, our bodily emotions, preferences, sensory
capacities and actions are a fundamental source of ‘social forms’ (even if many of these social forms have
ossified and become separated from their founding desires and dispositions) (Simmel, 1990 [1907]). Thus,
while Turner (1996: 34) stated that ‘we do not have to develop a sociological understanding of the physicality
of the body since the “natural body” is always and already injected with cultural understandings and social
history’, this argument underplays those physical capacities that are productive of creative action and social
relations, yet cannot be simply ‘read off’ from society or culture. Far from endorsing the need for an embodied
social theory, indeed, such arguments risk removing from our theoretical concerns the materiality of human
embodiment and turning issues of human need and well-being into matters of cultural preference (Soper,
1995; Archer, 2000). If we want to develop a sociology of the body that enables us to highlight the damage
to human capacities effected by torture or cliterodectomy, for example, or the pleasures associated with
sexuality and sensuality, or the importance to humans across the globe of fresh water, food and adequate
shelter, we cannot keep deferring recognition of the evolutionarily given, organic, material foundations of our
bodily being. This is the context in which I still believe it is worth returning to the approach outlined in Chapters
5 to 9 of the first edition (chapters that explore writings conducive to a view of the body as an irreducibly
physical phenomenon engaged in a dynamic and permeable relationship with its social surroundings), and is
the reason I have decided to leave intact the structure and main narrative argument of the original text and of
the second edition.

There have been important expansions to the field since The Body and Social Theory was first published,
however, and I have taken the opportunity in this third edition to engage a little more thoroughly with
some of the most important of them and to update and rewrite portions of the text via what I hope are
judicious, selective additions designed to enhance the coverage of relevant perspectives and strengthen
the narrative argument and theoretical synthesis that guided discussion in the original and second editions.
The introduction expands my discussion of body projects through an acknowledgment of the globalization
of body matters and the recent resurgence of religious identities, for example, while Chapter 2 includes
revised discussions of the rise of the body and the position of the body in classical sociology. Chapter 3
observes how science has become more of a foe than a friend to naturalistic approaches, and Chapter 4
includes a slightly revised discussion of Foucault supplemented by Nikolas Rose's (2001, 2007) Foucauldian
analysis of somatic individuality, and a new section on Actor Network Theory (ANT). ANT distances itself from
certain claims made in traditional social constructionist writing on the body, and views people's physicality
as assembled through heterogeneous networks of human and non-human ‘actants’. Chapter 5 expands
coverage of R.W. Connell's and Peter Freund's work, engages critically but constructively with Damasio's

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neuroscientific contributions to the mind/body relationship, and includes discussion of recent bodywork
research that has appeared since I first wrote about this phenomenon in 1993. It would have been easy to
incorporate neuroscience into my critical analysis of naturalistic approaches in Chapter 3, and I do mention
its reductionist tendencies there. Nevertheless, I also think that there is something to be gained from a
constructive engagement with the potential of neuroscience to be utilized as an adjunct to sociological
perspectives on the relationship between the thinking, sensing and feeling body, on the one hand, and the
networks, figurations and societies in which we live, on the other. Chapters 6 and 7 update and pay more
attention to recent criticisms of Bourdieu and Elias, while I have revisited critically and reconfigured the
secular assumptions that informed Chapter 8.

An implicitly secular narrative about people's confrontation with death guided Chapter 8 in the first and second
editions of The Body and Social Theory, but I felt it was important to reconsider this in the context of the
(near) global resurgence of religion that occurred towards the end of the 20th century (Europe can be seen
as a partial, but only a partial, exception here). The inaccurate assumptions underpinning the secularization
thesis have limited social theory in general, and sociological writings on the body as a secular project in
particular, whereas taking religion seriously can enhance our understanding of the subject of death as well as
of the embodied identities of the living. In revising Chapter 8, I have extended Elias's concern with webs of
interdependent human relationships to relations between the living and the dead as viewed within and outside
of contrasting forms of religious affiliation. Elias's writings remain key to some of the steps I take in this book
towards building a more adequately embodied sociology, but his writings on death introduce a dualism into
his vision of identity and society that he is so keen to limit in his other analyses. Chapter 8 suggests how
we can move beyond the secular assumptions that inform this dualism through a post-secular consideration
of the figurations that many people and collectivities cultivate between their own embodied identities and
the dead. Finally, the Afterword follows closely its structure and content in the second edition, maintaining
the engagement with feminist, action-oriented and phenomenological writings, but also includes discussion
of three new forms of embodied identity, and develops my previous multi-dimensional approach towards the
body as a medium for the constitution of society into a fully fledged corporeal realist basis for the consolidation
of this field.

This third edition remains close in structure, argument and content to its predecessors, then, but each chapter
has been edited in order to clarify key points, update examples and coverage of relevant issues where I felt
these to be important, and to strengthen the book's overall argument regarding the need for an approach to
the body that avoids the reductionisms of naturalistic and social constructionist theories. I have also sought to
develop this edition in two further ways. First, I have made more explicit the move that occurs during the book

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from ‘the body’ as an objectified component of identity/target of control, to ‘embodiment’ as a descriptor of the
multiple properties and capacities of the thoughtful body subject. In some of its early uses in the introductory
chapter, ‘the body’ often refers exclusively to the physical elements of our being, but the term's meaning
moves steadily towards a concern with broader dimensions of our embodied constitution as a whole. Second,
the notion of absent presence is developed and reconsidered on the basis of the need to think beyond living
bodies – in considering the importance not only of death but also of the emotional orientations and internal
conversations that the living direct towards and have with the dead – and in terms of how corporeal realism
can enable us to focus on social and cultural phenomena without eclipsing the importance of embodiment
for the constitution of society. In making any and all of these changes, however, my main priority has been
to maintain The Body and Social Theory as a book that can serve as both a sociological guide and an
independent theoretical contribution to the field of body studies.

