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advanced
classical field theory
This page intentionally left blank
 advanced
classical field theory
giovanni giachetta
university of camerino, italy

luigi mangiarotti
university of camerino, italy

gennadi sardanashvily
moscow state university, russia

World Scientific
NEW JERSEY • LONDON • SINGAPORE • BEIJING • SHANGHAI • HONG KONG • TA I P E I • CHENNAI
 Published by
World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd.
5 Toh Tuck Link, Singapore 596224
USA office: 27 Warren Street, Suite 401-402, Hackensack, NJ 07601
UK office: 57 Shelton Street, Covent Garden, London WC2H 9HE

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ADVANCED CLASSICAL FIELD THEORY

Copyright © 2009 by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd.
All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval
system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher.

For photocopying of material in this volume, please pay a copying fee through the Copyright
Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. In this case permission to
photocopy is not required from the publisher.

ISBN-13 978-981-283-895-7
ISBN-10 981-283-895-3

Printed in Singapore.

RokTing - Adv Classical Field Theory.pmd 1 9/29/2009, 9:54 AM

January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

Preface

Contemporary quantum field theory is mainly developed as quantization of

classical fields. Classical field theory thus is a necessary step towards quan-
tum field theory. This book provides an exhaust mathematical foundation
of Lagrangian classical field theory and its BRST extension for the purpose
of quantization.
Lagrangian theory of Grassmann-graded (even and odd) fields on fibre
bundles and graded manifolds is presented in the book in a very general
setting. It is adequately formulated in geometric and algebraic topological
terms of the jet manifolds and the variational bicomplex. The main ingre-
dients in this formulation are cohomology of the variational bicomplex, the
global first variational formula, variational symmetries and supersymme-
tries, the first Noether theorem, Noether identities, the direct and inverse
second Noether theorems, and gauge symmetries.
Degenerate Lagrangian field theories are comprehensively investigated.
The hierarchies of their non-trivial reducible Noether identities and gauge
symmetries are described in homology terms. The relevant direct and in-
verse second Noether theorems are formulated in a very general setting.
The study of degeneracy of Lagrangian field theory straightforwardly
leads to its BRST extension by Grassmann-graded antifields and ghosts
which constitute the chain and cochain complexes of non-trivial Noether
identities and gauge symmetries. In particular, a gauge operator is pro-
longed to a nilpotent BRST operator, and an original field Lagrangian is
extended to a non-trivial solution of the classical master equation of La-
grangian BRST theory. This is a preliminary step towards quantization of
classical Lagrangian field theory in terms of functional integrals.
The basic field theories, including gauge theory on principal bundles,
gravitation theory on natural bundles, theory of spinor fields and topolog-

v
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

vi Preface

ical field theory, are presented in the book in a very complete way.
Our book addresses to a wide audience of theoreticians and mathemat-
ical physicists, and aims to be a guide to advanced differential geometric
and algebraic topological methods in field theory.
With respect to mathematical prerequisites, the reader is expected to
be familiar with the basics of differential geometry of fibre bundles. We
have tried to give the necessary mathematical background, thus making
the exposition self-contained. For the sake of convenience of the reader,
several relevant mathematical topics are compiled in Appendixes.
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

Contents

Preface v

Introduction 1

1. Differential calculus on fibre bundles 5

1.1 Geometry of fibre bundles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.1.1 Manifold morphisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.1.2 Fibred manifolds and fibre bundles . . . . . . . . 7
1.1.3 Vector and affine bundles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
1.1.4 Vector fields, distributions and foliations . . . . . 18
1.1.5 Exterior and tangent-valued forms . . . . . . . . . 21
1.2 Jet manifolds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
1.3 Connections on fibre bundles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
1.3.1 Connections as tangent-valued forms . . . . . . . 30
1.3.2 Connections as jet bundle sections . . . . . . . . . 32
1.3.3 Curvature and torsion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
1.3.4 Linear connections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
1.3.5 Affine connections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
1.3.6 Flat connections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
1.3.7 Second order connections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
1.4 Composite bundles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
1.5 Higher order jet manifolds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
1.6 Differential operators and equations . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
1.7 Infinite order jet formalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

2. Lagrangian field theory on fibre bundles 61

2.1 Variational bicomplex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

vii
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

viii Contents

2.2 Lagrangian symmetries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

2.3 Gauge symmetries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
2.4 First order Lagrangian field theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
2.4.1 Cartan and Hamilton–De Donder equations . . . 75
2.4.2 Lagrangian conservation laws . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
2.4.3 Gauge conservation laws. Superpotential . . . . . 80
2.4.4 Non-regular quadratic Lagrangians . . . . . . . . 83
2.4.5 Reduced second order Lagrangians . . . . . . . . . 87
2.4.6 Background fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
2.4.7 Variation Euler–Lagrange equation. Jacobi fields . 90
2.5 Appendix. Cohomology of the variational bicomplex . . . 92

3. Grassmann-graded Lagrangian field theory 99

3.1 Grassmann-graded algebraic calculus . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
3.2 Grassmann-graded differential calculus . . . . . . . . . . . 104
3.3 Geometry of graded manifolds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
3.4 Grassmann-graded variational bicomplex . . . . . . . . . . 115
3.5 Lagrangian theory of even and odd fields . . . . . . . . . . 120
3.6 Appendix. Cohomology of the Grassmann-graded varia-
tional bicomplex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

4. Lagrangian BRST theory 129

4.1 Noether identities. The Koszul–Tate complex . . . . . . . 130
4.2 Second Noether theorems in a general setting . . . . . . . 140
4.3 BRST operator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
4.4 BRST extended Lagrangian field theory . . . . . . . . . . 150
4.5 Appendix. Noether identities of differential operators . . . 154

5. Gauge theory on principal bundles 165

5.1 Geometry of Lie groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
5.2 Bundles with structure groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
5.3 Principal bundles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
5.4 Principal connections. Gauge fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
5.5 Canonical principal connection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
5.6 Gauge transformations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
5.7 Geometry of associated bundles. Matter fields . . . . . . . 184
5.8 Yang–Mills gauge theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
5.8.1 Gauge field Lagrangian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

Contents ix

5.8.2 Conservation laws . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

5.8.3 BRST extension . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
5.8.4 Matter field Lagrangian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
5.9 Yang–Mills supergauge theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
5.10 Reduced structure. Higgs fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
5.10.1 Reduction of a structure group . . . . . . . . . . . 198
5.10.2 Reduced subbundles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
5.10.3 Reducible principal connections . . . . . . . . . . 202
5.10.4 Associated bundles. Matter and Higgs fields . . . 203
5.10.5 Matter field Lagrangian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
5.11 Appendix. Non-linear realization of Lie algebras . . . . . 211

6. Gravitation theory on natural bundles 215

6.1 Natural bundles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
6.2 Linear world connections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
6.3 Lorentz reduced structure. Gravitational field . . . . . . . 223
6.4 Space-time structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
6.5 Gauge gravitation theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
6.6 Energy-momentum conservation law . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
6.7 Appendix. Affine world connections . . . . . . . . . . . . 238

7. Spinor fields 243

7.1 Clifford algebras and Dirac spinors . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
7.2 Dirac spinor structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246
7.3 Universal spinor structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252
7.4 Dirac fermion fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258

8. Topological field theories 263

8.1 Topological characteristics of principal connections . . . . 263
8.1.1 Characteristic classes of principal connections . . 264
8.1.2 Flat principal connections . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266
8.1.3 Chern classes of unitary principal connections . . 270
8.1.4 Characteristic classes of world connections . . . . 274
8.2 Chern–Simons topological field theory . . . . . . . . . . . 278
8.3 Topological BF theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
8.4 Lagrangian theory of submanifolds . . . . . . . . . . . . . 286

9. Covariant Hamiltonian field theory 293

January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

x Contents

9.1 Polysymplectic Hamiltonian formalism . . . . . . . . . . . 293

9.2 Associated Hamiltonian and Lagrangian systems . . . . . 298
9.3 Hamiltonian conservation laws . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304
9.4 Quadratic Lagrangian and Hamiltonian systems . . . . . . 306
9.5 Example. Yang–Mills gauge theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
9.6 Variation Hamilton equations. Jacobi fields . . . . . . . . 316

10. Appendixes 319

10.1 Commutative algebra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319
10.2 Differential operators on modules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324
10.3 Homology and cohomology of complexes . . . . . . . . . . 327
10.4 Cohomology of groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
10.5 Cohomology of Lie algebras . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
10.6 Differential calculus over a commutative ring . . . . . . . 334
10.7 Sheaf cohomology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
10.8 Local-ringed spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 346
10.9 Cohomology of smooth manifolds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348
10.10 Leafwise and fibrewise cohomology . . . . . . . . . . . . . 354

Bibliography 359
Index 369
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

Introduction

Contemporary quantum field theory is mainly developed as quantization

of classical fields. In particular, a generating functional of Green functions
in perturbative quantum field theory depends on an action functional of
classical fields. In contrast with quantum field theory, classical field theory
can be formulated in a strict mathematical way.
Observable classical fields are an electromagnetic field, Dirac spinor
fields and a gravitational field on a world real smooth manifold. Their dy-
namic equations are Euler–Lagrange equations derived from a Lagrangian.
One also considers classical non-Abelian gauge fields and Higgs fields. Bas-
ing on these models, we study Lagrangian theory of classical Grassmann-
graded (even and odd) fields on an arbitrary smooth manifold in a very
general setting. Geometry of principal bundles is known to provide the
adequate mathematical formulation of classical gauge theory. Generalizing
this formulation, we define even classical fields as sections of smooth fibre
bundles and, accordingly, develop their Lagrangian theory as Lagrangian
theory on fibre bundles.
Note that, treating classical field theory, we are in the category of finite-
dimensional smooth real manifolds, which are Hausdorff, second-countable
and paracompact. Let X be such a manifold. If classical fields form a
projective C ∞ (X)-module of finite rank, their representation by sections of
a fibre bundle follows from the well-known Serre–Swan theorem.
Lagrangian theory on fibre bundles is adequately formulated in algebraic
terms of the variational bicomplex of exterior forms on jet manifolds [3; 17;
59]. This formulation is straightforwardly extended to Lagrangian theory
of even and odd fields by means of the Grassmann-graded variational bi-
complex [9; 14; 59]. Cohomology of this bicomplex provides the global first
variational formula for Lagrangians and Euler–Lagrange operators, the first

1
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

2 Introduction

Noether theorem and conservation laws in a general case of supersymme-

tries depending on derivatives of fields of any order.
Note that there are different descriptions of odd fields on graded man-
ifolds [27; 118] and supermanifolds [29; 45]. Both graded manifolds and
supermanifolds are described in terms of sheaves of graded commutative
algebras [10]. However, graded manifolds are characterized by sheaves
on smooth manifolds, while supermanifolds are constructed by gluing of
sheaves on supervector spaces. Treating odd fields on a smooth manifold
X, we follow the Serre–Swan theorem generalized to graded manifolds [14].
It states that, if a Grassmann C ∞ (X)-algebra is an exterior algebra of some
projective C ∞ (X)-module of finite rank, it is isomorphic to the algebra of
graded functions on a graded manifold whose body is X.
Quantization of Lagrangian field theory essentially depends on its degen-
eracy characterized by a family of non-trivial reducible Noether identities [9;
15; 63]. A problem is that any Euler–Lagrange operator satisfies Noether
identities which therefore must be separated into the trivial and non-trivial
ones. These Noether identities can obey first-stage Noether identities,
which in turn are subject to the second-stage ones, and so on. If cer-
tain conditions hold, this hierarchy of Noether identities is described by
the exact Koszul–Tate chain complex of antifields possessing the boundary
operator whose nilpotentness is equivalent to all non-trivial Noether and
higher-stage Noether identities [14; 15].
The inverse second Noether theorem formulated in homology terms as-
sociates to this Koszul–Tate complex the cochain sequence of ghosts with
the ascent operator, called the gauge operator, whose components are non-
trivial gauge and higher-stage gauge symmetries of Lagrangian field theory
[15]. These gauge symmetries are parameterized by odd and even ghosts
so that k-stage gauge symmetries act on (k − 1)-stage ghosts.
It should be emphasized that the gauge operator unlike the Koszul–
Tate one is not nilpotent, unless gauge symmetries are Abelian. Gauge
symmetries are said to be algebraically closed if this gauge operator admits
a nilpotent extension where k-stage gauge symmetries are extended to k-
stage BRST (Becchi–Rouet–Stora–Tyitin) transformations acting both on
(k − 1)-stage and k-stage ghosts [61]. This nilpotent extension is called
the BRST operator. If the BRST operator exists, the cochain sequence of
ghosts is brought into the BRST complex.
The Koszul–Tate and BRST complexes provide a BRST extension of
original Lagrangian field theory. This extension exemplifies so called field-
antifield theory whose Lagrangians are required to satisfy a certain con-
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

Introduction 3

dition, called the classical master equation. An original Lagrangian is ex-

tended to a proper solution of the master equation if the BRST operator
exists [15]. This extended Lagrangian, dependent on original fields, ghosts
and antifields, is a first step towards quantization of classical field theory
in terms of functional integrals [9; 63].
The basic field theories, including gauge theory on principal bundles
(Chapter 5), gravitation theory on natural bundles (Chapter 6), theory
of spinor fields (Chapter 7) and topological field theory (Chapter 8) are
presented in the book in a complete way.
The reader also can find a number of original topics, including: gen-
eral theory of connections (Section 1.3), geometry of composite bundles
(Section 1.4), infinite-order jet formalism (Section 1.7), generalized sym-
metries (Section 2.2), Grassmann-graded Lagrangian field theory (Section
3.5), second Noether theorems in a general setting (Section 4.2), the BRST
complex (Section 4.3), classical Higgs field theory (Section 5.10), gauge
theory of gravity as a Higgs field (Section 6.5), gauge energy-momentum
conservation laws (Section 6.6), composite spinor bundles (Section 7.3),
global Chern–Simons topological field theory (Section 8.2), topological BF
(background field) theory (Section 8.3), covariant Hamiltonian field theory
(Chapter 9).
For the sake of convenience of the reader, several relevant mathematical
topics are compiled in Chapter 10.
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

This page intentionally left blank

January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

Chapter 1

Differential calculus on fibre bundles

This Chapter summarizes the relevant material on fibre bundles, jet man-
ifolds and connections which find application in classical field theory. The
material is presented in a fairly informal way. It is tacitly assumed that the
reader has some familiarity with the basics of differential geometry [69; 92;
147; 164].

1.1 Geometry of fibre bundles

Throughout the book, all morphisms are smooth (i.e. of class C ∞ ) and
manifolds are smooth real and finite-dimensional. A smooth real manifold
is customarily assumed to be Hausdorff and second-countable (i.e., it has
a countable base for topology). Consequently, it is a locally compact space
which is a union of a countable number of compact subsets, a separable
space (i.e., it has a countable dense subset), a paracompact and completely
regular space. Being paracompact, a smooth manifold admits a partition
of unity by smooth real functions (see Remark 10.7.4). One can also show
that, given two disjoint closed subsets N and N 0 of a smooth manifold X,
there exists a smooth function f on X such that f |N = 0 and f |N 0 = 1.
Unless otherwise stated, manifolds are assumed to be connected (and, con-
sequently, arcwise connected). We follow the notion of a manifold without
boundary.
The standard symbols ⊗, ∨, and ∧ stand for the tensor, symmetric,
and exterior products, respectively. The interior product (contraction) is
A
denoted by c. By ∂B are meant the partial derivatives with respect to
coordinates with indices B A.

5
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

6 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

If Z is a manifold, we denote by
∗
πZ : T Z → Z, πZ : T ∗Z → Z
its tangent and cotangent bundles, respectively. Given coordinates (z α )
on Z, they are equipped with the holonomic coordinates
∂z 0λ µ
(z λ , ż λ ), ż 0λ =ż ,
∂z µ
0µ
∂z
(z λ , żλ ), żλ0 = żµ ,
∂z λ
with respect to the holonomic frames {∂λ } and coframes {dz λ } in the tan-
gent and cotangent spaces to Z, respectively. Any manifold morphism
f : Z → Z 0 yields the tangent morphism
∂f λ µ
T f : T Z → T Z 0, ż 0λ ◦ T f =
ż .
∂xµ
The symbol C ∞ (Z) stands for the ring of smooth real functions on a ma-
nifold Z.

1.1.1 Manifold morphisms

Let us consider manifold morphisms of maximal rank. They are immersions
(in particular, imbeddings) and submersions. An injective immersion is a
submanifold, and a surjective submersion is a fibred manifold (in particular,
a fibre bundle).
Given manifolds M and N , by the rank of a morphism f : M → N at
a point p ∈ M is meant the rank of the linear morphism
Tp f : Tp M → Tf (p) N.
For instance, if f is of maximal rank at p ∈ M , then Tp f is injective when
dim M ≤ dim N and surjective when dim N ≤ dim M . In this case, f is
called an immersion and a submersion at a point p ∈ M , respectively.
Since p → rankp f is a lower semicontinuous function, then the morphism
Tp f is of maximal rank on an open neighbourhood of p, too. It follows from
the inverse function theorem that:
• if f is an immersion at p, then it is locally injective around p.
• if f is a submersion at p, it is locally surjective around p.
If f is both an immersion and a submersion, it is called a local diffeomor-
phism at p. In this case, there exists an open neighbourhood U of p such
that
f : U → f (U )
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 7

is a diffeomorphism onto an open set f (U ) ⊂ N .

A manifold morphism f is called the immersion (resp. submersion) if
it is an immersion (resp. submersion) at all points of M . A submersion is
necessarily an open map, i.e., it sends open subsets of M onto open subsets
of N . If an immersion f is open (i.e., f is a homeomorphism onto f (M )
equipped with the relative topology from N ), it is called the imbedding.
A pair (M, f ) is called a submanifold of N if f is an injective immersion.
A submanifold (M, f ) is an imbedded submanifold if f is an imbedding. For
the sake of simplicity, we usually identify (M, f ) with f (M ). If M ⊂ N , its
natural injection is denoted by iM : M → N .
There are the following criteria for a submanifold to be imbedded.

Theorem 1.1.1. Let (M, f ) be a submanifold of N .

(i) The map f is an imbedding if and only if, for each point p ∈ M ,
there exists a (cubic) coordinate chart (V, ψ) of N centered at f (p) so that
f (M ) ∩ V consists of all points of V with coordinates (x1 , . . . , xm , 0, . . . , 0).
(ii) Suppose that f : M → N is a proper map, i.e., the pre-images of
compact sets are compact. Then (M, f ) is a closed imbedded submanifold
of N . In particular, this occurs if M is a compact manifold.
(iii) If dim M = dim N , then (M, f ) is an open imbedded submanifold
of N .

1.1.2 Fibred manifolds and fibre bundles

A triple
π : Y → X, dim X = n > 0, (1.1.1)
is called a fibred manifold if a manifold morphism π is a surjective submer-
sion, i.e., the tangent morphism
Tπ : TY → TX
is a surjection. One says that Y is a total space of a fibred manifold (1.1.1),
X is its base, π is a fibration, and Yx = π −1 (x) is a fibre over x ∈ X.
Any fibre is an imbedded submanifold of Y of dimension dim Y −dim X.
Unless otherwise stated, we assume that
dim Y 6= dim X,
i.e., fibred manifolds with discrete fibres are not considered.

Theorem 1.1.2. A surjection (1.1.1) is a fired manifold if and only if a

manifold Y admits an atlas of coordinate charts (UY ; xλ , y i ) such that (xλ )
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

8 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

are coordinates on π(UY ) ⊂ X and coordinate transition functions read

x0λ = f λ (xµ ), y 0i = f i (xµ , y j ).
These coordinates are called fibred coordinates compatible with a fibration
π.

