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Peenna Fail
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Aubane *,
Historical &
Society ©
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 TOCK
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DUBLIN CITY PUBLI

Fianna Fail
'The Irish Press'
And The Deciine Of The Free State
by |

Brendan Clifford

Aubane Historical Society

www.aubane.org
 S TOCK
DRAWN FROC MLIBRARIES
De ounCITY PUBLIC
Fianna Fail
'The Irish Press'
And The Decline Of The Free State
by
Brendan Clifford

Aubane Historical Society

www.aubane.org
 Books On Related Themes
The Catholic Bulletin And Republican Ireland
With Special Reference To J.J. Kelly (‘Sceilg')
by Dr. Brian P. Murphy osb
The Rise And Fall Of Imperial Ireland
by Dr. Pat Walsh
The Crime Against Europe
by Roger Gasement
Thomas Davis
by Charles Gavan Duffy
Conversations With Carlyle
by Charles Gavan Duffy
The Life And Poems Of Thomas Moore
by Brendan Clifford
Thomas Moore: Political And Historical Writings
edited by Brendan Clifford

(see also page 4)

Fianna Fail, 'The Irish Press’,

And The Decline Of The Free State
by
Brendan Clifford

a _ ¢ ISBN: 978 1 903497 33 3

.shhariann na Cabral 2007
_iprary
Aubane Historical Society
aQ1414

Aubane Historical Society

Aubane
Millstreet
Co. Cork

Orders: [email protected]
 Contents

Foreword by Jack Lane

The Birth Of The /rish Press

Building A Democracy?

The First 1927 Election

Fianna Fail Signs Up To Avert Civil War

Second 1927 Election

The Grand Design. .

The Irish Press Before The Military Tribunal

. . .And Its Destruction! 101

Irish Press On The 1932 Election, 105
Post-Election Editorials, 110

A Fianna Fail Retrospect, 1932 127

Selections From The Irish Press, 1931-1932 132

Index 171

Illustrations

Why Is The Oath Retained? page 27

President Cosgrave "congratulates the “Irish Times” on its _
enterprise” page 86
Sanity Or Suicide? page 104
Treaty Signatures page 126
Other publications from the Aubane Historical Society:

A North Cork Anthology, by J. Lane and B. Clifford

Spotlights On Irish History, by Brendan Clifford
The 'Cork Free Press', by Brendan Clifford
Piarais Feiritéir: Danta/Poems,
with translations by Pat Muldowney
Elizabeth Bowen: "Notes On Eire".
Espionage Reports to Winston Churchill,
Kilmichael: the false surrender. A discussion
Thomas Davis, by Charles Gavan Duffy
Extracts from ‘The Nation’, 1842-44
Na h-Aislingi - vision poems of Eoghan Ruadh O'Suilleabhain
translated by Pat Muldowney
Aubane versus Oxford: a response to Professor Roy Foster
and Bernard O'Donoghue
D. D. Sheehan: Why he left Cork in 1918..
The burning of Cork; an eyewitness account by Alan J. Ellis
With Michael Collins in the fight for Irish Independence
by Batt O’Connor TD
Michael Collins: some documents in his own hand.
Introduced by Brian P. Murphy
An Answer to Revisionists Eamon O Cuiv and others
A Narrative History of Ireland/Stair Sheanchas Eireann
by Micheal O Siochfhradha
James Connolly Re-Assessed: the Irish and European
Dimension by Manus O'Riordan
Six days of the Irish Republic (1916) and other items
by L. G. Redmond-Howard
Envoi - taking leave of Roy Foster by Julianne Herlihy,
’ Brendan Clifford, David Alvey ,Brian P. Murphy
The Origins and Organisation of British Propaganda in
Ireland 1920 by Brian P Murphy OSB
Was 1916 A Crime: A debate from Village magazine
The Pearson Executions in Co. Offaly by Pat Muldowney
Sean O'Hegarty, O/C 1* Cork Brigade IRA by Kevin Girvin
Orders: [email protected]
Or write to: Aubane Historical Society, Aubane, Millstreet, Co. Cork
 Preface

This book looks at the anti-Treaty origins of the Fianna Fail

Party, how and why it came into being and how it laid the basis
for becoming and remaining the dominant party in the State
since shortly after its foundation. Why this is the case despite the
fact it was the party that lost the war over the Treaty needs some
explanation.