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Acknowledgements

The third edition of this book has benefited from the contributions of numerous colleagues. Dave Boothroyd,
Mary Evans, Michael Erben, Peter Freund, Keith Hayward, Mike Hardey, Johnny Ilan, Stephen Mennell, Alex
Twitchen and Iain Wilkinson all provided advice, suggestions, references and support. Vince Miller, Philip
Mellor, Larry Ray, Miri Song and Tim Strangleman were generous enough to comment on individual chapters
or sections, while Dara Blumenthal, Tanya Bunsell and Michael Rees provided me with considered and
constructive feedback on the entire manuscript. Chris Rojek and Jai Seaman continue to provide me with the
valuable assistance I have received in all the projects I have undertaken with SAGE, while I also appreciate
the ongoing support of Mike Featherstone and the TCS Board. More locally, this is the first real opportunity I
have had to thank publically Chris Hale and the rest of my colleagues at the University of Kent for providing
a welcoming and stimulating place in which to write and teach (and to Kalli and her team for their invaluable
work and support).

I completed this third edition at around about the mid-point of a joint project I have been working on with Philip
Mellor, and I owe particular thanks to Philip for his personal and intellectual companionship over the last three
decades. My work has benefited enormously from his encouragement and support. The greatest debt I have
accrued in writing this book, however, is to my family. Max and Kate remind me, in so many ways, of what
really matters (and do so at a volume that reassures me that I'm not quite yet completely deaf), while words
can only begin to express my gratitude to Debbie for her friendship, love and support (and patience with every
book). Thank You.

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Introduction

This book is intended to be a theoretical contribution to the sociology of the body and the rapidly expanding
field of ‘body studies’. In what follows I examine the changing status of the body in the discipline, evaluate
and build upon the major perspectives utilized by sociological studies of the body, explore the implications of
these perspectives for key social issues, and offer my own analysis of the relationship between the body, self-
identity and death in the contemporary period of ‘late’ modernity (Giddens, 1991). In this analysis I argue that,
in the current era, there is a particular tendency for the body to become central to the modern person's sense
of self-identity. Against this background, the prospect of mortality assumes an importance that only recently
received the sociological attention it deserves, yet is key to understanding people's contrasting engagements
with the shifting boundaries that delineate life and death. This opening chapter introduces these issues, famil-
iarizing the reader with the main themes informing this study.

In recent decades there has been a large growth of academic interest in the body. The sociology of the body
is now firmly established: the international journal Body & Society was launched in 1995, the British Sociolog-
ical Association and the American Sociological Association contain study sections on body matters, and there
have been calls for the body to serve as an organizing principle for sociology. Bryan Turner (1992a: 12, 162)
has coined the term ‘somatic society’, for example, to describe how the body in modern social systems has
become ‘the principal field of political and cultural activity’. This academic interest in the body has culminated
in the establishment of a large, inter-disciplinary field of body studies characterized by important contributions
from across the academic landscape, and by the publication in 2012 of the first Handbook of Body Studies
(Turner, 2012).

There has also been a massive rise of popular interest in body matters. Newspapers, magazines and televi-
sion are replete with features on body image and how to keep the body looking young, taut, sexy and beau-
tiful, while weight loss, keep-fit and cosmetic surgery are huge industries. The American Society of Plastic
Surgeons (ASPS) reported that over 13 million cosmetic procedures were conducted in the United States in
2010, for example, a 77 per cent increase since 2000 (ASPS, 2011a). Of these, nearly 300,000 women spent
a total of nearly $1 billion on breast augmentation alone.

Interest in the body is not new. In terms of its aesthetics, the first recorded accounts of facial reconstruction
on the living were found in ancient Indian sanscrit texts, and modern surgeons can trace their history back to
at least 600 B.C. when the Hindu surgeon Sushruta described an early form of rhinoplasty (Haiken, 1997: 4).

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In terms of its performative capacities, governments have traditionally displayed concern about the health and
fitness of nations during times of war, international tension or rapid social change. The ‘national efficiency’
movements in America and Britain around the turn of the 20th century focused on physical and reproductive
fitness, while earlier military crises in China during the mid-19th century resulted in a self-strengthening move-
ment that scrutinized the physical adequacy of the population (Searle, 1971; De Bary, 2001; Overy, 2009).
Nevertheless, the position of the body within contemporary culture is indicative of a degree of reflexivity to-

wards the body and identity that is, arguably, without precedent.1

The self-monitoring and internal dialogues that constitute this reflexivity are not the only ways in which indi-
viduals relate to contemporary bodily ideals: habitual, and emotional responses continue to overlap with, and
shape the content and direction of, personal reflection (Shilling, 2008; Archer, 2010; Sayer, 2010). Neverthe-
less, recent developments suggest that growing numbers of people are deliberating about the health, shape,
‘purity’ or appearance of their own bodies as expressions of individual, group, cultural or religious identities.
These deliberations have the potential to disrupt, or at least prompt a pause in or a re-evaluation of, previous-
ly taken-for-granted modes of relating to the embodied self.

This reflexive concern may be especially acute among the ‘new’ middle classes in the relatively affluent West
(Bourdieu, 1984), for whom the body is often integral to highly differentiated and individualized identities, but
it is also evident within urbanizing populations in the Middle East, Asia and elsewhere across the world (e.g.
Miller, 2006; Turner and Yangwen, 2009; Yan, 2009). As Archer (2010) argues, the pace and extent of change
in the current era is such that it becomes extremely difficult for individuals to pursue traditional lifestyles –
through choice or as a result of external authorities – without having to address reflexively the challenge of
maintaining past practices in altered contexts. The new or renewed commitments to cultivating bodily capac-
ities, habits, dress and identities that have followed these deliberations incorporate a diverse range of locally
based but globally inflected techniques, norms and appearances associated variously with economic prosper-
ity, sporting efficiency, religious fundamentalism, specific forms of beauty and sexual identity, counter-cultural
affiliations, political revolt and a range of other social phenomena (e.g. Mahmood, 2005; Ishiguro, 2009; van
Wichelen, 2009).