By a local section of a surjection (1.1.1) is meant an injection s : U → Y

of an open subset U ⊂ X such that π ◦ s = Id U , i.e., a section sends any
point x ∈ X into the fibre Yx over this point. A local section also is defined
over any subset N ∈ X as the restriction to N of a local section over an
open set containing N . If U = X, one calls s the global section. Hereafter,
by a section is meant both a global section and a local section (over an
open subset).

Theorem 1.1.3. A surjection π (1.1.1) is a fibred manifold if and only if,

for each point y ∈ Y , there exists a local section s of π : Y → X passing
through y.

The range s(U ) of a local section s : U → Y of a fibred manifold Y → X

is an imbedded submanifold of Y . It also is a closed map, which sends closed
subsets of U onto closed subsets of Y . If s is a global section, then s(X) is
a closed imbedded submanifold of Y . Global sections of a fibred manifold
need not exist.

Theorem 1.1.4. Let Y → X be a fibred manifold whose fibres are diffeo-

morphic to Rm . Any its section over a closed imbedded submanifold (e.g.,
a point) of X is extended to a global section [147]. In particular, such a
fibred manifold always has a global section.

Given fibred coordinates (UY ; xλ , y i ), a section s of a fibred manifold

Y → X is represented by collections of local functions {si = y i ◦ s} on
π(UY ).
A fibred manifold Y → X is called a fibre bundle if admits a fibred
coordinate atlas {(π −1 (Uξ ); xλ , y i )} over a cover {π −1 (Uι )} of Y which is
the inverse image of a cover U = {Uξ } is a cover of X. In this case,
there exists a manifold V , called a typical fibre, such that Y is locally
diffeomorphic to the splittings
ψξ : π −1 (Uξ ) → Uξ × V, (1.1.2)
glued together by means of transition functions
%ξζ = ψξ ◦ ψζ−1 : Uξ ∩ Uζ × V → Uξ ∩ Uζ × V (1.1.3)
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 9

on overlaps Uξ ∩ Uζ . Transition functions %ξζ fulfil the cocycle condition

%ξζ ◦ %ζι = %ξι (1.1.4)
on all overlaps Uξ ∩ Uζ ∩ Uι . Restricted to a point x ∈ X, trivialization
morphisms ψξ (1.1.2) and transition functions %ξζ (1.1.3) define diffeomor-
phisms of fibres
ψξ (x) : Yx → V, x ∈ Uξ , (1.1.5)
%ξζ (x) : V → V, x ∈ Uξ ∩ Uζ . (1.1.6)
Trivialization charts (Uξ , ψξ ) together with transition functions %ξζ (1.1.3)
constitute a bundle atlas
Ψ = {(Uξ , ψξ ), %ξζ } (1.1.7)
of a fibre bundle Y → X. Two bundle atlases are said to be equivalent
if their union also is a bundle atlas, i.e., there exist transition functions
between trivialization charts of different atlases.
A fibre bundle Y → X is uniquely defined by a bundle atlas. Given
an atlas Ψ (1.1.7), there is a unique manifold structure on Y for which
π : Y → X is a fibre bundle with the typical fibre V and the bundle atlas
Ψ. All atlases of a fibre bundle are equivalent.

Remark 1.1.1. The notion of a fibre bundle introduced above is the notion
of a smooth locally trivial fibre bundle. In a general setting, a continuous
fibre bundle is defined as a continuous surjective submersion of topological
spaces Y → X. A continuous map π : Y → X is called a submersion if,
for any point y ∈ Y , there exists an open neighborhood U of the point
π(y) and a right inverse σ : U → Y of π such that σ ◦ π(y) = y, i.e., there
exists a local section of π. The notion of a locally trivial continuous fibre
bundle is a repetition of that of a smooth fibre bundle, where trivialization
morphisms ψξ and transition functions %ξζ are continuous.

We have the following useful criteria for a fibred manifold to be a fibre

bundle.

Theorem 1.1.5. If a fibration π : Y → X is a proper map, then Y → X is

a fibre bundle. In particular, a fibred manifold with a compact total space
is a fibre bundle.

Theorem 1.1.6. A fibred manifold whose fibres are diffeomorphic either

to a compact manifold or Rr is a fibre bundle [115].
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10 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

A comprehensive relation between fibred manifolds and fibre bundles is

given in Remark 1.3.2. It involves the notion of an Ehresmann connection.
Unless otherwise stated, we restrict our consideration to fibre bundles.
Without a loss of generality, we further assume that a cover U for a bun-
dle atlas of Y → X also is a cover for a manifold atlas of the base X.
Then, given a bundle atlas Ψ (1.1.7), a fibre bundle Y is provided with the
associated bundle coordinates
xλ (y) = (xλ ◦ π)(y), y i (y) = (y i ◦ ψξ )(y), y ∈ π −1 (Uξ ),
where xλ are coordinates on Uξ ⊂ X and y i , called fibre coordinates, are
coordinates on a typical fibre V .
The forthcoming Theorems 1.1.7 – 1.1.9 describe the particular covers
which one can choose for a bundle atlas. Throughout the book, only proper
covers of manifolds are considered, i.e., Uξ 6= Uζ if ζ 6= ξ. Recall that a
cover U0 is a refinement of a cover U if, for each U 0 ∈ U0 , there exists U ∈ U
such that U 0 ⊂ U . Of course, if a fibre bundle Y → X has a bundle atlas
over a cover U of X, it admits a bundle atlas over any refinement of U.
A fibred manifold Y → X is called trivial if Y is diffeomorphic to the
product X × V . Different trivializations of Y → X differ from each other
in surjections Y → V .

Theorem 1.1.7. Any fibre bundle over a contractible base is trivial.

However, a fibred manifold over a contractible base need not be trivial,

even its fibres are mutually diffeomorphic.
It follows from Theorem 1.1.7 that any cover of a base X consisting of
domains (i.e., contractible open subsets) is a bundle cover.

Theorem 1.1.8. Every fibre bundle Y → X admits a bundle atlas over

a countable cover U of X where each member Uξ of U is a domain whose
closure U ξ is compact [69].

If a base X is compact, there is a bundle atlas of Y over a finite cover

of X which obeys the condition of Theorem 1.1.8.

Theorem 1.1.9. Every fibre bundle Y → X admits a bundle atlas over a

finite cover U of X, but its members need not be contractible and connected.

Proof. Let Ψ be a bundle atlas of Y → X over a cover U of X. For any

cover U of a manifold X, there exists its refinement {Uij }, where j ∈ N and
i runs through a finite set such that Uij ∩ Uik = ∅, j 6= k. Let {(Uij , ψij )}
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 11

be the corresponding bundle atlas of a fibre bundle Y → X. Then Y has

the finite bundle atlas

Ui = ∪ Uij , ψi (x) = ψij (x), x ∈ Uij ⊂ Ui .

j

Morphisms of fibre bundles, by definition, are fibrewise morphisms,
sending a fibre to a fibre. Namely, a bundle morphism of a fibre bun-
dle π : Y → X to a fibre bundle π 0 : Y 0 → X 0 is defined as a pair (Φ, f ) of
manifold morphisms which form a commutative diagram
Φ
Y −→ Y 0
π π0 , π 0 ◦ Φ = f ◦ π.
? ?
f
X −→ X 0
Bundle injections and surjections are called bundle monomorphisms and
epimorphisms, respectively. A bundle diffeomorphism is called a bundle
isomorphism, or a bundle automorphism if it is an isomorphism to itself.
For the sake of brevity, a bundle morphism over f = Id X is often said to
be a bundle morphism over X, and is denoted by Y −→ Y 0 . In particular,
X
a bundle automorphism over X is called a vertical automorphism.
A bundle monomorphism Φ : Y → Y 0 over X is called a subbundle of a
fibre bundle Y 0 → X if Φ(Y ) is a submanifold of Y 0 . There is the following
useful criterion for an image and an inverse image of a bundle morphism to
be subbundles.

Theorem 1.1.10. Let Φ : Y → Y 0 be a bundle morphism over X. Given

a global section s of the fibre bundle Y 0 → X such that s(X) ⊂ Φ(Y ), by
the kernel of a bundle morphism Φ with respect to a section s is meant the
inverse image

Ker s Φ = Φ−1 (s(X))

of s(X) by Φ. If Φ : Y → Y 0 is a bundle morphism of constant rank over

X, then Φ(Y ) and Ker s Φ are subbundles of Y 0 and Y , respectively.

In conclusion, let us describe the following standard constructions of

new fibre bundles from the old ones.
• Given a fibre bundle π : Y → X and a manifold morphism f : X 0 → X,
the pull-back of Y by f is called the manifold

f ∗ Y = {(x0 , y) ∈ X 0 × Y : π(y) = f (x0 )} (1.1.8)

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12 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

together with the natural projection (x0 , y) → x0 . It is a fibre bundle over

X 0 such that the fibre of f ∗ Y over a point x0 ∈ X 0 is that of Y over the
point f (x0 ) ∈ X. There is the canonical bundle morphism
fY : f ∗ Y 3 (x0 , y)|π(y)=f (x0 ) → y ∈ Y. (1.1.9)
f

Any section s of a fibre bundle Y → X yields the pull-back section

f ∗ s(x0 ) = (x0 , s(f (x0 ))
of f ∗ Y → X 0 .
• If X 0 ⊂ X is a submanifold of X and iX 0 is the corresponding natural
injection, then the pull-back bundle
i∗X 0 Y = Y |X 0
is called the restriction of a fibre bundle Y to the submanifold X 0 ⊂ X. If
X 0 is an imbedded submanifold, any section of the pull-back bundle
Y |X 0 → X 0
is the restriction to X 0 of some section of Y → X.
• Let π : Y → X and π 0 : Y 0 → X be fibre bundles over the same base
X. Their bundle product Y ×X Y 0 over X is defined as the pull-back
∗
Y × Y 0 = π∗ Y 0 or Y × Y 0 = π 0 Y
X X
together with its natural surjection onto X. Fibres of the bundle product
Y × Y 0 are the Cartesian products Yx × Yx0 of fibres of fibre bundles Y and
Y 0.

1.1.3 Vector and affine bundles

A vector bundle is a fibre bundle Y → X such that:
• its typical fibre V and all the fibres Yx = π −1 (x), x ∈ X, are real
finite-dimensional vector spaces;
• there is a bundle atlas Ψ (1.1.7) of Y → X whose trivialization mor-
phisms ψξ (1.1.5) and transition functions %ξζ (1.1.6) are linear isomor-
phisms.
Accordingly, a vector bundle is provided with linear bundle coordinates (y i )
possessing linear transition functions y 0i = Aij (x)y j . We have
y = y i ei (π(y)) = y i ψξ (π(y))−1 (ei ), π(y) ∈ Uξ , (1.1.10)
where {ei } is a fixed basis for the typical fibre V of Y , and {ei (x)} are the
fibre bases (or the frames) for the fibres Yx of Y associated to the bundle
atlas Ψ.
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 13

By virtue of Theorem 1.1.4, any vector bundle has a global section,

e.g., the canonical global zero-valued section b0(x) = 0. Global sections of
a vector bundle Y → X constitute a projective C ∞ (X)-module Y (X) of
finite rank. It is called the structure module of a vector bundle.

Theorem 1.1.11. Let a vector bundle Y → X admit m = dim V nowhere

m
vanishing global sections si which are linearly independent, i.e., ∧ si 6= 0.
Then Y is trivial.

Proof. Values of these sections define the frames {si (x)} for all fibres
Vx , x ∈ X. Linear fibre coordinates (y i ) with respect to these frames
form a bundle coordinate atlas with identity transition functions of fibre
coordinates. 
Theorem 10.9.2 and Serre–Swan Theorem 10.9.3 state the categorial
equivalence between the vector bundles over a smooth manifold X and
projective C ∞ (X)-modules of finite rank. Therefore, the differential cal-
culus (including linear differential operators, linear connections) on vector
bundles can be algebraically formulated as the differential calculus on these
modules. We however follow fibre bundle formalism because classical field
theory is not restricted to vector bundles.
By a morphism of vector bundles is meant a linear bundle morphism,
which is a linear fibrewise map whose restriction to each fibre is a linear
map.
Given a linear bundle morphism Φ : Y 0 → Y of vector bundles over X,
its kernel Ker Φ is defined as the inverse image Φ−1 (b 0(X)) of the canoni-
cal zero-valued section b0(X) of Y . By virtue of Theorem 1.1.10, if Φ is of
constant rank, its kernel and its range are vector subbundles of the vector
bundles Y 0 and Y , respectively. For instance, monomorphisms and epimor-
phisms of vector bundles fulfil this condition.
There are the following particular constructions of new vector bundles
from the old ones.
• Let Y → X be a vector bundle with a typical fibre V . By Y ∗ → X is
denoted the dual vector bundle with the typical fibre V ∗ dual of V . The
interior product of Y and Y ∗ is defined as a fibred morphism
c : Y ⊗ Y ∗ −→ X × R.
X
0
• Let Y → X and Y → X be vector bundles with typical fibres V and
V 0 , respectively. Their Whitney sum Y ⊕ Y 0 is a vector bundle over X with
X
the typical fibre V ⊕ V 0 .
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14 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

• Let Y → X and Y 0 → X be vector bundles with typical fibres V

and V 0 , respectively. Their tensor product Y ⊗ Y 0 is a vector bundle over
X
X with the typical fibre V ⊗ V 0 . Similarly, the exterior product of vector
bundles Y ∧ Y 0 is defined. The exterior product
X

2 k
∧Y = X × R ⊕ Y ⊕ ∧ Y ⊕ · · · ∧ Y, k = dim Y − dim X, (1.1.11)
X X X

is called the exterior bundle.

Remark 1.1.2. Given vector bundles Y and Y 0 over the same base X,
every linear bundle morphism
Φ : Yx 3 {ei (x)} → {Φki (x)e0k (x)} ∈ Yx0
over X defines a global section
Φ : x → Φki (x)ei (x) ⊗ e0k (x)
of the tensor product Y ⊗ Y 0∗ , and vice versa.

A sequence
i j
Y 0 −→ Y −→ Y 00
of vector bundles over the same base X is called exact at Y if Ker j = Im i.
A sequence of vector bundles
i j
0 → Y 0 −→ Y −→ Y 00 → 0 (1.1.12)
over X is said to be a short exact sequence if it is exact at all terms Y 0 ,
Y , and Y 00 . This means that i is a bundle monomorphism, j is a bundle
epimorphism, and Ker j = Im i. Then Y 00 is the factor bundle Y /Y 0 whose
structure module is the quotient Y (X)/Y 0 (X) of the structure modules of
Y and Y 0 . Given an exact sequence of vector bundles (1.1.12), there is the
exact sequence of their duals
j∗ i∗
0 → Y 00∗ −→ Y ∗ −→ Y 0∗ → 0.
One says that an exact sequence (1.1.12) is split if there exists a bundle
monomorphism s : Y 00 → Y such that j ◦ s = Id Y 00 or, equivalently,
Y = i(Y 0 ) ⊕ s(Y 00 ) = Y 0 ⊕ Y 00 .

Theorem 1.1.12. Every exact sequence of vector bundles (1.1.12) is split

[80].
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 15

This theorem is a corollary of the Serre–Swan Theorem 10.9.3 and The-

orem 10.1.3.
The tangent bundle T Z and the cotangent bundle T ∗ Z of a manifold Z
exemplify vector bundles.

Remark 1.1.3. Given an atlas ΨZ = {(Uι , φι )} of a manifold Z, the tan-

gent bundle is provided with the holonomic bundle atlas
ΨT = {(Uι , ψι = T φι )}, (1.1.13)
where T φι is the tangent morphism to φι . The associated linear bundle
coordinates are holonomic (or induced) coordinates (ż λ ) with respect to
the holonomic frames {∂λ } in tangent spaces Tz Z.

The tensor product of tangent and cotangent bundles

m k
T = (⊗ T Z) ⊗ (⊗ T ∗ Z), m, k ∈ N, (1.1.14)
is called a tensor bundle, provided with holonomic bundle coordinates
1 ···αm
ẋα
β1 ···βk possessing transition functions

∂x0α1 ∂x0αm ∂xν1 ∂xνk µ1 ···µm

ẋ0α1 ···αm
β1 ···βk = · · · · · · ẋ .
∂xµ1 ∂xµm ∂x0β1 ∂x0βk ν1 ···νk
Let πY : T Y → Y be the tangent bundle of a fibre bundle π : Y → X.
Given bundle coordinates (xλ , y i ) on Y , it is equipped with the holonomic
coordinates (xλ , y i , ẋλ , ẏ i ). The tangent bundle T Y → Y has the subbundle
V Y = Ker (T π), which consists of the vectors tangent to fibres of Y . It is
called the vertical tangent bundle of Y and is provided with the holonomic
coordinates (xλ , y i , ẏ i ) with respect to the vertical frames {∂i }. Every bun-
dle morphism Φ : Y → Y 0 yields the linear bundle morphism over Φ of the
vertical tangent bundles
∂Φi j
V Φ : V Y → V Y 0, ẏ 0i ◦ V Φ = ẏ . (1.1.15)
∂y j
It is called the vertical tangent morphism.
In many important cases, the vertical tangent bundle V Y → Y of a
fibre bundle Y → X is trivial, and is isomorphic to the bundle product
V Y = Y ×Y (1.1.16)
X

where Y → X is some vector bundle. It follows that V Y can be provided

with bundle coordinates (xλ , y i , y i ) such that transition functions of coor-
dinates y i are independent of coordinates y i . One calls (1.1.16) the vertical
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16 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

splitting. For instance, every vector bundle Y → X admits the canonical

vertical splitting
V Y = Y ⊕ Y. (1.1.17)
X
The vertical cotangent bundle V ∗ Y → Y of a fibre bundle Y → X is
defined as the dual of the vertical tangent bundle V Y → Y . It is not a sub-
bundle of the cotangent bundle T ∗ Y , but there is the canonical surjection
ζ : T ∗ Y 3 ẋλ dxλ + ẏi dy i → ẏi dy i ∈ V ∗ Y, (1.1.18)
i
where {dy }, possessing transition functions
∂y 0i j
dy 0i = dy ,
∂y j
are the duals of the holonomic frames {∂i } of the vertical tangent bundle
VY.
For any fibre bundle Y , there exist the exact sequences of vector bundles
T π
0 → V Y −→ T Y −→ Y × T X → 0, (1.1.19)
X
∗ ∗ ∗
0 → Y × T X → T Y → V Y → 0. (1.1.20)
X
Their splitting, by definition, is a connection on Y → X.
For the sake of simplicity, we agree to denote the pull-backs
Y × T X, Y × T ∗X
X X
by T X and T ∗ X, respectively.
Let π : Y → X be a vector bundle with a typical fibre V . An affine
bundle modelled over the vector bundle Y → X is a fibre bundle π : Y → X
whose typical fibre V is an affine space modelled over V such that the
following conditions hold.
• All the fibres Yx of Y are affine spaces modelled over the corresponding
fibres Y x of the vector bundle Y .
• There is an affine bundle atlas
Ψ = {(Uα , ψχ ), %χζ }
of Y → X whose local trivializations morphisms ψχ (1.1.5) and transition
functions %χζ (1.1.6) are affine isomorphisms.
Dealing with affine bundles, we use only affine bundle coordinates (y i )
associated to an affine bundle atlas Ψ. There are the bundle morphisms
Y × Y −→ Y, (y i , y i ) → y i + y i ,
X X

Y × Y −→ Y , (y i , y 0i ) → y i − y 0i ,
X X
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 17

where (y i ) are linear coordinates on the vector bundle Y .