Moreover, those who founded the Party never intended to be

politicians, and were once correctly described as ‘politicians by
accident’, and would have considered their description as
politicians to be an insult.

Yet in their first decade in power they coped successfully with

every sort of threat and crisis by successfully countering, among
other things, the economic consequences of the Great Depression,
the threat of fascism, involvement in Britain’s Second World
War on Germany as well as eliminating the humiliating elements
of the Treaty.

If one were dependent on the present day media or the current

crop of academic historians this would remain a complete
mystery and the only impression one would be left with is that
all this was done for one ulterior motive or another by people
with suspect motives.

Indeed, if one were dependent on those within Fianna Fail

itself, who are now promoted as its historians, one would be left
with very mixed feelings about the party’s very legitimacy in
Irish history.

This book helps set the record straight on the origins of Fianna
Fail.

Jack Lane
Aubane Historical Society
April 2007

5
 To
Jack Roche
Chapter One

The Birth Of The Irish Press

The founding of the Jrish Press in 1931 was a watershed event in the
life of the Irish state. It gave coherence to the movement of resistance
against the settlement imposed by Britain in 1921-2, and made that
resistance articulate in the daily life of the society.

It ceased publication in 1995, partly because of poor management and

partly because the older daily papers collaborated against it. That was
regrettable. But, during its sixty years, it helped to bring about a great
change in political life—a change which is irreversible.

The Jrish Press was the only daily paper founded after the establishment
of the state, and the only one for which the existence of an independent
Irish state was an unquestionable necessity. The other papers began as
Unionist or Home Rule papers and adapted in various ways to changing
circumstance. The /rish Press was from first to last a paper dedicated to
the independence of the Irish state.

The significance of the foundation, as stated in the editorial of the first

issue of the paper, is not overstated:

"Our Purpose

Until to-day the Irish people have had no daily paper in which
Irish interests were made predominant. There has been nothing
comparable in Ireland to the great English, French, and American
dailies, which look naturally out upon the world from their own
national territories and speak authoritatively for their peoples. Until
to-day there was no Irish newspaper which could be quoted abroad
as expressing the distinctive outlook of this nation on international
affairs and on the problems of industry and economics which beset
the world. The absence of such a journal has been a grievous loss to
this country. The Jrish Press makes good that deficiency. Henceforth
other nations will have a means of knowing that Irish opinion is not
merely an indistinct echo of the opinions of a section of the British
Press.
We cannot give ourselves a higher purpose than to make this

Leabharlanna Poibli Chathair Bhaile AtlaCliath

Dublin City Public Libraries J
 paper what those who have so long waited for it desire it to be. The
ten thousand Irishmen and women, here at home and beyond the
seas, who have made this great enterprise possible, were inspired by
no hope of gain. Their aim was that Ireland should have a newspaper
technically efficient in all departments, assured of material success,
yet seeking above all things the freedom and well-being of the
nation."
[Irish Press. No. 1, Saturday, September 5, 1931]

The funding and organising of the Jrish Press was a remarkable

practical achievement. It was not a commercial venture launched on a
great flood of private capital, as newspapers generally are. Neither was it
the propaganda organ of a Government, funded by public money to serve
the purpose of the Government.
It was an anti-Government paper, and in a sense an anti-State, paper.
The Government in 1931 was the party which had established itself in
power by military means nine years earlier. That party identified itself
with the state, claiming that it was all that stood between public order and
lawless anarchy. Believing this to be the case, the Government set itself
against the actual democracy of the country, in which it saw nothing but
chaos. By 1931 it was reduced to defending its own vision of democracy
by military methods.
A few months after the launch of the Jrish Press, its Editor was brought
before a Military Tribunal on a charge of "seditious libel". That was the
kind of charge that used to be brought by the British administration when,
alienated from the society, it was at its wit's end. But the British did not
usually bring the charge before a Military Tribunal.