The Body in Late Modernity

Any serious attempt to understand this increased interest in the body needs to comprehend the conditions
that formed the context for this trend. In this respect, it is instructive to mention some of the developments ac-

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companying the rise of modernity that have been radicalized in the contemporary globalizing era. Modernity
refers to those modes of social life and organization emerging initially in post-feudal Europe that in the 20th
century became increasingly global. Modernity can be understood roughly as the ‘industrialized world’, al-
though it consists of several institutional dimensions possessed of specific trajectories (Giddens, 1990; Hall
and Gieben, 1992). In recent decades, it has been shaped increasingly by economic, cultural, political and
other developments in post-colonial societies that have led some to refer to the current era as one of ‘global
modernity’ (e.g. Dirlik, 2007; Domingues, 2011; see also Featherstone et al., 1995). Among its many effects,
the progression of this modern age facilitated an increase in the control that nation states in general, and
medical professions in particular, exerted over the bodies of citizens. It led also to a reduction in the power of
traditional religious authorities in the West to define and regulate bodies (Turner, 1982), if not an end to the
attractions or the power of religion. Indeed, the relationship between modernity and religion is crucial for our
contemporary concern with the body.

Theorists of modernity have long argued that while the modern age developed alongside a gradual desacral-
ization of society in the West, it has failed to replace religious certainties with scientific certainties of the same
order. Science may have increased our control over certain aspects of life (though, crucially, it has not con-
quered death), yet it has failed to provide us with values to guide our lives (Weber, 1948 [1919]). Instead,
a variety of scholars have identified a gradual privatization of meaning in modernity that has left increasing
numbers of individuals alone with the task of establishing and maintaining values to make sense out of their
daily lives (Berger et al., 1973; Beck, 2010). This desacralization of social life and privatization of meaning
was perhaps never as widespread as these writers suggested (Woodhead, 2001; Mellor, 2004), and seems to
have been concentrated largely within certain parts of Europe (Hervieu-Leger, 2001). Irrespective of the par-
tiality and unevenness of these processes, however, the growth of cosmopolitan cities, the spread of global
media such as the Internet and satellite television, and the increased internationalization of consumer cul-
ture that valorizes the body as a bearer of symbolic value, have encouraged people to become increasingly
reflexive about their embodied identities (Beck et al., 1994; Roberson and Suzuki, 2002; Kim, 2010). Taken
together, these developments confront people with the knowledge that there are other ways of living, looking,
appearing and believing, and that there are choices to be made for those possessed of the resources and
the freedom to make them (Berger, 1999). In turn, these factors have encouraged either a search for new
forms of meaning, experience and expression, or a more considered and deliberative emphasis on returning
to previous traditions, customs or religious ‘fundamentals’ as a way of maintaining a degree of self-assurance,
stability and faith in a fast-changing world (Hervieu-Leger, 2000; Eade, 2010; van Wichelen, 2012).

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This is an important part of the context in which the body has become, for many, increasingly constitutive of
the self. There are those who have become disenchanted by traditional religious frameworks that construct-
ed and sustained existential and ontological certainties residing outside the individual (Gauchet, 1998), while
some have become enchanted by the possibilities associated with the rise of the body in consumer culture
as a bearer of symbolic value (Coy and Garner, 2010). Others have embarked upon a search for ‘new age’
forms of spiritual practice (Philips and Aarons, 2007), or have adopted a renewed focus on the core practices
of a faith (Mahmood, 2005). Bodily practices, commitments and appearances are central to these and to other
life-choice alternatives, however, a circumstance that would appear initially to suggest that the body provides
a firm foundation on which it is possible to reconstruct a reliable sense of self.

The Uncertain Body

These introductory comments only begin to sketch out the context in which the body has emerged as a fun-
damental social and academic issue in the contemporary period. Of all the factors contributing to its visibil-
ity, however, two apparently paradoxical developments have been particularly important. We now have the
means to exert an unprecedented degree of control over bodies, yet are living in an age that has the potential
to throw into radical doubt our knowledge of what bodies are and how we should control them.

As a result of developments in spheres as diverse as biological reproduction, genetic engineering, stem cell
research, nutrigenomics, plastic surgery and sports science, the body is no longer a ‘natural given’, but more
a phenomenon of options and choices. These advances have increased the potential many people have to
control their bodies, and to have them controlled by others. This does not mean that we all possess the re-
sources enabling us to reconstruct radically our bodies. Indeed, bodily alterations usually take the mundane
forms of diet, dress, make-up and keep-fit (Entwistle and Wilson, 2001). Furthermore, the bodily concerns of
the business executive and the homeless are usually very different. Nonetheless, we are living in a media
age when knowledge of these developments is widespread, and the subjective deprivation of those without
the resources to control and care for their bodies (a fast growing category in the current economic context)
is likely to be accentuated by possession of this knowledge. Quite simply, the body is potentially no longer
subject to the constraints that once characterized its existence. Nevertheless, as well as providing growing
numbers of people with the capacity to control their bodies, this situation has also stimulated among many
individuals a heightened degree of uncertainty about what the body is and how it should be controlled. As

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science facilitates greater interventions into the body, it destabilizes our knowledge of what bodies are, run-
ning ahead of our ability to make moral judgements about how far science and medicine should be allowed
to reconstruct the body.

Indeed, it would seem that the more we have been able to control and alter the body's limits, the greater
has been our uncertainty about what constitutes an individual's body, and what is ‘natural’ about a body. For
example, artificial insemination and in vitro fertilization have enabled reproduction to be distanced from the
corporeal relations that traditionally defined heterosexual experience. The moral panics over ‘virgin births’ in
Britain illustrate the threat that these developments pose to many people's sense of what is natural about the
body and the family (Golden and Hope, 1991), while there have been repeated media expressions of outrage
about the ‘selfish’ behaviour of women in their fifties and sixties undergoing fertility treatment (Perrone, 2006).
The possibilities of medically assisted procreation have also stimulated an additional set of anxieties and con-
troversies within the Islamic world where concerns are also located within wider questions regarding religious
propriety (Fortier, 2007; Inhorn, 2007).

Advances in transplant surgery and virtual reality exacerbate this uncertainty by threatening to collapse
the boundaries that traditionally existed between bodies, and between technology and the body (Bell and
Kennedy, 2000; Munster, 2006; Miller, 2011). This has important consequences. As Turner notes, in a future
society where implants and transplants are widespread and highly developed, ‘the hypothetical puzzles in
classical philosophy about identities and parts will be issues of major legal and political importance. Can I
be held responsible for the actions of a body which is substantially not my own body?’ (Turner, 1992a: 37).
These developments also promise to increase those dilemmas surrounding the ownership of bodies that have
been raised in relation to such issues as abortion and surrogacy, and the general commodification of bodies
(Diprose, 1994; Scheper-Hughes, 2001; Twine, 2011).