By virtue of Theorem 1.1.4, affine bundles have global sections, but
in contrast with vector bundles, there is no canonical global section of an
affine bundle. Let π : Y → X be an affine bundle. Every global section s
of an affine bundle Y → X modelled over a vector bundle Y → X yields
the bundle morphisms
Y 3 y → y − s(π(y)) ∈ Y , (1.1.21)
Y 3 y → s(π(y)) + y ∈ Y. (1.1.22)
In particular, every vector bundle Y has a natural structure of an affine
bundle due to the morphisms (1.1.22) where s = b 0 is the canonical zero-
valued section of Y . For instance, the tangent bundle T X of a manifold X
is naturally an affine bundle AT X called the affine tangent bundle.
Theorem 1.1.13. Any affine bundle Y → X admits bundle coordinates
(xλ , yei ) possessing linear transition functions ye0i = Aij (x)e
y j (see Example
5.10.2).
Proof. Let s be a global section of Y → X. Given fibre coordinates
y → (y i ), let us consider the fibre coordinates
y i = y i − si (π(y))).
y → (e
Due to the morphism (1.1.21), they possess linear transition functions. 
0 0
One can define the Whitney sum Y ⊕ Y of a vector bundle Y → X and
an affine bundle Y → X modelled over a vector bundle Y → X. This is an
0
affine bundle modelled over the Whitney sum of vector bundles Y ⊕ Y .
By a morphism of affine bundles is meant a bundle morphism Φ : Y →
Y 0 whose restriction to each fibre of Y is an affine map. It is called an affine
bundle morphism. Every affine bundle morphism Φ : Y → Y 0 of an affine
bundle Y modelled over a vector bundle Y to an affine bundle Y 0 modelled
0
over a vector bundle Y yields an unique linear bundle morphism
0 ∂Φi j
Φ:Y →Y , y 0i ◦ Φ = y , (1.1.23)
∂y j
called the linear derivative of Φ.
Similarly to vector bundles, if Φ : Y → Y 0 is an affine morphism of
affine bundles of constant rank, then Φ(Y ) and Ker Φ are affine subbundles
of Y 0 and Y , respectively.
Every affine bundle Y → X modelled over a vector bundle Y → X
admits the canonical vertical splitting
V Y = Y ×Y . (1.1.24)
X
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18 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

Note that Theorems 1.1.8 and 1.1.9 on a particular cover for bundle
atlases remain true in the case of linear and affine atlases of vector and
affine bundles.

1.1.4 Vector fields, distributions and foliations

Vector fields on a manifold Z are global sections of the tangent bundle
T Z → Z.
The set T (Z) of vector fields on Z is both a C ∞ (Z)-module and a real
Lie algebra with respect to the Lie bracket
u = uλ ∂λ , v = v λ ∂λ ,
[v, u] = (v λ ∂λ uµ − uλ ∂λ v µ )∂µ .
Given a vector field u on X, a curve
c : R ⊃ () → Z
in Z is said to be an integral curve of u if T c = u(c). Every vector field
u on a manifold Z can be seen as an infinitesimal generator of a local
one-parameter group of diffeomorphisms (a flow), and vice versa [92]. One-
dimensional orbits of this group are integral curves of u. A vector field is
called complete if its flow is a one-parameter group of diffeomorphisms of
Z. For instance, every vector field on a compact manifold is complete.
A vector field u on a fibre bundle Y → X is called projectable if it
projects onto a vector field on X, i.e., there exists a vector field τ on X
such that
τ ◦ π = T π ◦ u.
A projectable vector field takes the coordinate form
u = uλ (xµ )∂λ + ui (xµ , y j )∂i , τ = uλ ∂λ . (1.1.25)
Its flow is a local one-parameter group of automorphisms of Y → X over a
local one-parameter group of diffeomorphisms of X whose generator is τ .
A projectable vector field is called vertical if its projection onto X vanishes,
i.e., if it lives in the vertical tangent bundle V Y .
A vector field τ = τ λ ∂λ on a base X of a fibre bundle Y → X gives rise
to a vector field on Y by means of a connection on this fibre bundle (see
the formula (1.3.6)). Nevertheless, every tensor bundle (1.1.14) admits the
canonical lift of vector fields
2 ···αm 1 ···αm ˙ β1 ···βk
τe = τ µ ∂µ + [∂ν τ α1 ẋβνα
1 ···βk
+ . . . − ∂β1 τ ν ẋα
νβ2 ···βk − . . .]∂α1 ···αm , (1.1.26)
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 19

where we employ the compact notation

∂
∂˙λ = . (1.1.27)
∂ ẋλ
This lift is functorial, i.e., it is an R-linear monomorphism of the Lie algebra
T (X) of vector fields on X to the Lie algebra T (Y ) of vector fields on Y
(see Section 6.1). In particular, we have the functorial lift
∂
τe = τ µ ∂µ + ∂ν τ α ẋν (1.1.28)
∂ ẋα
of vector fields on X onto the tangent bundle T X and their functorial lift
∂
τe = τ µ ∂µ − ∂β τ ν ẋν (1.1.29)
∂ ẋβ
onto the cotangent bundle T ∗ X.
A fibre bundle admitting functorial lift of vector fields on its base is
called the natural bundle [94; 153] (see Section 6.1).
A subbundle T of the tangent bundle T Z of a manifold Z is called a
regular distribution (or, simply, a distribution). A vector field u on Z is
said to be subordinate to a distribution T if it lives in T. A distribution T
is called involutive if the Lie bracket of T-subordinate vector fields also is
subordinate to T.
A subbundle of the cotangent bundle T ∗ Z of Z is called a codistribution
T∗ on a manifold Z. For instance, the annihilator Ann T of a distribution
T is a codistribution whose fibre over z ∈ Z consists of covectors w ∈ Tz∗
such that vcw = 0 for all v ∈ Tz .

Theorem 1.1.14. Let T be a distribution and Ann T its annihilator. Let

∧Ann T(Z) be the ideal of the exterior algebra O∗ (Z) which is generated
by sections of Ann T → Z. A distribution T is involutive if and only if the
ideal ∧Ann T(Z) is a differential ideal [164], i.e.,
d(∧Ann T(Z)) ⊂ ∧Ann T(Z).

The following local coordinates can be associated to an involutive dis-

tribution [164].

Theorem 1.1.15. Let T be an involutive r-dimensional distribution on a

manifold Z, dim Z = k. Every point z ∈ Z has an open neighborhood
U which is a domain of an adapted coordinate chart (z 1 , . . . , z k ) such that,
restricted to U , the distribution T and its annihilator Ann T are spanned by
the local vector fields ∂/∂z 1 , · · · , ∂/∂z r and the one-forms dz r+1 , . . . , dz k ,
respectively.
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20 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

A connected submanifold N of a manifold Z is called an integral ma-

nifold of a distribution T on Z if T N ⊂ T. Unless otherwise stated, by
an integral manifold is meant an integral manifold of dimension of T. An
integral manifold is called maximal if no other integral manifold contains
it. The following is the classical theorem of Frobenius.

Theorem 1.1.16. Let T be an involutive distribution on a manifold Z. For

any z ∈ Z, there exists a unique maximal integral manifold of T through z,
and any integral manifold through z is its open subset.

Maximal integral manifolds of an involutive distribution on a manifold

Z are assembled into a regular foliation F of Z. A regular r-dimensional
foliation (or, simply, a foliation) F of a k-dimensional manifold Z is defined
as a partition of Z into connected r-dimensional submanifolds (the leaves
of a foliation) Fι , ι ∈ I, which possesses the following properties [126;
151]. A foliated manifold (Z, F) admits an adapted coordinate atlas
{(Uξ ; z λ ; z i )}, λ = 1, . . . , n − r, i = 1, . . . , r, (1.1.30)
such that transition functions of coordinates z λ are independent of the re-
maining coordinates z i and, for each leaf F of a foliation F, the connected
components of F ∩ Uξ are given by the equations z λ =const. These con-
nected components and coordinates (z i ) on them make up a coordinate
atlas of a leaf F . It follows that tangent spaces to leaves of a foliation F
constitute an involutive distribution T F on Z, called the tangent bundle
to the foliation F. The factor bundle
V F = T Z/T F,
called the normal bundle to F, has transition functions independent of
coordinates z i . Let T F ∗ → Z denote the dual of T F → Z. There are the
exact sequences
F i
0 → T F −→ T X −→ V F → 0, (1.1.31)
i∗
0 → Ann T F −→ T ∗ X −→ T F ∗ → 0 F
(1.1.32)
of vector bundles over Z.
It should be emphasized that leaves of a foliation need not be closed or
imbedded submanifolds. Every leaf has an open tubular neighborhood U ,
i.e., if z ∈ U , then a leaf through z also belongs to U .
A pair (Z, F) where F is a foliation of Z is called a foliated manifold.
For instance, any submersion f : Z → M yields a foliation
F = {Fp = f −1 (p)}p∈f (Z)
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 21

of Z indexed by elements of f (Z), which is an open submanifold of M , i.e.,

Z → f (Z) is a fibred manifold. Leaves of this foliation are closed imbedded
submanifolds. Such a foliation is called simple. It is a fibred manifold over
f (Z). Any (regular) foliation is locally simple.

1.1.5 Exterior and tangent-valued forms

An exterior r-form on a manifold Z is a section
1
φ = φλ1 ...λr dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr
r!
r
of the exterior product ∧ T ∗ Z → Z, where
1 λ1 ...λr
dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr =  µ1 ...µr dx
µ1
⊗ · · · ⊗ dxµr ,
r!
...λi ...λj ... ...µp ...µk ... = −...λj ...λi ... ...µp ...µk ... = −...λi ...λj ... ...µk ...µp ... ,
λ1 ...λr λ1 ...λr = 1.
Sometimes, it is convenient to write
φ = φ0λ1 ...λr dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr
without the coefficient 1/r!.
Let Or (Z) denote the vector space of exterior r-forms on a manifold
Z. By definition, O0 (Z) = C ∞ (Z) is the ring of smooth real functions on
Z. All exterior forms on Z constitute the N-graded commutative algebra
O∗ (Z) of global sections of the exterior bundle ∧T ∗ Z (1.1.11) endowed with
the exterior product
1 1
φ= φλ1 ...λr dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr , σ = σµ1 ...µs dz µ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz µs ,
r! s!
1
φ∧σ = φν ...ν σν ...ν dz ∧ · · · ∧ dz νr+s =
ν1
r!s! 1 r r+1 r+s
1
ν1 ...νr+s α1 ...αr+s φν1 ...νr σνr+1 ...νr+s dz α1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz αr+s ,
r!s!(r + s)!
such that
φ ∧ σ = (−1)|φ||σ| σ ∧ φ,
where the symbol |φ| stands for the form degree. The algebra O∗ (Z) also
is provided with the exterior differential
1
dφ = dz µ ∧ ∂µ φ = ∂µ φλ1 ...λr dz µ ∧ dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr
r!
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22 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

which obeys the relations

d ◦ d = 0, d(φ ∧ σ) = d(φ) ∧ σ + (−1)|φ| φ ∧ d(σ).
The exterior differential d makes O∗ (Z) into a differential graded algebra
which is the minimal Chevalley–Eilenberg differential calculus O∗ A over
the real ring A = C ∞ (Z). Its de Rham complex is (10.9.12).
Given a manifold morphism f : Z → Z 0 , any exterior k-form φ on Z 0
yields the pull-back exterior form f ∗ φ on Z given by the condition
f ∗ φ(v 1 , . . . , v k )(z) = φ(T f (v 1 ), . . . , T f (v k ))(f (z))
for an arbitrary collection of tangent vectors v 1 , · · · , v k ∈ Tz Z. We have
the relations
f ∗ (φ ∧ σ) = f ∗ φ ∧ f ∗ σ,
df ∗ φ = f ∗ (dφ).
In particular, given a fibre bundle π : Y → X, the pull-back onto
Y of exterior forms on X by π provides the monomorphism of graded
commutative algebras O∗ (X) → O∗ (Y ). Elements of its range π ∗ O∗ (X)
are called basic forms. Exterior forms
r
φ : Y → ∧ T ∗ X,
1
φ = φλ1 ...λr dxλ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxλr ,
r!
on Y such that ucφ = 0 for an arbitrary vertical vector field u on Y are said
to be horizontal forms. Horizontal forms of degree n = dim X are called
densities. We use for them the compact notation
1
L = Lµ1 ...µn dxµ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxµn = Lω, L = L1...n ,
n!
1
ω = dx1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxn = µ1 ...µn dxµ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxµn , (1.1.33)
n!
ωλ = ∂λ cω, ωµλ = ∂µ c∂λ cω,
where  is the skew-symmetric Levi–Civita symbol with the component
µ1 ...µn = 1.
The interior product (or contraction) of a vector field u and an exterior
r-form φ on a manifold Z is given by the coordinate expression
r
X (−1)k−1 λk
ucφ = uλk φλ1 ...λk ...λr dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz
c ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr =
r!
k=1
1
uµ φµα2 ...αr dz α2 ∧ · · · ∧ dz αr ,
(r − 1)!
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 23

where the caret b denotes omission. It obeys the relations

φ(u1 , . . . , ur ) = ur c · · · u1 cφ,
uc(φ ∧ σ) = ucφ ∧ σ + (−1)|φ| φ ∧ ucσ.
The Lie derivative of an exterior form φ along a vector field u is
Lu φ = ucdφ + d(ucφ),
Lu (φ ∧ σ) = Lu φ ∧ σ + φ ∧ Lu σ.
It is a derivation of the graded algebra O∗ (Z) such that
Lu ◦ Lu0 − Lu0 ◦ Lu = L[u,u0 ] .
In particular, if f is a function, then
Lu f = u(f ) = ucdf.
An exterior form φ is invariant under a local one-parameter group of
diffeomorphisms G(t) of Z (i.e., G(t)∗ φ = φ) if and only if its Lie derivative
along the infinitesimal generator u of this group vanishes, i.e.,
Lu φ = 0.
A tangent-valued r-form on a manifold Z is a section
1
φ = φµλ1 ...λr dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr ⊗ ∂µ (1.1.34)
r!
of the tensor bundle
r
∧ T ∗ Z ⊗ T Z → Z.
Remark 1.1.4. There is one-to-one correspondence between the tangent-
valued one-forms φ on a manifold Z and the linear bundle endomorphisms
φb : T Z → T Z, φb : Tz Z 3 v → vcφ(z) ∈ Tz Z, (1.1.35)
φb∗ : T ∗ Z → T ∗ Z, φb∗ : Tz∗ Z 3 v ∗ → φ(z)cv ∗ ∈ Tz∗ Z, (1.1.36)
over Z (see Remark 1.1.2). For instance, the canonical tangent-valued one-
form
θZ = dz λ ⊗ ∂λ (1.1.37)
on Z corresponds to the identity morphisms (1.1.35) and (1.1.36).
Remark 1.1.5. Let Z = T X, and let T T X be the tangent bundle of T X.
There is the bundle endomorphism
J(∂λ ) = ∂˙λ , J(∂˙λ ) = 0 (1.1.38)
of T T X over X. It corresponds to the canonical tangent-valued form
θJ = dxλ ⊗ ∂˙λ (1.1.39)
on the tangent bundle T X. It is readily observed that J ◦ J = 0.
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24 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

The space O∗ (Z) ⊗ T (Z) of tangent-valued forms is provided with the

Frölicher–Nijenhuis bracket
[ , ]FN : Or (Z) ⊗ T (Z) × Os (Z) ⊗ T (Z) → Or+s (Z) ⊗ T (Z),
[α ⊗ u, β ⊗ v]FN = (α ∧ β) ⊗ [u, v] + (α ∧ Lu β) ⊗ v − (1.1.40)
r r
(Lv α ∧ β) ⊗ u + (−1) (dα ∧ ucβ) ⊗ v + (−1) (vcα ∧ dβ) ⊗ u,
α ∈ Or (Z), β ∈ Os (Z), u, v ∈ T (Z).
Its coordinate expression is
1
[φ, σ]FN = (φν ∂ν σλµr+1 ...λr+s − σλν r+1 ...λr+s ∂ν φµλ1 ...λr −
r!s! λ1 ...λr
rφµλ1 ...λr−1 ν ∂λr σλν r+1 ...λr+s + sσνλ
µ
r+2 ...λr+s
∂λr+1 φνλ1 ...λr )
dz λ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dz λr+s ⊗ ∂µ ,
φ ∈ Or (Z) ⊗ T (Z), σ ∈ Os (Z) ⊗ T (Z).
There are the relations
[φ, σ]FN = (−1)|φ||ψ|+1 [σ, φ]FN , (1.1.41)
|φ||σ|
[φ, [σ, θ]FN ]FN = [[φ, σ]FN , θ]FN + (−1) [σ, [φ, θ]FN ]FN , (1.1.42)
∗
φ, σ, θ ∈ O (Z) ⊗ T (Z).
Given a tangent-valued form θ, the Nijenhuis differential on O∗ (Z) ⊗
T (Z) is defined as the morphism
dθ : ψ → dθ ψ = [θ, ψ]FN , ψ ∈ O∗ (Z) ⊗ T (Z).
By virtue of (1.1.42), it has the property
dφ [ψ, θ]FN = [dφ ψ, θ]FN + (−1)|φ||ψ| [ψ, dφ θ]FN .
In particular, if θ = u is a vector field, the Nijenhuis differential is the Lie
derivative of tangent-valued forms
1
Lu σ = du σ = [u, σ]FN = (uν ∂ν σλµ1 ...λs − σλν 1 ...λs ∂ν uµ +
s!
µ
sσνλ 2 ...λs
∂λ1 uν )dxλ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxλs ⊗ ∂µ , σ ∈ Os (Z) ⊗ T (Z).
Let Y → X be a fibre bundle. We consider the following subspaces of
the space O∗ (Y ) ⊗ T (Y ) of tangent-valued forms on Y :
• horizontal tangent-valued forms
r
φ : Y → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ T Y,
Y
1 µ
φ = dxλ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxλr ⊗ [φ (y)∂µ + φiλ1 ...λr (y)∂i ],
r! λ1 ...λr
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1.1. Geometry of fibre bundles 25

• projectable horizontal tangent-valued forms

1 µ
φ = dxλ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxλr ⊗ [φ (x)∂µ + φiλ1 ...λr (y)∂i ],
r! λ1 ...λr
• vertical-valued form
r
φ : Y → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ V Y,
Y
1
φ = φiλ1 ...λr (y)dxλ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxλr ⊗ ∂i ,
r!
• vertical-valued one-forms, called soldering forms,

σ = σλi (y)dxλ ⊗ ∂i ,

• basic soldering forms

σ = σλi (x)dxλ ⊗ ∂i .

Remark 1.1.6. The tangent bundle T X is provided with the canonical

soldering form θJ (1.1.39). Due to the canonical vertical splitting

V T X = T X × T X, (1.1.43)
X

the canonical soldering form (1.1.39) on T X defines the canonical tangent-

valued form θX (1.1.37) on X. By this reason, tangent-valued one-forms
on a manifold X also are called soldering forms.

Remark 1.1.7. Let Y → X be a fibre bundle, f : X 0 → X a manifold

morphism, f ∗ Y → X 0 the pull-back of Y by f , and

fY : f ∗ Y → Y

the corresponding bundle morphism (1.1.9). Since

V f ∗ Y = f ∗ V Y = fY∗ V Y, Vy0 Y 0 = VfY (y0 ) Y,

one can define the pull-back f ∗ φ onto f ∗ Y of any vertical-valued form f

on Y in accordance with the relation

f ∗ φ(v 1 , . . . , v r )(y 0 ) = φ(T fY (v 1 ), . . . , T fY (v r ))(fY (y 0 )).