The money with which the /rish Press was launched was contributed by
thousands of small subscribers. They were not investors. They did not put
up the money with a view to drawing dividends from it. It would have been
avery foolish investor who put money into the venture with profit in mind.
The launching of a daily newspaper is a risky business, even when it is
backed by large-scale capital.
The reasonable expectation of the people who put up the money for the
Irish Press must have been that the purpose for which it was subscribed
would probably not be achieved. The odds against achievement were very
great. But many thousands of people felt so strongly that there ought to
be a daily newspaper which spoke for the defeated party in the Civil War
that they put up money for the venture regardless of the odds. Their
subscriptions were basically a political gesture which made it possible for
the thing to be attempted.
Newspapers
There were three daily newspapers in existence in August 1931.
The Irish Times, a Protestant Ascendancy and Unionist paper, had been
entirely opposed to Irish Home Rule in 1912-14. In May 1916, while the
executions were in full swing, it demanded that they should not stop until
the cancer of rebellion had been burned out of the body politic. In 1920
it supported the Black-And-Tan campaign against the electorate which
had voted wrong in 1918. But, by December 1921, it was driven to
supporting the Treaty and the Free State as the lesser evil.
The Irish Independent was founded by William Martin Murphy, the
Home Rule capitalist who had locked out his workers in 1913. In 1916 it
was angered by the delay in executing James Connolly, who had defied it
in 1913, and it urged General Maxwell to get on with it.
The Independent was one of the two Home Rule dailies in what became
the Free State, the other being the Freeman's Journal. (There was a third
Home Rule daily in Belfast, the Jrish News, which survives.) It adapted
reluctantly to the fundamental nationalist reorientation towards Sinn Fein
in 1918-19, but was very happy with the regression towards Home Rule
under the terms of the Treaty.
When the Freeman'sJournalceasedpublicationin 1922, the Independent
became pretty well the official paper of the Free State. It carried a daily
Social And Personal column, which was a sort of Court Circular in which
the comings and goings of Royals and aristocrats were recorded. Here is
an example from 9th July 1927:

"Social And Personal

Yesterday King George held an investiture at Buckingham Palace
in connection with the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in England, of
which he is the sovereign head in the British realm...
Princess Mary and Viscount Lascelles, the Aga Khan, the Duke of
Alba, the Countess of Spencer [etc.etc.]... were among the guests of
the Hon. Mrs. Ronald Greville at dinner at her house in Charles
Street, Berkeley Square, on Thursday night. Lady Wyldbone Smith's
dance the same night, at 70 Ennismore Gardens, was attended by
Lady Clodagh Anson, ...the Earl and Countess of Donoughmore and
Lady Doreen Hely-Hutchinson ...and the Hon. Alicia Browne...
Countess Fitzwilliam gave a dance last night for her daughter.
The Dowager Countess of Aerlie... will leave London next week for
her place in Forfarshire, where she will spend a long holiday before
going again on duty of Lady of the Bedchamber to her Majesty...
Viscount Gort, who will be 41 tomorrow... served throughout the
Great War, and commanded a battalion of the Grenadier Guards. He
 was wounded four times and received the M.C., D.S.O. with two
bars, and the V.C. The founder of the family, Brig.-Gen. Sir Thomas
Prendergast, M.P., was killed at Malplaquet 1709. His son died
before the patent creating him Viscount Clonmel had been completed,
and his estates passed to his nephew, Charles Smyth, M.P. for
Limerick, who was created Viscount Gort 1816, with remainder to
his nephew, Charles Vereker." [It was rare for the Court column to
have an Irish angle, as it did (of sorts) on this occasion: usually it
was concerned entirely with the doings of the British elite.]

The Cork Examiner (now the Irish Examiner) was a kind of Home Rule
paper verging on Unionism at one time, but in order to survive it had to
accommodate itself to a County in which there were not many residual
Home Rulers, and still fewer residual Unionists, though it never quite lost
a hankering for the world that had passed away. What I recall of it around
1950 is that it was a second paper that might be read by readers of either
the Irish Independent or the Irish Press. In 1931, however, it was a Free
State paper.