Body Projects

In this time of uncertainty, knowledge about what bodies are, increasingly takes the form of hypotheses:
‘claims which may very well be true, but which are in principle always open to revision and may have at some
point to be abandoned’ (Giddens, 1991: 3). This situation is consequential for the modern individual's identity
– their sense of self as understood and manifest in terms of their own embodied biography. In the West in
particular, there is a tendency for the body to be seen as an entity in the process of becoming; a project to be

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worked at and accomplished as part of an individual's self-identity. We can trace individuals' attempts to shape
and mould their bodies back to the early Christian era and even to Classical Antiquity (Brown, 1988; Fou-
cault, 1988). However, modern body projects differ from how the flesh was decorated, inscribed and altered
in traditional societies as they involve a reflexivity that is more frequently cut adrift from customary models
of socially acceptable bodies forged through communal rituals (Rudofsky, 1986 [1971]; cf. Sweetman, 2012).
Body projects still vary along social lines, especially in the case of gender, but there has in recent years been
a proliferation of the ways in which women and men develop their bodies.

Recognizing that the body has become a project for many modern persons entails accepting that its appear-
ance, size, shape and contents are potentially open to reconstruction in line with its owner's designs. Treating
the body as a project does not necessarily entail full-time preoccupation with its transformation, although it
may do so. However, it does involve individuals being conscious of, and actively concerned about, the man-
agement and appearance of their bodies. This involves practical recognition of the significance of bodies as
both personal resources and social symbols that ‘give off’ messages about identity. In this context, bodies
become malleable entities to be shaped and honed by the vigilance and hard work of their owners. As Mol
and Law (2004: 47) suggest, moreover, the typical experience of inhabiting such a body is not one of ‘a body-
that-hangs-together, naturally, all by itself’, but is rather a sense that keeping the embodied self whole ‘must
be achieved, both beneath the skin and beyond’.

Perhaps the most common example of the body as a project exists in the unprecedented attention given to
the construction of healthy bodies (Shilling, 2002a). At a time when health is threatened increasingly by glob-
al dangers, we are exhorted to take individual responsibility for our bodies by engaging in self-care regimes
directed towards maintaining our health or managing our existing medical conditions (especially by govern-
ments seeking to shift the costs of welfare away from the state) (Balfe, 2009). Heart disease, cancer and
other illnesses are portrayed as avoidable for individuals who eat correctly, stop smoking and exercise suf-
ficiently. Self-care regimes require individuals to accept the notion that the body is a project whose interiors
and exteriors can be maintained as fully functioning and optimized in terms of their efficiency (Rose, 2007).
These regimes promote an image of the body as an island of security in a global system characterized by
multiple risks (Beck, 1992). Again, such scrutiny of the physical self is not new – as evident in Foucault's
(1988) discussion of techniques of the self in ancient Rome – but while it occurred traditionally within a pur-
suit of broader ethical goals, these types of contemporary body projects are steered more frequently by an
instrumental rationality linked often to broader governmental regulatory regimes (Brewis and Grey, 2008).

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Health-based body projects are not simply about preventing disease. They are also concerned with making
us feel good or less worried about how our bodies look. Health has become associated increasingly with ap-
pearances and the ‘presentation of self’ (Goffman, 1969 [1959]). These concerns have been facilitated by the
production of an almost limitless number of self-help books, dietary supplements and exercise plans. Con-
sumer goods compete to make people's bodies look and feel reliable and sensuous, and provide programmes
for people to achieve skin quality and muscle tone which give off messages about health by looking healthy
and youthful (Banner, 1983; Dittmar, 2010). Media and advertising cultures are key here, seeking to promote
their products not only via images of good looking bodies but also by employing actors who radiate health
through the character and intensity of the movements and emotions they display (Featherstone, 2010). As
Anna Munster (2006: 18, 142) suggests, these displays encourage affectual responses from us based upon
the distance that exists between the experience of ‘being in’ our own body and the promise of a body dif-
ferently mapped and imagined through the media. Such factors have contributed to a culture in which the
influence of health-based body projects is such that even those who smoke and drink heavily, and consume
other drugs, find it difficult not to reflect on how such actions may damage their health and appearance. In
an era characterized in and increasingly beyond the West by a political emphasis on ‘self-help’ and ‘personal
responsibility’, and a cultural valuation of the ‘body beautiful’, those who engage in such habits are the new
moral deviants. The pervasive influence on us of what Robert Crawford (1987) termed ‘the new health con-
sciousness’ is not, however, the only way in which the body has become a project.

Plastic surgery provides individuals with the opportunity for a more radical way of reconstructing their bodies
in line with notions of youthfulness, femininity, masculinity and even ‘celebrity’ (Elliott, 2012). Face-lifts, lipo-
suction, tummy tucks, nose and chin ‘jobs’ are just a small selection of the operations and procedures open
to people with enough money wanting to reconstruct their bodies (Throsby, 2008; Parker, 2010; Edmonds,
2011). Millions of breast implant operations have been performed in the United States since the early 1960s
on women seeking to achieve bodies that are more ‘feminine’, despite having to negotiate the risks and po-
tential social stigma sometimes associated with opting for this surgery (Boulton and Malacrida, 2012). In-
creasing numbers of men have followed their example by having chest implants in search of a more muscular
appearance. Penile engorgement operations are also available for those willing to pay for a more ‘fully mas-
culine’ body (Grant, 1992). Plastic surgery can be seen as a form of ‘identity work’, enabling individuals to
engage in ‘performances of self’ (Gimlin, 2010), but it also helps to raise the question ‘What is the body?’ by
enabling people to add to or subtract from their fat, flesh and bones. In this respect, television, newspapers
and magazines have featured a number of programmes and articles about people who, by undergoing multi-

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ple operations, become obsessed with changing the appearances and boundaries of their bodies in line with
some idealized version of the self. The issue of plastic surgery also illustrates one of the ways in which body
projects and globalization have become closely interrelated as a result of the large and growing numbers of
people who travel abroad not only for medical operations and transplants, but also for cosmetic procedures
directed towards enhancing their appearance. Medical tourism, in all its varieties, has become big business
(Hancock, 2006; Scheper-Hughes, 2011). In Thailand alone, more than a million foreigners annually undergo
medical treatment in a country that has become one of the world leaders for many cosmetic surgical proce-
dures including LASIK eye surgery, face-lifts and sex-reassignment surgery (Wilson, 2011: 123–4).