We also mention the T X-valued forms

r
φ : Y → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ T X, (1.1.44)
Y
1 µ
φ= φ dxλ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxλr ⊗ ∂µ ,
r! λ1 ...λr
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26 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

and V ∗ Y -valued forms

r
φ : Y → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ V ∗ Y, (1.1.45)
Y
1
φ= φλ ...λ i dxλ1 ∧ · · · ∧ dxλr ⊗ dy i .
r! 1 r
It should be emphasized that (1.1.44) are not tangent-valued forms, while
(1.1.45) are not exterior forms. They exemplify vector-valued forms. Given
a vector bundle E → X, by a E-valued k-form on X, is meant a section of
the fibre bundle
k
(∧ T ∗ X) ⊗ E ∗ → X.
X

1.2 Jet manifolds

This Section addresses first and second order jet manifolds of sections of
fibre bundles [94; 145].
Given a fibre bundle Y → X with bundle coordinates (xλ , y i ), let us
consider the equivalence classes jx1 s of its sections s, which are identified
by their values si (x) and the values of their partial derivatives ∂µ si (x) at a
point x ∈ X. They are called the first order jets of sections at x. One can
justify that the definition of jets is coordinate-independent. The key point
is that the set J 1 Y of first order jets jx1 s, x ∈ X, is a smooth manifold with
respect to the adapted coordinates (xλ , y i , yλi ) such that
∂xµ i
yλi (jx1 s) = ∂λ si (x), (∂µ + yµj ∂j )y 0i .
y0 λ = (1.2.1)
∂x0 λ
It is called the first order jet manifold of a fibre bundle Y → X. We call
(yλi ) the jet coordinate.

Remark 1.2.1. Note that there are different notions of jets. Jets of sec-
tions are the particular jets of maps [94; 126] and the jets of submanifolds
[53; 96] (see Section 8.4). Let us also mention the jets of modules over a
commutative ring [96; 112] which are representative objects of differential
operators on modules [71; 96]. In particular, given a smooth manifold X,
the jets of a projective C ∞ (X)-module P of finite rank are exactly the jets
of sections of the vector bundle over X whose module of sections is P in
accordance with the Serre–Swan Theorem 10.9.3. The notion of jets is ex-
tended to modules over graded commutative rings [60]. However, the jets
of modules over a noncommutative ring can not be defined [60].
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1.2. Jet manifolds 27

The jet manifold J 1 Y admits the natural fibrations

π 1 : J 1 Y 3 jx1 s → x ∈ X, (1.2.2)
π01 1
:J Y 3 jx1 s → s(x) ∈ Y. (1.2.3)
A glance at the transformation law (1.2.1) shows that π01 is an affine bundle
modelled over the vector bundle
T ∗ X ⊗ V Y → Y. (1.2.4)
Y
It is convenient to call π 1 (1.2.2) the jet bundle, while π01 (1.2.3) is said to
be the affine jet bundle.
Let us note that, if Y → X is a vector or an affine bundle, the jet bundle
π1 (1.2.2) is so.
Jets can be expressed in terms of familiar tangent-valued forms as fol-
lows. There are the canonical imbeddings
λ(1) : J 1 Y → T ∗ X ⊗ T Y,
Y Y
λ(1) = dx ⊗ (∂λ + yλi ∂i ) = dxλ ⊗ dλ ,
λ
(1.2.5)
1 ∗
θ(1) : J Y → T Y ⊗ V Y,
Y Y
θ(1) = (dy i − yλi dxλ ) ⊗ ∂i = θi ⊗ ∂i , (1.2.6)
where dλ are said to be total derivatives, and θi are called local contact
forms.

Remark 1.2.2. We further identify the jet manifold J 1 Y with its images
under the canonical morphisms (1.2.5) and (1.2.6), and represent the jets
jx1 s = (xλ , y i , yµi ) by the tangent-valued forms λ(1) (1.2.5) and θ(1) (1.2.6).

Sections and morphisms of fibre bundles admit prolongations to jet man-

ifolds as follows.
Any section s of a fibre bundle Y → X has the jet prolongation to the
section
(J 1 s)(x) = jx1 s, yλi ◦ J 1 s = ∂λ si (x),
of the jet bundle J 1 Y → X. A section of the jet bundle J 1 Y → X is called
integrable if it is the jet prolongation of some section of a fibre bundle
Y → X.

Remark 1.2.3. By virtue of Theorem 1.1.4, the affine jet bundle J 1 Y → Y

admits global sections. For instance, if Y = X × V is a trivial bundle, there
0(Y ) of J 1 Y → Y which takes its values into
is the canonical zero section b
centers of its affine fibres.
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28 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

Any bundle morphism Φ : Y → Y 0 over a diffeomorphism f admits a

jet prolongation to a bundle morphism of affine jet bundles
J 1 Φ : J 1 Y −→ J 1 Y 0 , (1.2.7)
Φ

i ∂(f −1 )µ
y0 λ ◦ J 1 Φ = d µ Φi .
∂x0λ
Any projectable vector field u (1.1.25) on a fibre bundle Y → X has a
jet prolongation to the projectable vector field
J 1 u = r1 ◦ J 1 u : J 1 Y → J 1 T Y → T J 1 Y,
J 1 u = uλ ∂λ + ui ∂i + (dλ ui − yµi ∂λ uµ )∂iλ , (1.2.8)
on the jet manifold J 1 Y . In order to obtain (1.2.8), the canonical bundle
morphism
r1 : J 1 T Y → T J 1 Y, ẏλi ◦ r1 = (ẏ i )λ − yµi ẋµλ
is used. In particular, there is the canonical isomorphism
V J 1 Y = J 1 V Y, ẏλi = (ẏ i )λ . (1.2.9)
Taking the first order jet manifold of the jet bundle J 1 Y → X, we obtain
the repeated jet manifold J 1 J 1 Y provided with the adapted coordinates
(xλ , y i , yλi , ybµi , yµλ
i
)
possessing transition functions
∂xα ∂xα b 0i i ∂xα b 0 i
yλ0i = d y 0i ,
λ α
ybλ0i = d y ,
λ α
y 0 µλ = dα y λ ,
∂x0 ∂x0 ∂x0 µ
dα = ∂α + ybαj ∂j + yνα
j
∂jν , dbα = ∂α + ybαj ∂j + yναj
∂jν .
There exist two different affine fibrations of J 1 J 1 Y over J 1 Y :
• the familiar affine jet bundle (1.2.3):
π11 : J 1 J 1 Y → J 1 Y, yλi ◦ π11 = yλi , (1.2.10)
• the affine bundle
J 1 π01 : J 1 J 1 Y → J 1 Y, yλi ◦ J 1 π01 = ybλi . (1.2.11)
In general, there is no canonical identification of these fibrations. The
points q ∈ J 1 J 1 Y , where
π11 (q) = J 1 π01 (q),
form an affine subbundle Jb2 Y → J 1 Y of J 1 J 1 Y called the sesquiholonomic
jet manifold. It is given by the coordinate conditions ybλi = yλi , and is
coordinated by (xλ , y i , yλi , yµλ
i
).
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1.3. Connections on fibre bundles 29

The second order jet manifold J 2 Y of a fibre bundle Y → X can be

defined as the affine subbundle of the fibre bundle Jb2 Y → J 1 Y given by
the coordinate conditions
i i
yλµ = yµλ .
It is modelled over the vector bundle
2
∨ T ∗ X ⊗ V Y → J 1 Y,
J 1Y
and is endowed with adapted coordinates (xλ , y i , yλi , yλµ
i i
= yµλ ), possessing
transition functions
∂xα i ∂xα i
yλ0i = d y 0i ,
λ α
y 0 µλ = dα y 0 λ . (1.2.12)
∂x 0 ∂x0 µ
The second order jet manifold J 2 Y also can be introduced as the set of
the equivalence classes jx2 s of sections s of the fibre bundle Y → X, which
are identified by their values and the values of their first and second order
partial derivatives at points x ∈ X, i.e.,
yλi (jx2 s) = ∂λ si (x), i
yλµ (jx2 s) = ∂λ ∂µ si (x).
The equivalence classes jx2 s are called the second order jets of sections.
Let s be a section of a fibre bundle Y → X, and let J 1 s be its jet
prolongation to a section of the jet bundle J 1 Y → X. The latter gives rise
to the section J 1 J 1 s of the repeated jet bundle J 1 J 1 Y → X. This section
takes its values into the second order jet manifold J 2 Y . It is called the
second order jet prolongation of a section s, and is denoted by J 2 s.
Theorem 1.2.1. Let s be a section of the jet bundle J 1 Y → X, and let J 1 s
be its jet prolongation to a section of the repeated jet bundle J 1 J 1 Y → X.
The following three facts are equivalent:
• s = J 1 s where s is a section of a fibre bundle Y → X,
• J 1 s takes its values into Jb2 Y ,
• J 1 s takes its values into J 2 Y .

1.3 Connections on fibre bundles

There are several equivalent definitions of a connection on a fibre bundle.

We start with the traditional notion of a connection as a splitting of the
exact sequences (1.1.19) – (1.1.20), but then follow its definition as a global
section of an affine jet bundle [94; 112; 145]. In the case of vector bundles,
there is an equivalent definition (10.9.10) of a linear connection on their
structure modules.
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30 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

1.3.1 Connections as tangent-valued forms

A connection on a fibre bundle Y → X is defined traditionally as a linear
bundle monomorphism
Γ : Y × T X → T Y, (1.3.1)
X
Γ: ẋλ ∂λ → ẋλ (∂λ + Γiλ ∂i ),
over Y which splits the exact sequence (1.1.19), i.e.,
πT ◦ Γ = Id (Y × T X).
X

This also is a definition of connections on fibred manifolds (see Remark

1.3.2).
By virtue of Theorem 1.1.12, a connection always exists. The local
functions Γiλ (y) in (1.3.1) are said to be components of the connection Γ
with respect to the bundle coordinates (xλ , y i ) on Y → X.
The image of Y × T X by the connection Γ defines the horizontal distri-
bution HY ⊂ T Y which splits the tangent bundle T Y as follows:
T Y = HY ⊕ V Y, (1.3.2)
Y
ẋλ ∂λ + ẏ i ∂i = ẋλ (∂λ + Γiλ ∂i ) + (ẏ i − ẋλ Γiλ )∂i .
Its annihilator is locally generated by the one-forms dy i − Γiλ dxλ .
Given the horizontal splitting (1.3.2), the surjection
Γ : T Y → V Y, (1.3.3)
Y
ẏ i ◦ Γ = ẏ i − Γiλ ẋλ ,
defines a connection on Y → X in an equivalent way.
The linear morphism Γ over Y (1.3.1) yields uniquely the horizontal
tangent-valued one-form
Γ = dxλ ⊗ (∂λ + Γiλ ∂i ) (1.3.4)
on Y which projects onto the canonical tangent-valued form θX (1.1.37) on
X. With this form called the connection form, the morphism (1.3.1) reads
Γ : ∂λ → ∂λ cΓ = ∂λ + Γiλ ∂i .
Given a connection Γ and the corresponding horizontal distribution
(1.3.2), a vector field u on a fibre bundle Y → X is called horizontal if
it lives in HY . A horizontal vector field takes the form
u = uλ (y)(∂λ + Γiλ ∂i ). (1.3.5)
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1.3. Connections on fibre bundles 31

In particular, let τ be a vector field on the base X. By means of the

connection form Γ (1.3.4), we obtain the projectable horizontal vector field

Γτ = τ cΓ = τ λ (∂λ + Γiλ ∂i ) (1.3.6)

on Y , called the horizontal lift of τ by means of a connection Γ. Conversely,
any projectable horizontal vector field u on Y is the horizontal lift Γτ of its
projection τ on X. Moreover, the horizontal distribution HY is generated
by the horizontal lifts Γτ (1.3.6) of vector fields τ on X. The horizontal lift
T (X) 3 τ → Γτ ∈ T (Y ) (1.3.7)
∞
is a C (X)-linear module morphism.
Given the splitting (1.3.1), the dual splitting of the exact sequence
(1.1.20) is
Γ : V ∗ Y → T ∗ Y, Γ : dy i → dy i − Γiλ dxλ . (1.3.8)
Hence, a connection Γ on Y → X is represented by the vertical-valued form
Γ = (dy i − Γiλ dxλ ) ⊗ ∂i (1.3.9)
such that the morphism (1.3.8) reads
Γ : dy i → Γcdy i = dy i − Γiλ dxλ .
We call Γ (1.3.9) the vertical connection form. The corresponding horizon-
tal splitting of the cotangent bundle T ∗ Y takes the form
T ∗ Y = T ∗ X ⊕ Γ(V ∗ Y ), (1.3.10)
Y
ẋλ dxλ + ẏi dy = (ẋλ + ẏi Γiλ )dxλ + ẏi (dy i − Γiλ dxλ ).
i

Then we have the surjection

Γ = pr1 : T ∗ Y → T ∗ X, ẋλ ◦ Γ = ẋλ + ẏi Γiλ , (1.3.11)
which also defines a connection on a fibre bundle Y → X.

Remark 1.3.1. Treating a connection as the vertical-valued form (1.3.9),

we come to the following important construction. Given a fibre bundle
Y → X, let f : X 0 → X be a morphism and f ∗ Y → X 0 the pull-back of Y
by f . Any connection Γ (1.3.9) on Y → X induces the pull-back connection

∂f λ 0µ
 
f ∗Γ = dy i − (Γ ◦ fY )iλ dx ⊗ ∂i (1.3.12)
∂x0µ
on f ∗ Y → X 0 (see Remark 1.1.7).
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32 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

Remark 1.3.2. Let π : Y → X be a fibred manifold. Any connection Γ

on Y → X yields a horizontal lift of a vector field on X onto Y , but need
not defines the similar lift of a path in X into Y . Let

R ⊃ [] 3 t → x(t) ∈ X, R 3 t → y(t) ∈ Y,

be smooth paths in X and Y , respectively. Then t → y(t) is called a

horizontal lift of x(t) if

π(y(t)) = x(t), ẏ(t) ∈ Hy(t) Y, t ∈ R,

where HY ⊂ T Y is the horizontal subbundle associated to the connection

Γ. If, for each path x(t) (t0 ≤ t ≤ t1 ) and for any y0 ∈ π −1 (x(t0 )), there
exists a horizontal lift y(t) (t0 ≤ t ≤ t1 ) such that y(t0 ) = y0 , then Γ is
called the Ehresmann connection. A fibred manifold is a fibre bundle if and
only if it admits an Ehresmann connection [69].

1.3.2 Connections as jet bundle sections

Throughout the book, we follow the equivalent definition of connections on
a fibre bundle Y → X as sections of the affine jet bundle J 1 Y → Y .
Let Y → X be a fibre bundle, and J 1 Y its first order jet manifold. Given
the canonical morphisms (1.2.5) and (1.2.6), we have the corresponding
morphisms
b(1) : J 1 Y × T X 3 ∂λ → dλ = ∂λ cλ(1) ∈ J 1 Y × T Y,
λ (1.3.13)
X Y

θb(1) : J 1 Y × V ∗ Y 3 dy i → θi = θ(1) cdy i ∈ J 1 Y × T ∗ Y (1.3.14)

Y Y

(see Remark 1.1.2). These morphisms yield the canonical horizontal split-
tings of the pull-back bundles

J 1Y × T Y = λ
b(1) (T X) ⊕ V Y, (1.3.15)
Y J 1Y
ẋ ∂λ + ẏ ∂i = ẋ (∂λ + yλi ∂i ) + (ẏ i − ẋλ yλi )∂i ,
λ i λ

J 1 Y × T ∗ Y = T ∗ X ⊕ θb(1) (V ∗ Y ), (1.3.16)
Y J 1Y
ẋλ dx + ẏi dy = (ẋλ + ẏi yλi )dxλ + ẏi (dy i − yλi dxλ ).
λ i

Let Γ be a global section of J 1 Y → Y . Substituting the tangent-valued

form

λ(1) ◦ Γ = dxλ ⊗ (∂λ + Γiλ ∂i )

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1.3. Connections on fibre bundles 33

in the canonical splitting (1.3.15), we obtain the familiar horizontal split-

ting (1.3.2) of T Y by means of a connection Γ on Y → X. Accordingly,
substitution of the tangent-valued form
θ(1) ◦ Γ = (dy i − Γiλ dxλ ) ⊗ ∂i
in the canonical splitting (1.3.16) leads to the dual splitting (1.3.10) of T ∗ Y
by means of a connection Γ.
Theorem 1.3.1. There is one-to-one correspondence between the connec-
tions Γ on a fibre bundle Y → X and the global sections
Γ : Y → J 1 Y, (xλ , y i , yλi ) ◦ Γ = (xλ , y i , Γiλ ), (1.3.17)
1
of the affine jet bundle J Y → Y .
There are the following corollaries of this theorem.
• Since J 1 Y → Y is affine, a connection on a fibre bundle Y → X exists
in accordance with Theorem 1.1.4.
• Connections on a fibre bundle Y → X make up an affine space mod-
elled over the vector space of soldering forms on Y → X, i.e., sections of
the vector bundle (1.2.4).
• Connection components possess the coordinate transformation law
∂xµ
Γ0i
λ = (∂µ + Γjµ ∂j )y 0i .
∂x0 λ
• Every connection Γ (1.3.17) on a fibre bundle Y → X yields the first
order differential operator
DΓ : J 1 Y → T ∗ X ⊗ V Y, (1.3.18)
Y Y
1
DΓ = λ(1) − Γ ◦ (yλi − Γiλ )dxλ ⊗ ∂i ,
π0 =
on Y called the covariant differential relative to the connection Γ. If s :
X → Y is a section, from (1.3.18) we obtain its covariant differential
∇Γ s = DΓ ◦ J 1 s : X → T ∗ X ⊗ V Y, (1.3.19)
∇Γ s = (∂λ si − Γiλ ◦ s)dxλ ⊗ ∂i ,
and the covariant derivative
∇Γτ = τ c∇Γ
along a vector field τ on X. A section s is said to be an integral section
of a connection Γ if it belongs to the kernel of the covariant differential DΓ
(1.3.18), i.e.,
∇Γ s = 0 or J 1 s = Γ ◦ s. (1.3.20)
Theorem 1.3.2. For any global section s : X → Y , there always exists a
connection Γ such that s is an integral section of Γ.
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34 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

Proof. This connection Γ is an extension of the local section

s(x) → J 1 s(x)
1
of the affine jet bundle J Y → Y over the closed imbedded submanifold
s(X) ⊂ Y in accordance with Theorem 1.1.4. 
Treating connections as jet bundle sections, one comes to the following
two constructions.
(i) Let Y and Y 0 be fibre bundles over the same base X. Given a
connection Γ on Y → X and a connection Γ0 on Y 0 → X, the fibre bundle
Y ×Y 0 → X
X
is provided with the product connection
Γ × Γ0 : Y × Y 0 → J 1 (Y × Y 0 ) = J 1 Y × J 1 Y 0 ,
X X X
 
0 λ i ∂ 0j ∂
Γ × Γ = dx ⊗ ∂λ + Γλ i + Γλ 0j . (1.3.21)
∂y ∂y
(ii) Let iY : Y → Y be a subbundle of a fibre bundle Y → X and Γ0 a
0 0

connection on Y 0 → X. If there exists a connection Γ on Y → X such that

the diagram
Γ0
Y 0 −→ J 1 Y
iY 6 6 J 1 iY

Γ
Y −→ J 1 Y 0
0
is commutative, we say that Γ is reducible to a connection Γ. The following
conditions are equivalent:
• Γ0 is reducible to Γ;
• T iY (HY ) = HY 0 |iY (Y ) , where HY ⊂ T Y and HY 0 ⊂ T Y 0 are the
horizontal subbundles determined by Γ and Γ0 , respectively;
• for every vector field τ on X, the vector fields Γτ and Γ0 τ are related
as follows:
T iY ◦ Γτ = Γ0 τ ◦ iY . (1.3.22)

1.3.3 Curvature and torsion

Let Γ be a connection on a fibre bundle Y → X. Its curvature is defined
as the Nijenhuis differential
1 1 2
R = dΓ Γ = [Γ, Γ]FN : Y → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ V Y, (1.3.23)
2 2
1 i
R = Rλµ dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ∂i , (1.3.24)
2
i j
Rλµ = ∂λ Γiµ − ∂µ Γiλ + Γλ ∂j Γiµ − Γjµ ∂j Γiλ .
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1.3. Connections on fibre bundles 35

This is a V Y -valued horizontal two-form on Y . Given vector fields τ , τ 0 on

X and their horizontal lifts Γτ and Γτ 0 (1.3.6) on Y , we have the relation
R(τ, τ 0 ) = −Γ[τ, τ 0 ] + [Γτ, Γτ 0 ] = τ λ τ 0µ Rλµ
i
∂i . (1.3.25)
The curvature (1.3.23) obeys the identities
[R, R]FN = 0, (1.3.26)
dΓ R = [Γ, R]FN = 0. (1.3.27)
They result from the identity (1.1.41) and the graded Jacobi identity
(1.1.42), respectively. The identity (1.3.27) is called the second Bianchi
identity. It takes the coordinate form
X
i
(∂λ Rµν + Γjλ ∂j Rµν
i
− ∂j Γiλ Rµν
j
) = 0, (1.3.28)
(λµν)

where the sum is cyclic over the indices λ, µ and ν.