Investing In An Idea
Money does not make a successful newspaper. And money whichis not
driven by a capitalist master is less likely to do so than money that is. The
money subscribed in small sums by multitudes of individuals did lead to
the production of a successful newspaper. That must appear as a very
remarkable fact to anybody who knows about the history of newspapers.
The purpose of this book is to show the political situation in which the
Trish Press was brought into being, rather than to describe the mechanics
of its establishment. I make these remarks only for the purpose of
dissenting from criticisms of De Valera as a newspaper entrepreneur
which have been voiced in recent years by people who do not see the
extraordinary circumstances of the thing—and do not wish to see them.
The money was subscribed, and the project for which it was subscribed
was realised amidst great obstacles. In the light of that remarkable fact,
criticism of how it was done strikes me as mere carping by people with
corruption on the brain and an axe to grind.
I do not say that what is called corruption does not exist. I do not even
say that it is bad. I have for many years been working out the history of
Ireland, taking account of the fact that for a couple of centuries it was part
of the history of the British state and that it cannot be understood
effectively ifthe British state is not understood from an Irish vantage point.
The liberal British state was accomplished by means of corruption. It
was established as a functional system by Walpole, its first Prime Minister,
who governed it for twenty years and shaped it by means of bribery,
patronage, and blackmail. A history of Walpole's party, published by one
of its members in the mid-19th century, recorded the fact that the leaders
of the party had concluded that the system was sufficiently secure to
continue without corruption, as a kind of meritocracy. (See The History
Of Party by George Wingrove Cooke (1838) which explains "the necessity
of corruption" under the first Prime Minister {Vol. 2} and how half a
century laterthe Whigs concludedthat"Corruptionwas no longernecessary
to their party, and they disclaimed it" {Vol. 3, p197}.)
lam far from denying that great achievements have been accomplished
with the aid of corruption. I just do not see what part corruption could
possibly have played in the creation of the Jrish Press.

11
Chapter Two

Building A Democracy?

The mission of the Jrish Press was to democratise the Irish state and
make it independent. It is often said by eminent academics that an
independent and democratic Irish state was established in 1922. 1922:
The Birth Of Irish Democracy is the title of a well-known book by a
Professor of History at the National University. But, if an independent
democracy was established in 1922, the task for which the Jrish Press was
launched had already been accomplished. So what was it all about?
In explanation, I will begin with the 1927 General Elections, and certain
events connected with it which have exerted a strong influence on Irish
political affairs ever since.

So that the reader can allow for bias, I should explain that I am not a
member of Fianna Fail and that I have never taken part in electoral politics
in the Republic. I lived into my twenties in Slieve Luacra on the Cork/
Kerry border. My family, which was neither in farming, nor business, nor
any of the professions, was remotely related to Sean Moylan, who
commanded the North Cork Brigade in the War of Independence, and was
a Minister in Fianna Fail Governments in the 1940s and 1950s, and it was
more remotely related to Michael Collins. But in Slieve Luacra everybody
was related to somebody. And so many people had done something in the
War of Independence that little prestige attached to it. It was normal.
Our house was what was called a Rambling House. People used to
gather there in the evenings—which were called nights—to play cards and
talk. And when I was young I even overheard some match-making.
Slieve Luacra was classless in a social sense. Some people were richer
than others, but they did not segregate on the basis of wealth. Farmers used
to gather at our house, and also labourers, and my father drove a lorry for
wages. Another Rambling House I knew was a labourer's cottage. And
I think that was a fair sample of the Ireland that enabled the Jrish Press to
be produced.
One of the farmers who used to play cards at our house had been a
Blueshirt. I did not know that at the time. I found it out decades later when
I read newspapers and magazines of the 1930s to get the feel of the period.
He was not a big farmer—only a big man. He had a fund of traditional

12
songs, some of which] believe were never collected. And he was in many
ways more lodged in tradition than other people whom I knew to be go-
ahead Fianna Failers.
Some time after I left Slieve Luacra I went to live in Belfast, and what
I tried to do in politics there caused some people who are now extreme
revisionists to denounce me as a Unionist.
My view of what happened in the 26 Counties from 1921 to the 1940s
does not seem to me to arise from any prior political bias. I have
approached it from many different angles, and this is the sense it makes
tome. Ifthe reader thinks it is a biassed view, then let him figure out how
this bias arose from living in Slieve Luacra into my twenties without
engagingin politics, and from being politically activein Belfastthroughout
the recent war in a way that was not Republican or even Constitutional
Nationalist.

A biographical profile of Sean Lemass published ina recent issue of the

revived Magill magazine, begins as follows:
"At the age of 17 he was fighting to break Ireland's connection to
the imperial throne... By 1922 he had graduated to opposing, by
force of arms, the authority of the democratically elected executive
of the new Irish Free State" (Sean Lemass by Gerry Gregg, Magill,
October 2006).