For those not willing or able to undergo the risks involved in surgery, there is always bodybuilding: an activity
that used to reside on the deviant margins of the exercise industry. Bodybuilding is a good example of a body
project precisely because the quality and size of the muscles achieved by bodybuilders challenges accepted
notions of what is natural about male and female bodies. At a time when machines are increasingly taking
over the manual work traditionally carried out by men in factories, and when women continue to challenge
the limited roles of housewife and mother, the construction and display of ‘unnaturally’ large and defined bod-
ies allows people to make strong, public and personal statements about who they are (Bunsell and Shilling,
2011). As one of the respondents in Trix Rosen's (1983: 72) study of women bodybuilders remarked, ‘When I
look in the mirror I see somebody who's finding herself, who has said once and for all it doesn't really matter
what role society said I should play. I can do anything I want and feel proud about doing it.’

The projects of health, plastic surgery and bodybuilding illustrate the opportunities and limitations that ac-
company the tightening relationship between the body and self-identity. Such corporeal investments provide
people with a means of self-expression and a way of potentially feeling good and increasing control over their
bodies. It is one of the paradoxes of modernity that if one feels unable to exert influence over an increasingly
complex society, one can at least affect the size, shape and appearance of one's body. The benefits of this
opportunity may be qualified in the absence of ultimate criteria for deciding how the body should be treated,
or even what the body is, but it would be wrong to dismiss the pleasures and other advantages accruing to
people as a result of the rise of the body as a project.

Investment in the body is also limited, and in one sense the effort expended by individuals is doomed to
failure: the inescapable reality of death can appear particularly disturbing to modern people with an identity
centred upon the body. What could signal to us more effectively the limitations of our concern with the young
and fit, ideally feminine or masculine body than the brute facts of its thickening waistline, sagging flesh and

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inevitable death? Bodies are limited not only in the sense that they die, but also in frequently refusing to be
moulded in accordance with our intentions. Susie Orbach (1988 [1978], 2009) and Kim Chernin (1983, 1994)
are just two of the many writers who have pointed to the difficulties involved in changing body shape by di-
eting, and Emily Martin (1989 [1987]) has demonstrated how women frequently experience their bodies as
beyond control. As Young (2005: 49, 52) argues, women's bodies are rarely the ‘pure medium’ of ‘projects’,
as evident by the fluctuating boundaries and ‘redoubling up of the body’ during pregnancy, and any attempt
to portray them as such risks echoing the continued Western philosophical legacy that views ‘humanity as
spirit’ (see also Teman, 2009). It is also clear that attempts to change the size and shape of our bodies are
risky (e.g. increasing evidence attests to the dangers associated with plastic surgery and frequent dieting).
People are experiencing anxiety about their body shape and weight at younger ages, and studies conducted
during the last couple of decades suggest that up to 80 per cent of 9-year-old girls have been on diets (Hall,
1992; Bordo, 2003: 270; see also Grogan, 2007). Concerned with what has been termed the ‘obesity epi-
demic’ (Gard and Wright, 2005), governments have sought to monitor the weight of school children, increase
their exercise levels, and enhance education about nutrition (e.g. French and Crabbe, 2010). However, re-
search suggests that teachers and pupils have at times interpreted these developments through a metric of
‘corporeal perfection’ that associates health with slimness and is potentially damaging (Evans et al., 2005). It
is perhaps not surprising that our contemporary obsession with the body has been associated with a worrying
rise in eating disorders among children as well as adults (Gordon, 2001; Grogan, 2007; Bordo, 2012).

Another limitation in the rise of the body as a project is the potential for images of the desirable body to get
harnessed to pre-existing social inequalities. The manner in which the body has become a project for some
women, for example, would appear to be more reflective of male designs and fantasies than an expression
of individuality, and it is no surprise that the large majority of cosmetic surgery operations continue to be per-
formed on women. There are national and cultural variations in images of perfect femininity, but this does not
mean to say that these contrasting designs are any more attainable. Referring to the defining characteris-
tics of female beauty in Japan, for example, Spielvogel (2003: 158) notes that ‘[a]chieving perfectly balanced
proportions is just as anatomically impossible as metamorphosing into the top-heavy Barbie-esque figure ide-
alized in the US.’ These inequalities extend into other areas too, accentuating long-standing forms of what I
have referred to as corporeal imperialism, the valuation and prioritization of certain types of skin colour and
physiognomic appearance over others (Fanon, 1984 [1952]; Sayad, 2004). Examples of the continued exis-
tence of racial inequalities in body projects include the popularity of skin lightening creams in India, and the
influence of White western norms in the types of cosmetic surgery chosen (e.g. eyelid crease insertion) by

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Asian-American women (Kaw, 2003: 184–5; ASPS, 2011b).

In these senses our bodies are constraining, as well as facilitating, while they are alive and not simply be-
cause they die, and can be harnessed to social inequalities as well as forming the basis of positive, enabling
experiences. Nevertheless, Zygmunt Bauman's point about the relationship between the body and death is
applicable generally to our concern with body projects. As he argues in the case of health, the modern ob-
session with the body ‘is an attempt to belie the ultimate limits of the body by breaking, successively, its cur-
rently encountered, specific limitations’ (Bauman, 1992a: 18). This pragmatic focus enables many people to
defer temporarily worrying existential questions about the ultimate limitation of the body (death), about why
the body should have become so significant to our self-identity, and about what the body is. In the context of
these issues, it is timely to identify a fourth example of body projects.