In the same manner, given a soldering form σ, one defines the soldered
curvature
1 1 2
ρ = dσ σ = [σ, σ]FN : Y → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ V Y, (1.3.29)
2 2
1
ρ = ρiλµ dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ∂i ,
2
ρλµ = σλj ∂j σµi − σµj ∂j σλi .
i

It fulfills the identities

[ρ, ρ]FN = 0,
dσ ρ = [σ, ρ]FN = 0,
similar to (1.3.26) – (1.3.27).
Given a connection Γ and a soldering form σ, the torsion form of Γ with
respect to σ is defined as
2
T = dΓ σ = dσ Γ : Y → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ V Y,
T = (∂λ σµi + Γjλ ∂j σµi − ∂j Γiλ σµj )dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ∂i . (1.3.30)
It obeys the first Bianchi identity
dΓ T = d2Γ σ = [R, σ]FN = −dσ R. (1.3.31)
0
If Γ = Γ + σ, we have the relations
T 0 = T + 2ρ, (1.3.32)
0
R = R + ρ + T. (1.3.33)
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36 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

1.3.4 Linear connections

A connection Γ on a vector bundle Y → X is called the linear connection
if the section
Γ : Y → J 1 Y, Γ = dxλ ⊗ (∂λ + Γλ i j (x)y j ∂i ), (1.3.34)
is a linear bundle morphism over X. Note that linear connections are
principal connections, and they always exist (see Assertion 5.4.1).
The curvature R (1.3.24) of a linear connection Γ (1.3.34) reads
1
R= Rλµ i j (x)y j dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ∂i ,
2
Rλµ i j = ∂λ Γµ i j − ∂µ Γλ i j + Γλ h j Γµ i h − Γµ h j Γλ i h . (1.3.35)
Due to the vertical splitting (1.1.17), we have the linear morphism
1
R : Y 3 y i ei →Rλµ i j y j dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ei ∈ O2 (X) ⊗ Y. (1.3.36)
2
There are the following standard constructions of new linear connections
from the old ones.
• Let Y → X be a vector bundle, coordinated by (xλ , y i ), and Y ∗ → X
its dual, coordinated by (xλ , yi ). Any linear connection Γ (1.3.34) on a
vector bundle Y → X defines the dual linear connection
Γ∗ = dxλ ⊗ (∂λ − Γλ j i (x)yj ∂ i ) (1.3.37)
on Y ∗ → X.
• Let Γ and Γ0 be linear connections on vector bundles Y → X and
Y 0 → X, respectively. The direct sum connection Γ ⊕ Γ0 on the Whitney
sum Y ⊕ Y 0 of these vector bundles is defined as the product connection
(1.3.21).
• Let Y coordinated by (xλ , y i ) and Y 0 coordinated by (xλ , y a ) be vector
bundles over the same base X. Their tensor product Y ⊗Y 0 is endowed with
the bundle coordinates (xλ , y ia ). Linear connections Γ and Γ0 on Y → X
and Y 0 → X define the linear tensor product connection
 
0 λ i ja 0 a ib ∂
Γ ⊗ Γ = dx ⊗ ∂λ + (Γλ j y + Γλ b y ) ia (1.3.38)
∂y
on
Y ⊗ Y 0 → X.
X

An important example of linear connections is a linear connection

Γ = dxλ ⊗ (∂λ + Γλ µ ν ẋν ∂˙µ ) (1.3.39)
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1.3. Connections on fibre bundles 37

on the tangent bundle T X of a manifold X. We agree to call it a world

connection on a manifold X. The dual world connection (1.3.37) on the
cotangent bundle T ∗ X is

Γ∗ = dxλ ⊗ (∂λ − Γλ µ ν ẋµ ∂˙ ν ). (1.3.40)

Then, using the construction of the tensor product connection (1.3.38), one
can introduce the corresponding linear world connection on an arbitrary
tensor bundle T (1.1.14).

Remark 1.3.3. It should be emphasized that the expressions (1.3.39) and

(1.3.40) for a world connection differ in a minus sign from those usually
used in the physical literature.

The curvature of a world connection is defined as the curvature R

(1.3.35) of the connection Γ (1.3.39) on the tangent bundle T X. It reads
1
R= Rλµ α β ẋβ dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ∂˙α , (1.3.41)
2
α α α γ α γ α
Rλµ β = ∂λ Γµ β − ∂µ Γλ β + Γλ β Γµ γ − Γµ β Γλ γ .

By the torsion of a world connection is meant the torsion (1.3.30) of

the connection Γ (1.3.39) on the tangent bundle T X with respect to the
canonical soldering form θJ (1.1.39):
1 ν
T = Tµ λ dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ∂˙ν , (1.3.42)
2
T µ ν λ = Γ µ ν λ − Γλ ν µ .

A world connection is said to be symmetric if its torsion (1.3.42) vanishes,

i.e.,

Γµ ν λ = Γλ ν µ .

Remark 1.3.4. For any vector field τ on a manifold X, there exists a

connection Γ on the tangent bundle T X → X such that τ is an integral
section of Γ, but this connection is not necessarily linear. If a vector field
τ is non-vanishing at a point x ∈ X, then there exists a local symmetric
world connection Γ (1.3.39) around x for which τ is an integral section

∂ν τ α = Γν α β τ β . (1.3.43)

Then the canonical lift τe (1.1.28) of τ onto T X can be seen locally as the
horizontal lift Γτ (1.3.6) of τ by means of this connection.
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38 Differential calculus on fibre bundles

Remark 1.3.5. Every manifold X can be provided with a non-degenerate

fibre metric
2
g ∈ ∨ O1 (X), g = gλµ dxλ ⊗ dxµ ,
in the tangent bundle T X, and with the corresponding metric
2
g ∈ ∨ T 1 (X), g = g λµ ∂λ ⊗ ∂µ ,
in the cotangent bundle T ∗ X. We call it a world metric on X. For any
world metric g, there exists a unique symmetric world connection Γ (1.3.39)
with the components
1
Γλ ν µ = {λ ν µ } = − g νρ (∂λ gρµ + ∂µ gρλ − ∂ρ gλµ ), (1.3.44)
2
called the Christoffel symbols, such that g is an integral section of Γ, i.e.
∂λ g αβ = g αγ {λ β γ } + g βγ {λ α γ }.
It is called the Levi–Civita connection associated to g.

1.3.5 Affine connections

Let Y → X be an affine bundle modelled over a vector bundle Y → X. A
connection Γ on Y → X is called an affine connection if the section Γ : Y →
J 1 Y (1.3.17) is an affine bundle morphism over X. Affine connections are
associated to principal connections, and they always exist (see Assertion
5.4.1).
For any affine connection Γ : Y → J 1 Y , the corresponding linear deriva-
tive Γ : Y → J 1 Y (1.1.23) defines a unique associated linear connection on
the vector bundle Y → X. Since every vector bundle has a natural struc-
ture of an affine bundle, any linear connection on a vector bundle also is an
affine connection.
With respect to affine bundle coordinates (xλ , y i ) on Y , an affine con-
nection Γ on Y → X reads
Γiλ = Γλ i j (x)y j + σλi (x). (1.3.45)
The coordinate expression of the associated linear connection is
i
Γλ = Γλ i j (x)y j , (1.3.46)
where (xλ , y i ) are the associated linear bundle coordinates on Y .
Affine connections on an affine bundle Y → X constitute an affine
space modelled over the soldering forms on Y → X. In view of the vertical
January 26, 2009 2:48 World Scientific Book - 9in x 6in book08

1.3. Connections on fibre bundles 39

splitting (1.1.24), these soldering forms can be seen as global sections of

the vector bundle
T ∗ X ⊗ Y → X.
X
If Y → X is a vector bundle, both the affine connection Γ (1.3.45) and
the associated linear connection Γ are connections on the same vector bun-
dle Y → X, and their difference is a basic soldering form on Y . Thus,
every affine connection on a vector bundle Y → X is the sum of a linear
connection and a basic soldering form on Y → X.
Given an affine connection Γ on a vector bundle Y → X, let R and R
be the curvatures of a connection Γ and the associated linear connection Γ,
respectively. It is readily observed that
R = R + T,
where the V Y -valued two-form
2
T = dΓ σ = dσ Γ : X → ∧ T ∗ X ⊗ V Y, (1.3.47)
X
1 i
T = T dxλ ∧ dxµ ⊗ ∂i ,
2 λµ
i
Tλµ = ∂λ σµi − ∂µ σλi + σλh Γµ i h − σµh Γλ i h ,
is the torsion (1.3.30) of the connection Γ with respect to the basic soldering
form σ.
In particular, let us consider the tangent bundle T X of a manifold X.
We have the canonical soldering form σ = θJ = θX (1.1.39) on T X. Given
an arbitrary world connection Γ (1.3.39) on T X, the corresponding affine
connection
A = Γ + θX , Aµλ = Γλ µ ν ẋν + δλµ , (1.3.48)
on T X is called the Cartan connection. Since the soldered curvature ρ
(1.3.29) of θJ equals zero, the torsion (1.3.32) of the Cartan connection
coincides with the torsion T (1.3.42) of the world connection Γ, while its
curvature (1.3.33) is the sum R + T of the curvature and the torsion of Γ.

1.3.6 Flat connections

By a flat or curvature-free connection is meant a connection which satisfies
the following equivalent conditions.

Theorem 1.3.3. Let Γ be a connection on a fibre bundle Y → X. The

following assertions are equivalent.
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 Sir Guy Carlton.

Guy Carlton, Lord Dorchester, was born in Ireland, in 1722. In 1748, he became
lieutenant-colonel. In 1758, he served at the siege of Louisburg under Amherst, and the
following year under Wolfe, at the siege of Quebec. Ultimately he became governor of
Quebec, and, during his administration, defeated the American flotilla under Arnold. In
1790, having been created Baron Dorchester, he was appointed governor of all the
British possessions, except Newfoundland, in North America. The close of his life was
passed in retirement. He died in 1808. As a soldier, Lord Dorchester appears to have
deservedly obtained a high reputation for courage and skill.

MARQUIS OF ROCKINGHAM.

Charles Watson Wentworth, Marquis of Rockingham, was born 1730. In 1763, disgusted
with the proceedings of Lord Bute, then the reigning favorite at court, he resigned the
situation of a lord of the bed-chamber, which he had for some time before held, and
also his lord-lieutenancy of Yorkshire. Two years had scarcely elapsed, however, when
the whole system of government having undergone a change, he was appointed, in
July, 1765, first lord of the treasury, in the room of George Grenville. He seems to have
brought to his exalted station an anxious desire to advance the prosperity of his
country; and had his talents been equal to his good intentions, his administration might
have proved fortunate. But the crisis in which he took office was important and even
dangerous, and he had to struggle against the intrigues of an opposition, powerful both
in numbers and talent. He soon became convinced of the impracticability of remaining
at the helm of affairs, and resigned the premiership on the 1st of August, 1766.
During the long administration of Lord North, the marquis was considered, in the House
of Lords, as the head of the aristocratic part of the opposition; but his conduct was
entirely free from that political rancor which has too often disgraced the parliamentary
behavior of the greatest statesmen in England. At length, Lord North felt compelled to
succumb beneath the force and continued attacks of his powerful rival, Fox; and
George the Third offered the premiership to Lord Shelburne, who, however, declared
that, in his judgment, no one was so well fitted to take the lead in administration as the
Marquis of Rockingham. Accordingly, in March, 1782, the marquis was again elevated to
the chief direction of affairs, having for his principal colleagues, the Earl of Shelburne
and Mr. Fox. The ministry thus formed, seemed likely to be permanent; for it united
much of the wealth and talent of the country. The hopes of the nation were, however,
doomed to be miserably disappointed. On the 1st of July, the marquis was seized with a
violent spasmodic affection, and almost instantly expired. He had long anticipated his
approaching death, and is said to have expressed but one motive for wishing a
continuance of life, which was, that he might see his country extricated from her
troubles.

EDMUND BURKE.
 Edmund Burke.

The history of this distinguished statesman and eloquent orator is exceedingly

interesting, but it belongs to these pages to notice him only as he was a friend to
American rights, and often lifted up his voice in parliament in defence of them. He was
born in Dublin, 1730. His father was a respectable attorney. Burke received his
education at Trinity college; on the completion of which, he studied law, but devoted
himself chiefly to literature. He conducted Dodley's celebrated Annual Register for many
years. In 1765, he entered into public life, being made private secretary to the Marquis
of Rockingham at the time that nobleman was called to the head of the treasury. Soon
after, he was elected to parliament. In 1766, he took a prominent part in a debate
relative to the affairs of America, and often, afterwards, raised his voice in opposition to
the arbitrary measures of the government. For a time, the affairs of America are said to
have engrossed almost all his attention.
During one of the debates on American affairs, a member from Hull, by the name of
Hartley, after having driven four-fifths of a very full house from the benches, by an
unusually dull speech, at length requested that the riot act might be read, for the
purpose of elucidating one of his propositions. Burke, who was impatient to address the
house himself, immediately started up, and exclaimed: "The riot act! My dearest friend,
why, in the name of every thing sacred, have the riot act read? The mob, you see, is
already dispersed!" Peals of laughter followed the utterance of this comic appeal, which
Lord North frequently declared to be one of the happiest instances of wit he ever
heard.[53]
Burke died in 1797. Unlike many of the statesmen of his day, "his character, in private
life, was almost unimpeachable." As a public speaker, his manner was bold and forcible;
his delivery, vehement and unembarrassed; but, though easy, he was inelegant. His
head continually oscillated, and his gesticulations were frequently violent. To the last
hour of his life, his pronunciation was Hibernian. Although a great orator, he was not a
skillful debater. Few men ever possessed greater strength of imagination, or a more
admirable choice of words. His mind was richly stored, and he had the most perfect
mastery over its treasures. Johnson said he was not only the first man in the House of
Commons, but the first man every where; and, on being asked if he did not think Burke
resembled Cicero, replied, "No, sir; Cicero resembled Burke."

THADDEUS KOSCIUSKO.

Thaddeus Kosciusko, a Polish officer in the American revolutionary war, was born in
Lithuania, in 1756, of an ancient and noble family, and educated at the military school
at Warsaw. He afterwards studied in France. He came to America, recommended, by
Franklin, to General Washington, by whom he was appointed his aid. He was also
appointed his engineer, with the rank of colonel, in October 1776. At the unsuccessful
siege of Ninety-Six, in 1781, he very judiciously directed the operations. It was, in
1774, that he left this country, and, in 1786, he returned to Poland. In 1789, the diet
gave him the appointment of major-general. In the campaign of 1792, he distinguished
himself against the Russians. In 1794, the Poles again took arms, and were headed by
Kosciusko; but, after several splendid battles, he was taken and thrown into prison by
Catharine, but was released by Paul I. When the emperor presented him with his own
sword, he declined it, saying: "I no longer need a sword, since I have no longer a
country." Never afterwards did he wear a sword. In August, 1797, he visited America,
and was received with honor. For his revolutionary services, he received a pension. In
1798, he went to France. Having purchased an estate near Fontainebleau, he lived
there till 1814. In 1816, he settled at Soleure, in Switzerland. In 1817, he abolished
slavery on his estate in Poland. He died at Soleure, in consequence of a fall with his
horse from a precipice near Vevay, October 16, 1817, aged sixty-one. He was never
married.

COUNT PULASKI.

Count Pulaski was a Polander by birth, who, with a few men, in 1771, carried off King
Stanislaus from the middle of his capital, though surrounded with a numerous body of
guards and a Russian army. The king soon escaped, and declared Pulaski an outlaw.
After his arrival in this country, he offered his services to congress, and was honored
with the rank of brigadier-general. He discovered the greatest intrepidity in an
engagement with a party of the British near Charleston, in May, 1779. In the assault
upon Savannah, October 9th, by General Lincoln and Count D'Estaing, Pulaski was
wounded, at the head of two hundred horsemen, as he was galloping into the town,
with the intention of charging in the rear. He died on the 11th, and congress resolved
that a monument should be erected to his memory.

BARON DE KALB.

Baron de Kalb was a native of Germany, but had been long employed in the service of
France, previous to the commencement of the American revolution. He arrived in this
country in 1777; and being an officer of great experience, he early received from
congress the commission of major-general. In the battle near Camden, August, 1780,
he fell, after receiving eleven wounds, in his vigorous exertions to prevent the defeat of
the Americans. He died August 19th, aged forty-seven, having served three years with
high reputation. His last moments were spent in dictating a letter, which expressed his
warm affection for the men and officers of his division, and his admiration of their
firmness and courage in withstanding a superior force. An ornamental tree was planted
at the head of his grave in the neighborhood of Camden, and congress resolved that a
monument should be erected to his memory at Annapolis, with a very honorable
inscription.

BARON STEUBEN.

Frederick William, Baron de Steuben, was a Prussian officer, aid-de-camp to Frederick

the Great, and lieutenant-general in the army of that distinguished commander. He
arrived in America in 1777; soon after which, he was made inspector-general, with the
rank of major-general. He established a uniform system of manœuvres; and, by his skill
and persevering industry, effected, during the continuance of the troops at Valley
Forge, a most decided improvement in all ranks of the army. He was a volunteer in the
action at Monmouth, and commanded in the trenches at Yorktown on the day which
concluded the struggle with Great Britain. He died at Steubenville, New York, November
28th, 1794, aged sixty-one years.
"When the army was disbanded, and the old soldiers shook hands in farewell,
Lieutenant-colonel Cochran, a Green-mountain veteran, said: 'For myself, I could stand
it; but my wife and daughters are in the garret of that wretched tavern, and I have no
means of removing them,' 'Come,' said the baron, 'I will pay my respects to Mrs. C. and
her daughters.' And when he left them, their countenances were brightened; for he
gave them all he had to give. This was at Newburg. On the wharf, he saw a poor
wounded black man, who wanted a dollar to pay for his passage home. Of whom the
baron borrowed the dollar, it is not known; but he soon returned; when the negro
hailed the sloop, and cried: 'God bless you, master baron!' The state of New Jersey
gave him a small farm. New York gave him sixteen thousand acres in Oneida county; a
pension of twenty-five hundred dollars was also given him. He built him a log house at
Steubenville, gave a tenth-part of his land to his aids and servants, and parceled out
the rest to twenty or thirty tenants. His library was his chief solace. Having but little
exercise, he died of apoplexy. Agreeably to his request, he was wrapped in his cloak,
and buried in a plain coffin, without a stone. He was a believer in Jesus Christ, and a
member of the Reformed Dutch Church, New York."