Ifthe Free State Executive, that started the Civil War in June 1922, was
democratically elected, then the Jrish Press and the political movement
it served were undemocratic. And vice versa. There's no way of escaping
that conclusion.
Democracy is a form of state. If the Free State Executive in June 1922
was the Government of a democratic state, then Sean Lemass was
engaged in armed resistance against democracy. And, if the movement
in which Lemass took part in 1922 was a movement for the establishment
of democracy, then the state was not a democracy.
There cannot be, in a democratic state, two antagonistic political
movements at war with each other. There cannot be a war between two
democratic bodies in a democratic state.

The situation in July 1922 was that three General Elections had been
held since the assertion of independence by the 1916 Rising. Two ofthose
General Elections—those of 1918 and 1921—had mandated the
establishment of an independent republic. The third, on 16th June 1922,

13
was held in circumstances of programmatic confusion, and the Parliament
which it elected had not met when the Provisional Government which
Britain established by the Treaty started the Civil War by shelling the Four
Courts.
The word democracy should not be thrown about loosely when referring
to situations of political upheaval in which there is no definite authority
clearly established by the predominant will of an electorate which is free
to declare its will.
Such an authority was established by the election of December 1918.
That was the first election in Ireland in which a majority of the adult
population was entitled to vote. At the previous Election, in 1910, the
electorate was a minority of the adult of the population. In 1918 all men
had the vote regardless of property, and a substantial body of women had
the vote on the basis of a property franchise.
Sinn Fein contested the election on a programme of establishing
independent government, and it won three-quarters of the seats.
It has been argued in recent years that the 1918 vote was not really a
mandate for independence because Sinn Fein did not gain a majority of the
votes cast. But the reason it did not get a majority of the votes cast was that
25 of the seats were not contested, and no votes at all were cast in them.
The Home Rule Party—Sinn Fein's main rival—was collapsing, and it
concentrated its efforts on seats which it had some chance of winning. And
the governing parties of the State, the Tories and the Liberals, had given
up contesting seats in most of Ireland long before 1918.
Sinn Fein gained 46.9% of the votes cast in the contested seats, the rest
being shared by Home Rulers and the Ulster Unionists. But the Home
Rulers (21.3%) and the Ulster Unionists (25.7%) did not constitute any
kind of anti-Sinn Fein Coalition. They were in profound disagreement
with each other, and they had come to the brink of war with each other in
1914, when the World War provided a diversion. Then, after the 1918
Election, much of the Home Rule vote moved across to Sinn Fein.
The 25 uncontested seats were in constituencies where the Home Rule
Party judged Sinn Fein's support to be overwhelming. If there had been
voting in those seats, the probability is that Sinn Fein would not only have
gained a majority of the votes cast—that is a certainty—but that it would
have gained a substantial majority of the electorate as a whole.

The candidates elected on an independence programme metas the Dail

in January 1919. The handful of Home Rulers and the Ulster Unionists
were invited, but chose not to attend. They went to Westminster instead.
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
 Poor Charlemagne! he tore his grey hair and long beard, and
having ordered the bodies of the Count of Mans, Turpin, Oliver,
Miton, and Mitaine to be placed in coffins of black marble, he had
them borne back to France with every mark of honour.
As he approached Aix-la-Chapelle the Emperor saw a long, long
line of weeping women, all attired in black, coming out to meet him.
It was the fair Aude, supported by her widowed sister Mita, and
followed by a suite of three hundred ladies.
Charlemagne, deeply affected by the sight of such affliction,
dismounted, and pressed the fair Aude to his heart.
“My poor child!” said he, “you are a widow or ever you were a
bride.”
The fair Aude opened her lips to reply, but she had not the
strength to speak.
The Emperor felt her sink back in his arms, and, turning to the
attendants, he asked—
“Is there a place for her in the coffin by the side of Roland?”

Original Size -- Medium-Size

A few days later were celebrated with great pomp the obsequies
of the betrothed of the Count of Mans. At the same hour, draged on
a hurdle, between two of the executioner’s assistants, the disfigured
corpse of the traitor Ganelon was carried to the charnel.
 “And Croquemitaine, won’t you tell us something about it?” you
would ask me.
Croquemitaine does not exist, my dears.

Original Size -- Medium-Size

THE END.

Original Size -- Medium-Size

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