Traditional forms of religious influence may have declined, but there has in recent years been an increase in
those choosing to style their bodies in accordance with religious prescriptions (McGinty, 2006; Shilling and
Mellor, 2007). During the last decades of the 20th century, the expansion of Pentecostal, Evangelical and
Charismatic Christianity, the spread of Islam, and the rise of other forms of religious and spiritual devotion
prompted growing numbers of people to choose to develop their diet, dress and other bodily habits on the
basis of religious priorities (Anway, 1995; Berger, 1999; Poloma, 2003). In terms of our concern with body
projects, this trend can be analysed as an attempt to connect the frailty of the body to practices that have as
their end the transcendence of the earthly flesh; a commitment that seeks to end the contingency and fragility
of body projects, and that poses a challenge to the rationality and relativism pervasive within reflexive, late
modern dealings with the flesh.

Sociology and the Body

For these and other reasons examined in Chapter 2 the body has become an important social issue. However,
it is only since the mid-1980s that it became central to theoretical debates in Europe and Australia, while there
still exists a degree of ambivalence towards the subject in North America despite the formation of a section
on the body in the American Sociological Association. Contemporary explanations for this late ‘arrival’ tend to
suggest that it can be explained on the basis of the disembodied approach which classical sociology adopted
towards its subject matter (e.g. Turner, 1992a). Having been influenced profoundly by Cartesian thought, so-
ciology followed a longstanding tradition in philosophy by accepting a mind/body dichotomy and focusing on

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the mind as that which defines humans as social beings.

There is value in this explanation, which describes accurately how a significant strand of sociology ap-
proached the mind/body relationship, but it does less than justice to sociology's specific dealings with human
embodiment as a subject in its own right. Equally unsatisfactory is the view that the body can simply be ‘re-
covered’ by revisiting the classics (Williams and Bendelow, 1998). At the very least, a substantial work of
elaboration and development is required to fashion comprehensive classical sociological theories of the body.
In contrast to these two approaches, I suggest that classical sociology displayed a dual approach to the body:
instead of being neglected completely, the body has historically been something of an absent presence in
sociology.

The body has been absent from classical sociology in so far as the discipline rarely focused in a sustained
manner on the body as an area of investigation in its own right. The discipline's concern with the body has too
frequently been implicit rather than explicit, and has tended to focus selectively on aspects of human embodi-
ment. For example, traditional sociological theory seldom takes into account the fact that we have fleshy bod-
ies that allow us to taste, smell, touch and exchange bodily fluids (Connell and Dowsett, 1992). Sociology has
also explored language and consciousness without recognizing that these capacities are themselves embod-
ied. As Norbert Elias (1991b) argued, our capacities for language and consciousness are contained within,
are part of, and are limited by our bodies. A related point concerns classical sociology's sporadic recognition
of the body as integral to human agency. It is our bodies that allow us to act, to intervene in, and to alter the
flow of daily life, and I would suggest that it is impossible to have an adequate theory of human agency with-
out taking into account the reflexive, thoughtful and practical potentialities facilitated by our embodiment (see
also Damasio, 1994). In a very important sense, acting people are acting bodies (Merleau-Ponty, 1962).

Classical sociology's concern with the structure and functioning of societies and the nature of human action,
however, inevitably led it to deal with important aspects of human embodiment: its approach was rarely entire-
ly disembodied. Karl Marx (1954 [1887]) was concerned with the assimilation of the body into capitalist tech-
nology, and also had an early interest in shame as a variable in revolutionary action (Marx, 1997: 204). Georg
Simmel (1990 [1907], 1950) wrote about the embodied dispositions that propelled people towards others, and
the social emotions that helped maintain relationships, as well as the effects of the money economy in eroding
these emotions. Max Weber (1948 [1915], 1985 [1904–05]) analysed the rationalization of the body, and the
‘shelters’ from physical instrumentalism provided by art, friendship, love and eroticism. Emile Durkheim (1995
[1912]) viewed the body as a source of, as well as a location for, those sacred phenomena that bound individ-

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uals into moral wholes through the generation and absorption of effervescent energies (Shilling and Mellor,
2011). Indeed, the implicit presence of the body in sociology is illustrated by the fact that much recent work on
the subject has been able to draw productively on the legacy of classical sociology. Pierre Bourdieu's writings
on the body, for instance, reflect a Marxian concern with social class and social reproduction, a Durkheimian
interest in the social and cognitive functions of ‘collective representations’ and ‘primitive classifications’, and a
Weberian focus on the particular styles of life and attributions of honour or dishonour that define status groups
(Brubaker, 1985).

Defending classical sociology from accusations that it adopted an entirely disembodied approach to its subject
matter is not an endorsement of its treatment of the body. In this respect, it is important to mention recent
social theorists who sought to overcome the dual approach that sociology traditionally adopted to the body.
Erving Goffman and Michel Foucault placed the body at the core of their respective analyses of the ‘inter-
action order’ and disciplinary systems, and exerted considerable influence on contemporary analyses of the
body as a socially constructed phenomenon. Rather than overcoming fully the deficiencies of classical sociol-
ogy, however, their work can be seen as reproducing in a different form the dual approach sociology adopted
towards the body. Social constructionist views of the body such as these tell us much about how society has
invaded, shaped, classified and made the body meaningful, but we learn much less about what the body is
and how it assumes such social importance. The body is named as a theoretical space, but remains relative-
ly neglected as an object and subject of analysis. Indeed, it would probably be more accurate to categorize
the more extreme social constructionist views of the body as symptoms, rather than analyses, of our modern
concern with the body.

It should be clear from this that social constructionist approaches have provided us with less than ideal views
of the body. It is all very well saying that the body is socially constructed, but this tells us little about the spe-
cific character of the body. What, exactly, is being constructed? Instead of addressing this question, and al-
lowing us to understand how social forces mould our physical selves, constructionism has tended to evacuate
the embodied agent from social theory. In the case of feminism, for example, Susan Hekman (2008: 88–90)
has argued that the adoption of constructionist perspectives came at ‘too high a price’, resulting in imma-
terial conceptions of reality that brought about ‘The Incredible Shrinking Woman’ (Di Stefano, 1987). In this
respect, I agree to a degree with Turner's argument that we need a foundationalist view of the body (Turner,
1992a), though I would want to supplement this with an emphasis on the need to acknowledge how these
foundations change over time (see Mellor and Shilling, 1997). To begin to achieve an adequate analysis of
the body, we need to regard it as a material, physical and biological phenomenon irreducible to contemporary

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social processes or classifications. Furthermore, our senses, knowledgeability and capability to act are inte-
grally related to the fact that we are embodied beings. Social relations profoundly affect the development of
our bodies in almost every respect; in terms of their size and shape and in terms of how we see, hear, touch,
smell and think (Duroche, 1990; Elias, 1991b), but bodies cannot be ‘explained away’ by these relations. Hu-
man bodies are taken up and transformed as a result of living in society, but remain material, physical and
biological entities possessed of specific capacities, formed as they have been through socio-natural process-
es within the longue duree of human evolution. Even when inhabiting the outer reaches of cyberspace, it is
still our senses that structure and facilitate our experiences.