COUNT ROCHAMBEAU.

Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de Rochambeau, marshal of France, was born
at Vendome in 1725. At the age of sixteen he entered the army, and served in
Germany, under Marshal Broglio. In 1746, he became aid to Louis Philip, Duke of
Orleans. In 1780, having been made lieutenant-general, he was sent with an army of
six thousand men to the assistance of the United States of America. On reaching the
place of his destination, he landed in Rhode Island, and soon after acted in concert
with Washington, first against Clinton in New York, and then against Cornwallis,
rendering important services at the siege of Yorktown, which were rewarded by a
present of two cannon taken from Lord Cornwallis. After the Revolution, Rochambeau
was raised to the rank of a marshal by Louis XVI., and received the command of the
army of the north. He was soon superseded by more active officers, and being
calumniated by the popular journalists, he addressed to the legislative assembly a
vindication of his conduct. A decree of approbation was consequently passed in May,
1792, and he retired to his estate near Vendome, with a determination to interfere no
more with public affairs. He was subsequently arrested, and narrowly escaped suffering
death under the tyranny of Robespiere. In 1803, he was presented to Buonaparte, who
in the following year gave him a pension and the cross of grand officer of the legion of
honor. His death took place in 1809.—Encyclopedia Americana.

COUNT D'ESTAING.

Charles Henry, Count d'Estaing, admiral and lieutenant-general of the armies of France,
before the Revolution, was a native of Ravel, in Auvergne, and was descended from an
ancient family in that province. Count d'Estaing commenced his career by serving in the
East Indies, under Lally, when he was taken prisoner, and sent home on his parole.
Having engaged in hostilities again before he was regularly exchanged, he was taken a
second time, and imprisoned at Portsmouth. During the American war, he was
employed as vice-admiral.
At the capture of the isle of Grenada, he distinguished himself; but on every occasion
he showed more courage than conduct or professional skill. He promoted the
Revolution, and in 1789, he was appointed a commander of the National Guards at
Versailles. In 1791, he addressed to the national assembly a letter full of protestations
of attachment to the constitution, on the occasion of the approaching trial of the king.
He suffered under the guillotine in 1793, as a counter-revolutionist, at the age of sixty-
five.
 V. FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

Original Governments of the Colonies—Union between them—Plan proposed by Dr.

Franklin—First Congress—Congress of '74—Confederation—Defects of it—
Convention of States proposed by Virginia—Commissioners from five States meet
at Annapolis—Powers too limited to act—Recommend a General Convention of
States—Delegates appointed—Convention meets at Philadelphia—Decides to form
a new Constitution—Draft prepared—Discussed—Adopted—Speech of Dr. Franklin—
Constitution signed—Adopted by the several States—Amendments—States
admitted since the adoption—Remarks on the Constitution.

The several colonies established in America had governments which varied according as
they were charter, proprietary, or royal, which were the three forms of government
existing in America prior to the Revolution. In certain particulars, they differed from
each other as classes, and the classes differed as individuals. But for a series of years
there existed no general political association, or bond of union among them. As early,
however, as 1643, the New England colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut,
and New Haven, entered into a perpetual alliance, offensive and defensive, for mutual
protection against the claims of their Dutch neighbors, and the assaults of their Indian
foes. By the articles of this confederation, the jurisdiction of each colony within its own
borders was to be exclusive; on the occurrence of war, each one was to furnish its
quota of men and provisions, according to its population; and two commissioners from
each colony were to hold an annual meeting to decide on all matters of general
interest. With some alterations, this confederacy existed more than forty years; it was
dissolved only in 1686, when the charters of the New England colonies were vacated by
a commissioner from James II. This union was productive of many advantages to the
colonies. Besides preserving a mutual good understanding among them, and thus
preventing encroachments upon one another's rights, assistance was rendered in their
wars with the Indians; without which, it is probable that the more feeble would have
been broken up.
In 1754, an attempt at union was made on a more extensive scale. The plan originated
in a call from the lords commissioners for trade and the plantations, and consisted of
deputies from the New England provinces, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. The
congress met at Albany. The object proposed by the commissioners was to consider the
best means of defence in case of a war with France, and particularly to form an alliance
with the Six Nations. Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, availing himself of the
occasion, proposed to the several governors that the delegates should be instructed on
the subject of a general union or confederation. This meeting with general approbation,
the delegates were so instructed. A plan of union, prepared by Dr. Franklin, was
discussed, and substantially adopted—the delegates from Connecticut dissenting.[54]
But it received the approbation neither of the colonies nor of the king's council; not by
the first, because it was supposed to give too much power to the president-general,
who was to be the king's representative; nor by the latter, because too much power
was supposed to be given to the representatives of the people.
The foregoing plan having failed, no other attempt at union was made for several
years. At length, in 1765, in consequence of the passing of the stamp act by
parliament, and other grievances, the assembly of Massachusetts in June of that year
adopted the following resolution: "That it is highly expedient there should be a
meeting, as soon as may be, of committees from the houses of representatives or
burgesses, in the several colonies, to consult on the present circumstances of the
colonies, and the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced, and to consider of
a general congress, to be held at New York, the first Tuesday of October. A letter was
prepared, to be sent to the several speakers, and a committee was chosen for
Massachusetts."
In consequence of the proceedings under this recommendation, "on the 7th of October,
a congress, consisting of twenty-eight delegates from the assemblies of Massachusetts,
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, the Delaware counties, Maryland, and South Carolina, convened in the
city of New York, and Timothy Ruggles, of Massachusetts, was chosen president. The
first measure of the congress was a declaration of the rights and grievances of the
colonists. They were declared to be entitled to all the rights and liberties of natural-
born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain; among the most essential of which
are, the exclusive power to tax themselves, and the privileges of a trial by jury. The
grievance chiefly complained of was the act granting certain stamp duties and other
duties in the British colonies, which, by taxing the colonies without their consent, and
by extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, was declared to have a direct
tendency to subvert their rights and liberties. A petition to the king, and a memorial to
each house of parliament, were also agreed on; and it was recommended to the several
colonies to appoint special agents, who should unite their utmost endeavors in soliciting
redress of grievances. The assemblies of Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, were
prevented, by their governors, from sending representatives to the congress; but they
forwarded petitions to England, similar to those appointed by that body."[55]
In 1774, the grievances of the colonies still continuing, and having been increased by
the open assertion of Great Britain of the justice of her pretensions, another congress
was assembled at Philadelphia, which consisted of delegates from eleven colonies. In
this congress, each colony had one vote. Their principal acts consisted of a declaration
of rights, and in spirited addresses to the people of British America and Great Britain,
together with a recommendation to the colonies to adopt resolutions of non-
importation, non-exportation, and non-consumption.
The resolutions of this congress received the general sanction of the provincial congress
and of the colonial assemblies. Their power was merely advisory; "yet their
recommendations," says Dr. Holmes, "were more generally and more effectually carried
into execution by the colonies than the laws of the best-regulated state."
But the dissuasive measures adopted by this congress having no effect on the king and
his ministers, another congress followed in 1775, "whose pacific efforts to bring about a
change in the views of the other party being equally unavailing, and the
commencement of actual hostilities having, at length, put an end to all hope of
reconciliation, the congress finding, moreover, that the popular voice began to call for
an entire and perpetual dissolution of the political ties which had connected them with
Great Britain, proceeded on the memorable 4th of July, 1776, to declare the thirteen
colonies independent states.
"During the discussions of this solemn act, a committee, consisting of a member from
each colony, had been appointed to prepare and digest a form of confederation for the
future management of the common interest, which had, hitherto, been left to the
discretion of congress, guided by the exigencies of the contest, and by the known
intentions, or occasional instructions of the colonial legislatures.
"It appears that as early as the 21st of July, 1775, a plan, entitled 'Articles of
Confederation and perpetual union of the Colonies,' had been sketched by Dr. Franklin,
the plan being on that day submitted by him to congress; and though not copied into
their journals, remaining on their files in his hand-writing. But, notwithstanding the
term 'perpetual,' observed in the title, the articles provided expressly for the event of a
return of the colonies to a connection with Great Britain.
"This sketch became a basis for the plan reported by the committee on the 12th of July,
now also remaining on the files of congress, in the hand-writing of Mr. Dickinson. The
plan, though dated after the Declaration of Independence, was probably drawn up
before that event; since the name of colonies, not states, is used throughout the
draught. The plan reported was debated and amended from time to time, till the 17th
of November, 1777, when it was agreed to by congress, and proposed to the
legislatures of the states, with an explanatory and recommendatory letter. The
ratifications of these, by their delegates in congress, duly authorized, took place at
successive dates; but were not completed till the 1st of March, 1781; when Maryland,
who had made it a prërequisite that the vacant lands acquired from the British crown
should be a common fund, yielded to the persuasion that a final and formal
establishment of the federal union and government would make a favorable impression,
not only on other foreign nations, but on Great Britain herself."[56]
Under this confederation, the country went through the war. Fortunate it was, however,
that the war terminated when it did, as the "rope of sand," as the confederation was
called, would probably have served as a bond of union but a few years longer. Indeed,
it had received the cordial approbation of none of the colonies—while some of them
had, at length, acceded to it rather from necessity than choice.
"The principal difficulties which embarrassed the progress and retarded the completion
of the plan of confederation," says Mr. Madison, "may be traced to—first, the natural
repugnance of the parties to a relinquishment of power; secondly, a natural jealousy of
its abuse in other than hands their own; thirdly, the rule of suffrage among parties
whose inequality in size did not correspond with that of their wealth, or of their military
or free population; fourthly, the selection and definition of the powers, at once
necessary to the federal head, and safe to the several members.
"To these sources of difficulty, incident to the formation of all such confederacies, were
added two others, one of a temporary, the other of a permanent nature. The first, was
the case of the crown-lands, so called, because they had been held by the British
crown; and being ungranted to individuals, when its authority ceased, were considered
by the states within whose charters or asserted limits they lay, as devolving on them;
while it was contended by the others, that, being wrested from the dethroned authority
by the equal exertions of all, they resulted of right and in equity to the benefit of all.
The lands, being of vast extent, and of growing value, were the occasion of much
discussion and heart-burning, and proved the most obstinate of the impediments to an
earlier consummation of the plan of the federal government. The state of Maryland, the
last that acceded to it, firmly withheld her assent, till the 1st of March, 1781; and then
yielded only in the hope that, by giving a stable and authoritative character to the
confederation, a successful termination of the contest might be accelerated. The
dispute was happily compromised, by successive surrenders of portions of the territory
by the states having exclusive claims to it, and acceptances of them by congress.
"The other source of dissatisfaction was the peculiar situation of some of the states,
which, having no convenient ports for foreign commerce, were subject to be taxed by
their neighbors, through whose ports their commerce was carried on. New Jersey,
placed between Philadelphia and New York, was likened to a cask tapped at both ends;
and North Carolina, between Virginia and South Carolina, to a patient bleeding at both
arms. The Articles of Confederation provided no remedy for the complaint; which
produced a strong protest on the part of New Jersey, and never ceased to be a source
of discord, until the new constitution superseded the old.
"But the radical infirmity of the Articles of Confederation was the dependence of
congress on the voluntary and simultaneous compliance with its requisitions by so
many independent communities, each consulting, more or less, its particular interests
and convenience, and distrusting the compliance of the others. While the paper
emissions of congress continued to circulate, they were employed as a sinew of war,
like gold and silver. When that ceased to be the case, and the fatal defect of the
political system was felt in its alarming force, the war was merely kept alive, and
brought to a successful conclusion, by such foreign aids and temporary expedients as
could be applied; a hope prevailing with many, and a wish with all, that a state of
peace, and the sources of prosperity opened by it, would give to the confederacy, in
practice, the efficiency which had been inferred in theory."
The close of the war brought no adequate relief. The wealth of the country was
exhausted. Congress had no funds, and no means of raising money for the discharge of
arrears of pay due to the soldiers of the Revolution, but by an appeal to the legislative
assemblies of the several states. Even for their own maintenance, they were dependent
upon the assemblies. The legislatures themselves often knew not what to do.
"The distress of the inhabitants was continually on the increase; and in Massachusetts,
where it was most felt, an insurrection of a serious character was the consequence.
Near the close of the year 1786, the populace assembled, to the number of two
thousand, in the north-western part of the state, and, choosing Daniel Shays their
leader, demanded that the collection of debts should be suspended, and that the
legislature should authorize the emission of paper money for general circulation. Two
bodies of militia, drawn from those parts where dissatisfaction did not prevail, were
immediately dispatched against them, one under command of General Lincoln, the
other of General Shepard. The disaffected were dispersed with less difficulty than had
been apprehended, and, abandoning their seditious purposes, adopted the proffered
indemnity of the government.
"The time, at length, came, when the public mind gave tokens of being prepared for a
change in the constitution of the general government—an occurrence, the necessity of
which had long been foreseen by Washington and most of the distinguished patriots of
that period. Evil had accumulated upon evil, till the mass became too oppressive to be
endured, and the voice of the nation cried out for relief. The first decisive measures
proceeded from the merchants, who came forward almost simultaneously in all parts of
the country, with representations of the utter prostration of the mercantile interests,
and petitions for a speedy and efficient remedy. It was shown, that the advantages of
this most important source of national prosperity were flowing into the hands of
foreigners, and that the native merchants were suffering for the want of a just
protection and a uniform system of trade. The wise and reflecting were convinced that
some decided efforts were necessary to strengthen the general government, or that a
dissolution of the union, and perhaps a devastating anarchy, would be inevitable."[57]
The first step, which led to the convention of 1787, was taken by Virginia, in a
proposition of her legislature, in January, 1786, for a convention of delegates to
establish such a system of commercial relations as would promote general harmony
and prosperity. The above proposal was cordially approved by Delaware, Pennsylvania,
New Jersey, and New York, and delegates were accordingly appointed by them, in
addition to Virginia. These convened at Annapolis, September, 1786; but they had
scarcely entered into a discussion of topics, which naturally forced themselves into
view, before they discovered the powers with which they were intrusted to be so
limited, as to tie up their hands from effecting any purpose that could be of essential
utility. On this account, as well as from the circumstance that so few states were
represented, they wisely declined deciding on any important measures in reference to
the particular subject for which they had come together. This convention is memorable,
however, as having been the prelude to the one which followed. Before the
commissioners adjourned, a report was agreed upon, in which the necessity of a
revision and reform of the articles of the old federal compact was strongly urged, and
which contained a recommendation to all the state legislatures "for the appointment of
deputies, to meet at Philadelphia, with more ample powers and instructions." This
report was sent to congress, as well as to the several states.
In the appointment of delegates, agreeably to the foregoing recommendation, Virginia
took the lead. February, 1787, the subject claimed the attention of congress, and the
following preamble and resolution were adopted:
"Whereas, there is provision, in the articles of confederation and perpetual union, for
making alterations therein, by the assent of a congress of the United States, and of the
legislatures of the several states; and whereas experience hath evinced that there are
defects in the present confederation, as a means to remedy which, several of the
states, and particularly the state of New York, by express instruction to their delegates
in congress, have suggested a convention for the purpose expressed in the following
resolution, and such convention appearing to be the most probable means of
establishing in these states a firm national government—
"Resolved, That, in the opinion of congress, it is expedient, that, on the second Monday
in May next, a convention of delegates, who shall have been appointed by the several
states, be held at Philadelphia, for the sole and express purpose of revising the articles
of confederation, and reporting to congress and the several legislatures such alterations
and provisions therein, as shall, when agreed to in congress, and confirmed by the
states, render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and
the preservation of the union."
In consequence of this recommendation, all the states appointed delegates to the
convention, excepting Rhode Island.
On the day fixed for the meeting of the deputies in convention, Monday, May 14th,
1787, a small number only had assembled. May 25th, seven states were represented.
The deputation from Pennsylvania, proposed George Washington, Esq., late
commander-in-chief, for president of the convention,[58] and he was unanimously
elected.
Tuesday, March 29th, the convention entered upon the solemn duties of their
commission. A question of serious magnitude early engrossed their attention, viz:
whether they should amend the old system, or form a new one. For the former object,
they had been appointed, congress having limited their power to a revision of the
articles of the confederation. But the defects of the old system were so many, and of
such magnitude, that, at the session of the convention the above day, Edmund
Randolph, of Virginia, submitted fifteen resolutions, as the basis of a new constitution.
These resolutions, denominated the Virginia plan, were debated and amended until the
15th of June, when Mr. Patterson, of New Jersey, presented a project for revising the
articles of confederation. This was called the Jersey plan,[59] and, on motion of Mr.
Patterson, was taken up—the Virginia plan, meanwhile, being postponed.
On the 18th, Mr. Dickinson moved, in committee of the whole, to "postpone the first
resolution in Mr. Patterson's plan, in order to take up the following, viz: 'that the Articles
of Confederation ought to be revised and amended, so as to render the government of
the United States adequate to the exigencies, the preservation, and the prosperity of
the union'—the postponement was agreed to by ten states; Pennsylvania, divided." The
following day, this substitute was rejected by a vote of six states to four, and one
divided. Mr. Patterson's plan was again at large before the committee. Towards the
close of the session of the same day, the question was taken upon postponing this
latter plan, and carried by a vote of seven states to three, and one divided. Mr.
Randolph's, or the Virginia plan, came again under consideration. This was now further
discussed to the 23d of June, when, on motion of Mr. Gerry, the proceedings of the
convention for the establishment of a national government, except the part relating to
an executive, were referred to a committee, to prepare and report a constitution
conformable thereto. This committee consisted of Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Randolph, Mr.
Gorham, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Wilson. "On the 26th of the same month, those relating
to the executive having been adopted, they, with various other propositions submitted
by individuals, were referred to the same committee, and the committee adjourned to
the 6th of August, when the committee reported a draft of a constitution. This was
under debate until the 9th of September, and underwent many material alterations. A
committee, consisting of Mr. Johnson, Mr. Hamilton, G. Morris, Mr. Madison, and Mr.
King, was then selected 'to revise the style and arrange the articles.' The manner in
which these eminent scholars and statesmen performed the duty assigned them,
appears from the great precision and accuracy of the language of the constitution, as
well as the happy arrangement of its various articles."
The report of this committee was made on the 12th of September, and further debated
till the 16th, when the constitution as amended was agreed to by all states, and
ordered to be engrossed.
On the following day, September 17th, after the reading of the constitution as
engrossed, the venerable Franklin rose, and putting a written speech into the hands of
Mr. Wilson, requested him to read it:
"Mr. President: I confess that there are several parts of this constitution which I do not
at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them; for having lived long,
I have experienced many instances of being obliged by better information, or fuller
consideration, to change opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought
right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that, the older I grow, the more apt I
am to doubt my own judgment, and to pay more respect to the judgment of others.
Most men, indeed, as well as most sects in religion, think themselves in possession of
all truth, and that wherever others differ from them, it is so far error. Steele, a
protestant, in a dedication, tells the pope, that the only difference between our
churches, in their opinions of the certainty of their doctrines, is, 'the church of Rome is
infallible, and the church of England is never in the wrong.' But though many private
persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their sect, few
express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who, in a dispute with her sister, said, 'I
don't know how it happens, sister, but I meet with nobody but myself that is always in
the right.'
"In these sentiments, sir, I agree to this constitution, with all its faults, if they are such,
because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of
government but what may be a blessing to the people, if well administered; and I
believe further, that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can
only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall
become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of any other. I
doubt, too, whether any other convention we can obtain, may be able to make a better
constitution. For when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their
joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble, with those men, all their prejudices, their
passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such
an assembly, can a perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, sir, to
find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish
our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our councils are
confounded, like those of the builders of Babel; and that our states are on the point of
separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats.
Thus I consent, sir, to this constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am
not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors, I sacrifice to the
public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they
were born, and here they shall die. If every one of us, in returning to our constituents,
were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain partisans in
support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all its
salutary effects and great advantages, resulting naturally in our favor among foreign
nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the
strength and efficiency of any government in procuring and securing happiness to the
people, depends on opinion—on the general opinion of the goodness of the
government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors. I hope, therefore,
that for our own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of posterity, we shall
act heartily and unanimously in recommending this constitution (if approved by
congress and confirmed by the conventions) wherever our influence may extend, and
turn our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having it well administered.
"On the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that every member of the
convention, who may still have objections to it, would with me, on this occasion, doubt
a little of his own infallibility, and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this
instrument." He then moved that the constitution be signed by the members, and
offered the following as a convenient form, viz: "Done in convention, by the unanimous
consent of the states present, the 17th of September, &c. In witness whereof, we have
hereunto subscribed our names."
The motion of Dr. Franklin to sign by states was objected to by several of the members,
but was agreed to—all the states answering "ay."
While the last members were signing their names, Dr. Franklin, looking towards the
president's chair, at the back of which a rising sun happened to be painted, observed to
a few members near him, that painters had found it difficult to distinguish, in their art,
a rising from a setting sun. I have, said he, often and often, in the course of the
session, and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that
behind the president, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting; but
now, at length, I have the happiness to know that it is a rising, and not a setting sun.
[60]
 Franklin.