Embodying Sociology

This introductory discussion leads me to the five main aims of this book. First, I seek to provide a distinctive
analysis of the position and treatment of the body in sociology, an analysis that suggests the body has been
an absent presence in the discipline.

Second, I offer a critical overview of the main perspectives and theories relevant to the sociology of the body
by exploring what they do and do not allow us to say about the body in society. What do they reveal about the
body, and what are their silences? In Parson's (1968 [1937]: 17) terms, what are the ‘residual categories’, the
facts or observations that cannot be explained by the main ‘positively defined categories’ of each approach?
Does a particular theory recognize the body's importance to human agency? Can it explain the changing his-
torical importance of the body? Does it help us analyse why the body has become such a concern for many
modern people? Will a particular perspective allow us to examine why so many social systems appear still to
reinforce the view that women's bodies are inferior to men's bodies? This concern with positive and residual
categories facilitates an overview of the strengths and weaknesses of particular perspectives on the body.

Third, I want to go beyond description and analysis of existing perspectives by developing a more satisfactory
theoretical approach to our embodiment. This builds on the gains already made in sociology and philosophical
anthropology, and I work towards it by developing the most useful characteristics of the perspectives outlined
in the early chapters of this book. As I describe and assess existing work, I also seek to develop its insights
in a significantly new direction by suggesting that the body is best conceptualized as an unfinished biological
and social phenomenon possessed of its own emergent properties (including those that enable individuals to
walk, talk, think, supplement themselves with technological additions, and alter their environment); properties

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that can also be transformed, within certain limits, as a result of its participation in society. These emergent
qualities are founded upon evolutionary processes that have been ongoing for thousands of years – involving
the interrelationship of social, biological, technological and environmental factors – but the species capacities
with which we are equipped at birth, such as the potential for upright walking, speech and tool use, require
social and cultural activation (Elias, 1991b). Our embodied being is not just a location for society and culture,
however, but forms a basis for and shapes our relationships and creations. For example, our embodiment
means that we cannot be fully physically present in two places at once (despite the enhanced possibilities that
new media provide for a mediated presence in multiple locations), provides us with the capacity for speech
and movement, and is possessed of various needs and drives that propel us into making contact with others.
Social relations take up and transform our embodied capacities in all manner of ways, but they still have a
basis in human bodies.

It is this simultaneously biological and social quality that makes the body at once such an obvious, and yet
such an elusive phenomenon. On the one hand, we ‘all know’ that while the body consists of flesh, muscles,
bones and blood, and contains species-specific capacities that identify us as humans, even the most ‘natural’
features of the body change over a lifetime. As we get older our faces change, our eyesight deteriorates, our
bones become brittle, and our flesh starts to sag, while the sizes, shapes and heights of bodies vary accord-
ing to the care and nutrition they receive. Our upbringing as girls and boys who walk, talk, look, argue, fight
and urinate differently is informed by the body training we receive from our parents and others, and the body
techniques common to our culture (Mauss, 1973 [1934]; Haug, 1987).

In promoting this general approach to embodiment as an emergent phenomena – possessed of its own prop-
erties and capacities that continue over time to interact with and change within its surroundings – I also sug-
gest that the sociology of the body needs to say something about the mind/body relationship. My preference,
as will become clear, is for a view of the mind and body as inextricably linked as a result of the mind's lo-
cation within the body. However, I shall not be exploring in any detail philosophical debates on this subject.
Instead, drawing on the work of George Lakoff, Mark Johnson and R. W. Connell, and engaging with Antonio
Damasio's neuroscientific discussions of the conscious and non-conscious ways in which embodied beings
process information, I consider the sociological implications of the close relationship that exists between the
categories and classificatory schemes we work with, and our bodily existence. This is accomplished through
explicit discussion of the issues in Chapter 5, and an implicit concern with the sociological consequences of
the mind's embodiment in Chapters 6 to 8. While sociologists are rightly concerned about the reductionist ten-
dencies in much neuroscience – an approach which often reduces the mind to the brain (Crossley, 2001a) –

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certain of its exponents enable us to think creatively about the neurological processes that may inform social
actions and interactions (Damasio, 2010; Franks, 2010).

In establishing the outlines of this emergentist perspective towards the body, Chapter 5 seeks to move beyond
the limitations of both naturalistic and social constructionist approaches. I briefly consider the role of human
evolution in providing us with species-specific capacities, and draw on R.W. Connell's and Peter Freund's im-
portant analyses of the ‘gendered body’ and the ‘emotional body’. Taken together, and supplemented by fem-
inist contributions, their work suggests how social inequalities become embodied in women and men. These
gendered bodies then form the basis for subsequent social relationships, partly because of the ways in which
they give rise to particular conceptions about the body. In Chapters 6 and 7, I also make the more controver-
sial argument that the work of Pierre Bourdieu and, more especially, that of Norbert Elias can be interpreted
as major theories of the body in society.

The writings of Bourdieu and Elias have been interpreted in many ways, and my fourth main aim in this book
is to suggest that at their core exist specific views of the body that enable us to explore creatively the socio-
logical consequences of human embodiment. Bourdieu's writings can be read as providing us with a theory of
the body as a form of physical capital, while Elias's work elaborates what I refer to as a theory of the civilized
body. Both authors provide sociologists with powerful, contrasting approaches to the body that help overcome
the discipline's dual approach to the subject. It is the work of Elias, however, that does most to move us away
from considering the body as an object towards a concern with interdependent embodied subjects as a whole.