During the deliberations of the convention, several questions of deep interest arose; but
none, perhaps, more exciting than that which related to the relative weight of the
states in the two branches of the national legislature. The small states, at length,
consented that the right of suffrage in the house should be in proportion to the whole
number of white or other free citizens in each, including those bound to service for a
term of years, and three-fifths of all other persons. While they yielded this point, they
insisted on an equal vote in the senate.
To this, the larger states objected; and, on this question, they remained for a time
about equally divided. "On the first trial, in committee of the whole, six states against
five decided that the right of suffrage in the senate should be the same as in the
house; the states of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, and Georgia, being in the affirmative, and Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Delaware, and Maryland in the negative.
"On the 29th of June, the question was again presented to the consideration of the
convention, in a motion made by Mr. Ellsworth, "that in the second branch, each state
should have an equal vote." We cannot pretend to give even an outline of the
arguments in favor and against this motion. The debate was warm and exciting. For
several days, the powers of mighty minds were in animated collision; and from the
strong ramparts behind which the respective parties had apparently entrenched
themselves, there was, for a time, little prospect of union on the question.
"On the 23d of July, the question was taken, on the motion of Mr. Ellsworth, that in the
senate each state should have one vote; and five states were in favor of it, five against
it, and one divided; and the motion was lost. This equal division on a subject of such
importance, accompanied with so much warmth on both sides, seemed to present an
insurmountable obstacle to further proceedings of the convention, without some
compromise. To effect this, Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, moved for the
appointment of a committee, to take into consideration the subject of both branches of
the legislature. This motion prevailed, though not without opposition. Some of the
members were in favor of appointing a committee, though they had little expectation of
a favorable result. Mr. Martin, of Maryland, declared that each state must have an equal
vote, or the business of the convention was at an end.
"Mr. Sherman said, we have got to a point that we cannot move one way or the other;
a committee is necessary to set us right. Mr. Gerry observed, that the world expected
something from them: if we do nothing, we must have war and confusion—the old
confederation would be at an end. Let us see if concessions cannot be made—
accommodation is absolutely necessary, and defects may be amended by a future
convention.
"Thus the convention was at a stand. Hopes were indeed entertained that unanimity of
views might on some basis prevail; but the longer continuance of the debate, in the
then existing state of the convention, it was apparent, was engendering no good."
Fully sensible that nothing could be effected but upon a principle of compromise, the
convention proceeded to elect, by ballot, a committee[61] of one from each state, to
report on this exciting subject, and adjourned for three days. The interval was one of
great anxiety; neither party appeared inclined to recede from the position it had taken,
and the great objects for which the convention had assembled were apparently to be
lost. And who could foresee the result? But at this most critical juncture, God did not
forsake the nation. He had borne her forward, and now his spirit was felt in his
becalming influence upon the convention. On rëassembling, the above committee made
a report, which being accepted, the deliberations of the convention proceeded with
greater unanimity, until, at length, a constitution was agreed upon.
The convention recommended that the constitution should be submitted to state
conventions, and that as soon as the same should have been ratified by a constitutional
majority, congress should take measures for the election of a president, and fix the
time for commencing proceedings under it. Among the states, great diversity of opinion
prevailed respecting this constitution; and, for a time, it was doubtful whether it would
receive the approbation of a majority. But, at length, not only this number was
obtained, but all gave their assent, and in the following order:

By convention of Delaware, December 7, 1787

 " " Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787
" " New Jersey, December 18, 1787
" " Georgia, January 2, 1788
" " Connecticut, January 9, 1788
" " Massachusetts, February 6, 1788
" " Maryland, April 28, 1788
" " South Carolina, May 23, 1788
" " New Hampshire, June 21, 1788
" " Virginia, June 26, 1788
" " New York, July 26, 1788
" " North Carolina, November 21, 1789
" " Rhode Island, May 29, 1790

"At the first session of the first congress, the senate and house of representatives, two-
thirds concurring, recommended to the states the adoption of twelve amendments to
the constitution, chiefly relating to the freedom of speech and of the press—the right of
petition—trial by jury—bail—election of president, &c. Ten of these amendments were
adopted by three-fourths of the legislatures of the states, and became a part of the
constitution. Subsequently, two other amendments were added."
"The peaceable adoption of this government," says Chancellor Kent, "under all the
circumstances which attended it, presented the case of an effort of deliberation,
combined with a spirit of amity and mutual concession, which was without example. It
must be a source of just pride, and of the most grateful recollection to every American
who reflects seriously on the difficulty of the experiment, the manner in which it was
conducted, the felicity of its issue, and the fate of similar trials in other nations of the
earth."
The opinions which prevailed in the convention of 1787, as to the addition of new
states, are worthy of notice. On one occasion, Mr. Sherman said, "there is no probability
that the number of future states will exceed that of the existing states. If the event
should ever happen, it is too remote to be taken into consideration at this time." But
little more than half a century has elapsed, and the original number has more than
doubled, as may be seen by the following account of the states admitted:

Vermont, March 4, 1791.

Kentucky, June 1, 1791.
Tennessee, June 1, 1796.
Ohio, November 29, 1802.
Louisiana, April 8, 1812.
Indiana, December 11, 1816.
Mississippi, December 10, 1817.
Illinois, December 3, 1818.
Alabama, December 14, 1819.
Maine, March 15, 1820.
 Missouri, August 10, 1821.
Arkansas, June 15, 1836.
Michigan, January 26, 1837.
Florida, March 3, 1845.
Texas, December 29, 1845.
Iowa, December 28, 1846.
Wisconsin, May 29, 1848.
Congress assumed jurisdiction over the District of Columbia, Feb. 27, 1801.

The constitution, of the formation and adoption of which we have thus given an
account, has been in existence more than sixty years. Meanwhile, what changes in
empires and governments have been effected in other portions of the globe! Monarchs
have been hurled from their thrones—or have waged war, and expended millions to
retain them. Their subjects, degraded and oppressed, have sighed and struggled for
liberty, but only to find the chains of servitude drawn more closely around them. Not
until recently, have the nations of Europe seemed to realize that an improvement in
their political condition was possible. They are, indeed, just now making an effort to
throw off the yoke and fetters; but what will be the result of their experiments, no
sagacity can well foresee.
The American people may well congratulate themselves upon the realization of so many
of their early hopes. God has helped them; and never should his kind and protecting
care be overlooked; nor his interpositions in days of darkness and perplexity be
forgotten. That was a glorious struggle, through which they passed, and which resulted
in their emancipation from British oppression. But I know not whether the intervening
hand of Providence was more conspicuous in that contest, than in leading our
statesmen to the formation of the constitution, or so many independent states, whose
interests were apparently so conflictive, or whose minds were so diverse, to its
unanimous adoption.
And why has it lasted? Why have we not presented to the world, the same feverish and
changeful disposition, which has characterized our sister republics of the South? Not
one of the latter, scarcely, has passed a single ten years, without intestine commotions
—or some change of their constitutions—or some radical alteration of their political
principles. And their people—what portions of them have dwelt securely—or
experienced a moiety of the advantages and prosperity that have blessed this Northern
confederacy?
The constitution of the United States has been, and is, the wonder and admiration of
the civilized world. How is such a national sovereignty as that constitution contemplates
and creates, compatible with so many independent state sovereignties! Who could
imagine that there could exist such efficiency in the one, and yet such harmony among
the others! To the friends of monarchy, the mystery is nearly inexplicable; and it seems
quite impossible for the statesmen of other countries, however desirous they may be,
so to understand the theory and practice of our national and state governments, as to
conform them to the circumstances of any other people on the globe.
If it be inquired how the framers of our constitution should have devised such a
government, and shaped it to meet the wants of a people in some respects one, and in
other respects so diverse, the most intelligent and truthful answer is—God
superintended and guided them; not by immediate inspiration, but they served a long
training; from the very settlement of the country, and in the circumstances which led
our fathers to these shores, there was a work of preparation. And when the time came,
there was the patriotism—the self-denial—the intelligence—the political wisdom—which
were necessary to devise and perfect our glorious constitution.
But will it last?—Last! Should an American citizen ever indulge a thought to the
contrary? But such thoughts will crowd in, and cause anxiety to the patriot. When he
looks over the pages of past history, and reads the rise and fall of ancient republics—
and by what means they perished—by their own hands—and by means of their
prosperity—and then casts his eyes over his own country, and witnesses the thrift, the
wealth, the expanding strength and glory of that country—he will ask, will our
constitution stand?—will it continue to unite a people separated into so many and so
distant states? Especially will he have reason for solicitude and doubt, when he dwells
upon the great and grave questions which are rising up, and are dividing the North and
the South—the East and the West. Our congress is already nearly a battle-field. Our
presses, in different sections, are waging war upon one another, fierce and vindictive;
our whole people are divided up into parties—with sectional interests and sectional
jealousies.
Will the constitution, then, stand? We cannot say that there is no danger; but there is
ground of hope and courage. Let the religion and patriotism of our fathers, be
cultivated—let our unquenchable love of liberty, and a profound reverence for the
constitution and the union, be instilled into the minds of our children from their earliest
days of thought and reflection, and that noble instrument, and that glorious union, will
continue for generations to come.
I cannot better close these observations than by citing some forcible and eloquent
remarks of the late Judge Story, addressed to the American youth.—"Let the American
youth," says he, "never forget that they possess a noble inheritance, bought by the
toils, and sufferings, and blood of our ancestors; and capable, if wisely improved, and
safely guarded, of transmitting to their latest posterity all the substantial blessings of
life—the peaceful enjoyment of liberty, of property, of religion, and of independence.
The structure has been erected by architects of consummate skill and fidelity; its
foundations are solid; its compartments are beautiful, as well as useful; its
arrangements are full of wisdom and order; and its defences are impregnable from
without. It has been reared for immortality, if the work of man may justly aspire to such
a title. It may, nevertheless, perish in an hour, by the folly, or corruption, or negligence
of its only keepers, the people. Republics are created by the virtue, public spirit, and
intelligence of the citizens. They fall when the wise are banished from the public
councils because they dare to be honest, and the profligate are rewarded because they
flatter the people, in order to betray them."
 VI. GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT NEW YORK, APRIL 30, 1789.

JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

September
Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, 1789,
26,
Edmund Randolph, Virginia, January 2, 1794, Secretaries of State.
December
Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, 1795,
10,

Alexander September
New York, 1789, Secretaries of
Hamilton, 11,
Treasury.
Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, February 3, 1795,
 September
Henry Knox, Massachusetts, 1789,
12,
Secretaries of War.
Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, January 2, 1795,
James M'Henry, Maryland, January 27, 1796,

September
Samuel Osgood, Massachusetts, 1789,
26,
Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, November 7, 1791, Postmasters General.
Joseph
Georgia, February 25, 1795,
Habersham,

September
Edmund Randolph, Virginia, 1789,
26,
William Bradford, Pennsylvania, January 27, 1794, Attorneys General.
December
Charles Lee, Virginia, 1795,
10,

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, First Congress, 1789.

Jonathan Trumbull, Connecticut, Second do. 1791.
Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, Third do. 1793.
Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey, Fourth do. 1795.

To the traveller whose lot has led him to traverse inhospitable deserts—encounter fierce
storms, and stem angry floods—it is delightful, at length, to enter a region where such
obstacles no longer impede his progress—where he breathes with freedom—where he
pauses to repose and refresh himself, without the anticipation of similar immediate toil
and fatigue. It may not, indeed, be the end of his journey—and he may not know with
certainty the future issue of that journey; but the aspect is less forbidding—the
prospect is even inviting—and he passes on, animated with the hope of still better
things to come.
Some such change we realize at the point at which we have arrived, in following down
the great events of American history. Casting an eye upon the scenes of the past, little
besides toil, agitation, and conflict, are to be seen.
The Pilgrim Fathers land on these western shores. Immediately, a wide-spread
wilderness is before them, and the task of clearing it is begun; savage foes—subtle,
secret, and sanguinary—prowl about their habitations, and for years agitate and
distress them. The mother-country becomes involved in continental wars—America is
the theatre of the contest, and American soldiers must fight her battles. But, like the
palm-tree, the colonists rise under the burdens imposed on them. As they prosper and
expand, England becomes jealous, and bears herself lordly towards them, in measures
of oppression—in prohibitions and exactions. War ensues—a long and exhausting war;
their fields lie neglected; their cities are captured; their families are impoverished, and
their sons are slain; but they conquer, and are free. But, as a nation, they have no
sufficient bond of union—no efficient government to guide their future destiny in safety.
National and state debts rest as an incubus upon their efforts, and no adequate power
exists by which to provide for their liquidation. A convention meets: different plans are
proposed—different constitutions are discussed. Obstacles to the adoption of any arise,
which appear insurmountable, and the convention is on the eve of dissolving—leaving
the problem still unsolved, whether human wisdom is adequate to devise a constitution
which shall harmonize the conflicting interests of thirteen free and independent states.
Once more Providence rallies to our aid—moving upon untractable spirits, as in days of
yore the spirit had moved upon the troubled waters, and now, as then, there "is a
calm." Deliberations are resumed—asperities wear away—harmony succeeds—the final
vote is taken—a constitution is adopted, and sent abroad among the people of the
states.
But again the waters become tumultuous—angry conflict is waged in almost every
state-house in the land—hundreds and thousands lift up their voices against this
constitution, and refuse to sanction it—ill-boding doubts swell up like clouds gathering
from the sea, and for a time exclude all hope of a constitutional ratification.
But another becalming influence from on high moves upon the mental mass; jarring
strifes are suspended—angry discord ceases—harmonious action succeeds—the
constitution is ratified, and George Washington is elected president of the United
States!
On the ratification of the constitution, the attention of the people was at once directed
to General Washington, as the first president of the United States. Communications,
expressive of this general desire, were made to him. "We cannot," said Mr. Johnson, of
Maryland, "do without you, and I and thousands more can explain to any body but
yourself, why we cannot do without you." "I have ever thought," said Governeur Morris,
"and have said, that you must be president; no other man can fill that office." In a
letter on the subject, addressed to Washington by Colonel Hamilton, the latter said,
"You will permit me to say, that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its [the
government's] first operations."
Washington had serious objections to becoming a candidate. He sincerely wished for
retirement. "It is my great and sole desire"—so he expressed himself to a friend, who
had written him—"to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm."
But the voice of the nation demanded a further sacrifice from the noble and
disinterested patriot. He alone was believed to fill so prëeminent a station in public
opinion, that he might be placed at the head of the nation without exciting envy. He
alone possessed the requisite confidence of the nation.
By the constitution, the new government was to commence its operations on the 4th of
March, 1789; but a quorum of representatives did not appear till the 1st, nor of
senators till Monday, the 6th day of April.
On this latter day, the president of the senate, elected for the purpose of counting the
votes, declared to the senate, that the senate and house of representatives had met,
and that he, in their presence, had opened and counted the votes for the electors for
president and vice-president of the United States; whereby it appeared that George
Washington was unanimously elected president. The following table exhibits the votes of
the several electoral colleges:

ELECTORAL VOTES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.

ELECTION FOR THE FIRST TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1789, AND TERMINATING
MARCH 3, 1793.

Key: A. George Washington, of Virginia.

B. John Adams, of Massachusetts.
C. Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut.
D. John Jay, of New York.
E. John Hancock, of Massachusetts.
F. R. H. Harrison, of Maryland.
G. George Clinton, of New York.
H. John Rutledge, of South Carolina.
I. John Milton, of Georgia.
J. James Armstrong, of Georgia.
K. Edward Telfair, of Georgia.
L. Benjamin Lincoln, of Massachusetts.

Number of
Electors
STATES. A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. J. K. L.
from each
State.
5 New Hampshire, 5 5
10 Massachusetts, 10 10
7 Connecticut, 7 5 2
6 New Jersey, 6 1 5
10 Pennsylvania, 10 8 2
3 Delaware, 3 3
6 Maryland, 6 6
10 Virginia, 10 5 1 1 3
7 South Carolina, 7 1 6
5 Georgia, 5 2 1 1 1
Whole No. of
69 Electors, 69 34 2 9 4 6 3 6 2 1 1 1
Majority, 35
Whereupon, a certificate and letter—the one prepared by a committee of the senate,
the other by its president—were communicated to General Washington, setting forth his
election, and expressing the cordial wish, that so auspicious a mark of public
confidence would meet his approbation.
This certificate and letter were received by Washington, at Mount Vernon, on the 4th of
April. He doubtless appreciated the honor done him, and was grateful to the people for
the confidence reposed in him; but he would have declined the office, had the
convictions of duty allowed. That, however, was not permitted; and, yielding to the
wishes of the nation, he took leave of Mount Vernon on the second day after receiving
notice of his appointment, and proceeded to New York, at that time the seat of
government—"bidding adieu," as he wrote in his diary, "to private life and domestic
felicity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I
have words to express."
The state of the public business required his immediate presence at the seat of
government; but the desire to see the first president of the United States—the zeal and
enthusiasm which were kindled up along the whole route he was to take, rendered it
impossible to proceed with haste. Crowds flocked around him, wherever he stopped;
and corps of militia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted him
through their respective streets.
On reaching New York, April 23d, he was received with due ceremony by the governor
of that state, and conducted with military honors through an immense concourse of
people, to the apartments provided for him. Here he received the salutations of foreign
ministers, public bodies, political characters, and private citizens of distinction, who
pressed around him to offer their congratulations, and to express their joy at seeing the
man, who had the confidence of all, at the head of the American republic.

INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON.

On Thursday, the 30th of April, the new president was inaugurated. The oath of office
was administered by the chancellor of the state of New York, in the presence of the
senate and house of representatives, and an immense concourse of people, who
attested their joy by loud and repeated acclamations. From the open gallery adjoining
the senate-chamber, which had been the scene of this new but imposing scene, the
assembly returned to the senate-chamber, where the president delivered an inaugural
address; in which, after alluding to the "anxieties" occasioned by his election to the
chief magistracy, and the fond hope he had indulged of spending the remainder of his
days in the "retreat" to which he had retired, after years of military toil and strife, he
proceeded in terms alike honorable to himself as a Christian and a patriot: "It would be
peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that
Almighty Being who rules over the universe—who presides in the councils of nations—
and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may
consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a
government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable
every instrument employed in its administration to execute, with success, the functions
allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and
private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own;
nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to
acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more
than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the
character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token
of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system
of their united government, the tranquil deliberations, and voluntary consent of so
many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared
with the means by which most governments have been established, without some
return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings
which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis,
have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with
me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the
proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence."
Such were the sentiments of the patriot—the sage—the Christian statesman, as he was
about to enter upon the duties of an office, upon the faithful or unfaithful discharge of
which, was to depend the perpetuity or speedy annihilation of a constitution of
government, which had cost thousands of lives and millions of revenue—besides
involving the happiness of unborn millions. Washington had surveyed the wide field of
responsibility. He came to the high and sacred office reluctantly indeed, but in reliance
upon that Divine arm which had been his stay in the dark and stormy days of the
Revolution. Having put his hand to the plough, he was not the man to look back.
Having passed the Rubicon, his march was forward. Immediately following the delivery
of the above address, the president, with the members of both houses, attended divine
service at St. Paul's chapel. Thus did Washington, and thus did the national assembly,
commence the government with a devout recognition of its dependence upon Divine
Providence for success. Happy for the country, if the same spirit of piety, and the same
acknowledgments to the Divine Author of all good, had descended to after years.
The acts and events which signalized the administration of Washington relate to—
 A System of Revenue. Indian War.
Regulation of Departments. Rëelection of Washington.
Amendments of the Constitution. Difficulties with France.
Establishment of a Judiciary. Insurrection in Pennsylvania.
Assumption of Debts. Jay's Treaty.
Removal of the Seat of Government. Election of Mr. Adams.
National Bank. Farewell Address.

System of Revenue.—The first duty, under the federal constitution, to which congress
was called, was to provide a revenue for the support of the government. For this
purpose duties were laid on imported merchandize and on the tonnage of vessels; thus
drawing into the national treasury funds, which had before been collected and
appropriated by the individual states. To counteract the commercial regulations of
foreign nations, and encourage American shipping, higher tonnage duties were imposed
on foreign than on American vessels, and ten per cent. less duty on goods imported in
vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States than the same goods brought in
those owned by foreigners.
Regulation of Departments.—Three executive departments were created, designed to
aid the president in the management of the government. These were styled
departments of war, of foreign affairs, and of the treasury. The heads of these
departments were to be called secretaries, and to receive a salary of three thousand
five hundred dollars. They were intended to constitute a council, to be consulted by the
president at his pleasure; and their opinions, on all important questions, he was
authorized to require in writing.
In framing the acts establishing these departments, a question arose of serious
magnitude, viz: "In what manner, and by whom, these important officers could be
removed from office?" The constitution was explicit in regard to their appointment,
giving the power of nominating to the president, and that of confirming or rejecting the
nomination to the senate; but it was silent as to removal. Some few maintained that
they could be removed only by impeachment; but the principal question was, "whether
they were removable by the president alone, or by the president with the concurrence
of the senate?"
The debate on this question was long and animated. It was claimed, by one portion of
the members, that as the senate had a voice in the appointment of these officers, they
should have a voice in case of their removal; that such power entrusted to one man
might be abused—if not by Washington, by some of his successors.
On the other hand, it was contended that, as it was made the duty of the president to
see the laws faithfully executed, he ought to have the power of dismissing those agents
who were unfaithful; otherwise, how, in many supposable cases, could he secure a
faithful execution of the laws? It was further urged, that the mal-conduct of an officer
might require his immediate dismission, before the senate—a body scattered over the
states—could be convened. True, the power might be abused, and, in the hands of an
ambitious man, perhaps would be; but such abuse would, in due time, be rebuked by
the people, and the abuser of this delegated power, be displaced with dishonor. "The
danger," said Mr. Madison, "consists in this: the president can displace from office a
man whose merits require that he should be continued in it. What will be the motives
which the president can feel for such abuse of his power, and the restraints to operate
to prevent it? In the first place, he will be impeachable by this house, before the
senate, for such an act of mal-administration; for I contend, that the wanton removal of
meritorious officers, would subject him to impeachment, and removal from his own
high trust."
The difference of opinion on this great question, gave rise to warm and protracted
debates. A majority of both houses, however, at length decided, that the power of
removal is in the president alone. Several who had been members of the convention
which framed the constitution, were, at this time, members of the house of
representatives. They were equally divided on the question—Mr. Madison and Mr.
Baldwin, supporting the construction finally adopted by congress: Mr. Hamilton and Mr.
Gerry, opposing it.
Amendments of the Constitution.—The states of New York and Virginia, although they
ratified the constitution, were solicitous to have certain amendments adopted, which, in
separate memorials, they presented to congress, and urged that body to call another
convention for their adoption. Congress, however, had no authority to call a convention.
Mr. Madison submitted to the house several amendments, which, together with those
presented by several of the states, were referred to a committee, consisting of one
member from each state. This committee, at length, reported several amendments;
twelve of which, after various alterations, were agreed to by both branches of congress,
and sent to the states. These amendments related to religion—keeping or bearing arms
in time of war—quartering soldiers, citizens, &c., &c. Ten of these articles were at
length ratified by the state legislatures, and became a part of the constitution.
Establishment of a Judiciary.—"A national judiciary was also established during this
session, consisting of a supreme court, circuit, and district courts. The bill for carrying
this part of the constitution into effect, originated in the senate, and was drawn up by a
committee, of which Mr. Ellsworth was chairman. The district courts were to consist of
one judge in each state. The states were divided into circuits, in each of which, one of
the judges of the supreme court, and the district judge of the state in which the court
was held, constituted the circuit courts. In certain cases, this court had original
jurisdiction, and also took cognizance of appeals from the district courts. The supreme
court was composed of a chief justice and five associate judges, and was to hold two
sessions annually, at the seat of government. This court had exclusive jurisdiction in
certain cases, and appellative jurisdiction from the circuit courts, and also from the
state courts, in cases where the validity of treaties, and the laws of the United States
were drawn in question. This organization of the federal judiciary, has remained nearly
the same to the present time, except for a short period, when a different system,
relative to the circuit courts, was established, but which was soon abolished, and the
old system restored."[62] John Jay was appointed chief justice; John Rutledge, James
Wilson, William Cushing, Robert H. Harrison, and John Blair, associate judges of the
supreme court, and Edmund Randolph, attorney general.[63]
Assumption of Debts.—The second session of the first congress began on the 6th of
January, 1790. At the close of the preceding session, the secretary of the treasury had
been directed to prepare a plan for providing for the adequate support of the public
credit, and to report the same at the next meeting of congress. On the 15th, in
obedience to the foregoing requisition, Mr. Hamilton submitted his report. Having dwelt
with great ability upon the importance of a nation maintaining the public credit, he
proposed, as the means of supporting that of the United States, a system of assuming
or funding not only the public debt, but also the state debts, and of making provision
for the payment of the interest by taxes imposed on certain articles of luxury, and on
spirits distilled within the United States.
The debates on this report were exciting beyond precedent. While not much difference
existed as to funding the foreign debt, a strong opposition arose, on the part of the
democratic party, against discharging, in full, the domestic debt, and the assumption of
the state debts. The federalists advocated the measure. The contest between the two
rival parties was strong, spirited, and even virulent. The very foundations of the
government were shaken; and a writer has justly remarked, that to the differences
which were then created, and the excitement which sprung up during the debates, may
be ascribed "the origin of that violent spirit which for years arrayed one part of the
American community against the other."
The division of sentiment among the members of congress in relation to the full, or only
a partial payment of the domestic debt, arose from this. A considerable proportion of
the original holders of public securities had been compelled to sell them at greatly
reduced prices—even as low as two or three shillings on the pound. These securities
had been purchased by speculators, with the expectation of ultimately receiving the full
amount. "The federalists were with Hamilton, in favor of making no difference between
the present and original holders of the continental bills, maintaining that the
government ought not to interfere with transfers. The republican party advocated the
discrimination; contending that it was unjust to the veterans of the Revolution, who had
been obliged to receive this paper in lieu of gold and silver, and were afterwards
compelled to part with it at a small part of its nominal value, now to be condemned to
poverty, while the speculator was receiving the reward of their blood and service."
The assumption of the state debts was also violently opposed. The advocates of
assumption claimed that the debts incurred by the state, were not for their own benefit,
but for the promotion of the common cause, and that therefore it was right that the
whole nation should be responsible. The debts of the states most active in the war,
were the greatest: those of Massachusetts and Carolina amounted to ten millions and a
half, while those of all the other states were not more than fifteen millions. Was it just
to impose such a burden on the people of these two states? They had already been
great sufferers in the privations they had endured and in the blood they had lost.
On taking the vote in the house of representatives, these two plans of Mr. Hamilton
were lost by a majority of two; and, for a season, there was little prospect that a just
financial system would be adopted, or that the respective parties could on any basis
coalesce. But, fortunately, at this juncture, a question was exciting a deep interest, and
with reference to which there was a wide difference, and deep feelings, between the
northern and southern members, viz:
The Removal of the Seat of Government.—The debates on this subject were almost as
exciting as on the fiscal project of Hamilton. A compromise, however, was at length
effected in regard to the permanent location of the seat of government—the more
important, as it led to a further compromise in relation to the assumption of the state
debts. It was understood that should the seat of government be fixed for ten years at
Philadelphia, and afterwards at a place to be selected on the Potomac, some of the
members of the house of representatives, from the Potomac, would withdraw their
opposition to Mr. Hamilton. This was accordingly done, and his plans were adopted. The
debt funded amounted to a little more than seventy-five millions of dollars, upon a part
of which an interest of three per cent. was paid, and upon the remainder six per cent.
National Bank.—During the third session of congress, Mr. Hamilton recommended the
establishment of a national bank. To such an institution, the republican party were
bitterly opposed, as aristocratical and unconstitutional. Besides, they considered
banking institutions useless; the present bill, in several particulars, defective; but, more
than all, it was maintained that the constitution had not vested the power in congress
to charter a bank. The supporters of the measure, of course, held opposite doctrines,
and were not less strenuous in maintaining them. The bill, however, at length passed
both branches of the national legislature; but the different opinions entertained, and
the asperity with which they had been expressed, led the president to give to the
subject, as a constitutional question, more than ordinary attention. To aid him in his
decision, he required opinions of his cabinet in writing. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph
opposed—Mr. Hamilton and General Knox sanctioned the bill. After mature deliberation,
the president became satisfied of the constitutionality and utility of the bill; upon which,
he gave it his signature.
The capital stock of the bank was ten millions of dollars, two millions to be subscribed
for the benefit of the United States, and the residue by individuals. One-fourth of the
sums subscribed by individuals was to be paid in gold and silver, and three-fourths in
the public debt. By the act of incorporation, it was to be a bank of discount as well as
deposit; and its bills, which were payable in gold and silver on demand, were made
receivable in all payments to the United States. The bank was located at Philadelphia,
with power in the directors to establish offices of discount and deposit only wherever
they should think fit within the United States.
The duration of the charter was limited to the 4th of May, 1811; and the faith of the
United States was pledged that, during that period, no other bank should be
established under their authority. One of the fundamental articles of the incorporation
was, that no loan should be made to the United States for more than one hundred
thousand dollars; or to any particular state for more than fifty thousand; or to any
foreign prince or state, unless previously authorized by a law of the United States. The
books were opened for subscription in July, 1791, and a much larger sum subscribed
than was allowed by the charter; and the bank went into successful operation.[64]
The establishment of a national bank, in connexion with the assumption of the state
debts, contributed to the more complete organization of two great parties, which had
their origin in difference of views regarding the constitution at the time of its adoption.
Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson, both eminent for their talents, and each with his
adherents, were now openly opposed on points which, as matters of policy, were
deemed of vital importance. The former was viewed, not only as the author of the
funding system, the bank, and other measures, deemed either unconstitutional, or
highly injurious to the public interest, but was charged with hostility to republican
principles and to state rights. Mr. Jefferson, on the other hand, was considered hostile
to the constitution, and was accused of being opposed to the administration of which
he was a member, and of taking measures to reduce the powers of the general
government within too narrow limits. To Washington, this determined hostility of his
two principal secretaries was truly afflicting; and the more so, when he found it so
deep-rooted, as in no degree to yield to his affectionate remonstrance.
Indian War.—While the public councils were engaged thus in matters of great national
importance, the hostile movements of the Indian tribes on the frontier began to excite
the anxious solicitude of all reflecting minds, especially that of Washington himself. The
Creeks at the South had been at war with Georgia; but in 1790, their chief, M'Gillivray,
the son of a white man, had been induced to go to New York, and conclude a treaty.
This terminated the war in that quarter; but pacific arrangements, which had been
attempted by the president with the tribes on the north-western frontier, had proved
ineffectual. The use of other means for their pacification, therefore, became
indispensably necessary.
In 1790, congress, at the solicitation of Washington, authorized the raising of about
fifteen hundred men, of whom three hundred were regulars, and the remainder
Pennsylvania and Kentucky militia. The command of these was given to General
Harmar, a veteran officer of the Revolution, whose instructions required him to
penetrate to the Indian settlements on the Scioto and Wabash, and destroy them.
In the execution of his commission, in October, General Harmar detached Colonel
Harden with six hundred militia to reconnoitre the Indian settlements, and, if possible,
to bring them to an engagement; but the Indians, on the approach of the Americans,
fired their principal villages, and fled to the woods. Thus foiled in his attempt to bring
the Indians to action, Colonel Harden was a second time directed, with one hundred
and eighty militia and thirty regulars, to spy out the position and intentions of the foe.
Ten miles west of Chillicothe, sight was obtained of a considerable body of Indians; at
which, the Kentucky militia suddenly became so alarmed as to flee. This evil example
was soon after followed by the Pennsylvanians—thus leaving the thirty regulars to
sustain an engagement with a greatly superior force. They displayed the greatest
heroism; and maintained the action, until all but seven being overpowered, the latter
effected their escape, and rëjoined the army at Chillicothe.
The Indian settlements bordering on the Scioto were now destroyed; which having
been accomplished, Colonel Harden was a third time detached with three hundred and
sixty men, of whom sixty were regulars, under command of Major Wyllys. This force
was attacked by a large body of Indians at the junction of the St. Joseph with the St.
Mary. It was a most desperate contest. Here the militia retrieved their character; nor
did they attempt to retreat till one hundred and nine men and officers lay dead on the
field. Of the sixty regulars, only ten survived, and among the killed was their brave
commander, Major Wyllys. Following this reverse, the survivors of the detachments
joined the army, and retired to Fort Washington.
On the failure of General Harmar, Major General Arthur St. Clair, governor of the North-
west territory, was appointed to succeed him. In 1791, at the head of two thousand
men, the latter entered upon an expedition which had for its object the destruction of
the Indian villages on the Miami. On the 3d of November, the army had proceeded
within twelve or fifteen miles of the Indian villages, at which point the General formed
his forces in two lines—the first, under command of General Butler, composed the right
wing, and lay with a creek immediately in front of them. The left wing, under command
of Colonel Drake, formed the second, and lay with an interval of some seventy yards
between them and the first line. The militia occupied a post across the creek, a quarter
of a mile in front.
On the following day, before sunrise, just after the troops had been dismissed from the
parade, an unexpected attack was made on the militia, who fled in the utmost
confusion, and, in their flight, deranged the continental troops, who were in the act of
forming. The officers exerted themselves to the utmost to restore order; but were not
entirely successful. The Indians fell upon them with savage impetuosity. The action
instantly became extremely warm. The continental troops fought with spirit and
determination; the Indians, with fearful desperation, advancing to the very mouth of
the field-pieces.
At length, perceiving that the only hope of victory lay in the use of the bayonet, an
impetuous charge was made under Lieutenant-colonel Drake, and the enemy driven
several hundred yards. But not being able to pursue the advantage gained, the Indians
turned, and renewed the attack. Meanwhile, General Butler was mortally wounded, and
the right wing broken, the artillerists killed, the guns seized, and the camp penetrated
by the enemy. At this critical moment, Major Drake was ordered to charge with the
bayonet. This order he executed with great intrepidity and momentary success.
But the American troops, failing to keep their ranks, and flocking together in crowds,
were, in several cases, shot down with but feeble resistance. At length, perceiving that
his officers had suffered greatly, and the remnant of his army became more and more
confused, General St. Clair ordered a retreat. For some miles, the Indians followed; but,
fortunately for the surviving Americans, they at length turned back, to plunder the
camp of such articles as the former had been obliged to abandon. The routed troops
now continued their flight to Fort Jefferson, a distance of about thirty miles, throwing
away their arms on the road. At this place, leaving their wounded, the army continued
its retreat to Fort Washington.
The loss of the Americans was severe, amounting to thirty-eight commissioned officers
killed, and five hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates slain
and missing. The wounded amounted to between two and three hundred officers and
men, many of whom subsequently died. The loss of the Indians bore no comparison, it
is thought, to that of the Americans. This reverse was as unexpected as unfortunate;
yet want of neither ability, zeal, nor intrepidity was ascribed to the commander of the
expedition, by a committee of congress, appointed to examine into the causes of its
failure.
The subsequent history of this war is brief. In consequence of an anticipated
adjustment of existing difficulties with the Indians, they having consented to a
conference in the spring of 1794, hostilities were for a time suspended. But the
proposed negotiations failing, General Wayne, with nearly one thousand men, was sent
into their country, to reduce them to subjection. He engaged them in a sanguinary
battle on the 20th of August, 1794, on the banks of the Miami, which resulted in their
utter rout, and which was followed by laying waste their whole country. By means of
this victory over the Miamies, a general Indian war was doubtless prevented. On the 3d
of August, a treaty was concluded at Greenville, which established peace between the
United States and the Indian tribes, and restored peace and tranquillity to the frontier
settlements.
Rëelection of Washington.—During the year 1792, as the time approached for the
election of a chief magistrate, General Washington expressed his intention, to some of
his most intimate friends, to decline a rëelection. His age and increasing infirmities
rendered his retirement from the cares of political life most desirable. In view of such
retirement, he had prepared a farewell address to the people. But, through the
persuasion of Jefferson, Hamilton, Randolph, and others, he was induced to forego his
private wishes, and was unanimously rëelected to the presidency. No such unanimity
has since been manifested by the people of the United States, in relation to the choice
of a chief magistrate; nor is such unanimity likely again to exist. And most conclusively
does it show, not merely the gratitude of the nation to the man who had stood
foremost in times of peril, but its deep and universal sense of the purity of his
patriotism and the worth of his skill in moulding and shaping the government still in its
infancy. Such harmony was alike honorable to the nation and to Washington. Mr. Adams
was rëelected vice-president. The following is a statement of the votes of the several
electoral colleges:

Key: A. G. Washington, of Virginia.

B. John Adams, of Massa'tts.
C. George Clinton, of New York.
D. Thos. Jefferson, of Virginia.
E. Aaron Burr, of New York.
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