Bourdieu's writings highlight the pervasive commodification of the body (a commodification that harnesses
people's identities to the social values attributed to the sizes, shapes and appearances of their bodies) but
also deal with issues such as taste, dispositions and the relationship between our embodied socialization and
our cultural values and beliefs. In contrast, Elias reveals how our bodies have become historically increasing-
ly individualized, serving phenomenologically to separate us from others. He combines this with an analysis
of how conflicts that used to occur between bodies now often occur within the embodied individual as a re-
sult of the rising demands of affect control. These processes leave us alone with our bodies; investing more
effort in managing and monitoring them, yet losing the satisfaction people once gained from satiating their
desires. Elias has more to say about the ‘lived body’ than Bourdieu; about how we experience our environ-
ment through our embodiment, but both explore the modern tendency for us to adopt a heightened reflexivity
towards our bodies and why, in this context, the prospect of death can appear so disturbing.

This brings me to the fifth and final goal of this study: to promote the analysis of death as important to the

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sociology of the body. In contrast to many existing studies, I suggest that it is only by taking into account the
prospect of death that we can understand fully the conditions associated with living as an embodied person.
In contrast to many of the secular assumptions underpinning sociological accounts of death, however, I also
take seriously religious views of physical death as a transition to another form of existence rather than as
‘point zero’, the end. These enable us to appreciate how the contingencies and limitations of body projects
can be mitigated, at least potentially, for those who structure their this-worldly existence on the basis of oth-
er-worldly criteria.

Outlining the Body

In what follows, Chapter 2 explores the body's dual status in sociology and the rise of the body as an object
of study. After examining the body's absent presence in contemporary and classical sociology, it identifies
reasons for the growing popularity of the body in sociology. In Chapters 3 and 4, I examine the two most
important traditions of thought that contemporary studies of the body have drawn on and reacted against.
Chapter 3 focuses on naturalistic views of the body. The ‘naturalistic approach’ is an umbrella term referring
to a wide range of views that conceptualize the body as the biological base on which arise the superstruc-
tures of self-identity and society. Society springs from the body and is constrained by the body that is, in turn,
formed by the unchanging realities of nature. Most usually associated with sociobiology, naturalistic views
have a long, varied history and influenced, mostly negatively, contemporary sociological conceptions of the
body. Naturalistic views have been, and remain, influential in legitimizing social inequalities, but are coming
under increased scientific criticism as a result of the anti-determinist sensitivities of the ‘new genetics’ (e.g.
Atkinson et al., 2007).

Most recent sociological work on the body has reacted against naturalistic approaches and Chapter 4 exam-
ines constructionist views of the body. Instead of being the natural base of society, the body is here seen as
the outcome of social forces and technological relations. Five main sources have influenced constructionist
views of the body in sociology: the anthropology of Mary Douglas; the writings of social historians; the analy-
ses of Michel Foucault; the studies of Erving Goffman; and the more recent contributions of actor network
theorists (ANT). Chapter 4 focuses on Foucault and Goffman, interrogates two contemporary theories of the
body that build on their writings (Turner's theory of ‘bodily order’ and Frank's ‘action problems’ approach), and
examines critically the analytical potential of ANT.

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As mentioned above, Chapter 5 makes the case for a bridge to be built between the naturalistic view of the
body as a biological phenomenon and the constructionist view of the body as infinitely malleable, and devel-
ops this by utilizing the work of R.W. Connell and Peter Freund; two writers whose analyses of the gendered
body and emotional body go some way toward meeting this goal. I also argue that their work can be de-
veloped in a direction that helps overcome the problematic mind/body and nature/culture divisions that have
characterized the body literature, before extending their concerns with the body and social inequality into the
area of bodywork. Chapters 6 and 7 build on Chapter 5 by examining how Bourdieu and Elias enable us to
turn a general approach towards the body into a theory of the body in society. These writers provide us with
two of the most powerful theories of embodiment in existence.

Chapter 8 brings together many of the themes of this study by focusing on the relationship between the body,
self-identity and death. Sociology has been concerned traditionally with life, rather than with the subject of
death, but I suggest that the importance of the body in the contemporary age can only be understood by ex-
ploring the modern individual's confrontation with physical finitude. In a time that has witnessed a growing
association between the body and self-identity, our bodies come simultaneously to assume great importance,
as carriers of life, but can also appear acutely fragile and insignificant, as mortal entities that will inevitably
die. In this context, the resurgence of religious affiliation that occurred in much of the world since the end of
the 20th century raises important questions about future orientations to the body.

Finally, the Afterword analyses the fate of body projects – a theme pervading the previous chapters in this
book – in the context of recent technological innovations, explores alternative conceptions of the body and
self-identity, and seeks to develop further the broad emergentist approach towards our embodied selves
adopted in this book. This involves reappraising some of the major theories examined in Chapters 3 to 9, and
explicating the parameters of corporeal realism as a basis for the development of body studies.

Note

1 By ‘reflexivity’ I am referring here to the ability of embodied individuals to reflect upon their own biological
constitution, appearance, sense of self, actions, and relationships with others; to treat themselves as both
subject and object (Archer, 2010). In sociology, this capacity is usually explicated with reference to Mead's
(1962 [1934]) ‘I/Me’ distinction; a distinction that suggests we are able to think about and hold internal con-
versations with ourselves by ‘taking the role of’, and adopting perspectives held by, other people. Reflexivity

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can involve drawing upon normative or minority opinions held in one's own community, and can be stimulated
by various factors ranging from watching cultures and opinions remote from one's own on satellite television,
to becoming aware of one's internal physical reactions and responses to events. Acknowledging the impor-
tance of reflexive orientations to the body based upon our creative responses to other views and perspectives
does not entail that the mind is somehow separate from the body (Crossley, 2005), nor does it exclude the
importance of emotions and habits to the conclusions we draw from this reflexivity (Shilling, 2008: 8–43). As
Norbert Elias (2000 [1939]) suggests, the extent to which people immerse themselves in reflexive considera-
tions varies and is also dependent in part upon historical, social and cultural patterns of socialization, and the
degree to which individuals experience themselves as separate from others.

• body (sociology)
• identity and self
• cosmetic surgery
• surgery
• embodiment
• sociology
• bodybuilding

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https://doi.org/10.4135/9781473914810

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